This is a modern-English version of Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume XI, North Carolina Narratives, Part 1, originally written by United States. Work Projects Administration. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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SLAVE NARRATIVES

A Folk History of Slavery in the United States
From Interviews with Former Slaves

TYPEWRITTEN RECORDS PREPARED BY
THE FEDERAL WRITERS' PROJECT

1936-1938

ASSEMBLED BY
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PROJECT
WORK PROJECTS ADMINISTRATION
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
SPONSORED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS

Illustrated with Photographs

WASHINGTON 1941

VOLUME XI

NORTH CAROLINA NARRATIVES

PART I

Prepared by
the Federal Writers' Project of
the Works Progress Administration
for the State of North Carolina

Transcriber's Note:

Transcriber's Note:

To reflect the individual character of this document, inconsistencies in formatting have been retained.

To match the unique nature of this document, formatting inconsistencies have been kept.

The interview headers presented here contain all information included in the original, but may have been rearranged for readability.

The interview headers shown here have all the information from the original, but they might be reorganized for easier reading.

Some interviews were date-stamped; these dates have been added to interview headers. Where part of date could not be determined a — has been substituted.

Some interviews were date-stamped; these dates have been added to the interview headers. Where part of the date couldn't be determined, a — has been used as a substitute.

In general, typographical errors have been left in place to match the original images. In the case where later editors have hand-written corrections, and simple typographical errors have been silently corrected. In addition, punctuation and formatting have been made consistent, particularly the use of quotation marks. Some corrections have been noted with a mouse hover. [HW: *] denotes a Handwritten Note.

In general, typos have been left as they are to match the original images. If later editors made handwritten corrections, simple typos have been corrected without mention. Additionally, punctuation and formatting have been made consistent, especially the use of quotation marks. Some corrections are noted with a mouse hover. [HW: *] indicates a Handwritten Note.

Added two lines to list of illustrations missing from original.

Added two lines to the list of illustrations that were missing from the original.


INFORMANTS

  • Adams, Louisa1
  • Adkins, Ida8
  • Allen, Martha13
  • Anderson, Joseph16
  • Anderson, Mary19
  • Andrews, Cornelia27
  • Anngady, Mary32
  • Arrington, Jane 44
  • Augustus, Sarah Louis50
  • Austin, Charity58

  • Baker, Blount63
  • Baker, Lizzie66
  • Baker, Viney70
  • Barbour, Charlie73
  • Barbour, Mary78
  • Baugh, Alice82
  • Beckwith, John87
  • Bectom, John C.91
  • Bell, Laura99
  • Blalock, Emma103
  • Blount, David110
  • Bobbit, Clay117
  • Bobbitt, Henry120
  • Bogan, Herndon125
  • Boone, Andrew130
  • Bost, W. L. 138
  • Bowe, Mary Wallace147
  • Brown, Lucy152
  • Burnett, Midge155

  • Cannady, Fanny159
  • Cofer, Betty165
  • Coggin, John176
  • Coverson, Mandy179
  • Cozart, Willie182
  • Crasson, Hannah187
  • Crenshaw, Julia194
  • Crowder, Zeb196
  • Crump, Adeline203
  • Crump, Bill207
  • Crump, Charlie212
  • Curtis, Mattie216

  • Dalton, Charles Lee223
  • Daniels, John229
  • Daves, Harriet Ann232
  • Davis, Jerry237
  • Debnam, W. S.241
  • Debro, Sarah247
  • Dickens, Charles W.254
  • Dickens, Margaret E.259
  • Dowd, Rev. Squire263
  • Dunn, Fannie270
  • Dunn, Jennylin275
  • Dunn, Lucy Ann278
  • Durham, Tempie Herndon284

  • Eatman, George291
  • Edwards, Doc295
  • Evans, John298

  • Faucette, Lindsey302
  • Flagg, Ora M.307
  • Foster, Analiza311
  • Foster, Georgianna314
  • Freeman, Frank318

  • Gill, Addy323
  • Glenn, Robert328
  • Green, Sarah Anne340
  • Griffeth, Dorcas346
  • Gudger, Sarah350

  • Hall, Thomas359
  • Hamilton, Hecter363
  • Harris, George W.370
  • Harris, Sarah375
  • Hart, Cy379
  • Haywood, Alonzo382
  • Haywood, Barbara385
  • Henderson, Isabell389
  • Henry, Essex393
  • Henry, Milly 399
  • Hews, Chaney405
  • High, Joe409
  • High, Susan417
  • Hill, Kitty422
  • Hinton, Jerry427
  • Hinton, Martha Adeline433
  • Hinton, Robert436
  • Hinton, William George441
  • Hodges, Eustace446
  • Huggins, Alex449
  • Hunter, Charlie H.453
  • Hunter, Elbert457

ILLUSTRATIONS

  • Facing page

  • Louisa Adams1
  • Viney Baker70
  • John Beckwith87
  • Clay Bobbit117
  • Henry Bobbitt120
  • Herndon Bogan125
  • W. L. Bost138
  • John Coggin176
  • Hannah Crasson187
  • Bill Crump207
  • Charlie Crump and Granddaughter212
  • Harriet Ann Daves232
  • Charles W. Dickens254
  • Margaret E. Dickens259
  • Rev. Squire Dowd263
  • Jennylin Dunn275
  • Tempie Herndon Durham284
  • George Eatman291
  • John Evans298
  • Sarah Gudger350
  • Sarah Harris375
  • Essex Henry393
  • Milly Henry399
  • Joe High409
  • Elbert Hunter457

[320152]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1384
Subject:Louisa Adams
Person Interviewed:Louisa Adams
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUL 7 1937"

LOUISA ADAMS

My name is Louisa Adams. I wuz bawned in Rockingham, Richmond County, North Carolina. I wuz eight years old when the Yankees come through. I belonged to Marster Tom A. Covington, Sir. My mother wuz named Easter, and my father wuz named Jacob. We were all Covingtons. No Sir, I don't know whur my mother and father come from. Soloman wuz brother number one, then Luke, Josh, Stephen, Asbury. My sisters were Jane, Frances, Wincy, and I wuz nex'. I 'members grandmother. She wuz named Lovie Wall. They brought her here from same place. My aunts were named, one wuz named Nicey, and one wuz named Jane. I picked feed for the white folks. They sent many of the chillun to work at the salt mines, where we went to git salt. My brother Soloman wuz sent to the salt mines. Luke looked atter the sheep. He knocked down china berries for 'em. Dad and mammie had their own gardens and hogs. We were compelled to walk about at night to live. We were so hongry we were bound to steal or parish. This trait seems to be handed down from slavery days. Sometimes I thinks dis might be so. Our food wuz bad. Marster worked us hard and gave us nuthin. We had to use what we made in the garden to eat. We also et our hogs. Our clothes were[Pg 3] bad, and beds were sorry. We went barefooted in a way. What I mean by that is, that we had shoes part of the time. We got one pair o' shoes a year. When dey wored out we went barefooted. Sometimes we tied them up with strings, and they were so ragged de tracks looked like bird tracks, where we walked in the road. We lived in log houses daubed with mud. They called 'em the slaves houses. My old daddy partly raised his chilluns on game. He caught rabbits, coons, an' possums. We would work all day and hunt at night. We had no holidays. They did not give us any fun as I know. I could eat anything I could git. I tell you de truth, slave time wuz slave time wid us. My brother wore his shoes out, and had none all thu winter. His feet cracked open and bled so bad you could track him by the blood. When the Yankees come through, he got shoes.

My name is Louisa Adams. I was born in Rockingham, Richmond County, North Carolina. I was eight years old when the Yankees came through. I belonged to Master Tom A. Covington, Sir. My mother was named Easter, and my father was named Jacob. We were all Covingtons. No Sir, I don't know where my mother and father came from. Soloman was brother number one, then Luke, Josh, Stephen, Asbury. My sisters were Jane, Frances, Wincy, and I was next. I remember my grandmother. She was named Lovie Wall. They brought her here from the same place. My aunts were named, one was named Nicey, and one was named Jane. I picked feed for the white folks. They sent many of the children to work at the salt mines, where we went to get salt. My brother Soloman was sent to the salt mines. Luke looked after the sheep. He knocked down china berries for them. Dad and Mom had their own gardens and hogs. We had to walk around at night to survive. We were so hungry we had to steal or perish. This trait seems to have been passed down from the days of slavery. Sometimes I think this might be true. Our food was poor. Master worked us hard and gave us nothing. We had to use what we made in the garden to eat. We also ate our hogs. Our clothes were bad, and our beds were inadequate. We went barefoot most of the time. What I mean by that is, we had shoes part of the time. We got one pair of shoes a year. When they wore out, we went barefoot. Sometimes we tied them up with strings, and they were so ragged the tracks looked like bird tracks where we walked in the road. We lived in log houses daubed with mud. They called them the slave houses. My old dad partly raised his children on game. He caught rabbits, raccoons, and possums. We would work all day and hunt at night. We had no holidays. They didn’t give us any fun as far as I know. I could eat anything I could get. I tell you the truth, slave time was slave time for us. My brother wore his shoes out and had none all through the winter. His feet cracked open and bled so badly you could track him by the blood. When the Yankees came through, he got shoes.

I wuz married in Rockingham. I don't 'member when Mr. Jimmie Covington, a preacher, a white man, married us. I married James Adams who lived on a plantation near Rockingham. I had a nice blue wedding dress. My husband wuz dressed in kinder light clothes, best I rickerlect. It's been a good long time, since deen.

I was married in Rockingham. I don't remember when Mr. Jimmie Covington, a preacher, a white man, married us. I married James Adams, who lived on a plantation near Rockingham. I had a nice blue wedding dress. My husband was dressed in lighter clothes, if I remember correctly. It's been a long time since then.

I sho do 'member my Marster Tom Covington and his wife too, Emma. Da old man wuz the very Nick. He would take what we made and lowance us, dat is lowance it out to my[Pg 4] daddy after he had made it. My father went to Steven Covington, Marster Tom's brother, and told him about it, and his brother Stephen made him gib father his meat back to us.

I really remember my Master Tom Covington and his wife, Emma. That old man was just something else. He would take what we made and give us a little allowance, which he would hand out to my[Pg 4] dad after we produced it. My father went to Steven Covington, Master Tom's brother, and told him about it, and his brother Stephen made him give our meat back to us.

My missus wuz kind to me, but Mars. Tom wuz the buger. It wuz a mighty bit plantation. I don't know how many slaves wuz on it, there were a lot of dem do'. Dere were overseers two of 'em. One wuz named Bob Covington and the other Charles Covington. They were colored men. I rode with them. I rode wid 'em in the carriage sometimes. De carriage had seats dat folded up. Bob wuz overseer in de field, and Charles wuz carriage driver. All de plantation wuz fenced in, dat is all de fields, wid rails; de rails wuz ten feet long. We drawed water wid a sweep and pail. De well wuz in the yard. De mules for the slaves wuz in town, dere were none on the plantation. Dey had 'em in town; dey waked us time de chicken crowed, and we went to work just as soon as we could see how to make a lick wid a hoe.

My wife was kind to me, but Tom was the troublemaker. It was a pretty large plantation. I don't know how many slaves were on it, but there were a lot. There were two overseers. One was named Bob Covington and the other Charles Covington. They were Black men. I rode with them; sometimes, I rode with them in the carriage. The carriage had seats that folded up. Bob was the overseer in the field, and Charles was the carriage driver. The whole plantation was fenced in, meaning all the fields, with rails that were ten feet long. We drew water with a sweep and pail. The well was in the yard. The mules for the slaves were in town; there were none on the plantation. They kept them in town; they woke us up when the rooster crowed, and we started working as soon as we could see to swing a hoe.

Lawd, you better not be caught wid a book in yor han'. If you did, you were sold. Dey didn't 'low dat. I kin read a little, but I can't write. I went to school after slavery and learned to read. We didn't go to school but three or four week a year, and learned to read.

Lawd, you better not be caught with a book in your hand. If you were, you were in trouble. They didn't allow that. I can read a little, but I can't write. I went to school after slavery and learned to read. We only went to school for three or four weeks a year and learned to read.

Dere wuz no church on the plantation, and we were[Pg 5] not lowed to have prayer meetings. No parties, no candy pullings, nor dances, no sir, not a bit. I 'member goin' one time to the white folkses church, no baptizing dat I 'member. Lawd have mercy, ha! ha! No. De pateroller were on de place at night. You couldn't travel without a pas.

There was no church on the plantation, and we were[Pg 5] not allowed to have prayer meetings. No parties, no candy pulls, no dances, not at all. I remember going one time to the white people's church, but no baptizing that I recall. Lord have mercy, ha! ha! No. The patrol was on the property at night. You couldn’t travel without a pass.

We got few possums. I have greased my daddy's back after he had been whupped until his back wuz cut to pieces. He had to work jis the same. When we went to our houses at night, we cooked our suppers at night, et and then went to bed. If fire wuz out or any work needed doin' around de house we had to work on Sundays. They did not gib us Christmas or any other holidays. We had corn shuckings. I herd 'em talkin' of cuttin de corn pile right square in two. One wud git on one side, another on the other side and see which out beat. They had brandy at the corn shuckin' and I herd Sam talkin' about gittin' drunk.

We caught a few possums. I rubbed ointment on my dad's back after he got beaten so badly that his skin was torn up. He still had to keep working. When we got home at night, we cooked our dinners, ate, and then went to bed. If the fire was out or if any chores needed to be done around the house, we had to work on Sundays. They didn't give us Christmas or any other holidays. We had corn shuckings. I heard them talking about splitting the corn pile right in half. One person would stand on one side, another on the other side, and see who could shuck more. They had brandy at the corn shucking, and I heard Sam talking about getting drunk.

I 'member one 'oman dying. Her name wuz Caroline Covington. I didn't go to the grave. But you know they had a little cart used with hosses to carry her to the grave, jist a one horse wagon, jist slipped her in there.

I remember a woman dying. Her name was Caroline Covington. I didn't go to the funeral. But you know they had a little cart pulled by horses to take her to the grave, just a one-horse wagon, just slipped her in there.

Yes, I 'member a field song. It wuz 'Oh! come let us go where pleasure never dies. Great fountain gone over'. Dat's one uv 'em. We had a good doctor when we got sick. He come[Pg 6] to see us. The slaves took herbs dey found in de woods. Dat's what I do now, Sir. I got some 'erbs right in my kitchen now.

Yes, I remember a field song. It was "Oh! come let us go where pleasure never dies. Great fountain gone over." That's one of them. We had a good doctor when we got sick. He came[Pg 6] to see us. The slaves used herbs they found in the woods. That's what I do now, Sir. I have some herbs right in my kitchen now.

When the Yankees come through I did not know anything about 'em till they got there. Jist like they were poppin up out of de ground. One of the slaves wuz at his master's house you know, and he said, 'The Yankees are in Cheraw, S. C. and the Yankees are in town'. It didn't sturb me at tall. I wuz not afraid of de Yankees. I 'member dey went to Miss Emma's house, and went in de smoke house and emptied every barrel of 'lasses right in de floor and scattered de cracklings on de floor. I went dere and got some of 'em. Miss Emma wuz my missus. Dey just killed de chickens, hogs too, and old Jeff the dog; they shot him through the thoat. I 'member how his mouth flew open when dey shot him. One uv 'em went into de tater bank, and we chillun wanted to go out dere. Mother wouldn't let us. She wuz fraid uv 'em.

When the Yankees came through, I didn’t know anything about them until they showed up. It was like they popped up out of nowhere. One of the slaves was at his master's house, and he said, “The Yankees are in Cheraw, S. C. and the Yankees are in town.” It didn’t bother me at all. I wasn’t afraid of the Yankees. I remember they went to Miss Emma's house, went into the smokehouse, and dumped every barrel of molasses right onto the floor and scattered the cracklings everywhere. I went there and picked some up. Miss Emma was my mistress. They killed the chickens and hogs, and even old Jeff the dog; they shot him right in the throat. I remember how his mouth flew open when they shot him. One of them went into the potato bank, and we kids wanted to go out there. Mother wouldn’t let us. She was scared of them.

Abraham Lincoln freed us by the help of the Lawd, by his help. Slavery wuz owin to who you were with. If you were with some one who wuz good and had some feelin's for you it did tolerable well; yea, tolerable well.

Abraham Lincoln freed us with the help of God. Slavery depended on who you were with. If you were with someone who was good and had some feelings for you, it was manageable, yeah, pretty manageable.

We left the plantation soon as de surrender. We lef' right off. We went to goin' towards Fayetteville, North Carolina. We climbed over fences and were just broke down[Pg 7] chillun, feet sore. We had a little meat, corn meal, a tray, and mammy had a tin pan. One night we came to a old house; some one had put wheat straw in it. We staid there, next mornin', we come back home. Not to Marster's, but to a white 'oman named Peggy McClinton, on her plantation. We stayed there a long time. De Yankees took everything dey could, but dey didn't give us anything to eat. Dey give some of de 'omen shoes.

We left the plantation as soon as the surrender happened. We took off right away. We headed towards Fayetteville, North Carolina. We climbed over fences and were completely worn out[Pg 7] with sore feet. We had some meat, cornmeal, a tray, and my mom had a tin pan. One night we came across an old house; someone had laid down wheat straw inside. We stayed there, and the next morning, we made our way back home. Not to the master’s place, but to a white woman named Peggy McClinton on her plantation. We stayed there for quite a while. The Yankees took everything they could, but they didn’t give us anything to eat. They gave some of the women shoes.

I thinks Mr. Roosevelt is a fine man and he do all he can for us.

I think Mr. Roosevelt is a great guy and he does everything he can for us.


[320278]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
No. Words:1500
Title:Ida Adkins Ex-slave
Person Interviewed:Ida Adkins
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
County Home, Durham, N.C.
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

IDA ADKINS

Ex-slave 79 years.

TR note: Numerous hand written notations and additions in the following interview (i.e. wuz to was; er to a; adding t to the contractions.) Made changes where obvious without comment. Additions and comments were left as notation only.

TR note: Numerous handwritten notes and additions in the following interview (i.e. wuz to was; er to a; adding t to the contractions.) Made changes where obvious without comment. Additions and comments were left as notation only.

I wuz bawn befo' de war. I wuz about eight years ole when de Yankee mens come through.

I was born before the war. I was about eight years old when the Yankee men came through.

My mammy an' pappy, Hattie an' Jim Jeffries belonged to Marse Frank Jeffries. Marse Frank come from Mississippi, but when I wuz bawn he an' Mis' Mary Jane wuz livin' down herr near Louisburg in North Carolina whare dey had er big plantation an' don' know how many niggers. Marse Frank wuz good to his niggers, 'cept he never give dem ernough to eat. He worked dem hard on half rations, but he didn' believe in all de time beatin' an' sellin' dem.

My mom and dad, Hattie and Jim Jeffries, belonged to Mr. Frank Jeffries. Mr. Frank came from Mississippi, but when I was born, he and Mrs. Mary Jane were living down here near Louisburg in North Carolina, where they had a big plantation and I don’t know how many Black people. Mr. Frank was good to his Black people, except he never gave them enough to eat. He worked them hard on half rations, but he didn’t believe in constantly beating or selling them.

My pappy worked at de stables, he wuz er good horseman, but my mammy worked at de big house helpin' Mis' Mary Jane. Mammy worked in de weavin' room. I can see her now settin' at de weavin' machine an' hear de pedals goin' plop, plop, as she treaded dem wid her feets. She wuz a good weaver. I stayed 'roun' de big house too, pickin' up chips, sweepin' de yard an' such as dat. Mis' Mary Jane wuz quick as er whippo'-will. She had black eyes dat snapped, an' dey seed everythin'. She could turn her head so quick dat she'd ketch you every time you tried to steal a lump of sugar. I liked Marse Frank better den I did Mis' Mary Jane. All us little chillun called him Big Pappy. Every time he went to Raleigh he brung us niggers back some candy. He went to Raleigh erbout twice er year. Raleigh wuz er far ways from de plantations—near 'bout sixty miles. It always took Marse Frank three days to make de trip. A day to go,[Pg 10] er' day to stay in town, an' a day to come back. Den he always got home in de night. Ceptn' he rode ho'se back 'stead of de carriage, den sometimes he got home by sun down.

My dad worked at the stables; he was a good horseman, but my mom worked at the big house helping Miss Mary Jane. Mom worked in the weaving room. I can picture her now sitting at the weaving machine, hearing the pedals going plop, plop as she pressed them with her feet. She was a great weaver. I hung around the big house too, picking up chips, sweeping the yard, and doing other chores like that. Miss Mary Jane was quick as a whip-poor-will. She had black eyes that snapped and saw everything. She could turn her head so fast that she'd catch you every time you tried to sneak a lump of sugar. I liked Mr. Frank better than I did Miss Mary Jane. All us little kids called him Big Daddy. Every time he went to Raleigh, he brought us back some candy. He went to Raleigh about twice a year. Raleigh was quite a distance from the plantations—almost sixty miles. It always took Mr. Frank three days to make the trip: one day to go, one day to stay in town, and one day to come back. Then he always got home at night. Except when he rode a horse instead of taking the carriage, then sometimes he got home by sundown.

Marse Frank didn' go to de war. He wuz too ole. So when de Yankees come through dey foun' him at home. When Marse Frank seed de blue coats comin' down de road he run an' got his gun. De Yankees was on horses. I ain't never seed so many men. Dey was thick as hornets comin' down de road in a cloud of dus'. Dey come up to de house an' tied de horses to de palin's; 'roun' de yard . When dey seed Marse Frank standin' on de po'ch wid de gun leveled on dem, dey got mad. Time Marse Frank done shot one time a bully Yankee snatched de gun away an' tole Marse Frank to hold up his hand. Den dey tied his hands an' pushed him down on de floor 'side de house an' tole him dat if he moved dey would shoot him. Den dey went in de house.

Marse Frank didn’t go to the war. He was too old. So when the Yankees came through, they found him at home. When Marse Frank saw the blue coats coming down the road, he ran and got his gun. The Yankees were on horseback. I’ve never seen so many men. They were as thick as hornets coming down the road in a cloud of dust. They came up to the house and tied the horses to the palings; they were all around the yard. When they saw Marse Frank standing on the porch with the gun aimed at them, they got mad. By the time Marse Frank shot once, a bully Yankee grabbed the gun away and told Marse Frank to put his hands up. Then they tied his hands and pushed him down on the floor beside the house and told him that if he moved an inch, they would shoot him. Then they went into the house.

I wuz skeered near 'bout to death, but I run in de kitchen an' got a butcher knife, an' when de Yankees wasn' lookin', I tried to cut de rope an' set Marse Frank free. But one of dem blue debils seed me an' come runnin'. He say:

I was scared nearly to death, but I ran into the kitchen and grabbed a butcher knife, and when the Yankees weren't looking, I tried to cut the rope and set Marse Frank free. But one of those blue devils saw me and came running. He said:

'Whut you doin', you black brat! you stinkin' little alligator bait!' He snatched de knife from my hand an' told me to stick out my tongue, dat he wuz gwine to cut it off. I let out a yell an' run behin' de house.

'What are you doing, you little brat! You stinky little alligator bait!' He snatched the knife from my hand and told me to stick out my tongue, that he was going to cut it off. I screamed and ran behind the house.

Some of de Yankees was in de smoke house gettin' de meat, some[Pg 11] of dem wuz at de stables gettin' de ho'ses, an' some of dem wuz in de house gettin' de silver an' things. I seed dem put de big silver pitcher an' tea pot in a bag. Den dey took de knives an' fo'ks an' all de candle sticks an' platters off de side board. Dey went in de parlor an' got de gol' clock dat wuz Mis' Mary Jane's gran'mammy's. Den dey got all de jewelry out of Mis' Mary Jane's box.

Some of the Yankees were in the smokehouse getting the meat, some[Pg 11] of them were at the stables getting the horses, and some of them were in the house getting the silver and other things. I saw them put the big silver pitcher and teapot in a bag. Then they took the knives and forks and all the candlesticks and platters off the sideboard. They went into the parlor and got the gold clock that belonged to Miss Mary Jane’s grandmother. Then they took all the jewelry out of Miss Mary Jane's box.

Dey went up to Mis' Mary Jane, an' while she looked at dem wid her black eyes snappin', dey took de rings off her fingers; den dey took her gol' bracelet; dey even took de ruby ear rings out of her ears an' de gol' comb out of her hair.

They approached Miss Mary Jane, and while she stared at them with her piercing black eyes, they took the rings off her fingers; then they grabbed her gold bracelet; they even snatched the ruby earrings out of her ears and the gold comb out of her hair.

I done quit peepin' in de window an' wuz standin' 'side de house when de Yankees come out in de yard wid all de stuff dey wuz totin' off. Marse Frank wuz still settin' on de po'ch floor wid his han's tied an' couldn' do nothin'. 'Bout dat time I seed de bee gums in de side yard. Dey wuz a whole line of gums. Little as I wuz I had a notion. I run an' got me a long stick an' tu'ned over every one of dem gums. Den I stirred dem bees up wid dat stick 'twell dey wuz so mad I could smell de pizen. An' bees! you ain't never seed de like of bees. Dey wuz swarmin' all over de place. Dey sailed into dem Yankees like bullets, each one madder den de other. Dey lit on dem ho'ses 'twell dey looked like dey wuz live wid varmints. De ho'ses broke dey bridles an' tore down de palin's an' lit out down de road. But dey runnin' wuzn' nothin' to what dem Yankees done. Dey bust out cussin', but what did a bee keer about cuss words! Dey[Pg 12] lit on dem blue coats an' every time dey lit dey stuck in a pizen sting. De Yankee's forgot all about de meat an' things dey done stole; dey took off down de road on er run, passin' de horses. De bees was right after dem in a long line. Dey'd zoom an' zip, an' zoom an' zip, an' every time dey'd zip a Yankee would yell.

I had stopped peeking in the window and was standing beside the house when the Yankees came out into the yard with all the things they were taking away. Marse Frank was still sitting on the porch floor with his hands tied and couldn't do anything. About that time, I spotted the beehives in the side yard. There was a whole line of hives. As small as I was, I had an idea. I ran and got a long stick and turned over every one of those hives. Then I stirred up the bees with that stick until they were so angry I could smell the venom. And bees! You’ve never seen so many bees. They swarmed all over the place. They dove into those Yankees like bullets, each one angrier than the last. They landed on the horses until it looked like they were alive with pests. The horses broke their bridles, tore down the fences, and took off down the road. But their escape was nothing compared to what those Yankees did. They burst out cursing, but what did a bee care about curse words! They landed on those blue coats, and every time they landed, they stuck in their poisonous stings. The Yankees forgot all about the meat and things they had stolen; they took off down the road running, passing the horses. The bees were right after them in a long line. They’d zoom and zip, and zoom and zip, and every time they zipped, a Yankee would yell.

When dey'd gone Mis' Mary Jane untied Marse Frank. Den dey took all de silver, meat an' things de Yankees lef' behin' an' buried it so if dey come back dey couldn' fin' it.

When they had left, Miss Mary Jane untied Master Frank. Then they took all the silver, meat, and things the Yankees had left behind and buried it so that if they came back, they couldn't find it.

Den day called ma an' said:

Den day called ma an' said:

'Ida Lee, if you hadn't tu'ned over dem bee gums dem Yankees would have toted off near 'bout everythin' fine we got. We want to give you somethin' you can keep so' you'll always remember dis day, an' how you run de Yankees away.'

'Ida Lee, if you hadn't turned over those beehives, the Yankees would have taken almost everything good we had. We want to give you something to keep so you'll always remember this day and how you drove the Yankees away.'

Den Mis' Mary Jane took a plain gold ring off her finger an' put it on mine. An' I been wearin' it ever since.

Den Mis' Mary Jane took a simple gold ring off her finger and put it on mine. And I've been wearing it ever since.


[320276]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:402
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Person Interviewed:Martha Allen
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 7 1937"

HW: good short sketch [Pg 14]

HW: great short sketch [Pg 14]

EX-SLAVE STORY
An interview with Martha Allen, 78, of 1318 South Person Street, Raleigh.

I wuz borned in Craven County seventy eight years ago. My pappa wuz named Andrew Bryant an' my mammy wuz named Harriet. My brothers wuz John Franklin, Alfred, an' Andrew. I ain't had no sisters. I reckon dat we is what yo' call a general mixture case I am part Injun, part white, an' part nigger.

I was born in Craven County seventy-eight years ago. My dad was named Andrew Bryant and my mom was named Harriet. My brothers were John Franklin, Alfred, and Andrew. I didn't have any sisters. I guess we’re what you’d call a general mix since I’m part Native American, part white, and part black.

My mammy belonged ter Tom Edward Gaskin an' she wuzn't half fed. De cook nussed de babies while she cooked, so dat de mammies could wuck in de fiel's, an' all de mammies done wuz stick de babies in at de kitchen do' on dere way ter de fiel's. I'se hyard mammy say dat dey went ter wuck widout breakfast, an' dat when she put her baby in de kitchen she'd go by de slop bucket an' drink de slops from a long handled gourd.

My mom was with Tom Edward Gaskin, and she wasn’t given enough food. The cook took care of the babies while she prepared meals, so the mothers could work in the fields, and all the mothers did was drop the babies off at the kitchen door on their way to the fields. I heard my mom say that they went to work without having breakfast, and that when she put her baby in the kitchen, she’d stop by the slop bucket and drink the leftover scraps from a long-handled gourd.

De slave driver wuz bad as he could be, an' de slaves got awful beatin's.

De slave driver was as cruel as he could be, and the slaves endured terrible beatings.

De young marster sorta wanted my mammy, but she tells him no, so he chunks a lightwood knot an' hits her on de haid wid it. Dese white mens what had babies by nigger wimmens wuz called 'Carpet Gitters'. My father's father wuz one o' dem.[Pg 15]

The young master kind of wanted my mom, but she told him no, so he threw a wood knot and hit her on the head with it. These white men who had kids with black women were called 'Carpet Gitters.' My father's father was one of them.[Pg 15]

Yes mam, I'se mixed plenty case my mammy's grandmaw wuz Cherokee Injun.

Yes ma'am, I've mixed a lot because my mom's grandma was a Cherokee Indian.

I doan know nothin' 'bout no war, case marster carried us ter Cedar Falls, near Durham an' dar's whar we come free.

I don't know anything about the war, since master took us to Cedar Falls, near Durham, and that's where we became free.

I 'members dat de Ku Klux uster go ter de Free Issues houses, strip all de family an' whup de ole folkses. Den dey dances wid de pretty yaller gals an' goes ter bed wid dem. Dat's what de Ku Klux wuz, a bunch of mean mens tryin' ter hab a good time.

I remember that the Ku Klux used to go to the Free Issues houses, take everything from the families, and beat up the old folks. Then they would dance with the pretty yellow girls and go to bed with them. That’s what the Ku Klux was, a group of cruel men trying to have a good time.

I'se wucked purty hard durin' my life an' I done my courtin' on a steer an' cart haulin' wood ter town ter sell. He wuz haulin' wood too on his wagin, an' he'd beat me ter town so's dat he could help me off'n de wagin. I reckon dat dat wuz as good a way as any.

I’ve worked pretty hard during my life and I did my courting on a steer and cart hauling wood to town to sell. He was hauling wood too on his wagon, and he’d beat me to town so he could help me off the wagon. I guess that was as good a way as any.

I tries ter be a good christian but I'se got disgusted wid dese young upstart niggers what dances in de chu'ch. Dey says dat dey am truckin' an' dat de Bible ain't forbid hit, but I reckin dat I knows dancin' whar I sees hit.

I try to be a good Christian, but I’m really frustrated with these young upstart Black people who dance in the church. They claim that they’re just having a good time and that the Bible doesn’t forbid it, but I know dancing when I see it.


N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mrs. Edith S. Hibbs
No. Words:275
Subject:Story of Joseph Anderson
Interviewed:Story of Joseph Anderson
113 Rankin St., Wilmington, N.C.
Edited:Mrs. W. N. Harriss

[HW: Unnumbered] [Pg 17]

[HW: Unnumbered] [Pg 17]


STORY OF JOSEPH ANDERSON

1113 Rankin Street Wilmington, N.C.

Yes'm I was born a slave. I belong to Mr. T. C. McIlhenny who had a big rice plantation "Eagles Nest" in Brunswick County. It was a big place. He had lots of slaves, an' he was a good man. My mother and father died when I was fourteen. Father died in February 1865 and my mother died of pneumonia in November 1865. My older sister took charge of me.

Yes, I was born a slave. I belonged to Mr. T. C. McIlhenny, who had a large rice plantation called "Eagles Nest" in Brunswick County. It was a big place. He had a lot of slaves, and he was a good man. My mother and father passed away when I was fourteen. My father died in February 1865, and my mother died from pneumonia in November 1865. My older sister looked after me.

Interviewer: "Can you read and write?"

Interviewer: "Can you read and write?"

Joseph: "Oh yes, I can write a little. I can make my marks. I can write my name. No'm I can't read. I never went to school a day in my life. I just "picked up" what I know."

Joseph: "Oh yeah, I can write a bit. I can make my marks. I can write my name. No, I can't read. I never went to school a single day in my life. I just 'picked up' what I know."

I don't remember much about slave times. I was fourteen when I was freed. After I was freed we lived between 8th and 9th on Chestnut. We rented a place from Dan O'Connor a real estate man and paid him $5 a month rent. I've been married twice. First time was married by Mr. Ed Taylor, magistrate in Southport, Brunswick County. I was married to my first wife twenty years and eight months. Then she died. I was married again when I was seventy-five years old. I was married to my second wife just a few years when she died.

I don't remember much about the time of slavery. I was fourteen when I gained my freedom. After I was free, we lived between 8th and 9th on Chestnut. We rented a place from Dan O'Connor, a real estate agent, and paid him $5 a month in rent. I've been married twice. The first time, I was married by Mr. Ed Taylor, a magistrate in Southport, Brunswick County. I was with my first wife for twenty years and eight months before she passed away. I remarried when I was seventy-five years old. I was with my second wife for just a few years before she died.

I was on the police force for a year and a half. I was elected April 6, 1895. Mr. McIlhenny was an ole man then an' I used to go to see him.[Pg 18]

I was on the police force for a year and a half. I was elected on April 6, 1895. Mr. McIlhenny was an old man back then, and I used to go visit him.[Pg 18]

I was a stevedore for Mr. Alexander Sprunt for sixty years.

I worked as a dock worker for Mr. Alexander Sprunt for sixty years.

Joseph is now buying his house at 1113 Rankin Street. Rents part of it for $8.50 a month to pay for it. He stays in one room.

Joseph is currently buying his house at 1113 Rankin Street. He rents out part of it for $8.50 a month to help cover the cost. He lives in one room.

NOTE: Joseph's health is none too good, making information sketchy and incoherent.

NOTE: Joseph's health isn’t great, making the information unclear and inconsistent.


[320086]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1905
Subject:MARY ANDERSON
Person Interviewed:Mary Anderson
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 23 1937"

MARY ANDERSON

86 years of age. 17 Poole Road, R. F. D. #2. Raleigh, N.C.

My name is Mary Anderson. I was born on a plantation near Franklinton, Wake County, N.C. May 10, 1851. I was a slave belonging to Sam Brodie, who owned the plantation at this place. My missus' name was Evaline. My father was Alfred Brodie and my mother was Bertha Brodie.

My name is Mary Anderson. I was born on a plantation near Franklinton, Wake County, NC, on May 10, 1851. I was a slave owned by Sam Brodie, who owned the plantation here. My owner's name was Evaline. My father's name was Alfred Brodie and my mother's name was Bertha Brodie.

We had good food, plenty of warm homemade clothes and comfortable houses. The slave houses were called the quarters and the house where marster lived was called the great house. Our houses had two rooms each and marster's house had twelve rooms. Both the slave and white folks buildings were located in a large grove one mile square covered with oak and hickory nut trees. Marster's house was exactly one mile from the main Louisburg Road and there was a wide avenue leading through the plantation and grove to marster's house. The house fronted the avenue east and in going down the avenue from the main road you traveled directly west.[Pg 21]

We had good food, plenty of warm, homemade clothes, and comfortable houses. The slave houses were called the quarters, and the house where the master lived was called the great house. Our houses each had two rooms, while the master’s house had twelve rooms. Both the slave and white folks’ buildings were located in a large grove, one mile square, filled with oak and hickory nut trees. The master’s house was exactly one mile from the main Louisburg Road, and there was a wide avenue leading through the plantation and grove to the master’s house. The house faced east along the avenue, and when you traveled down the avenue from the main road, you went directly west.[Pg 21]

The plantation was very large and there were about two hundred acres of cleared land that was farmed each year. A pond was located on the place and in winter ice was gathered there for summer use and stored in an ice house which was built in the grove where the other buildings were. A large hole about ten feet deep was dug in the ground; the ice was put in that hole and covered. [HW: *]

The plantation was very large, with about two hundred acres of cleared land that was farmed every year. There was a pond on the property, and in the winter, ice was collected for summer use and stored in an ice house built in the grove where the other buildings were. A large hole about ten feet deep was dug in the ground; the ice was placed in that hole and covered. [HW: *]

A large frame building was built over it. At the top of the earth there was an entrance door and steps leading down to the bottom of the hole. Other things besides ice were stored there. There was a still on the plantation and barrels of brandy were stored in the ice house, also pickles, preserves and cider.

A big building was constructed over it. At the top of the ground, there was an entrance door and steps leading down to the bottom of the hole. Other items besides ice were kept there. There was a distillery on the property, and barrels of brandy were stored in the ice house, along with pickles, preserves, and cider.

Many of the things we used were made on the place. There was a grist mill, tannery, shoe shop, blacksmith shop, and looms for weaving cloth.

Many of the things we used were made right here. There was a grist mill, a tannery, a shoe shop, a blacksmith shop, and looms for weaving cloth.

There were about one hundred, and sixty-two slaves on the plantation and every Sunday morning all the children had to be bathed, dressed, and their hair combed and carried down to marster's for breakfast. It was a rule that all the little colored children eat at the great house every Sunday morning in order that marster and missus could watch them eat so they could know which ones were sickly and have them doctored.

There were about one hundred sixty-two slaves on the plantation, and every Sunday morning, all the children had to be bathed, dressed, and their hair combed. They were then taken down to the master's house for breakfast. It was a rule that all the little Black children ate at the big house every Sunday morning so that the master and mistress could watch them eat and identify which ones were sickly and needed medical attention.

The slave children all carried a mussel shell in their hands to eat with. The food was put on large trays and the children all gathered around and ate, dipping up their food with their mussel shells which they used for spoons. Those who refused to eat or those who were ailing in any way had to come back to the great house for their meals and medicine until they were well.

The slave children all held a mussel shell in their hands to eat with. The food was served on large trays, and the children gathered around and ate, using their mussel shells as spoons to scoop up their food. Those who refused to eat or were unwell had to return to the big house for their meals and medicine until they recovered.

Marster had a large apple orchard in the Tar River low grounds and up on higher ground and nearer the plantation house there was on one side of the road a large plum orchard and on the other side was an orchard of peaches, cherries, quinces and[Pg 22] grapes. We picked the quinces in August and used them for preserving. Marster and missus believed in giving the slaves plenty of fruit, especially the children.

Marster had a big apple orchard in the lowlands by the Tar River, and up on higher ground, closer to the plantation house, there was a large plum orchard on one side of the road and an orchard of peaches, cherries, quinces, and[Pg 22] grapes on the other side. We picked the quinces in August to use for preserving. Marster and missus thought it was important to give the slaves plenty of fruit, especially the children.

Marster had three children, one boy named Dallas, and two girls, Bettie and Carrie. He would not allow slave children to call his children marster and missus unless the slave said little marster or little missus. He had four white overseers but they were not allowed to whip a slave. If there was any whipping to be done he always said he would do it. He didn't believe in whipping so when a slave got so bad he could not manage him he sold him.

Marster had three kids, one boy named Dallas and two girls, Bettie and Carrie. He wouldn't let slave children call his children "marster" and "missus" unless they said "little marster" or "little missus." He had four white overseers, but they weren't allowed to whip any slaves. If whipping was necessary, he always said he would do it himself. He didn't believe in whipping, so when a slave became too unruly for him to handle, he sold them.

Marster didn't quarrel with anybody, missus would not speak short to a slave, but both missus and marster taught slaves to be obedient in a nice quiet way. The slaves were taught to take their hats and bonnets off before going into the house, and to bow and say, 'Good morning Marster Sam and Missus Evaline'. Some of the little negroes would go down to the great house and ask them when it wus going to rain, and when marster or missus walked in the grove the little Negroes would follow along after them like a gang of kiddies. Some of the slave children wanted to stay with them at the great house all the time. They knew no better of course and seemed to love marster and missus as much as they did their own mother and father. Marster and missus always used gentle means to get the children out of their way when they bothered them and the way the children loved and trusted them wus a beautiful sight to see.[Pg 23]

Marster didn’t argue with anyone, and missus wouldn’t talk sharply to a slave, but both missus and marster taught slaves to be obedient in a calm and gentle way. The slaves were taught to take off their hats and bonnets before entering the house and to bow and say, ‘Good morning Marster Sam and Missus Evaline.’ Some of the little Black kids would go down to the big house and ask when it was going to rain, and when marster or missus walked in the grove, the little Black children would follow them like a group of kids. Some of the slave children wanted to stay with them in the big house all the time. They didn’t know any better, of course, and seemed to love marster and missus just as much as they loved their own mom and dad. Marster and missus always used gentle ways to get the children out of their way when they were bothering them, and the way the children loved and trusted them was a beautiful sight to see.[Pg 23]

Patterollers were not allowed on the place unless they came peacefully and I never knew of them whipping any slaves on marster's place. Slaves were carried off on two horse wagons to be sold. I have seen several loads leave. They were the unruly ones. Sometimes he would bring back slaves, once he brought back two boys and three girls from the slave market.

Patterollers weren’t allowed on the property unless they came peacefully, and I never saw them whip any slaves on the master’s land. Slaves were taken away in two-horse wagons to be sold. I saw several loads leave. They were the troublemakers. Sometimes he would bring back slaves; once, he brought back two boys and three girls from the slave market.

Sunday wus a great day on the plantation. Everybody got biscuits Sundays. The slave women went down to marsters for their Sunday allowance of flour. All the children ate breakfast at the great house and marster and missus gave out fruit to all. The slaves looked forward to Sunday as they labored through the week. It was a great day. Slaves received good treatment from marster and all his family.

Sunday was a great day on the plantation. Everyone got biscuits on Sundays. The enslaved women went to the master for their Sunday allowance of flour. All the children had breakfast at the big house, and the master and mistress handed out fruit to everyone. The enslaved people looked forward to Sunday as they worked through the week. It was a wonderful day. They received good treatment from the master and his entire family.

We were allowed to have prayer meetings in our homes and we also went to the white folks church.

We were allowed to have prayer meetings at our homes, and we also attended the white people's church.

They would not teach any of us to read and write. Books and papers were forbidden. Marster's children and the slave children played together. I went around with the baby girl Carrie to other plantations visiting. She taught me how to talk low and how to act in company. My association with white folks and my training while I was a slave is why I talk like white folks.

They didn't teach any of us to read or write. Books and papers were off-limits. The master's kids and the slave kids played together. I went around with the baby girl, Carrie, visiting other plantations. She showed me how to speak softly and behave in social situations. My interactions with white people and the lessons I learned while I was a slave are why I talk like them.

Bettie Brodie married a Dr. Webb from Boylan, Virginia. Carrie married a Mr. Joe Green of Franklin County. He was a big southern planter.[Pg 24]

Bettie Brodie married Dr. Webb from Boylan, Virginia. Carrie married Mr. Joe Green from Franklin County. He was a wealthy Southern plantation owner.[Pg 24]

The war was begun and there were stories of fights and freedom. The news went from plantation to plantation and while the slaves acted natural and some even more polite than usual, they prayed for freedom. Then one day I heard something that sounded like thunder and missus and marster began to walk around and act queer. The grown slaves were whispering to each other. Sometimes they gathered in little gangs in the grove. Next day I heard it again, boom, boom, boom. I went and asked missus 'is it going to rain?' She said, 'Mary go to the ice house and bring me some pickles and preserves.' I went and got them. She ate a little and gave me some. Then she said, 'You run along and play.' In a day or two everybody on the plantation seemed to be disturbed and marster and missus were crying. Marster ordered all the slaves to come to the great house at nine o'clock. Nobody was working and slaves were walking over the grove in every direction. At nine o'clock all the slaves gathered at the great house and marster and missus came out on the porch and stood side by side. You could hear a pin drap everything was so quiet. Then marster said, 'Good morning,' and missus said, 'Good morning, children'. They were both crying. Then marster said, 'Men, women and children, you are free. You are no longer my slaves. The Yankees will soon be here.'

The war started, and there were stories about battles and freedom. The news spread from plantation to plantation, and while the enslaved people acted normally and some even more polite than usual, they were praying for freedom. Then one day, I heard something that sounded like thunder, and the mistress and master began to walk around and act strangely. The grown enslaved people were whispering to each other. Sometimes they gathered in small groups in the grove. The next day, I heard it again, boom, boom, boom. I went and asked the mistress, "Is it going to rain?" She said, "Mary, go to the ice house and bring me some pickles and preserves." I went and got them. She ate a little and gave me some. Then she said, "You run along and play." In a day or two, everyone on the plantation seemed upset, and the master and mistress were crying. The master ordered all the enslaved people to come to the big house at nine o'clock. Nobody was working, and enslaved people were walking around the grove in every direction. At nine o'clock, all the enslaved people gathered at the big house, and the master and mistress came out on the porch and stood side by side. You could hear a pin drop; everything was so quiet. Then the master said, "Good morning," and the mistress said, "Good morning, children." They were both crying. Then the master said, "Men, women, and children, you are free. You are no longer my slaves. The Yankees will soon be here."

Marster and missus then went into the house got two large arm chairs put them on the porch facing the avenue and sat down side by side and remained there watching.[Pg 25]

The master and mistress then went into the house, got two large armchairs, placed them on the porch facing the avenue, and sat down side by side, watching. [Pg 25]

In about an hour there was one of the blackest clouds coming up the avenue from the main road. It was the Yankee soldiers, they finally filled the mile long avenue reaching from marster's house to the main Louisburg road and spread out over the mile square grove. The mounted men dismounted. The footmen stacked their shining guns and began to build fires and cook. They called the slaves, saying, 'Your are free.' Slaves were whooping and laughing and acting like they were crazy. Yankee soldiers were shaking hands with the Negroes and calling them Sam, Dinah, Sarah and asking them questions. They busted the door to the smoke house and got all the hams. They went to the ice-house and got several barrels of brandy, and such a time. The Negroes and Yankees were cooking and eating together. The Yankees told them to come on and join them, they were free. Marster and missus sat on the porch and they were so humble no Yankee bothered anything in the great house. The slaves were awfully excited. The Yankees stayed there, cooked, eat, drank and played music until about night, then a bugle began to blow and you never saw such getting on horses and lining up in your life. In a few minutes they began to march, leaving the grove which was soon as silent as a grave yard. They took marster's horses and cattle with them and joined the main army and camped just across Cypress Creek one and one half miles from my marster's place on the Louisburg Road.

In about an hour, a huge black cloud appeared down the avenue from the main road. It was the Union soldiers; they finally filled the mile-long avenue stretching from the master’s house to the main Louisburg road and spread out over the mile-square grove. The mounted soldiers got off their horses, and the foot soldiers stacked their shining rifles and began to build fires and cook. They called out to the enslaved people, saying, 'You are free.' The formerly enslaved were whooping and laughing, acting like they were on top of the world. Union soldiers shook hands with the Black people, calling them Sam, Dinah, and Sarah, asking them questions. They broke down the door to the smokehouse and took all the hams. They went to the ice house and grabbed several barrels of brandy; it was quite a scene. The formerly enslaved and Union soldiers cooked and ate together. The soldiers encouraged them to join in; they were free. The master and mistress sat on the porch, looking very humble, and no Union soldier disturbed anything in the big house. The formerly enslaved were incredibly excited. The soldiers stayed there, cooking, eating, drinking, and playing music until nightfall. Then a bugle began to sound, and you’ve never seen such a scramble to get on horses and line up. In just a few minutes, they started to march, leaving the grove, which quickly grew silent like a graveyard. They took the master’s horses and cattle with them and joined the main army, camping just across Cypress Creek, a mile and a half from my master’s place on the Louisburg Road.

When they left the country, lot of the slaves went with them and soon there were none of marster's slaves left. They wandered around for a year from place to place, fed and working[Pg 26] most of the time at some other slave owner's plantation and getting more homesick every day.

When they left the country, a lot of the slaves went with them, and soon there were no slaves belonging to the master left. They wandered around for a year from place to place, being fed and working[Pg 26] most of the time on some other slave owner's plantation and becoming more homesick every day.

The second year after the surrender our marster and missus got on their carriage and went and looked up all the Negroes they heard of who ever belonged to them. Some who went off with the Yankees were never heard of again. When marster and missus found any of theirs they would say, 'Well, come on back home.' My father and mother, two uncles and their families moved back. Also Lorenza Brodie, and John Brodie and their families moved back. Several of the young men and women who once belonged to him came back. Some were so glad to get back they cried, 'cause fare had been mighty bad part of the time they were rambling around and they were hungry. When they got back marster would say, 'Well you have come back home have you, and the Negroes would say, 'Yes marster.' Most all spoke of them as missus and marster as they did before the surrender, and getting back home was the greatest pleasure of all.

The second year after the surrender, our master and mistress got in their carriage and set out to find all the Black people they had ever owned. Some who left with the Yankees were never heard from again. When master and mistress found any of their former people, they would say, "Well, come on back home." My father and mother, two uncles, and their families moved back. Lorenza Brodie and John Brodie, along with their families, also returned. Several young men and women who once belonged to him came back too. Some were so happy to return that they cried because life had been really tough for a while, and they were hungry. When they arrived back, master would say, "Well, you've come back home, have you?" and the Black people would reply, "Yes, master." Most of them continued to call him master and her mistress, just like before the surrender, and coming back home was the greatest joy of all.

We stayed with marster and missus and went to their church, the Maple Springs Baptist church, until they died.

We stayed with the master and mistress and went to their church, the Maple Springs Baptist church, until they died.

Since the surrender I married James Anderson. I had four children, one boy and three girls.

Since the surrender, I married James Anderson. We have four kids: one son and three daughters.

I think slavery was a mighty good thing for mother, father, me and the other members of the family, and I cannot say anything but good for my old marster and missus, but I can only speak for those whose conditions I have known during slavery and since. For myself and them, I will say again, slavery was a mighty good thing.

I believe slavery was very beneficial for my mother, father, me, and the rest of the family, and I have nothing but good things to say about my old master and mistress. However, I can only speak for those whose experiences I have known during slavery and afterward. For myself and them, I will repeat, slavery was very beneficial.


[320280]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:789
Subject:Cornelia Andrews
Story Teller:Cornelia Andrews
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 7 1937"

CORNELIA ANDREWS

An interview on May 21, 1937 with Cornelia Andrews of Smithfield, Johnston County, who is 87 years old.

De fust marster dat I 'members wuz Mr. Cute Williams an' he wuz a good marster, but me an' my mammy an' some of de rest of 'em wuz sold to Doctor McKay Vaden who wuz not good ter us.

De fust master that I remember was Mr. Cute Williams, and he was a good master, but me and my mom and some of the rest of them were sold to Doctor McKay Vaden, who was not good to us.

Doctor Vaden owned a good-sized plantation, but he had just eight slaves. We had plank houses, but we ain't had much food an' clothes. We wored shoes wid wooden bottom in de winter an' no shoes in de summer. We ain't had much fun, nothin' but candy pullin's 'bout onct a year. We ain't raised no cane but marster buyed one barrel of 'lasses fer candy eber year.

Doctor Vaden owned a decent-sized plantation, but he only had eight slaves. We had wooden houses, but we didn't have much food or clothing. We wore shoes with wooden soles in the winter and no shoes in the summer. We didn't have much fun, just candy pulls about once a year. We didn't grow any sugar cane, but the master bought one barrel of molasses for candy every year.

Yo' know dat dar wuz a big slave market in Smithfield dem days, dar wuz also a jail, an' a whippin' post. I 'members a man named Rough somethin' or other, what bought forty er fifty slaves at de time an' carried 'em ter Richmond to re-sell. He had four big black horses hooked ter a cart, an' behind dis cart he chained de slaves, an' dey had ter walk, or trot all de way ter Richmond. De little ones Mr. Rough would throw up in de cart an' off[Pg 29] dey'd go no'th. Dey said dat der wuz one day at Smithfield dat three hundret slaves wuz sold on de block. Dey said dat peoples came from fer an' near, eben from New Orleans ter dem slave sales. Dey said dat way 'fore I wuz borned dey uster strip dem niggers start naked an' gallop' em ober de square so dat de buyers could see dat dey warn't scarred nor deformed.

You know there was a big slave market in Smithfield back in the day, there was also a jail and a whipping post. I remember a man named Rough something or other, who bought forty or fifty slaves at a time and took them to Richmond to resell. He had four big black horses hitched to a cart, and behind this cart, he chained the slaves, and they had to walk or trot all the way to Richmond. The little ones Mr. Rough would throw up in the cart, and off they’d go north. They said there was one day in Smithfield when three hundred slaves were sold on the block. People came from far and wide, even from New Orleans, for those slave sales. They said that way before I was born, they used to strip those blacks completely naked and run them across the square so the buyers could see that they weren't scarred or deformed.

While I could 'member dey'd sell de mammies 'way from de babies, an' dere wuzn't no cryin' 'bout it whar de marster would know 'bout it nother. Why? Well, dey'd git beat black an' blue, dat's why.

While I could remember they'd sell the mothers away from the babies, and there wasn't any crying about it where the master wouldn't know about it either. Why? Well, they'd get beaten black and blue, that's why.

Wuz I eber beat bad? No mam, I wuzn't.

Was I ever beaten badly? No ma'am, I wasn't.

(Here the daughter, a graduate of Cornell University, who was in the room listening came forward. "Open your shirt, mammy, and let the lady judge for herself." The old ladies eyes flashed as she sat bolt upright. She seemed ashamed, but the daughter took the shirt off, exposing the back and shoulders which were marked as though branded with a plaited cowhide whip. There was no doubt of that at all.)

(Here the daughter, a graduate of Cornell University, who was in the room listening came forward. "Open your shirt, mom, and let the lady judge for herself." The old lady's eyes flashed as she sat bolt upright. She seemed embarrassed, but the daughter took off the shirt, revealing the back and shoulders which were marked as if branded with a braided cowhide whip. There was no doubt about that at all.)

"I wuz whupped public," she said tonelessly, "for breaking dishes an' 'bein' slow. I wuz at Mis' Carrington's den, an' it wuz jist 'fore de close o' de war. I wuz in[Pg 30] de kitchen washin' dishes an' I draps one. De missus calls Mr. Blount King, a patteroller, an' he puts de whuppin' yo' sees de marks of on me. My ole missus foun' it out an' she comed an' got me."

"I was whipped in public," she said flatly, "for breaking dishes and being slow. I was at Mrs. Carrington's place, and it was just before the end of the war. I was in[Pg 30] the kitchen washing dishes when I dropped one. The lady called Mr. Blount King, a patrolman, and he gave me the beating you see the marks of on me. My old mistress found out and came to get me."

A friend of the interviewer who was present remarked, "That must have been horrible to say the least."

A friend of the interviewer who was there said, "That must have been awful, to say the least."

"Yo' 'doan know nothin," the old Negro blazed. "Alex Heath, a slave wuz beat ter death, hyar in Smithfield. He had stold something, dey tells me, anyhow he wuz sentenced ter be put ter death, an' de folkses dar in charge 'cided ter beat him ter death. Dey gib him a hundret lashes fer nine mornin's an' on de ninth mornin' he died."

"You're not aware of anything," the old man said angrily. "Alex Heath, a slave, was beaten to death right here in Smithfield. He had stolen something, they say, regardless he was sentenced to death, and the people in charge decided to beat him to death. They gave him a hundred lashes for nine mornings, and on the ninth morning, he died."

"My uncle Daniel Sanders, wuz beat till he wuz cut inter gashes an' he wuz tu be beat ter death lak Alex wuz, but one day atter dey had beat him an' throwed him back in jail wid out a shirt he broke out an' runned away. He went doun in de riber swamp an' de blow flies blowed de gashes an' he wuz unconscious when a white man found him an' tuk him home wid him. He died two or three months atter dat but he neber could git his body straight ner walk widout a stick; he jist could drag."

"My uncle Daniel Sanders was beaten until he had cuts and gashes, and he was supposed to be beaten to death like Alex was, but one day after they had beaten him and thrown him back in jail without a shirt, he broke out and ran away. He went down into the river swamp, and the blowflies settled on his injuries while he was unconscious when a white man found him and took him home with him. He died two or three months later, but he never could get his body straight or walk without a stick; he could only drag himself."

"I 'specks dat I doan know who my pappy wuz, maybe de stock nigger on de plantation. My pappy an' mammy jist[Pg 31] stepped ober de broom an' course I doan know when. Yo' knows dey ain't let no little runty nigger have no chilluns. Naw sir, dey ain't, dey operate on dem lak dey does de male hog so's dat dey can't have no little runty chilluns."

"I guess I don’t know who my dad was, maybe just someone from the black community on the plantation. My dad and mom just[Pg 31] got married, but I don’t know when. You know they don’t let no little runty black have no kids. No way, they treat them like they do the male hog so they can’t have any little runty kids."

"Some of de marsters wuz good an' some of dem wuz bad. I wuz glad ter be free an' I lef' der minute I finds out dat I is free. I ain't got no kick a-comin' not none at all. Some of de white folkses wuz slaves, ter git ter de United States an' we niggers ain't no better, I reckons."

"Some of the masters were good, and some of them were bad. I was glad to be free and I left the moment I found out that I was free. I have no complaints at all. Some of the white people were slaves too, to get to the United States, and I guess we blacks aren't any better."


[320026]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:22,289
Subject:A SLAVE STORY
(Princess Quango Hennadonah Perceriah).
Reference:MARY ANNGADYHW: 80 years old
Editor:George L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"OCT 25 1937"

MARY ANNGADY

(Princess Quango Hennadonah Perceriah) 1110 Oakwood Avenue, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I was eighteen years old in 1875 but I wanted to get married so I gave my age as nineteen. I wish I could recall some of the ole days when I was with my missus in Orange County, playing with my brothers and other slave children.

I was eighteen years old in 1875, but I wanted to get married, so I said I was nineteen. I wish I could remember some of the good old days when I was with my wife in Orange County, playing with my brothers and other kids who were enslaved.

I was owned by Mr. Franklin Davis and my madam was Mrs. Bettie Davis. I and my brother used to scratch her feet and rub them for her; you know how old folks like to have their feet rubbed. My brother and I used to scrap over who should scratch and rub her feet. She would laugh and tell us not to do that way that she loved us both. Sometimes she let me sleep at her feet at night. She was plenty good to all of the slaves. Her daughter Sallie taught me my A B C's in Webster's Blue Back spelling Book. When I learned to Spell B-a-k-e-r, Baker, I thought that was something. The next word I felt proud to spell was s-h-a-d-y, shady, the next l-a-d-y, lady. I would spell them out loud as I picked up chips in the yard to build a fire with. My missus Bettie gave me a blue back spelling book.[Pg 34]

I was owned by Mr. Franklin Davis, and my madam was Mrs. Bettie Davis. My brother and I used to scratch and rub her feet; you know how older people like having their feet attended to. My brother and I would argue over who got to rub her feet. She would laugh and tell us not to fight because she loved us both. Sometimes, she let me sleep at her feet at night. She was very kind to all the slaves. Her daughter Sallie taught me my ABCs using Webster's Blue Back Spelling Book. When I learned to spell B-a-k-e-r, Baker, I thought that was impressive. The next word I was proud to spell was s-h-a-d-y, shady, followed by l-a-d-y, lady. I would spell them out loud as I collected chips in the yard to build a fire. My missus Bettie gave me a blue back spelling book.[Pg 34]

My father was named James Mason, and he belonged to James Mason of Chapel Hill. Mother and I and my four brothers belonged to the same man and we also lived in the town. I never lived on a farm or plantation in my life. I know nothing about farming. All my people are dead and I cannot locate any of marster's family if they are living. Marster's family consisted of two boys and two girls—Willie, Frank, Lucy and Sallie. Marster was a merchant, selling general merchandise. I remember eating a lot of brown sugar and candy at his store.

My father was named James Mason, and he was part of the James Mason family from Chapel Hill. My mother, my four brothers, and I were also linked to the same man, and we lived in the town. I've never lived on a farm or plantation in my life. I don't know anything about farming. All my relatives have passed away, and I can't find any of the master's family if they are still alive. The master's family included two boys and two girls—Willie, Frank, Lucy, and Sallie. The master was a merchant who sold general goods. I remember eating a lot of brown sugar and candy at his store.

My mother was a cook. They allowed us a lot of privileges and it was just one large happy family with plenty to eat and wear, good sleeping places and nothing to worry about. They were of the Presbyterian faith and we slaves attended Sunday school and services at their church. There were about twelve slaves on the lot. The houses for slaves were built just a little ways back from marster's house on the same lot. The Negro and white children played together, and there was little if any difference made in the treatment given a slave child and a white child. I have religious books they gave me. Besides the books they taught me, they drilled me in etiquette of the times and also in courtesy and respect to my superiors until it became a habit and it was perfectly natural for me to be polite.[Pg 35]

My mom was a cook. They gave us a lot of privileges, and we were one big happy family with plenty to eat and wear, comfortable places to sleep, and nothing to stress about. They were Presbyterians, and we slaves went to Sunday school and services at their church. There were about twelve slaves on the property. The houses for slaves were located just a little way back from the master's house on the same property. The Black and white kids played together, and there was hardly any difference in how a slave child and a white child were treated. I have religious books they gave me. Besides the books, they taught me manners of the time and also how to show courtesy and respect to my superiors until it became second nature, making it perfectly normal for me to be polite.[Pg 35]

The first I knew of the Yankees was when I was out in my marster's yard picking up chips and they came along, took my little brother and put him on a horse's back and carried him up town. I ran and told my mother about it. They rode brother over the town a while, having fun out of him, then they brought him back. Brother said he had a good ride and was pleased with the blue jackets as the Yankee soldiers were called.

The first time I heard about the Yankees was when I was in my master's yard picking up scraps, and they came by, took my little brother, and put him on a horse's back, then rode off with him into town. I ran and told my mom about it. They rode my brother around the town for a bit, having fun with him, and then brought him back. My brother said he enjoyed the ride and was happy with the blue jackets, as the Yankee soldiers were called.

We had all the silver and valuables hid and the Yankees did not find them, but they went into marster's store and took what they wanted. They gave my father a box of hardtack and a lot of meat. Father was a Christian and he quoted one of the Commandments when they gave him things they had stolen from others. 'Thou shalt not steal', quoth he, and he said he did not appreciate having stolen goods given to him.[Pg 36]

We had hidden all the silver and valuables, and the Yankees didn't find them, but they went into the master's store and took what they wanted. They gave my father a box of hardtack and a lot of meat. Father was a Christian and quoted one of the Commandments when they gave him things they had stolen from others. 'You shall not steal,' he said, and he expressed that he didn’t appreciate receiving stolen goods.[Pg 36]

I traveled with the white folks in both sections of the country, north and south, after the War Between the States. I kept traveling with them and also continued my education. They taught me to recite and I made money by reciting on many of the trips. Since the surrender I have traveled in the north for various Charitable Negro Societies and Institutions and people seemed very much interested in the recitation I recited called "When Malinda Sings".

I traveled with white people in both parts of the country, north and south, after the Civil War. I kept traveling with them and continued my education. They taught me to recite, and I earned money by reciting on many of the trips. Since the surrender, I've traveled in the north for various charitable African American societies and institutions, and people seemed very interested in the recitation I performed called "When Malinda Sings."

The first school I attended was after the war closed. The school was located in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, and was taught by a Yankee white woman from Philadelphia. We remained in Chapel Hill only a few years after the war ended when we all moved to Raleigh, and I have made it my home ever since. I got the major part of my education in Raleigh under Dr. H. M. Tupper[1] who taught in the second Baptist Church, located on Blount Street. Miss Mary Lathrop, a colored teacher from Philadelphia, was an assistant teacher in Dr. Tupper's School. I went from there to Shaw Collegiate Institute, which is now Shaw University.

The first school I attended was after the war ended. It was in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, and was taught by a white woman from Philadelphia. We stayed in Chapel Hill for only a few years after the war when we moved to Raleigh, which has been my home ever since. I got most of my education in Raleigh under Dr. H. M. Tupper[1], who taught at the second Baptist Church on Blount Street. Miss Mary Lathrop, a Black teacher from Philadelphia, was an assistant in Dr. Tupper's School. After that, I went to Shaw Collegiate Institute, which is now Shaw University.

I married Aaron Stallings of Warrenton, North Carolina while at Shaw. He died and I married Rev. Matthews Anngady of Monrovia, west coast of Africa, Liberia, Pastor of First Church. I helped him in his work here, kept studying the works of different authors, and lecturing and reciting. My husband, the Rev. Matthews Anngady died, and I gave a lot of my time to the cause of Charity, and while on a lecture tour of Massachusetts in the interest of this feature of colored welfare for Richmond, Va., the most colorful incident of my eventful life happened when I met Quango Hennadonah Perceriah, an Abyssinian Prince, who was traveling and lecturing on the customs of his country and the habits of its people. Our mutual interests caused our friendship to ripen fast and when the time of parting came, when each[Pg 37] of us had finished our work in Massachusetts, he going back to his home in New York City and I returning to Richmond, he asked me to correspond with him. I promised to do so and our friendship after a year's correspondence became love and he proposed and I accepted him. We were married in Raleigh by Rev. J. J. Worlds, pastor of the First Baptist Church, colored.

I married Aaron Stallings from Warrenton, North Carolina while I was at Shaw. He passed away, and I married Rev. Matthews Anngady from Monrovia, on the west coast of Africa, Liberia, who was the Pastor of the First Church. I assisted him in his work there, continued studying various authors, and took part in lecturing and reciting. After my husband, Rev. Matthews Anngady, died, I dedicated much of my time to charity work. While on a lecture tour in Massachusetts to promote this aspect of support for the Black community in Richmond, VA, I experienced the most memorable event of my life when I met Quango Hennadonah Perceriah, an Abyssinian Prince who was traveling and giving lectures about the customs and habits of his country. Our shared interests led to a quick friendship, and when it was time to part ways—he returning to New York City and I back to Richmond—he asked me to keep in touch. I agreed, and after a year of correspondence, our friendship blossomed into love, leading to his proposal, which I accepted. We got married in Raleigh by Rev. J. J. Worlds, the pastor of the First Baptist Church, for people of color.

P. T. Barnum had captured my husband when he was a boy and brought him to America from Abyssinia, educated him and then sent him back to his native country. He would not stay and soon he was in America again. He was of the Catholic faith in America and they conferred the honor of priesthood upon him but after he married me this priesthood was taken away and he joined the Episcopal Church. After we were married we decided to go on an extensive lecture tour. He had been a headsman in his own country and a prince. We took the customs of his people and his experiences as the subject of our lectures. I could sing, play the guitar, violin and piano, but I did not know his native language. He began to teach me and as soon as I could sing the song How Firm A Foundation in his language which went this way:

P. T. Barnum had recruited my husband as a boy, bringing him from Abyssinia to America, where he educated him and later sent him back home. However, he didn’t stay long and returned to America again. He was a Catholic here, and they honored him with the priesthood, but after he married me, he lost that position and joined the Episcopal Church instead. After our wedding, we decided to go on a long lecture tour. He had been a leader in his own country and was a prince. We based our lectures on the customs of his people and his experiences. I could sing and play the guitar, violin, and piano, but I didn’t know his native language. He started teaching me, and as soon as I could sing the song How Firm a Foundation in his language, it went like this:

Ngama i-bata, Njami comeback Wema Wemeta, Negana i bukek diol, di Njami,
i-diol de Kak Annimix, Annimix hanci
Children of Satan are deceitful Bata ba Npjami i bunanan Bata is really great at making someone feel good—
Bata ba Njami have been looking for Munonga.

[Pg 38]We traveled and lectured in both the north and the south and our life, while we had to work hard, was one of happiness and contentment. I traveled and lectured as the Princess Quango Hennadonah Perceriah, wife of the Abyssinian Prince. I often recited the recitation written by the colored poet, Paul Lawrence Dunbar When Malinda Sings to the delight of our audiences.

[Pg 38]We traveled and gave lectures in both the north and the south, and while we had to work hard, our lives were filled with happiness and contentment. I traveled and lectured as Princess Quango Hennadonah Perceriah, wife of the Abyssinian Prince. I often performed the poem written by the African American poet Paul Laurence Dunbar When Malinda Performs, much to the delight of our audiences.


The following incidents of African life were related to me by my husband Quango Hennadonah Perceriah and they were also given in his lectures on African customs while touring the United States.

The following stories about African life were shared with me by my husband Quango Hennadonah Perceriah, and he also discussed them in his lectures on African customs while touring the United States.

The religion of the Bakuba tribe of Abyssinia was almost wholly Pagan as the natives believed fully in witchcraft, sorcery, myths and superstitions. The witch doctor held absolute sway over the members of the tribe and when his reputation as a giver of rain, bountiful crops or success in the chase was at stake the tribes were called together and those accused by the witch doctor of being responsible for these conditions through witchery were condemned and speedily executed.

The religion of the Bakuba tribe in Abyssinia was mostly Pagan, as the locals strongly believed in witchcraft, sorcery, myths, and superstitions. The witch doctor had complete control over the tribe's members, and when his reputation for bringing rain, abundant crops, or success in hunting was on the line, the tribes would gather. Those the witch doctor accused of causing these issues through witchcraft were quickly condemned and executed.

The people were called together by the beating of drums. The witch doctor, dressed in the most hellish garb imaginable with his body painted and poisonous snake bone necklaces dangling from his neck and the claws of ferocious beasts, lions, leopards and the teeth of vicious man-eating crocodiles finishing up his adornment, sat in[Pg 39] the middle of a court surrounded by the members of the tribe. In his hand he carried a gourd which contained beads, shot, or small stones. He began his incantations by rattling the contents of the gourd, shouting and making many weird wails and peculiar contortions. After this had gone on for sometime until he was near exhaustion his face assumed the expression of one in great pain and this was the beginning of the end for some poor ignorant savage. He squirmed and turned in different directions with his eyes fixed with a set stare as if in expectancy when suddenly his gaze would be fixed on some member of the tribe and his finger pointed directly at him. The victim was at once seized and bound, the doctor's gaze never leaving him until this was done. If one victim appeased his nervous fervor the trial was over but if his wrought-up feelings desired more his screechings continued until a second victim was secured. He had these men put to death to justify himself in the eyes of the natives of his tribe for his failing to bring rain, bountiful crops and success to the tribe.

The people gathered together at the sound of drums. The witch doctor, dressed in the most terrifying outfit imaginable, with his body painted and wearing necklaces made of poisonous snake bones, as well as the claws of fierce animals like lions and leopards, and the teeth of man-eating crocodiles, sat in[Pg 39] the center of a gathering surrounded by tribe members. In his hand, he held a gourd filled with beads, pellets, or small stones. He started his rituals by shaking the gourd, shouting, and making strange sounds and odd movements. After a while, as he neared exhaustion, his face twisted in pain, signaling the beginning of the end for some unfortunate individual. He squirmed and turned in various directions, his eyes locked in a fixed stare as if waiting for something, when suddenly he would focus on someone in the tribe and point directly at them. The chosen victim was immediately grabbed and tied up, the doctor's gaze never leaving him until it was done. If one victim satisfied his anxious frenzy, the ordeal was over, but if his heightened emotions demanded more, he continued to scream until a second victim was found. He had these men killed to justify himself to his tribe for his inability to bring rain, plentiful harvests, and success.

The witch doctor who sat as judge seemed to have perfect control over the savages minds and no one questioned his decisions. The persons were reconciled to their fate and were led away to execution while they moaned and bade their friends goodbye in the doleful savage style. Sometimes they were put on a boat, taken out into the middle of a river and there cut to pieces with blades of grass,[Pg 40] their limbs being dismembered first and thrown into the river to the crocodiles. A drink containing an opiate was generally given the victim to deaden the pain but often this formality was dispensed with. The victims were often cut to pieces at the place of trial with knives and their limbs thrown out to the vultures that almost continuously hover 'round the huts and kraals of the savage tribes of Africa.

The witch doctor who acted as the judge seemed to have complete control over the minds of the tribespeople, and no one questioned his rulings. The individuals accepted their fate and were taken away to be executed while they moaned and said goodbye to their friends in a sorrowful tribal manner. Sometimes, they were placed on a boat, taken out to the middle of a river, and there dismembered with blades of grass,[Pg 40] their limbs first being thrown into the river for the crocodiles. Typically, a drink containing an opiate was given to the victim to numb the pain, but often this step was skipped. The victims were frequently cut apart at the trial site with knives, and their limbs tossed out for the vultures that almost constantly circle the huts and kraals of the tribal communities in Africa.

In some instances condemned persons were burned at the stake. This form of execution is meted out at some of the religious dances or festivities to some of their pagan gods to atone and drive away the evil spirits that have caused pestilences to come upon the people. The victims at these times are tortured in truly savage fashion, being burned to death by degrees while the other members of the tribe dance around and go wild with religious fervor calling to their gods while the victim screeches with pain in his slowly approaching death throes. Young girls, women, boys and men are often accused of witchcraft. One method they used of telling whether the victim accused was innocent or guilty was to give them a liquid poison made from the juice of several poisonous plants. If they could drink it and live they were innocent, if they died they were guilty. In most cases death was almost instantaneous. Some vomited the poison from their stomachs and lived.

In some cases, people who were condemned were burned at the stake. This method of execution was carried out during certain religious dances or celebrations dedicated to their pagan gods, intending to atone for and drive away the evil spirits that caused diseases among the people. During these events, the victims faced brutal torture, being burned slowly while the other tribe members danced around them in a frenzy of religious zeal, calling out to their gods while the victim screamed in agony as death approached. Young girls, women, boys, and men were often accused of witchcraft. One way they determined whether the accused was innocent or guilty was by making them drink a liquid poison from several toxic plants. If they could drink it and survive, they were deemed innocent; if they died, they were considered guilty. In most cases, death was nearly instantaneous. Some were able to vomit the poison and survive.

The Bakubas sometimes resorted to cannibalism and[Pg 41] my husband told me of a Bakuba girl who ate her own mother. Once a snake bit a man and he at once called the witch doctor. The snake was a poisonous one and the man bitten was in great pain. The witch doctor whooped and went through several chants but the man got worse instead of better. The witch doctor then told the man that his wife made the snake bite him by witchery and that she should die for the act. The natives gathered at once in response to the witch doctor's call and the woman was executed at once. The man bitten by the snake finally died but the witch doctor had shifted the responsibility of his failure to help the man to his wife who had been beheaded. The witch doctor had justified himself and the incident was closed.

The Bakubas sometimes practiced cannibalism, and[Pg 41] my husband told me about a Bakuba girl who ate her own mother. One time, a snake bit a man, and he immediately called the witch doctor. The snake was venomous, and the man who was bitten was in severe pain. The witch doctor made a lot of noise and performed several chants, but the man only got worse. The witch doctor then claimed that the man's wife had caused the snake to bite him through witchcraft and that she should be punished for it. The locals quickly gathered at the witch doctor's command, and the woman was executed without delay. Ultimately, the man who was bitten by the snake died, but the witch doctor had shifted the blame for his failure to help the man onto his wife, who was beheaded. The witch doctor had justified his actions, and the matter was considered settled.

The tribe ruled by a King has two or more absolute rules. The Kings word is law and he has the power to condemn any subject to death at any time without trial. If he becomes angry or offended with any of his wives a nod and a word to his bodyguard and the woman is led away to execution. Any person of the tribe is subject to the King's will with the exemption of the witch doctor. Executions of a different nature than the ones described above are common occurrences. For general crimes the culprit after being condemned to death is placed in a chair shaped very much like the electric chairs used in American prisons in taking the lives of the condemned. He is then tied firmly to the chair with thongs. A pole[Pg 42] made of a green sapling is firmly implanted in the earth nearby. A thong is placed around the neck of the victim under the chin. The sapling is then bent over and the other end of the thong tied to the end of the sapling pole. The pole stretches the neck to its full length and holds the head erect. Drums are sometimes beaten to drown the cries of those who are to be killed. The executioner who is called a headsman then walks forward approaching the chair from the rear. When he reaches it he steps to the side of the victim and with a large, sharp, long-bladed knife lops off the head of the criminal. The bodies of men executed in this manner are buried in shallow holes dug about two feet deep to receive their bodies.

The tribe governed by a King operates under two or more absolute rules. The King’s word is law, and he has the authority to sentence any subject to death at any time without a trial. If he becomes angry or offended with any of his wives, a nod and a word to his bodyguard mean the woman is taken away for execution. Everyone in the tribe is subject to the King’s will, except for the witch doctor. Executions of a different nature than the ones mentioned are common. For general crimes, the condemned individual is placed in a chair resembling the electric chairs used in American prisons for executions. They are then tightly secured to the chair with straps. A pole[Pg 42] made from a green sapling is firmly planted in the ground nearby. A strap is placed around the victim’s neck under the chin. The sapling is then bent over, and the other end of the strap is tied to the end of the sapling pole. This action stretches the neck to its full length and keeps the head upright. Drums are sometimes played loudly to muffle the cries of those about to be executed. The executioner, known as the headsman, then approaches the chair from behind. When he gets there, he steps to the side of the victim and, using a large, sharp, long knife, decapitates the criminal. The bodies of men executed in this way are buried in shallow graves about two feet deep to receive their remains.

The rank and file of the savage tribes believe explicitly in the supernatural powers of the witch doctor and his decisions are not questioned. Not even the King of the tribe raises a voice against him. The witch doctor is crafty enough not to condemn any of the King's household or any one directly prominent in the King's service. After an execution everything is quiet in a few hours and the incident seems forgotten. The African Negroes attitude towards the whole affair seems to be instinctive and as long as he escapes he does not show any particular concern in his fellowman. His is of an animal instinctive nature.

The ordinary members of the savage tribes strongly believe in the supernatural powers of the witch doctor, and his decisions are never questioned. Not even the tribe's King speaks out against him. The witch doctor is smart enough not to condemn anyone from the King's household or anyone who holds a prominent position in the King's service. After an execution, things quiet down within a few hours, and the incident quickly fades from memory. The African Negroes’ attitude towards the entire situation seems to be instinctive, and as long as he is safe, he does not show much concern for his fellow man. His instincts are more animal-like in nature.

The males of the African tribes of savages have very little respect for a woman but they demand a whole lot of[Pg 43] courtesies from their wives, beating them unmercifully when they feel proper respect has not been shown them. The men hunt game and make war on other tribes and the women do all the work. A savage warrior when not engaged in hunting or war, sleeps a lot and smokes almost continuously during his waking hours. Girls are bought from their parents while mere children by the payment of so many cows, goats, etc. The King can take any woman of the tribe whether married or single he desires to be his wife. The parents of young girls taken to wife by the King of a tribe feel honored and fall on their knees and thank the King for taking her.

The men in the African tribes have very little respect for women, yet they expect numerous courtesies from their wives, often beating them mercilessly if they feel disrespected. The men hunt and go to war with other tribes, while the women do all the labor. A warrior, when not hunting or fighting, spends a lot of time sleeping and smoking almost nonstop during his waking hours. Girls are purchased from their parents as children in exchange for a number of cows, goats, and other goods. The King can take any woman from the tribe, whether she is married or single, to be his wife. The parents of young girls who are chosen by the King feel honored and kneel to thank him for taking their daughter.

The prince of a tribe is born a headsman and as soon as he is able to wield a knife he is called upon to perform the duty of cutting off the heads of criminals who are condemned to death by the King for general crimes. Those condemned by the witch doctor for witchcraft are executed by dismemberment or fire as described above.

The prince of a tribe is born a headsman, and as soon as he can handle a knife, he is expected to carry out the task of beheading criminals sentenced to death by the King for various offenses. People condemned by the witch doctor for witchcraft are executed by dismemberment or fire, as mentioned above.


My husband was a cannibal headsman and performed this duty of cutting off persons heads when a boy and after being civilized in America this feature of his early life bore so heavily upon his mind that it was instrumental in driving him insane. By custom a prince was born a headsman and it was compulsory that he execute criminals. He died in an insane ward of the New Jersey State Hospital.

My husband was a cannibal executioner and carried out this job of beheading people when he was a boy. After being civilized in America, this part of his early life weighed so heavily on his mind that it contributed to his insanity. By tradition, a prince was born an executioner, and it was mandatory for him to execute criminals. He died in a psychiatric ward of the New Jersey State Hospital.

[1] Handwritten Footnote: Dr. Henry M. Tupper, a Union Army chaplain, who helped to start Shaw University in 1865.

[1] Handwritten Footnote: Dr. Henry M. Tupper, a chaplain for the Union Army, who helped establish Shaw University in 1865.


[320126]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1051
Subject:JANE ARRINGTON
Story Teller:Jane Arrington
Editor:Geo. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 4 1937"

JANE ARRINGTON

84 years old 302 Fowle Street Raleigh, N.C.

I ort to be able to tell sumpin cause I wus twelve years old when dey had de surrender right up here in Raleigh. If I live to see dis coming December I will be eighty five years old. I was born on the 18th of December 1852.

I should be able to share something because I was twelve years old when they had the surrender right here in Raleigh. If I live to see this coming December, I will be eighty-five years old. I was born on December 18, 1852.

I belonged to Jackson May of Nash County. I wus born on de plantation near Tar River. Jackson May never married until I wus of a great big girl. He owned a lot of slaves; dere were eighty on de plantation before de surrender. He married Miss Becky Wilder, sister of Sam Wilder. De Wilders lived on a jining plantation to where I wus borned.

I belonged to Jackson May of Nash County. I was born on the plantation near the Tar River. Jackson May didn't get married until I was a grown girl. He owned a lot of slaves; there were eighty on the plantation before the surrender. He married Miss Becky Wilder, the sister of Sam Wilder. The Wilders lived on a neighboring plantation to where I was born.

Jackson May had so many niggers he let Billy Williams who had a plantation nearby have part of 'em. Marster Jackson he raised my father and bought my mother. My mother wus named Louisa May, and my father wus named Louis May. My mother had six chilluns, four boys and two girls. The boys were Richard, Farro, Caeser, and Fenner. De girls Rose and Jane. Jane, dats me.

Jackson May had so many enslaved people that he let Billy Williams, who owned a nearby plantation, have some of them. Master Jackson raised my father and bought my mother. My mother was named Louisa May, and my father was named Louis May. My mother had six children, four boys and two girls. The boys were Richard, Farro, Caesar, and Fenner. The girls were Rose and Jane. Jane, that’s me.

We lived in log houses with stick an' dirt chimleys. They called 'em the slave houses. We had chicken feather[Pg 46] beds to sleep on an' de houses wus good warm comfortable log houses. We had plenty of cover an' feather pillows.

We lived in log cabins with stick and dirt chimneys. They called them the slave houses. We had chicken feather beds to sleep on, and the houses were warm and comfortable. We had plenty of blankets and feather pillows.

My grandmother on my mother's side told me a lot of stories 'bout haints and how people run from 'em. Dey told me 'bout slaves dat had been killed by dere marster's coming back and worryin' 'em. Ole Missus Penny Williams, before Jackson May bought mother, treated some of de slaves mighty bad. She died an' den come back an' nearly scared de slaves to death. Grandmother told all we chillun she seed her an' knowed her after she been dead an' come back.

My grandmother on my mom's side told me a lot of stories about ghosts and how people ran from them. She told me about slaves who had been killed by their masters coming back and haunting them. Old Miss Penny Williams, before Jackson May bought my mother, treated some of the slaves really badly. She died and then came back and nearly scared the slaves to death. Grandmother told all us kids that she saw her and recognized her after she had died and come back.

John May a slave wus beat to death by Bill Stone an' Oliver May. Oliver May wus Junius May's son. Junius May wus Jackson May's Uncle. John May come back an' wurried both of 'em. Dey could hardly sleep arter dat. Dey said dey could hear him hollerin' an' groanin' most all de time. Dese white men would groan in dere sleep an' tell John to go away. Dey would say, 'Go way John, please go away'. De other slaves wus afraid of 'em cause de ghost of John wurried 'em so bad.

John May, a slave, was beaten to death by Bill Stone and Oliver May. Oliver May was Junius May's son. Junius May was Jackson May's uncle. John May came back and troubled both of them. They could hardly sleep after that. They said they could hear him screaming and groaning almost all the time. These white men would groan in their sleep and tell John to go away. They would say, "Go away, John, please go away." The other slaves were afraid of them because John’s ghost troubled them so much.

I wurked on de farm, cuttin' corn stalks and tendin' to cattle in slavery time. Sometimes I swept de yards. I never got any money for my work and we didn't have any patches. My brothers caught possums, coons and sich things an' we[Pg 47] cooked 'em in our houses. We had no parties but we had quiltin's. We went to the white folks church, Peach Tree Church, six miles from de plantation an' Poplar Springs Church seven miles away. Both were missionary Baptist Churches.

I worked on the farm, cutting corn stalks and taking care of cattle during slavery time. Sometimes I swept the yards. I never got any money for my work, and we didn't have any clothes. My brothers caught possums, raccoons, and things like that, and we[Pg 47] cooked them in our homes. We didn't have any parties, but we had quilting gatherings. We went to the white folks' church, Peach Tree Church, six miles from the plantation, and Poplar Springs Church seven miles away. Both were missionary Baptist Churches.

There were no overseers on Jackson May's plantation. He wouldn't have nary one. Billy Williams didn't have none. Dey had colored slave foremen.

There were no overseers on Jackson May's plantation. He wouldn't have a single one. Billy Williams didn't have any either. They had Black slave foremen.

After wurkin' all day dere wus a task of cotton to be picked an' spun by 'em. Dis wus two onces of cotton. Some of de slaves run away from Bill Williams when Marster Jackson May let him have 'em to work. Dey run away an' come home. Aunt Chaney runned away an' mother run away. Marster Jackson May kept 'em hid cause he say dey wus not treated right. He wouldn't let 'em have 'em back no more.[Pg 48]

After working all day, there was a job of cotton to be picked and spun by them. This was two ounces of cotton. Some of the slaves ran away from Bill Williams when Master Jackson May let him have them to work. They ran away and came home. Aunt Chaney ran away and so did my mother. Master Jackson May kept them hidden because he said they were not treated right. He wouldn’t let them go back anymore.[Pg 48]

I never saw a grown slave whupped or in chains and I never saw a slave sold. Jackson May would not sell a slave. He didn't think it right. He kept 'em together. He had eighty head. He would let other white people have 'em to wurk for 'em sometimes, but he would not sell none of 'em.

I never saw an adult slave being beaten or in chains, and I never witnessed a slave being sold. Jackson May wouldn't sell a slave because he thought it was wrong. He kept them all together. He had eighty of them. He would let other white people have them to work for them sometimes, but he wouldn't sell any of them.

If dey caught a slave wid a book you knowed it meant a whuppin', but de white chillun teached slaves secretey sometimes. Ole man Jake Rice a slave who belonged to John Rice in Nash County wus teached by ole John Rice's son till he had a purty good mount of larnin'.

If they caught a slave with a book, you knew it meant a beating, but the white kids sometimes taught slaves in secret. Old man Jake Rice, a slave who belonged to John Rice in Nash County, was taught by Old John Rice's son until he had quite a bit of learning.

We did not have prayer meeting at marster's plantation or anywhur. Marster would not allow dat.

We didn't have a prayer meeting at the master's plantation or anywhere else. The master wouldn't allow that.

When I wus a child we played de games of three handed reels, 'Old Gray Goose', 'All Little Gal, All Little Gal, All Little Gal remember me'. We took hold of hands an' run round as we sang dis song.

When I was a child, we played the games of three-handed reels, 'Old Gray Goose', 'All Little Gal, All Little Gal, All Little Gal remember me'. We held hands and ran around as we sang this song.

We sang 'Old Dan Tucker'. Git outen de way, ole Dan Tucker, Sixteen Hosses in one stable, one jumped out an' skined his nable an' so on.

We sang 'Old Dan Tucker.' Get out of the way, old Dan Tucker, Sixteen horses in one stable, one jumped out and scratched his belly and so on.

Dr. Mann and Dr. Sid Harris and Dr. Fee Mann and Dr. Mathias looked arter us when we wus sick. Mother and de other grown folks raised herbs dat dey give us too. Chillun took a lot of salts.

Dr. Mann, Dr. Sid Harris, Dr. Fee Mann, and Dr. Mathias took care of us when we were sick. Mom and the other adults grew herbs that they gave us too. Kids took a lot of salts.

Jackson May wus too rich to go to de war. Billy Williams didn't go, too rich too, I reckons. I remember when dey said niggers had to be free. De papers said if dey could not be freedom by good men dere would be freedom by blood. Dey fighted an' kept on fightin' a long time.[Pg 49] Den de Yankees come.

Jackson May was too wealthy to go to war. Billy Williams didn't go either; he was too rich too, I guess. I remember when they said Blacks had to be free. The newspapers said if they couldn't gain freedom through good people, it would come through bloodshed. They fought and kept on fighting for a long time.[Pg 49] Then the Yankees came.

I heard dem beat de drum. Marster tole us we wus free but mother an' father stayed on with Marster. He promised 'em sumptin, but he give 'em nothin'. When de crop wus housed dey left.

I heard them beat the drum. The master told us we were free, but mother and father stayed with the master. He promised them something, but he gave them nothing. When the crop was harvested, they left.

Father and mother went to Hench Stallings plantation and stayed there one year. Then they went to Jim Webbs farm. I don't remember how long they stayed there but round two years. They moved about an' about among the white folks till they died. They never owned any property. They been dead 'bout thirty years.

Father and mother went to Hench Stallings plantation and stayed there for a year. Then they moved to Jim Webb's farm. I don't remember how long they stayed there, but it was around two years. They moved around among the white folks until they died. They never owned any property. They have been dead for about thirty years.

I married Sidney Arrington. He has been dead six years las' September.

I married Sidney Arrington. He has been dead for six years as of last September.

I am unable to do any kind of work. My arm is mighty weak.

I can't do any kind of work. My arm is really weak.

I know slavery wus a bad thing. I don't have to think anything about it. Abraham Lincoln wus the first of us bein' free, I think he wus a man of God. I think Roosevelt is all right man. I belongs to the Pentecostal Holiness Church.

I know slavery was a terrible thing. I don't need to think about it. Abraham Lincoln was the first of us to be free; I believe he was a man of God. I think Roosevelt is an okay man. I belong to the Pentecostal Holiness Church.

AC

AC


[320031]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1426
Subject:Sarah Louise Augustus
Source:Sarah Louise Augustus
Editor:George L. Andrews

SARAH LOUISE AUGUSTUS

Age 80 years 1424 Lane Street Raleigh, North Carolina

I wus born on a plantation near Fayetteville, N.C., and I belonged to J. B. Smith. His wife wus named Henrietta. He owned about thirty slaves. When a slave was no good he wus put on the auction block in Fayetteville and sold.

I was born on a plantation near Fayetteville, N.C., and I belonged to J. B. Smith. His wife was named Henrietta. He owned about thirty slaves. When a slave wasn't useful, they were put on the auction block in Fayetteville and sold.

My father wus named Romeo Harden and my mother wus named Alice Smith. The little cabin where I wus born is still standing.

My father was named Romeo Harden and my mother was named Alice Smith. The small cabin where I was born is still standing.

There wus seven children in marster's family, four girls and two boys. The girls wus named Ellen, Ida, Mary and Elizabeth. The boys wus named Harry, Norman and Marse George. Marse George went to the war. Mother had a family of four girls. Their names wus: Mary, Kate, Hannah and myself, Sarah Louise. I am the only one living and I would not be living but I have spent most of my life in white folk's houses and they have looked after me. I respected myself and they respected me.

There were seven kids in the master's family: four girls and two boys. The girls were named Ellen, Ida, Mary, and Elizabeth. The boys were called Harry, Norman, and Marse George. Marse George went to war. My mother had four daughters. Their names were Mary, Kate, Hannah, and me, Sarah Louise. I'm the only one still alive, and I wouldn't be if I hadn't spent most of my life in white people's homes, where they took care of me. I respected myself, and they respected me.

My first days of slavery wus hard. I slept on a pallet on the floor of the cabin and just as soon as I wus[Pg 52] able to work any at all I wus put to milking cows.

My first days of slavery were tough. I slept on a thin mat on the floor of the cabin, and as soon as I was able to work at all, I was put to milking cows.

I have seen the paterollers hunting men and have seen men they had whipped. The slave block stood in the center of the street, Fayetteville Street, where Ramsey and Gillespie Street came in near Cool Springs Street. The silk mill stood just below the slave market. I saw the silkworms that made the silk and saw them gather the cocoons and spin the silk.

I have seen the patrols chasing after men and have seen guys they had whipped. The slave block was right in the middle of Fayetteville Street, where Ramsey and Gillespie Street met near Cool Springs Street. The silk mill was just down from the slave market. I saw the silkworms that produced the silk and watched as they gathered the cocoons and spun the silk.

They hung people in the middle of Ramsey Street. They put up a gallows and hung the men exactly at 12 o'clock.

They hanged people in the middle of Ramsey Street. They set up a gallows and executed the men right at noon.

I ran away from the plantation once to go with some white children to see a man hung.

I once ran away from the plantation to go with some white kids to see a man get hanged.

The only boats I remember on the Cape Fear wus the Governor Worth, The Hurt, The Iser and The North State. Oh! Lord yes, I remember the stage coach. As many times as I run to carry the mail to them when they come by! They blew a horn before they got there and you had to be on time 'cause they could not wait. There wus a stage each way each day, one up and one down.

The only boats I remember on the Cape Fear were the Governor Worth, The Hurt, The Iser, and The North State. Oh! Lord yes, I remember the stagecoach. I ran many times to deliver the mail when they came by! They would blow a horn before they arrived, and you had to be on time because they couldn’t wait. There was one stage each way every day, one going up and one going down.

Mr. George Lander had the first Tombstone Marble yard in Fayetteville on Hay Street on the point of Flat Iron place. Lander wus from Scotland. They gave me a pot,[Pg 53] a scarf, and his sister gave me some shells. I have all the things they gave me. My missus, Henrietta Smith, wus Mr. Lander's sister. I waited on the Landers part of the time. They were hard working white folks, honest, God fearing people. The things they gave me were brought from over the sea.

Mr. George Lander had the first Tombstone Marble yard in Fayetteville on Hay Street at the Flat Iron place. Lander was from Scotland. They gave me a pot,[Pg 53], a scarf, and his sister gave me some shells. I still have all the things they gave me. My wife, Henrietta Smith, was Mr. Lander's sister. I worked for the Landers part of the time. They were hard-working white folks, honest, and God-fearing people. The things they gave me were brought from overseas.

I can remember when there wus no hospital in Fayetteville. There wus a little place near the depot where there wus a board shanty where they operated on people. I stood outside once and saw the doctors take a man's leg off. Dr. McDuffy wus the man who took the leg off. He lived on Hay Street near the Silk Mill.

I can remember when there was no hospital in Fayetteville. There was a small place near the depot with a board shack where they operated on people. I stood outside once and saw the doctors take a man's leg off. Dr. McDuffy was the one who did the surgery. He lived on Hay Street near the Silk Mill.

When one of the white folks died they sent slaves around to the homes of their friends and neighbors with a large sheet of paper with a piece of black crepe pinned to the top of it. The friends would sign or make a cross mark on it. The funerals were held at the homes and friends and neighbors stood on the porch and in the house while the services were going on. The bodies were carried to the grave after the services in a black hearse drawn by black horses. If they did not have black horses to draw the hearse they went off and borrowed them. The colored people[Pg 54] washed and shrouded the dead bodies. My grandmother wus one who did this. Her name wus Sarah McDonald. She belonged to Capt. George McDonald. She had fifteen children and lived to be one hundred and ten years old. She died in Fayetteville of pneumonia. She wus in Raleigh nursing the Briggs family, Mrs. F. H. Briggs' family. She wus going home to Fayetteville when she wus caught in a rain storm at Sanford, while changing trains. The train for Fayetteville had left as the train for Sanford wus late so she stayed wet all night. Next day she went home, took pneumonia and died. She wus great on curing rheumatism; she did it with herbs. She grew hops and other herbs and cured many people of this disease.

When one of the white folks passed away, they sent slaves around to the homes of their friends and neighbors with a large sheet of paper that had a piece of black crepe pinned to the top. The friends would sign it or make a cross mark on it. The funerals were held at their homes, and friends and neighbors stood on the porch and inside the house while the services took place. The bodies were taken to the grave after the services in a black hearse pulled by black horses. If they didn’t have black horses to pull the hearse, they would go borrow some. The colored people[Pg 54] washed and prepared the dead bodies. My grandmother was one of those who did this. Her name was Sarah McDonald. She belonged to Capt. George McDonald. She had fifteen children and lived to be one hundred and ten years old. She died in Fayetteville from pneumonia. She was in Raleigh taking care of the Briggs family, Mrs. F. H. Briggs' family. She was on her way back to Fayetteville when she got caught in a rainstorm in Sanford while changing trains. The train for Fayetteville had already left since the train for Sanford was late, so she stayed wet all night. The next day she went home, caught pneumonia, and passed away. She was great at curing rheumatism; she did it with herbs. She grew hops and other herbs and helped many people recover from this disease.

She wus called black mammy because she wet nursed so many white children. In slavery time she nursed all babies hatched on her marster's plantation and kept it up after the war as long as she had children.

She was called Black Mammy because she wet-nursed so many white children. During slavery, she took care of all the babies born on her master's plantation and continued to do so after the war as long as she had kids.

Grandfather wus named Isaac Fuller. Mrs. Mary Ann Fuller, Kate Fuller, Mr. Will Fuller, who wus a lawyer in Wall Street, New York, is some of their white folks. The Fullers were born in Fayetteville. One of the slaves, Dick McAlister, worked, saved a small fortune and left it[Pg 55] to Mr. Will Fuller. People thought the slave ought to have left it to his sister but he left it to Mr. Will. Mr. Fuller gives part of it to the ex-slaves sister each year. Mr. Will always helped the Negroes out when he could. He was good to Dick and Dick McAlister gave him all his belongings when he died.

Grandfather was named Isaac Fuller. Mrs. Mary Ann Fuller, Kate Fuller, and Mr. Will Fuller, who was a lawyer on Wall Street, New York, are some of their white relatives. The Fullers were born in Fayetteville. One of the slaves, Dick McAlister, worked hard, saved a small fortune, and left it[Pg 55] to Mr. Will Fuller. People thought the slave should have left it to his sister, but he chose to leave it to Mr. Will. Mr. Fuller gives part of it to the ex-slave's sister each year. Mr. Will always helped the Black community when he could. He was kind to Dick, and Dick McAlister gave him all his belongings when he passed away.

The Yankees came through Fayetteville wearing large blue coats with capes on them. Lots of them were mounted, and there were thousands of foot soldiers. It took them several days to get through town. The Southern soldiers retreated and then in a few hours the Yankees covered the town. They busted into the smokehouse at marstar's, took the meat, meal and other provisions. Grandmother pled with the Yankees but it did no good. They took all they wanted. They said if they had to come again they would take the babies from the cradles. They told us we were all free. The Negroes begun visiting each other in the cabins and became so excited they began to shout and pray. I thought they were all crazy.

The Yankees marched through Fayetteville wearing big blue coats with capes. Many were on horseback, and there were thousands of infantry soldiers. It took them several days to pass through the town. The Southern soldiers fell back, and within a few hours, the Yankees occupied the town. They broke into the smokehouse at Marstar's, taking the meat, cornmeal, and other supplies. Grandmother begged the Yankees, but it didn’t make any difference. They took whatever they wanted. They said that if they had to come back, they would take the babies from their cribs. They told us we were all free. The Black people started visiting each other in the cabins, and they got so excited that they began to shout and pray. I thought they were all acting crazy.

We stayed right on with marster. He had a town house and a big house on the plantation. I went to the town house to work, but mother and grandmother stayed on[Pg 56] the plantation. My mother died there and the white folks buried her. Father stayed right on and helped run the farm until he died. My uncle, Elic Smith, and his family stayed too. Grandfather and grandmother after a few years left the plantation and went to live on a little place which Mrs. Mary Ann Fuller gave them. Grandmother and grandfather died there.

We stayed right with the boss. He had a town house and a large house on the plantation. I went to the town house to work, but my mother and grandmother stayed on[Pg 56] the plantation. My mother died there, and the white folks buried her. My father stuck around and helped run the farm until he died. My uncle, Elic Smith, and his family stayed too. After a few years, my grandparents left the plantation and moved to a small place that Mrs. Mary Ann Fuller gave them. My grandmother and grandfather died there.

I wus thirty years old when I married. I wus married in my missus' graduating dress. I wus married in the white folks' church, to James Henry Harris. The white folks carried me there and gave me away. Miss Mary Smith gave me away. The wedding wus attended mostly by white folks.

I was thirty years old when I got married. I wore my wife’s graduation dress for the ceremony. The wedding took place in a white church, and I married James Henry Harris. White people took me there and gave me away. Miss Mary Smith was the one who gave me away. Most of the guests at the wedding were white.

My husband wus a fireman on the Cape Fear river boats and a white man's Negro too. We had two children, both died while little. My husband and I spent much of our time with the white folks and when he wus on his runs I slept in their homes. Often the children of the white families slept with me. We both tried to live up to the standards of decency and honesty and to be worthy of the confidence placed in us by our white folks.

My husband was a firefighter on the Cape Fear riverboats and he was also a black man working for white families. We had two kids, but both of them died when they were young. My husband and I spent a lot of our time with white families, and when he was on his runs, I would sleep in their homes. Often, the children of those families would sleep with me. We both tried to live up to the standards of decency and honesty and to be worthy of the trust placed in us by the white families.

My husband wus finally offered a job with a shipping concern in Deleware and we moved there. He wus fireman on[Pg 57] the freighter Wilmington. He worked there three years, when he wus drowned. After his death I married David Augustus and immediately came back to North Carolina and my white folks, and we have been here ever since. I am a member of several Negro Lodges and am on the Committee for the North Carolina Colored State Fair.

My husband was finally offered a job with a shipping company in Delaware, and we moved there. He was a fireman on the freighter Wilmington. He worked there for three years before he drowned. After his death, I married David Augustus and immediately returned to North Carolina to be with my family, and we have been here ever since. I am a member of several African American lodges and serve on the Committee for the North Carolina Colored State Fair.

There are only a few of the old white folks who have always been good to me living now, but I am still working with their offspring, among whom I have some mighty dear friends. I wus about eight years old when Sherman's Army came through. Guess I am about eighty years of age now.

There are only a few of the old white people who have always treated me well still around, but I am still working with their kids, among whom I have some really dear friends. I was about eight years old when Sherman's Army passed through. I guess I'm around eighty years old now.

AC

AC


[320261]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:908
Subject:A Slave Story
Story Teller:Charity Austin
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 26 1937"

CHARITY AUSTIN

507 South Bloodworth Street, Raleigh, N.C.

I wus borned in the year 1852, July 27. I wus born in Granville County, sold to a slave speculator at ten years old and carried to Southwest, Georgia. I belonged to Samuel Howard. His daughter took me to Kinston, North Carolina and I stayed there until I wus sold. She married a man named Bill Brown, and her name wus Julia Howard Brown. My father wus named Paul Howard and my mother wus named Chollie Howard. My old missus wus named Polly Howard.

I was born in the year 1852, on July 27. I was born in Granville County and sold to a slave trader when I was ten years old, then taken to Southwest Georgia. I belonged to Samuel Howard. His daughter took me to Kinston, North Carolina, and I stayed there until I was sold. She married a man named Bill Brown, and her name was Julia Howard Brown. My father's name was Paul Howard, and my mother's name was Chollie Howard. My former mistress was named Polly Howard.

John Richard Keine from Danville, Virginia bought me and sent me to a plantation in Georgia. We only had a white overseer there. He and his wife and children lived on the plantation. We had slave quarters there. Slaves were bought up and sent there in chains. Some were chained to each other by the legs, some by the arms. They called the leg chains shackles. I have lived a hard life. I have seen mothers sold away from their babies and other children, and they cryin' when she left. I have seen husbands sold from their wives, and wives sold from their husbands.

John Richard Keine from Danville, Virginia, bought me and sent me to a plantation in Georgia. We only had a white overseer there. He, his wife, and their kids lived on the plantation. We stayed in slave quarters. Slaves were brought in and sent there in chains. Some were chained together by the legs, others by the arms. They referred to the leg chains as shackles. I've lived a difficult life. I've seen mothers sold away from their babies and other children, and they were crying when she left. I've seen husbands sold from their wives and wives sold from their husbands.

Abraham Lincoln came through once, but none of us knew who he wus. He wus just the raggedest man you ever saw.[Pg 60] The white children and me saw him out at the railroad. We were settin' and waitin' to see him. He said he wus huntin' his people; and dat he had lost all he had. Dey give him somethin' to eat and tobacco to chew, and he went on. Soon we heard he wus in de White House then we knew who it wus come through. We knowed den it wus Abraham Lincoln.

Abraham Lincoln came through once, but none of us knew who he was. He was just the raggediest man you ever saw.[Pg 60] The white kids and I saw him by the railroad. We were sitting and waiting to see him. He said he was looking for his people and that he had lost everything he had. They gave him something to eat and some tobacco to chew, and he moved on. Soon we heard he was in the White House, and then we knew who it was that came through. We realized then it was Abraham Lincoln.

We children stole eggs and sold 'em durin' slavery. Some of de white men bought 'em. They were Irishmen and they would not tell on us. Their names were Mulligan, Flanagan and Dugan. They wore good clothes and were funny mens. They called guns flutes.

We kids stole eggs and sold them during slavery. Some of the white men bought them. They were Irishmen and wouldn’t snitch on us. Their names were Mulligan, Flanagan, and Dugan. They wore nice clothes and were funny guys. They called guns flutes.

Boss tole us Abraham Lincoln wus dead and we were still slaves. Our boss man bought black cloth and made us wear it for mourning for Abraham Lincoln and tole us that there would not be freedom. We stayed there another year after freedom. A lot o' de niggers knowed nothin' 'cept what missus and marster tole us. What dey said wus just de same as de Lawd had spoken to us.

Boss told us Abraham Lincoln was dead and we were still slaves. Our boss bought black cloth and made us wear it for mourning for Abraham Lincoln and told us that there would not be freedom. We stayed there another year after freedom. A lot of the Black folks knew nothing except what the missus and master told us. What they said was just the same as if the Lord had spoken to us.

Just after de surrender a nigger woman who wus bad, wus choppin' cotton at out plantation in Georgie. John Woodfox wus de main overseer and his son-in-law wus a overseer. Dey had a colored man who dey called a nigger driver. De nigger driver tole de overseer de woman wus bad. De overseer came to her, snatched de hoe from her and hit her. The[Pg 61] blow killed her. He was reported to de Freedman's Bureau. Dey came, whupped de overseer and put him in jail. Dey decided not to kill him, but made him furnish de children of de dead woman so much to live on. Dere wus a hundred or more niggers in de field when this murder happened.

Just after the surrender, a Black woman who was rebellious was chopping cotton at our plantation in Georgia. John Woodfox was the main overseer, and his son-in-law was also an overseer. They had a Black man they called a driver. The driver told the overseer that the woman was acting out. The overseer approached her, took the hoe from her, and hit her. The[Pg 61] blow killed her. He was reported to the Freedman's Bureau. They came, punished the overseer, and put him in jail. They decided not to kill him but made him provide support for the children of the deceased woman. There were a hundred or more Black workers in the field when this murder occurred.

We finally found out we were free and left. Dey let me stay with Miss Julia Brown. I was hired to her. She lived in Dooley County, Georgia. I next worked with Mrs. Dunbar after staying with Mrs. Brown four years. Her name wus Mrs. Winnie Dunbar and she moved to Columbia, South Carolina takin' me with her. I stayed with her about four years. This wus the end of my maiden life. I married Isaac Austin of Richmond County, Georgia. He wus a native of Warrenton County and he brought me from his home in Richmond County, Georgia to Warrenton and then from Warrenton to Raleigh. I had two brothers and thirteen sisters. I did general house work, and helped raise children during slavery, and right after de war. Then you had to depend on yourself to do for children. You had to doctor and care for them yourself. You just had to depend on yourself.

We finally found out we were free and left. They let me stay with Miss Julia Brown. I was hired by her. She lived in Dooley County, Georgia. Next, I worked with Mrs. Dunbar after staying with Mrs. Brown for four years. Her name was Mrs. Winnie Dunbar, and she moved to Columbia, South Carolina, taking me with her. I stayed with her for about four years. This was the end of my maiden life. I married Isaac Austin from Richmond County, Georgia. He was originally from Warrenton County, and he took me from his home in Richmond County, Georgia, to Warrenton, and then from Warrenton to Raleigh. I had two brothers and thirteen sisters. I did general housework and helped raise children during slavery and right after the war. After that, you had to rely on yourself to care for the children. You had to doctor and take care of them yourself. You just had to depend on yourself.

Dey had 320 acres o' cleared fields in Georgia and then de rice fields, I just don't know how many acres. I have seen jails for slaves. Dey had a basement for a jail in Georgia and a guard at de holes in it.[Pg 62]

Dey had 320 acres of cleared fields in Georgia and then the rice fields; I just don't know how many acres. I've seen jails for slaves. They had a basement jail in Georgia and a guard at the openings in it.[Pg 62]

No, No! you better not be caught tryin' to do somethin' wid a book. Dey would teach you wid a stick or switch. De slaves had secret prayer meetin's wid pots turned down to kill de soun' o' de singin'. We sang a song, 'I am glad salvation's free.' Once dey heard us, nex' mornin' dey took us and tore our backs to pieces. Dey would say, 'Are you free? What were you singin' about freedom?' While de niggers were bein' whupped they said, 'Pray, marster, pray.'

No, no! You better not get caught trying to do something with a book. They would punish you with a stick or a switch. The slaves had secret prayer meetings with pots turned upside down to muffle the sound of singing. We sang a song, "I'm glad salvation's free." Once they heard us, the next morning they took us and whipped us badly. They would ask, "Are you free? What were you singing about freedom?" While the Black people were being beaten, they said, "Pray, master, pray."

The doctor came to see us sometimes when we were sick, but not after. People just had to do their own doctorin'. Sometimes a man would take his patient, and sit by de road where de doctor travelled, and when he come along he would see him. De doctor rode in a sully drawn by a horse. He had a route, one doctor to two territories.

The doctor would sometimes visit us when we were sick, but not afterward. People just had to take care of their own health. Sometimes, a person would take their patient and wait by the road where the doctor passed by, so when he came along, he would see them. The doctor rode in a small carriage pulled by a horse. He had a specific route, one doctor for two areas.

When de white folks were preparing to go to de war they had big dinners and speakin'. Dey tole what dey were goin' to do to Sherman and Grant. A lot of such men as Grant and Sherman and Lincoln came through de South in rags and were at some o' dese meetings, an' et de dinners. When de white folks foun' it out, dere wus some sick folks. Sometimes we got two days Christmas and two days July. When de nigger wus freed dey didn't know where to go and what to do. It wus hard, but it has been hard since. From what de white folks, marster and missus tole us we thought Lincoln wus terrible. By what mother and father tole me I thought he wus all right. I think Roosevelt wus put in by God to do the right things.

When the white folks were preparing to go to war, they held big dinners and gave speeches. They talked about what they were going to do to Sherman and Grant. Many men like Grant, Sherman, and Lincoln came through the South in rags and attended some of these meetings, and ate the dinners. When the white folks found out, there were some sick people. Sometimes we got two days off for Christmas and two days off for July. When the Black people were freed, they didn’t know where to go or what to do. It was hard, but it’s been hard ever since. From what the white folks, master and mistress told us, we thought Lincoln was terrible. From what my mother and father told me, I thought he was all right. I believe Roosevelt was put in by God to do the right things.

EH

EH


[320012]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:367
Subject:BLOUNT BAKER
Person Interviewed:Blount Baker
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"SEP 10 1937"

BLOUNT BAKER

An interview with Blount Baker, 106 Spruce Street, Wilson, North Carolina.

Yes'um, I 'longed ter Marse Henry Allen of Wilson County an' we always raise terbacker. Marse Henry wus good ter us so we had a heap of prayer meetin's an' corn shuckin's an' such.

Yes, I belonged to Marse Henry Allen from Wilson County, and we always grew tobacco. Marse Henry was good to us, so we had a lot of prayer meetings and corn shuckings and things like that.

I 'members de big meetin's dat we'd have in de summer time an' dat good singin' we'd have when we'd be singin' de sinners through. We'd stay pretty nigh all night to make a sinner come through, an' maybe de week atter de meetin' he'd steal one of his marster's hogs. Yes'um, I'se had a bad time.

I remember the big meetings we'd have in the summer and the great singing when we'd be singing the sinners through. We'd stay nearly all night to help a sinner come through, and maybe the week after the meeting, he'd steal one of his master's pigs. Yeah, I've had a tough time.

You know, missy, dar ain't no use puttin' faith in nobody, dey'd fool you ever time anyhow. I know once a patteroller tol' me dat iffen I'd give him a belt I found dat he'd let me go by ter see my gal dat night, but when he kotch me dat night he whupped me. I tol' Marse Henry on him too so Marse Henry takes de belt away from him an' gives me a possum fer hit. Dat possum shore wus good too, baked in de ashes like I done it.

You know, kid, there’s no point in trusting anyone; they’ll just trick you every time. I remember once a patroller told me that if I gave him a belt I found, he’d let me go see my girl that night, but when he caught me that night, he beat me up. I told Marse Henry about him too, so Marse Henry took the belt away from him and gave me a possum for it. That possum was really good too, baked in the ashes just the way I like it.

I ain't never hear Marse Henry cuss but once an' dat wus de time dat some gentlemens come ter de house an' sez dat dar am a war 'twixt de north an' de south. He sez den, 'Let de damn yaller bellied Yankees come on an' we'll give 'em hell an' sen' dem a-hoppin' back ter de north in a hurry.'[Pg 65]

I’ve only heard Marse Henry curse once, and that was when some gentlemen came to the house and said there was a war between the North and the South. He then said, 'Let those damn yellow-bellied Yankees come on, and we’ll show them hell and send them hopping back to the North in a hurry.'[Pg 65]

We ain't seed no Yankees 'cept a few huntin' Rebs. Dey talk mean ter us an' one of dem says dat we niggers am de cause of de war. 'Sir,' I sez, 'folks what am a wantin' a war can always find a cause'. He kicks me in de seat of de pants fer dat, so I hushes.

We haven't seen any Yankees except for a few hunting Rebels. They talk tough to us and one of them says that we Black people are the reason for the war. 'Sir,' I say, 'people who want a war can always find a reason.' He kicks me in the butt for that, so I quiet down.

I stayed wid Marse Henry till he died den I moved ter Wilson. I has worked everwhere, terbacker warehouses an' ever'thing. I'se gittin' of my ole age pension right away an' den de county won't have ter support me no mo', dat is if dey have been supportin' me on three dollars a month.

I stayed with Marse Henry until he died, then I moved to Wilson. I've worked everywhere, tobacco warehouses and all that. I'm about to get my old age pension soon, and then the county won't have to support me anymore, that is if they have been supporting me with three dollars a month.

LE

LE


[320244]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:745
Subject:LIZZIE BAKER
Person Interviewed:Lizzie Baker
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

LIZZIE BAKER

424 Smith Street

I was born de las' year o' de surrender an'course I don't remember seein' any Yankee soldiers, but I knows a plenty my mother and father tole me. I have neuritis, an' have been unable to work any fer a year and fer seven years I couldn't do much.

I was born the last year of the surrender, and of course I don't remember seeing any Yankee soldiers, but I know a lot from what my mother and father told me. I have neuritis and have been unable to work for a year, and for seven years I couldn't do much.

My mother wus named Teeny McIntire and my father William McIntire. Mammy belonged to Bryant Newkirk in Duplin County. Pap belonged to someone else, I don't know who.

My mother was named Teeny McIntire and my father William McIntire. Mom belonged to Bryant Newkirk in Duplin County. Dad belonged to someone else; I don’t know who.

Dey said dey worked from light till dark, and pap said dey beat him so bad he run away a lot o' times. Dey said de paterollers come to whare dey wus havin' prayer meetin' and beat 'em.

Dey said they worked from sunrise to sunset, and Dad said they beat him so badly he ran away a lot of times. They said the patrollers came to where they were having prayer meetings and beat them.

Mammy said sometimes dey were fed well and others dey almost starved. Dey got biscuit once a week on Sunday. Dey said dey went to de white folks's church. Dey said de preachers tole 'em dey had to obey dere missus and marster. My mammy said she didn't go to no dances 'cause she wus crippled. Some o' de help, a colored woman, stole something when she wus hongry. She put it off on mother and missus made mother wear trousers for a year to[Pg 68] punish her.

Mammy said sometimes they were fed well and other times they almost starved. They got biscuits once a week on Sunday. They said they went to the white folks' church. They said the preachers told them they had to obey their missus and master. My mammy said she didn't go to any dances because she was disabled. Some of the help, a Black woman, stole something when she was hungry. She blamed it on my mother, and missus made my mother wear trousers for a year to[Pg 68] punish her.

Mammy said dey gave de slaves on de plantation one day Christmas and dat New Years wus when dey sold 'em an' hired 'em out. All de slaves wus scared 'cause dey didn't know who would have to go off to be sold or to work in a strange place. Pap tole me 'bout livin' in de woods and 'bout dey ketchin' him. I 'member his owner's name den, it wus Stanley. He run away so bad dey sold him several times. Pap said one time dey caught him and nearly beat him to death, and jest as soon as he got well and got a good chance he ran away again.

Mammy said they gave the slaves on the plantation one day for Christmas and that New Year’s was when they sold and hired them out. All the slaves were scared because they didn’t know who would have to go off to be sold or work in a strange place. Dad told me about living in the woods and how they caught him. I remember his owner’s name then; it was Stanley. He ran away so many times they sold him several times. Dad said one time they caught him and nearly beat him to death, and just as soon as he got better and had a good chance, he ran away again.

Mammy said when de Yankees come through she wus 'fraid of 'em. De Yankees tole her not to be 'fraid of 'em. Dey say to her, 'Do dey treat you right', Mammy said 'Yes sir', 'cause ole missus wus standin' dere, an' she wus 'fraid not to say yes. Atter de war, de fust year atter de surrender dey moved to James Alderman's place in Duplin County and stayed dere till I wus a grown gal.

Mammy said when the Yankees came through she was afraid of them. The Yankees told her not to be afraid of them. They asked her, 'Do they treat you right?' Mammy said 'Yes sir,' because the old missus was standing there, and she was afraid not to say yes. After the war, the first year after the surrender, they moved to James Alderman's place in Duplin County and stayed there until I was a grown girl.

Den we moved to Goldsboro. Father wus a carpenter and he got a lot of dat work. Dat's what he done in Goldsboro. We come from Goldsboro to Raleigh and we have lived here every since. We moved here about de year o' de shake and my mother died right here in Raleigh de year o' de shake. Some of de things mother tole me 'bout slavery, has gone right out of my min'. Jes comes and goes.[Pg 69]

Then we moved to Goldsboro. My father was a carpenter, and he found plenty of work there. That's what he did in Goldsboro. We moved from Goldsboro to Raleigh, and we have lived here ever since. We came here around the year of the earthquake, and my mother died right here in Raleigh the year of the earthquake. Some of the things my mother told me about slavery have completely slipped my mind. They just come and go.[Pg 69]

I remember pap tellin' me' bout stretchin' vines acrost roads and paths to knock de patterollers off deir horses when dey were tryin' to ketch slaves. Pap and mammy tole me marster and missus did not 'low any of de slaves to have a book in deir house. Dat if dey caught a slave wid a book in deir house dey whupped 'em. Dey were keerful not to let 'em learn readin' and writin'.

I remember my dad telling me about stretching vines across roads and paths to trip the patrollers off their horses when they were trying to catch slaves. My mom and dad told me that the master and mistress didn’t allow any of the slaves to have a book in their house. If they caught a slave with a book, they would whip them. They were careful not to let them learn to read and write.

Dey sold my sister Lucy and my brother Fred in slavery time, an' I have never seen 'em in my life. Mother would cry when she was tellin' me 'bout it. She never seen 'em anymore. I jes' couldn't bear to hear her tell it widout cryin'. Dey were carried to Richmond, an' sold by old marster when dey were chillun.

Dey sold my sister Lucy and my brother Fred during slavery, and I’ve never seen them in my life. Mom would cry when she told me about it. She never saw them again. I just couldn't stand to hear her talk about it without crying. They were taken to Richmond and sold by the old master when they were kids.

We tried to get some news of brother and sister. Mother kept 'quiring 'bout 'em as long as she lived and I have hoped dat I could hear from 'em. Dey are dead long ago I recons, and I guess dare aint no use ever expectin' to see 'em. Slavery wus bad and Mr. Lincoln did a good thing when he freed de niggers. I caint express my love for Roosevelt. He has saved so many lives. I think he has saved mine. I want to see him face to face. I purely love him and I feel I could do better to see him and tell him so face to face.

We tried to get some news about my brother and sister. Mom kept asking about them as long as she lived, and I had hoped that I could hear from them. They’ve been gone for a long time, I suppose, and I guess there’s no point in expecting to see them again. Slavery was terrible, and Mr. Lincoln did a great thing when he freed the Black people. I can’t express how much I love Roosevelt. He has saved so many lives. I think he has saved mine. I want to meet him in person. I truly love him, and I feel I could express that better to him face to face.

LE

LE


[320182]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:339
Subject:VINEY BAKER
Person Interviewed:Viney Baker
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

VINEY BAKER

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Viney Baker 78 of S. Harrington Street, Raleigh.

My mammy wuz Hannah Murry an' so fur as I know I ain't got no father, do' I reckon dat he wuz de plantation stock nigger. I wuz borned in Virginia as yo' mought say ter my marster Mr. S. L. Allen.

My mom was Hannah Murry and as far as I know, I don’t have a father, although I guess he was from the plantation stock. I was born in Virginia, as you might say to my master Mr. S. L. Allen.

We moved when I wuz little ter Durham County whar we fared bad. We ain't had nothin' much ter eat an' ter w'ar. He had a hundert slaves an' I reckon five hundert acres o' lan'. He made us wuck hard, de little ones included.

We moved when I was little to Durham County where we struggled. We didn't have much to eat or wear. He had a hundred slaves and I guess five hundred acres of land. He made us work hard, even the little ones included.

One night I lay down on de straw mattress wid my mammy, an' de nex' mo'nin' I woked up an' she wuz gone. When I axed 'bout her I fin's dat a speculator comed dar de night before an' wanted ter buy a 'oman. Dey had come an' got my mammy widout wakin' me up. I has always been glad somehow dat I wuz asleep.

One night I lay down on the straw mattress with my mom, and the next morning I woke up and she was gone. When I asked about her, I found out that a buyer had come the night before and wanted to purchase a woman. They had taken my mom without waking me up. I've always felt grateful in a way that I was asleep.

Dey uster tie me ter a tree an' beat me till de blood run down my back, I doan 'member nothin' dat I done,[Pg 72] I jist 'members de whuppin's. Some of de rest wuz beat wuser dan I wuz too, an' I uster scream dat I wuz sho' dyin'.

Dey used to tie me to a tree and beat me until the blood ran down my back. I don’t remember anything I did; I just remember the beatings. Some of the others were beaten worse than I was, and I used to scream that I was surely dying.[Pg 72]

Yes'um I seed de Yankees go by, but dey ain't bodder us none, case dey knows dat 'hind eber' bush jist about a Confederate soldier pints a gun.

Yes, I saw the Yankees go by, but they don't bother us at all, because they know that behind every bush there's likely a Confederate soldier aiming a gun.

I warn't glad at de surrender, case I doan understand hit, an' de Allen's keeps me right on, an' whups me wuser den dan eber.

I wasn't happy about the surrender because I don't understand it, and the Allens keep pushing me on and beat me worse than ever.

I reckon I wuz twelve years old when my mammy come ter de house an' axes Mis' Allen ter let me go spen' de week en' wid her. Mis' Allen can't say no, case Mammy mought go ter de carpet baggers so she lets me go fer de week-en'. Mammy laughs Sunday when I says somethin' 'bout goin' back. Naw, I stayed on wid my mammy, an' I ain't seed Mis' Allen no mo'.

I think I was twelve when my mom came to the house and asked Ms. Allen to let me spend the week with her. Ms. Allen can't say no because my mom might go to the carpetbaggers, so she lets me stay for the week. My mom laughs on Sunday when I mention going back. Nope, I stayed with my mom, and I haven't seen Ms. Allen since.

AC

AC


[320151]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:733
Subject:EX-SLAVE STORY
Person Interviewed:Charlie Barbour
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 7 1937"

A (circled)

A (circled)

EX-SLAVE STORY

An interview on May 20, 1937 with Charlie Barbour, 86 of Smithfield, N.C. Johnston County.

I belonged ter Mr. Bob Lumsford hyar in Smithfield from de time of my birth. My mammy wuz named Candice an' my pappy's name wuz Seth. My brothers wuz Rufus, William an' George, an' my sisters wuz Mary an' Laura.

I belonged to Mr. Bob Lumsford here in Smithfield from the time I was born. My mom was named Candice, and my dad's name was Seth. My brothers were Rufus, William, and George, and my sisters were Mary and Laura.

I 'minds me of de days when as a youngin' I played marbles an' hide an' seek. Dar wuzn't many games den, case nobody ain't had no time fer 'em. De grown folkses had dances an' sometimes co'n shuckin's, an' de little niggers patted dere feets at de dances an' dey he'p ter shuck de co'n. At Christmas we had a big dinner, an' from den through New Year's Day we feast, an' we dance, an' we sing. De fust one what said Christmas gift ter anybody else got a gif', so of cou'se we all try ter ketch de marster.

I'm reminded of the days when, as a kid, I played marbles and hide and seek. There weren't many games back then, because nobody really had time for them. The adults had dances and sometimes corn shucking, and the little ones would tap their feet at the dances and help with shucking the corn. At Christmas, we had a big dinner, and from then through New Year’s Day, we feasted, danced, and sang. The first one who said "Christmas gift" to anyone else got a gift, so of course we all tried to catch the master.

On de night 'fore de first day of Jinuary we had a dance what lasts all night. At midnight when de New Year comes in marster makes a speech an' we is happy dat he thanks us fer our year's wuck an' says dat we is good, smart slaves.

On the night before the first day of January, we had a dance that lasted all night. At midnight, when the New Year arrived, the master made a speech and we were happy that he thanked us for our year's work and said that we were good, smart slaves.

Marster wucked his niggers from daylight till dark, an'[Pg 75] his thirteen grown slaves had ter ten' 'bout three hundred acres o' land. Course dey mostly planted co'n, peas an' vege'ables.

Marster worked his fields from dawn to dusk, and his thirteen adult slaves had to tend to about three hundred acres of land. Of course, they mostly planted corn, peas, and vegetables.

I can 'member, do' I wuz small, dat de slaves wuz whupped fer disobeyin' an' I can think of seberal dat I got. I wuz doin' housewuck at de time an' one of de silber knives got misplaced. Dey 'cused me of misplacin' it on purpose, so I got de wust beatin' dat I eber had. I wuz beat den till de hide wuz busted hyar an' dar.

I can remember when I was small, that the slaves were whipped for disobeying, and I can think of several times I got in trouble. I was doing housework at the time, and one of the silver knives got misplaced. They accused me of misplacing it on purpose, so I got the worst beating I ever had. I was beaten until my skin was broken here and there.

We little ones had some time ter go swimmin' an' we did; we also fished, an' at night we hunted de possum an' de coon sometimes. Ole Uncle Jeems had some houn's what would run possums or coons an' he uster take we boys 'long wid him.

We kids had some time to go swimming, and we did; we also fished, and at night we sometimes hunted possums and raccoons. Old Uncle Jeems had some hounds that would chase possums or raccoons, and he used to take us boys along with him.

I 'members onct de houn's struck a trail an' dey tree de coon. Uncle Jeems sen's Joe, who wuz bigger den I wuz, up de tree ter ketch de coon an' he warns him dat coons am fightin' fellers. Joe doan pay much mind he am so happy ter git der chanct ter ketch de coon, but when he ketched dat coon he couldn't turn loose, an' from de way he holler yo' would s'pose dat he ain't neber wanted ter ketch a coon. When Joe Barbour wuz buried hyar las' winter dem coon marks wuz still strong on his arms an' han's an' dar wuz de long scar on his face.

I remember once the hounds found a trail and they treed the raccoon. Uncle Jeems sent Joe, who was bigger than I was, up the tree to catch the raccoon, and he warned him that raccoons can fight back. Joe didn't pay much attention; he was so happy to have the chance to catch the raccoon. But when he caught that raccoon, he couldn't let go, and from the way he yelled, you would think he never wanted to catch a raccoon. When Joe Barbour was buried here last winter, the raccoon marks were still clear on his arms and hands, and there was a long scar on his face.

I 'members onct a Yankee 'oman from New York looks at him an' nigh 'bout faints. 'I reckon', says she, dat[Pg 76] am what de cruel slave owner or driver done ter him'.

I remember once a woman from New York looking at him and almost fainting. "I guess," she said, "that[Pg 76] is what the brutal slave owner or driver did to him."

Yes mam, I knows when de Yankees comed ter Smithfield. Dey comed wid de beatin' of drums an' de wavin' of flags. Dey says dat our governor wuz hyar makin' a speech but he flewed 'fore dey got hyar. Anyhow, we libed off from de main path of march, an' so we ain't been trouble so much 'cept by 'scootin' parties, as my ole missus call' em.

Yes, ma'am, I know when the Yankees came to Smithfield. They came with the beating of drums and the waving of flags. They said that our governor was here making a speech, but he left before they arrived. Anyway, we lived away from the main march route, so we haven't been bothered much except by "scootin' parties," as my old lady calls them.

Dey am de darndest yo' eber seed, dey won't eat no hog meat 'cept hams an' shoulders an' dey goes ter de smoke house an' gits 'em 'thout no permission. Dey has what dey calls rammin' rods ter dere guns an' dey knock de chickens in de haid wid dat. I hyard dem say dat dar warn't no use wastin' powder on dem chickens.

They are the darndest you’ve ever seen; they won’t eat any pork except hams and shoulders, and they go to the smokehouse and get them without permission. They have what they call ramrods for their guns, and they knock the chickens on the head with those. I heard them say that there’s no point in wasting gunpowder on those chickens.

Dey went ober de neighborhood stealin' an' killin' stock. I hyard 'bout 'em ketchin' a pig, cuttin' off his hams an' leave him dar alive. De foun' all de things we done hid, not dat I thinks dat dey am witches, but dat dey has a money rod, an' 'cides dat some of de slaves tol' 'em whar marster had hid de things.

They went around the neighborhood stealing and killing livestock. I heard about them catching a pig, cutting off its hams, and leaving it there alive. They found all the things we had hidden, and while I don't think they are witches, I believe they have a way of finding things, and some of the slaves told them where the master had hidden those items.

Yes 'um, I reckon I wuz glad ter git free, case I knows den dat I won't wake up some mornin' ter fin' dat my mammy or some ob de rest of my family am done sold. I left de day I hyard 'bout de surrender an' I fared right good too, do' I knows dem what ain't farin' so well.[Pg 77]

Yeah, I guess I was happy to be free because I know that I won't wake up one morning to find that my mom or some of my family has been sold. I left the day I heard about the surrender, and I did pretty well too, although I know some who aren't doing so great. [Pg 77]

I ain't neber learn ter read an' write an' I knows now dat I neber will. I can't eben write a letter ter Raleigh 'bout my ole man's pension.

I never learned to read and write, and I know now that I never will. I can't even write a letter to Raleigh about my husband's pension.

I 'members de days when mammy wored a blue hankerchief 'round her haid an' cooked in de great house. She'd sometimes sneak me a cookie or a cobbler an' fruits. She had her own little gyardin an' a few chickens an' we w'oud ov been happy 'cept dat we wuz skeered o' bein' sold.

I remember the days when my mom wore a blue handkerchief around her head and cooked in the big house. Sometimes she'd sneak me a cookie or a cobbler and some fruit. She had her own little garden and a few chickens, and we would have been happy except that we were scared of being sold.

I'se glad dat slavery am ober, case now de nigger has got a chanct ter live an' larn wid de whites. Dey won't neber be as good as de whites but dey can larn ter live an' enjoy life more.

I'm glad that slavery is over because now Black people have a chance to live and learn alongside white people. They may never be as good as white people, but they can learn to live and enjoy life more.

Speakin' 'bout de Ku Klux dey ain't do nothin' but scare me back in '69, but iffen we had some now I thinks dat some of dese young niggers what has forgot what dey mammies tol' 'em would do better.

Speakin' about the Ku Klux, they didn't do anything but scare me back in '69, but if we had some now, I think that some of these young Black people who have forgotten what their mothers told them would do better.

MH:EH

MH:EH


[320249]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:678
Subject:MARY BARBOUR
Person Interviewed:Mary Barbour
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
MARY BARBOUR

Ex-Slave Story

An interview with Mary Barbour 81 of 801 S. Bloodworth Street, Raleigh, N.C.

I reckon dat I wuz borned in McDowell County, case dat's whar my mammy, Edith, lived. She 'longed ter Mr. Jefferson Mitchel dar, an' my pappy 'longed ter er Mr. Jordan in Avery County, so he said.

I think I was born in McDowell County, because that’s where my mom, Edith, lived. She was with Mr. Jefferson Mitchel there, and my dad was with Mr. Jordan in Avery County, or so he said.

'Fore de war, I doan know nothin' much 'cept dat we lived on a big plantation an' dat my mammy wucked hard, but wuz treated pretty good.

'Before the war, I didn’t know much except that we lived on a big plantation and that my mom worked hard, but was treated pretty well.

We had our little log cabin off ter one side, an' my mammy had sixteen chilluns. Fas' as dey got three years old de marster sol' 'em till we las' four dat she had wid her durin' de war. I wuz de oldes' o' dese four; den dar wuz Henry an' den de twins, Liza an' Charlie.

We had our little log cabin off to one side, and my mom had sixteen kids. As soon as they turned three, the master sold them until we were left with the last four she had with her during the war. I was the oldest of these four; then there was Henry and then the twins, Liza and Charlie.

One of de fust things dat I 'members wuz my pappy wakin' me up in de middle o' de night, dressin' me in de dark, all de time tellin' me ter keep quiet. One o' de twins hollered some an' pappy put his hand ober its mouth ter keep it quiet.[Pg 80]

One of the first things I remember is my dad waking me up in the middle of the night, dressing me in the dark, always telling me to be quiet. One of the twins cried out a bit, and my dad put his hand over its mouth to hush it. [Pg 80]

Atter we wuz dressed he went outside an' peeped roun' fer a minute den he comed back an' got us. We snook out o' de house an' long de woods path, pappy totin' one of de twins an' holdin' me by de han' an' mammy carryin' de udder two.

After we were dressed, he went outside and looked around for a minute, then he came back and got us. We sneaked out of the house and down the woods path, dad carrying one of the twins and holding me by the hand, while mom carried the other two.

I reckons dat I will always 'member dat walk, wid de bushes slappin' my laigs, de win' sighin' in de trees, an' de hoot owls an' whippoorwills hollerin' at each other frum de big trees. I wuz half asleep an' skeered stiff, but in a little while we pass de plum' thicket an' dar am de mules an' wagin.

I figure that I will always remember that walk, with the bushes brushing against my legs, the wind sighing in the trees, and the hoot owls and whippoorwills calling to each other from the big trees. I was half asleep and scared stiff, but after a little while we passed the plum thicket and there were the mules and wagon.

Dar am er quilt in de bottom o' de wagin, an' on dis dey lays we youngins. An' pappy an' mammy gits on de board cross de front an' drives off down de road.

Dar am er quilt in de bottom o' de wagon, an' on dis dey lays we kids. An' pappy an' mammy gets on de board across de front an' drives off down de road.

I wuz sleepy but I wuz skeered too, so as we rides 'long I lis'ens ter pappy an' mammy talk. Pappy wuz tellin' mammy 'bout de Yankees comin' ter dere plantation, burnin' de co'n cribs, de smokehouses an' 'stroyin' eber'thing. He says right low dat dey done took marster Jordan ter de Rip Raps down nigh Norfolk, an' dat he stol' de mules an' wagin an' 'scaped.

I was tired, but I was scared too, so as we rode along, I listened to Dad and Mom talk. Dad was telling Mom about the Yankees coming to their plantation, burning the corn cribs, the smokehouses, and destroying everything. He said in a low voice that they had taken Master Jordan to the Rip Raps near Norfolk, and that he stole the mules and wagon and escaped.

We wuz skeerd of de Yankees ter start wid, but de more we thinks 'bout us runnin' way frum our marsters de skeerder[Pg 81] we gits o' de Rebs. Anyhow pappy says dat we is goin' ter jine de Yankees.

We were scared of the Yankees to begin with, but the more we think about running away from our masters, the more afraid we get of the Rebs. Anyway, Dad says we are going to join the Yankees.

We trabels all night an' hid in de woods all day fer a long time, but atter awhile we gits ter Doctor Dillard's place, in Chowan County. I reckons dat we stays dar seberal days.

We traveled all night and hid in the woods all day for a long time, but after a while, we got to Doctor Dillard's place in Chowan County. I guess we stayed there several days.

De Yankees has tooked dis place so we stops ober, an' has a heap o' fun dancin' an' sich while we am dar. De Yankees tells pappy ter head fer New Bern an' dat he will be took keer of dar, so ter New Bern we goes.

De Yankees have taken this place, so we stay over and have a lot of fun dancing and such while we're there. The Yankees tell Dad to head for New Bern and that he will be taken care of there, so off to New Bern we go.

When we gits ter New Bern de Yankees takes de mules an' wagin, dey tells pappy something, an' he puts us on a long white boat named Ocean Waves an' ter Roanoke we goes.

When we get to New Bern, the Yankees take the mules and wagon, they tell Dad something, and he puts us on a long white boat called Ocean Waves, and off to Roanoke we go.

Later I larns dat most o' de reffes[2] is put in James City, nigh New Bern, but dar am a pretty good crowd on Roanoke. Dar wuz also a ole Indian Witch 'oman dat I 'members.

Later I learned that most of the refuges[2] are set up in James City, near New Bern, but there's a pretty good crowd on Roanoke. There was also an old Indian witch woman that I remember.

Atter a few days dar de Ocean Waves comes back an' takes all ober ter New Bern. My pappy wuz a shoemaker, so he makes Yankee boots, an' we gits 'long pretty good.

Atter a few days, the Ocean Waves comes back and takes all over to New Bern. My dad was a shoemaker, so he makes Yankee boots, and we get along pretty well.

I wuz raised in New Bern an' I lived dar till forty years ago when me an' my husban' moved ter Raleigh an' do' he's been daid a long time I has lived hyar ober since an' eben if'en I is eighty-one years old I can still outwuck my daughter an' de rest of dese young niggers.

I was raised in New Bern and I lived there until forty years ago when my husband and I moved to Raleigh. Even though he's been dead a long time, I've lived here since then, and even though I'm eighty-one years old, I can still outwork my daughter and the rest of these young folks.

[2] refugees

__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ refugees


[320162]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:927
Subject:Plantation Times
Person Interviewed:Alice Baugh
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

PLANTATION TIMES

An Interview on May 18, 1937 with Alice Baugh, 64, who remembers hearing her mother tell of slavery days.

My mammy Ferbie, an' her brother Darson belonged ter Mr. David Hinnant in Edgecombe County till young Marster Charlie got married. Den dey wuz drawed an' sent wid him down hyar ter Wendell. De ole Hinnant home am still standin' dar ter dis day.

My mom, Ferbie, and her brother Darson belonged to Mr. David Hinnant in Edgecombe County until young Master Charlie got married. Then they were drawn and sent with him down here to Wendell. The old Hinnant home is still standing there to this day.

Marster Charlie an' Missus Mary wuz good ter de hundred slaves what belonged ter' em. Dey gib 'em good houses, good feed, good clothes an' plenty uv fun. Dey had dere co'n shuckin's, dere barn dances, prayer meetin's an' sich like all de year, an' from Christmas till de second day o' January dey had a holiday wid roast oxes, pigs, turkey an' all de rest o' de fixin's. From Saturday till Monday de slaves wuz off an' dey had dere Sunday clothes, which wuz nice. De marster always gib 'em a paper so's de patterollers won't git 'em.

Master Charlie and Missus Mary were good to the hundred slaves who belonged to them. They provided them with nice houses, enough food, decent clothes, and lots of fun. They had corn shuckings, barn dances, prayer meetings, and other gatherings throughout the year, and from Christmas until the second day of January, they enjoyed a holiday with roast oxen, pigs, turkey, and all the other fixings. From Saturday to Monday, the slaves had time off, and they had their Sunday clothes, which were nice. The master always gave them a paper so the patrollers wouldn't catch them.

Dey went up de riber to other plantations ter dances an' all dem things, an' dey wuz awful fond uv singin' songs. Dat's whut dey done atter dey comes ter dere cabins at de end o' de day. De grown folkses sings an' somebody pickin' de banjo. De favorite song wuz 'Swing Low Sweet Chariot' an' 'Play on yo' Harp Little David'. De chilluns uster[Pg 84] play Hide an' Seek, an' Leap Frog, an' ever'body wuz happy.

They went up the river to other plantations for dances and all those things, and they were really fond of singing songs. That's what they did after they got to their cabins at the end of the day. The adults sang while someone played the banjo. Their favorite songs were "Swing Low Sweet Chariot" and "Play on Your Harp, Little David." The kids used to play Hide and Seek and Leap Frog, and everyone was happy.

Dey had time off ter hunt an' fish an' dey had dere own chickens, pigs, watermillons an' gyardens. De fruits from de big orchard an' de honey from de hives wuz et at home, an' de slave et as good as his marster et. Dey had a whole heap o' bee hives an' my mammy said dat she had ter tell dem bees when Mis' Mary died. She said how she wuz cryin' so hard dat she can't hardly tell 'em, an' dat dey hum lak dey am mo'nin' too.

They had time off to hunt and fish, and they had their own chickens, pigs, watermelons, and gardens. The fruits from the big orchard and the honey from the hives were eaten at home, and the slaves ate as well as their master did. They had a lot of bee hives, and my mom said that she had to tell the bees when Miss Mary died. She said she was crying so hard that she could hardly tell them, and that they hummed like they were mourning too.

My mammy marry my pappy dar an' she sez dat de preacher from de Methodis' Church marry 'em, dat she w'ar Miss Mary's weddin' dress, all uv white lace, an' dat my pappy w'ar Mr. Charlie's weddin' suit wid a flower in de button hole. Dey gived a big dance atter de supper dey had, an' Marster Charlie dance de first set wid my mammy.

My mom married my dad there, and she says that the preacher from the Methodist Church officiated, that she wore Miss Mary's wedding dress, all in white lace, and that my dad wore Mr. Charlie's wedding suit with a flower in the buttonhole. They had a big dance after the supper they had, and Mr. Charlie danced the first set with my mom.

I jist thought of a tale what I hyard my mammy tell 'bout de Issue Frees of Edgecombe County when she wuz a little gal. She said dat de Issue Frees wuz mixed wid de white folks, an' uv cou'se dat make 'em free. Sometimes dey stay on de plantation, but a whole heap uv dem, long wid niggers who had done runned away from dere marster, dugged caves in de woods, an' dar dey lived an' raised dere families dar. Dey ain't wored much clothes an' what dey got to eat an' to w'ar dey swiped from de white folkses. Mammy said dat she uster go ter de spring fer[Pg 85] water, an' dem ole Issue Frees up in de woods would yell at her, 'Doan yo' muddy dat spring, little gal'. Dat scared her moughty bad.

I just thought of a story I heard my mom tell about the Issue Freedmen of Edgecombe County when she was a little girl. She said that the Issue Freedmen were mixed with the white folks, and of course that made them free. Sometimes they stayed on the plantation, but a lot of them, along with blacks who had run away from their masters, dug caves in the woods, and there they lived and raised their families. They didn't wear many clothes, and what they had to eat and to wear, they took from the white folks. Mom said she used to go to the spring for[Pg 85] water, and those old Issue Freedmen up in the woods would yell at her, "Don’t muddy that spring, little girl." That scared her a lot.

Dem Issue Frees till dis day shows both bloods. De white folkses won't have 'em an' de niggers doan want 'em but will have ter have 'em anyhow.

Dem issue frees to this day shows both sides. The white folks won’t accept them and the blacks don’t want them but will have to deal with them anyway.

My uncle wuz raised in a cave an' lived on stold stuff an' berries. My cousin runned away 'cause his marster wuz mean ter him, but dey put de blood hounds on his trail, ketched him. Atter he got well from de beatin' dey gib him, dey sold him.

My uncle was raised in a cave and survived on stolen food and berries. My cousin ran away because his master was cruel to him, but they put bloodhounds on his trail and caught him. After he recovered from the beating they gave him, they sold him.

I'se hyard ole lady Prissie Jones who died at de age of 103 las' winter tell 'bout marsters dat when dere slaves runned away dey'd set de bloodhounds on dere trail an' when dey ketched 'em dey'd cut dere haids off wid de swords.

I heard old lady Prissie Jones, who died at the age of 103 last winter, talk about the masters. She said that when their slaves ran away, they would set the bloodhounds on their trail, and when they caught them, they would cut off their heads with swords.

Ole lady Prissie tole 'bout slaves what ain't had nothin' ter eat an' no clothes 'cept a little strip uv homespun, but my mammy who died four months ago at de age 106 said dat she ain't knowed nothin' 'bout such doin's.

Ole lady Prissie talked about slaves who had nothing to eat and no clothes except a little piece of homespun, but my mom, who died four months ago at the age of 106, said that she didn't know anything about that kind of stuff.

When de Yankees come, dey come a burnin' an' a-stealin' an' Marster Charlie carried his val'ables ter mammy's cabin, but dey found 'em. Dey had a money rod an' dey'd find all de stuff no matter whar it wuz.[Pg 86] Mammy said dat all de slaves cried when de Yankees come, an' dat most uv 'em stayed on a long time atter de war. My mammy plowed an' done such work all de time uv slavery, but she done it case she wanted to do it an' not 'cause dey make her.

When the Yankees came, they came burning and stealing, and Master Charlie carried his valuables to my mom's cabin, but they found them. They had a money rod, and they’d find all the stuff no matter where it was.[Pg 86] My mom said that all the slaves cried when the Yankees came, and that most of them stayed a long time after the war. My mom plowed and did that kind of work all during slavery, but she did it because she wanted to, not because they made her.

All de slaves hate de Yankees an' when de southern soldiers comed by late in de night all de niggers got out of de bed an' holdin' torches high dey march behin' de soldiers, all of dem singin', 'We'll Hang Abe Lincoln on de Sour Apple Tree.' Yes mam, dey wuz sorry dat dey wuz free, an' dey ain't got no reason to be glad, case dey wuz happier den dan now.

All the slaves hate the Yankees, and when the Southern soldiers came by late at night, all the Black people got out of bed, holding their torches high as they marched behind the soldiers, all of them singing, "We'll Hang Abe Lincoln on the Sour Apple Tree." Yes ma'am, they were sorry that they were free, and they had no reason to be glad, because they were happier back then than now.

I'se hyard mammy tell 'bout how de niggers would sing as dey picked de cotton, but yo' ain't hyard none uv dat now. Den dey ain't had to worry 'bout nothin'; now dey has ter study so much dat dey ain't happy nuff ter sing no mo'.

I heard my mom talk about how the Black people would sing while they picked cotton, but you haven't heard any of that now. Back then, they didn't have to worry about anything; now they have to study so much that they're not happy enough to sing anymore.

"Does yo' know de cause of de war?" Aunt Alice went to a cupboard and returned holding out a book. "Well hyar's de cause, dis Uncle Tom's Cabin wuz de cause of it all; an' its' de biggest lie what ever been gived ter de public."

"Do you know the reason for the war?" Aunt Alice went to a cupboard and came back holding a book. "Well, here’s the reason, this Uncle Tom’s Cabin was the cause of it all; and it's the biggest lie that’s ever been given to the public."


[320157]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:341
Subject:WHEN THE YANKEES CAME
Person Interviewed:John Beckwith
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

WHEN THE YANKEES CAME

An Interview with John Beckwith 83, of Cary.

I reckon dat I wuz 'bout nine years old at de surrender, but we warn't happy an' we stayed on dar till my parents died. My pappy wuz named Green an' my mammy wuz named Molly, an' we belonged ter Mr. Joe Edwards, Mr. Marion Gully, an' Mr. Hilliard Beckwith, as de missus married all of 'em. Dar wuz twenty-one other slaves, an' we got beat ever' onct in a while.

I think I was about nine years old at the time of the surrender, but we weren't happy, and we stayed there until my parents died. My dad was named Green, and my mom was named Molly, and we belonged to Mr. Joe Edwards, Mr. Marion Gully, and Mr. Hilliard Beckwith, since the missus married all of them. There were twenty-one other slaves, and we got beaten every once in a while.

When dey told us dat de Yankees wuz comin' we wuz also told dat iffen we didn't behave dat we'd be shot; an' we believed it. We would'uv behaved anyhow, case we had good plank houses, good food, an' shoes. We had Saturday an' Sunday off an' we wuz happy.

When they told us that the Yankees were coming, we were also told that if we didn't behave, we'd be shot; and we believed it. We would have behaved anyway because we had nice wooden houses, good food, and shoes. We had Saturday and Sunday off and we were happy.

De missus, she raised de nigger babies so's de mammies could wuck. I 'members de times when she rock me ter sleep an' put me ter bed in her own bed. I wuz happy den as I thinks back of it, until dem Yankees come.

De missus, she raised the black babies so the mothers could work. I remember the times when she rocked me to sleep and put me to bed in her own bed. I was happy then as I think back on it, until those Yankees came.

Dey come on a Chuesday; an' dey started by burnin' de cotton house an' killin' most of de chickens an' pigs. Way atter awhile dey fin's de cellar an' dey drinks[Pg 89] brandy till dey gits wobbly in de legs. Atter dat dey comes up on de front porch an' calls my missus. When she comes ter de do' dey tells her dat dey am goin' in de house ter look things over. My missus dejicts, case ole marster am away at de war, but dat doan do no good. Dey cusses her scan'lous an' dey dares her ter speak. Dey robs de house, takin' dere knives an' splittin' mattresses, pillows an' ever' thing open lookin' fer valerables, an' ole missus dasen't open her mouth.

They came on a Tuesday; they started by burning the cotton house and killing most of the chickens and pigs. After a while, they found the cellar and drank brandy until they got wobbly in the legs. After that, they went up on the front porch and called for my mistress. When she came to the door, they told her that they were going into the house to check things out. My mistress objected, since the old master was away at war, but that didn’t help. They cursed her scandalously and dared her to speak. They robbed the house, taking their knives and ripping open mattresses, pillows, and everything looking for valuables, and the old mistress didn’t dare to say a word.

Dey camped dar in de grove fer two days, de officers takin' de house an' missus leavin' home an' goin' ter de neighbor's house. Dey make me stay dar in de house wid 'em ter tote dere brandy frum de cellar, an' ter make 'em some mint jelup. Well, on de secon' night dar come de wust storm I'se eber seed. De lightnin' flash, de thunder roll, an' de house shook an' rattle lak a earthquake had struck it.

They camped there in the grove for two days, the officers taking over the house and the lady leaving home to stay at a neighbor's house. They made me stay there in the house with them to bring their brandy from the cellar and to make them some mint julep. Well, on the second night, the worst storm I’ve ever seen hit. The lightning flashed, the thunder roared, and the house shook and rattled like an earthquake had struck it.

Dem Yankees warn't supposed ter be superstitious, but lemmie tell yo', dey wuz some skeered dat night; an' I hyard a Captain say dat de witches wuz abroad. Atter awhile lightnin' struck de Catawba tree dar at de side of de house an' de soldiers camped round about dat way marched off ter de barns, slave cabins an' other places whar dey[Pg 90] wuz safter dan at dat place. De next mornin' dem Yankees moved frum dar an' dey ain't come back fer nothin'.

Dem Yankees weren’t supposed to be superstitious, but let me tell you, they were pretty scared that night; and I heard a Captain say that the witches were out. After a while, lightning struck the Catawba tree over by the side of the house and the soldiers camped around there marched off to the barns, slave cabins, and other places where they[Pg 90] felt safer than in that spot. The next morning, those Yankees moved out of there and they didn't come back for anything.

We wuzn't happy at de surrender an' we cussed ole Abraham Lincoln all ober de place. We wuz told de disadvantages of not havin' no edercation, but shucks, we doan need no book larnin' wid ole marster ter look atter us.

We weren't happy about the surrender, and we cursed old Abraham Lincoln all over the place. We were warned about the downsides of not having any education, but come on, we don't need any book learning with old master to look after us.

My mammy an' pappy stayed on dar de rest of dere lives, an' I stayed till I wuz sixteen. De Ku Klux Klan got atter me den' bout fightin' wid a white boy. Dat night I slipped in de woods an' de nex' day I went ter Raleigh. I got a job dar an' eber' since den I'se wucked fer myself, but now I can't wuck an' I wish dat yo' would apply fer my ole aged pension fer me.

My mom and dad stayed there for the rest of their lives, and I stayed until I was sixteen. The Ku Klux Klan came after me then about fighting with a white boy. That night I slipped into the woods, and the next day I went to Raleigh. I got a job there, and ever since then I’ve been working for myself, but now I can’t work and I wish you would apply for my old-age pension for me.

I went back ter de ole plantation long as my pappy, mammy, an' de marster an' missus lived. Sometimes, when I gits de chanct I goes back now. Course now de slave cabins am gone, ever' body am dead, an' dar ain't nothin' familiar 'cept de bent Catawba tree; but it 'minds me of de happy days.

I went back to the old plantation as long as my dad, mom, and the master and mistress were alive. Sometimes, when I get the chance, I go back now. Of course, the slave cabins are gone, everybody is dead, and there’s nothing familiar except the bent Catawba tree; but it reminds me of the happy days.


[320163]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1,566
Subject:JOHN C. BECTOM
Story Teller:John C. Bectom
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

N. C.[Pg 92]

N. C.[Pg 92]

JOHN C. BECTOM

My name is John C. Bectom. I was born Oct. 7, 1862, near Fayetteville, Cumberland County, North Carolina. My father's name was Simon Bectom. He was 86 years of age when he died. He died in 1910 at Fayetteville, N. C. My mother's name was Harriet Bectom. She died in 1907, May 23, when she was seventy years old. My brother's were named Ed, Kato and Willie. I was third of the boys. My sisters were Lucy, Anne and Alice. My father first belonged to Robert Wooten of Craven County, N. C. Then he was sold by the Wootens to the Bectoms of Wayne County, near Goldsboro, the county seat. My mother first belonged to the McNeills of Cumberland County. Miss Mary McNeill married a McFadden, and her parents gave my mother to Mis' Mary. Mis' Mary's daughter in time married Ezekial King and my mother was then given to her by Mis' Mary McFadden, her mother. Mis' Lizzie McFadden became a King. My grandmother was named Lucy Murphy. She belonged to the Murpheys. All the slaves were given off to the children of the family as they married.

My name is John C. Bectom. I was born on October 7, 1862, near Fayetteville, Cumberland County, North Carolina. My father's name was Simon Bectom. He was 86 years old when he passed away in 1910 in Fayetteville, NC. My mother's name was Harriet Bectom. She died on May 23, 1907, at the age of seventy. My brothers were named Ed, Kato, and Willie. I was the third of the boys. My sisters were Lucy, Anne, and Alice. My father originally belonged to Robert Wooten from Craven County, NC. Then he was sold by the Wootens to the Bectoms of Wayne County, near Goldsboro, the county seat. My mother first belonged to the McNeills of Cumberland County. Miss Mary McNeill married a McFadden, and her parents gave my mother to Miss Mary. In time, Miss Mary's daughter married Ezekial King, and my mother was then given to her by Miss Mary McFadden, her mother. Miss Lizzie McFadden became a King. My grandmother was named Lucy Murphy. She belonged to the Murpheys. All the slaves were given to the children of the family as they married.

My father and mother told me stories of how they were treated at different places. When my grandmother was with the Murpheys they would make her get up, and begin[Pg 93] burning logs in new grounds before daybreak. They also made her plow, the same as any of the men on the plantation. They plowed till dusk-dark before they left the fields to come to the house. They were not allowed to attend any dances or parties unless they slipped off unknowin's. They had candy pullings sometimes too. While they would be there the patterollers would visit them. Sometimes the patterollers whipped all they caught at this place, all they set their hands on, unless they had a pass.

My mom and dad shared stories about how they were treated in different places. When my grandma was with the Murpheys, they made her get up and start burning logs in new fields before sunrise. They also had her plow, just like the men on the plantation. They worked in the fields until it was dark before heading back to the house. They weren't allowed to go to any dances or parties unless they sneaked out without anyone knowing. They also had candy pullings sometimes. While they were there, the patterollers would come by. Sometimes, the patterollers would whip anyone they caught there, anyone they could grab, unless they had a pass.

They fed us mighty good. The food was well cooked. They gave the slaves an acre of ground to plant and they could sell the crop and have the money. The work on this acre was done on moonshiny nights and holidays. Sometimes slaves would steal the marster's chickens or a hog and slip off to another plantation and have it cooked. We had plenty of clothes, and one pair o' shoes a year. You had to take care of them because you only got one pair a year. They were given at Christmas every year. The clothes were made on the plantation.

They fed us really well. The food was cooked properly. They gave the slaves an acre of land to plant, and they could sell the crops and keep the money. The work on this land was done on moonlit nights and holidays. Sometimes slaves would steal the master's chickens or a pig and sneak off to another plantation to have it cooked. We had plenty of clothes and got one pair of shoes a year. You had to take care of them because you only received one pair annually. They were given out at Christmas every year. The clothes were made on the plantation.

There were corn mills on the plantation, and rice mills, and threshing machines. The plantation had about 300 acres in farm land. The enclosure was three miles.[Pg 94] My marster lived in a fine house. It took a year to build it. There were about 16 rooms in it. We slaves called it the great house. Some of the slaves ran away and finally reached Ohio. There was no jail on the plantation. Sometimes the overseer would whip us.

There were corn mills and rice mills on the plantation, along with threshing machines. The plantation covered around 300 acres of farmland. The property stretched for three miles.[Pg 94] My master lived in a beautiful house that took a year to build. It had about 16 rooms in it. We slaves called it the great house. Some of the slaves escaped and eventually made it to Ohio. There was no jail on the plantation. Sometimes the overseer would whip us.

The Kings had no overseers. King beat his slaves with a stick. I remember seeing him do this as well as I can see that house over there. He became blind. An owl scratched him in the face when he was trying to catch him, and his face got into sich a fix he went to Philadelphia for treatment, but they could not cure him. He finally went blind. I have seen him beat his slaves after he was blind. I remember it well. He beat 'em with a stick. He was the most sensitive man you ever seed. He ran a store. After he was blind you could han' him a piece of money and he could tell you what it was.

The Kings had no supervisors. King would hit his slaves with a stick. I remember watching him do this just as clearly as I can see that house over there. He ended up going blind. An owl scratched his face while he was trying to catch it, and his face got so messed up that he went to Philadelphia for treatment, but they couldn't help him. Eventually, he lost his sight completely. I've seen him hit his slaves even after he was blind. I remember it well. He used a stick. He was the most sensitive man you ever saw. He ran a store. Even after he went blind, you could hand him a piece of money and he could tell you what it was.

There were no churches on the plantation but prayer meeting' were held in the quarters. Slaves were not allowed to go to the white folk's church unless they were coach drivers, etc. No sir, not in that community. They taught the slaves the Bible. The children of the marster would go to private school. We small Negro children looked after the babies in the cradles and other young[Pg 95] children. When the white children studied their lessons I studied with them. When they wrote in the sand I wrote in the sand too. The white children, and not the marster or mistress, is where I got started in learnin' to read and write.

There were no churches on the plantation, but prayer meetings were held in the quarters. Slaves weren't allowed to attend the white people's church unless they were coach drivers or something like that. No way, not in that community. They taught the slaves the Bible. The master's children went to private school. Us little Black kids took care of the babies in the cradles and other young children. While the white kids studied their lessons, I studied with them. When they wrote in the sand, I wrote in the sand too. It was the white children, not the master or mistress, who got me started learning to read and write.

We had corn shuckings, candy pullings, dances, prayer meetings. We went to camp meetin' on Camp Meeting days in August when the crops were laid by. We played games of high jump, jumping over the pole held by two people, wrestling, leap frog, and jumping. We sang the songs, 'Go tell Aunt Patsy'. 'Some folks says a nigger wont steal, I caught six in my corn field' 'Run nigger run, the patteroller ketch you, Run nigger run like you did the other day'.

We had corn shuckings, candy pulls, dances, and prayer meetings. We went to camp meetings on Camp Meeting days in August when the crops were finished. We played games like high jump, where we’d jump over a pole held by two people, wrestling, leapfrog, and jumping. We sang songs like "Go Tell Aunt Patsy." "Some folks say a Black won't steal; I caught six in my cornfield." "Run, Black, run, the patroller's gonna catch you. Run, Black, run like you did the other day."

When slaves got sick marster looked after them. He gave them blue mass and caster oil. Dr. McDuffy also treated us. Dr. McSwain vaccinated us for small pox. My sister died with it. When the slaves died marster buried them. They dug a grave with a tomb in it. I do not see any of them now. The slaves were buried in a plain box.

When slaves got sick, the master took care of them. He gave them blue mass and castor oil. Dr. McDuffy also treated us. Dr. McSwain vaccinated us for smallpox. My sister died from it. When the slaves died, the master buried them. They dug a grave with a tomb in it. I don’t see any of them now. The slaves were buried in a plain box.

The marsters married the slaves without any papers. All they did was to say perhaps to Jane and Frank,[Pg 96] 'Frank, I pronounce you and Jane man and wife.' But the woman did not take the name of her husband, she kept the name of the family who owned her.

The masters married the slaves without any paperwork. All they did was say to Jane and Frank, [Pg 96] 'Frank, I now pronounce you and Jane husband and wife.' But the woman didn’t take her husband’s last name; she kept the name of the family that owned her.

I remember seeing the Yankees near Fayetteville. They shot a bomb shell at Wheeler's Calvary, and it hit near me and buried in the ground. Wheeler's Calvary came first and ramsaked the place. They got all the valuables they could, and burned the bridge, the covered bridge over Cape Fear river, but when the Yankees got there they had a pontoon bridge to cross on,—all those provision wagons and such. When they passed our place it was in the morning. They nearly scared me to death. They passed right by our door, Sherman's army. They began passing, so the white folks said, at 9 o'clock in the mornin'. At 9 o'clock at night they were passin' our door on foot. They said there were two hundred and fifty thousan' o' them passed. Some camped in my marster's old fiel'. A Yankee caught one of my marster's shoats and cut off one of the hind quarters, gave it to me, and told me to carry and give it to my mother. I was so small I could not tote it, so I drug it to her. I called her when I got in hollering distance of the house and she came and got it. The Yankees called us Johnnie, Dinah, Bill and other funny names. They beat[Pg 97] their drums and sang songs. One of the Yankees sang 'Rock a Bye Baby'. At that time Jeff Davis money was plentiful. My mother had about $1000. It was so plentiful it was called Jeff Davis shucks. My mother had bought a pair of shoes, and had put them in a chest. A Yankee came and took the shoes and wore them off, leaving his in their place. They tol' us we were free. Sometimes the marster would get cruel to the slaves if they acted like they were free.

I remember seeing the Yankees near Fayetteville. They fired a bomb at Wheeler's Cavalry, and it landed close to me, burying itself in the ground. Wheeler's Cavalry arrived first and ransacked the place. They took all the valuables they could find and burned the covered bridge over the Cape Fear River. But when the Yankees got there, they had a pontoon bridge to cross on, along with all those supply wagons and such. When they passed our place, it was in the morning. They nearly scared me to death. They went right by our door, Sherman's army. They began passing, so the white folks said, at 9 o'clock in the morning. By 9 o'clock at night, they were still passing our door on foot. They said about two hundred and fifty thousand of them passed by. Some set up camp in my master's old field. A Yankee caught one of my master's pigs and cut off a hindquarter, gave it to me, and told me to take it to my mother. I was so small I couldn’t carry it, so I dragged it to her. I called her when I got within shouting distance of the house, and she came to get it. The Yankees called us Johnnie, Dinah, Bill, and other silly names. They beat their drums and sang songs. One of the Yankees sang 'Rock a Bye Baby.' At that time, Jeff Davis money was everywhere. My mother had about $1000 worth. It was so common it was nicknamed Jeff Davis shucks. My mother had bought a pair of shoes and put them in a chest. A Yankee came and took the shoes and wore them, leaving his behind. They told us we were free. Sometimes my master would get cruel to the slaves if they acted like they were free.

Mat Holmes, a slave, was wearing a ball and chain as a punishment for running away. Marster Ezekial King put it on him. He has slept in the bed with me, wearing that ball and chain. The cuff had embedded in his leg, it was swollen so. This was right after the Yankees came through. It was March, the 9th of March, when the Yankees came through. Mat Holmes had run away with the ball and chain on him and was in the woods then. He hid out staying with us at night until August. Then my mother took him to the Yankee garrison at Fayetteville. A Yankee officer then took him to a black smith shop and had the ball and chain cut off his leg. The marsters would tell the slaves to go to work that they were not free, that they still belonged to them, but one would drop out and leave, then another. There was little work done on the farm, and[Pg 98] finally most of the slaves learned they were free.

Mat Holmes, a slave, was wearing a ball and chain as punishment for trying to escape. Master Ezekial King put it on him. He slept in bed with me while wearing that ball and chain. The cuff had dug into his leg; it was really swollen. This was right after the Yankees came through. It was March, the 9th of March, when the Yankees arrived. Mat Holmes had run away with the ball and chain on and was hiding in the woods then. He stayed with us at night until August. Then my mother took him to the Yankee garrison in Fayetteville. A Yankee officer took him to a blacksmith shop and had the ball and chain cut off his leg. The masters would tell the slaves they had to work, that they weren't free and still belonged to them, but one would drop out and leave, then another. Very little work was done on the farm, and[Pg 98] eventually, most of the slaves figured out they were free.

Abraham Lincoln was one of the greatest men that ever lived. He was the cause of us slaves being free. No doubt about that. I didn't think anything of Jeff Davis. He tried to keep us in slavery. I think slavery was an injustice, not right. Our privilege is to live right, and live according to the teachings of the Bible, to treat our fellowman right. To do this I feel we should belong to some religious organization and live as near right as we know how.

Abraham Lincoln was one of the greatest people to ever live. He was the reason we slaves became free. There’s no doubt about that. I didn’t think much of Jeff Davis. He tried to keep us in slavery. I believe slavery was a wrong and unjust practice. Our right is to live rightly and follow the teachings of the Bible, treating our fellow humans with respect. To do this, I feel we should belong to some religious organization and live as rightly as we can.

The overseers and patterollers in the time of slavery were called poor white trash by the slaves.

The overseers and patterollers during slavery were referred to as poor white trash by the slaves.

On the plantations not every one, but some of the slave holders would have some certain slave women reserved for their own use. Sometimes children almost white would be born to them. I have seen many of these children. Sometimes the child would be said to belong to the overseer, and sometimes it would be said to belong to the marster.

On the plantations, not everyone, but some of the slave owners would have certain enslaved women set aside for their personal use. Sometimes, children with very light skin would be born to them. I have seen many of these children. Sometimes, people would say the child belonged to the overseer, and other times it would be said to belong to the master.


[320118]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:610
Subject:AUNT LAURA
Story Teller:LAURA BELL
Editor:Geo. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 6 1937"

AUNT LAURA

An interview with Laura Bell, 73 years old, of 2 Bragg Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

Being informed that Laura Bell was an old slavery Negro, I went immediately to the little two-room shack with its fallen roof and shaky steps. As I approached the shack I noticed that the storm had done great damage to the chaney-berry tree in her yard, fallen limbs litterin' the ground, which was an inch deep in garbage and water.

Being told that Laura Bell was an elderly Black woman from the days of slavery, I went right away to the small two-room shack with its caved-in roof and wobbly steps. As I got closer to the shack, I saw that the storm had really messed up the chaney-berry tree in her yard, with broken branches scattered all over the ground, which was an inch deep in trash and water.

The porch was littered with old planks and huge tubs and barrels of stagnant water. There was only room for one chair and in that sat a tall Negro woman clad in burlap bags and in her lap she held a small white flea-bitten dog which growled meaningly.

The porch was filled with old planks and large tubs and barrels of stagnant water. There was only space for one chair, and in that sat a tall Black woman dressed in burlap bags, holding a small white, flea-bitten dog in her lap that growled ominously.

When I reached the gate, which swings on one rusty hinge, she bade me come in and the Carolina Power and Light Company men, who were at work nearby, laughed as I climbed over the limbs and garbage and finally found room for one foot on the porch and one on the ground.

When I got to the gate, which creaked on a rusty hinge, she invited me in, and the men from the Carolina Power and Light Company, who were working nearby, laughed as I stepped over the branches and trash and finally managed to place one foot on the porch and the other on the ground.

"I wus borned in Mount Airy de year 'fore de Yankees come, bein' de fourth of five chilluns. My mammy an' daddy Minerva Jane an' Wesley 'longed ter Mr. Mack Strickland an' we lived on his big place near Mount Airy.[Pg 101]"

"I was born in Mount Airy the year before the Yankees arrived, as the fourth of five kids. My mom and dad, Minerva Jane and Wesley, worked for Mr. Mack Strickland, and we lived on his large property near Mount Airy.[Pg 101]"

"Mr. Mack wus good ter us, dey said. He give us enough ter eat an' plenty of time ter weave clothes fer us ter wear. I've hearn mammy tell of de corn shuckin's an' dances dey had an' 'bout some whuppin's too."

"Mr. Mack was good to us, they said. He gave us enough to eat and plenty of time to weave clothes for us to wear. I’ve heard mom talk about the corn shuckings and dances they had and about some beatings too."

"Marse Mack's overseer, I doan know his name, wus gwine ter whup my mammy onct, an' pappy do' he ain't neber make no love ter mammy comes up an' takes de whuppin' fer her. Atter dat dey cou'ts on Sadday an' Sunday an' at all de sociables till dey gits married."

"Marse Mack's overseer, I don't know his name, was going to whip my mom once, and my dad, since he never showed any affection toward her, stepped in and took the beating for her. After that, they went out on Saturdays and Sundays and to all the social events until they got married."

"I'se hearn her tell' bout how he axed Marse Mack iffen he could cou't mammy an' atter Marse Mack sez he can he axes her ter marry him."

"I've heard her talk about how he asked Marse Mack if he could court my mother and after Marse Mack said he could, he asked her to marry him."

"She tells him dat she will an' he had 'em married by de preacher de nex' time he comes through dat country."

"She tells him that she will, and he had them married by the pastor the next time he comes through that area."

"I growed up on de farm an' when I wus twelve years old I met Thomas Bell. My folks said dat I wus too young fer ter keep company so I had ter meet him 'roun' an' about fer seberal years, I think till I wus fifteen."

"I grew up on the farm and when I was twelve years old, I met Thomas Bell. My parents said I was too young to date, so I had to see him here and there for several years, I think until I was fifteen."

"He axed me ter marry him while he wus down on de creek bank a fishin' an' I tol' him yes, but when he starts ter kiss me I tells him dat der's many a slip twixt de cup an' de lip an' so he has ter wait till we gits married.[Pg 102]"

"He asked me to marry him while he was down by the creek fishing, and I said yes. But when he tried to kiss me, I told him that there’s many a slip between the cup and the lip, so he has to wait until we get married.[Pg 102]"

"We runned away de nex' Sadday an' wus married by a Justice of de Peace in Mount Airy."

"We ran away the next Saturday and were married by a Justice of the Peace in Mount Airy."

"Love ain't what hit uster be by a long shot," de ole woman reflected, "'Cause dar ain't many folks what loves all de time. We moved ter Raleigh forty years ago, an' Tom has been daid seberal years now. We had jest one chile but hit wus borned daid."

"Love isn't what it used to be, not by a long shot," the old woman reflected, "Because there aren't many people who love all the time. We moved to Raleigh forty years ago, and Tom has been dead several years now. We only had one child, but it was stillborn."

"Chilluns ain't raised ter be clean lak we wus. I knows dat de house ain't so clean but I doan feel so much lak doin' nothin', I jest went on a visit 'bout seben blocks up de street dis mo'nin' an' so I doan feel lak cleanin' up none."

"Kids aren’t raised to be as clean as we were. I know the house isn’t that clean, but I don’t really feel like doing anything. I just visited someone about seven blocks up the street this morning, and now I don’t feel like cleaning up at all."

I cut the interview short thereby missing more facts, as the odor was anything but pleasant and I was getting tired of standing in that one little spot.

I ended the interview early, so I missed out on more details, since the smell was really unpleasant and I was getting tired of standing in one place.

"Thank you for comin'", she called, and her dog growled again.

"Thanks for coming," she called, and her dog growled again.


[320111]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1153
Subject:EMMA BLALOCK
Story Teller:Emma Blalock
Editor:Geo. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 6 1937"

EMMA BLALOCK

88 years old 529 Bannon Avenue Raleigh, N.C.

I shore do 'member de Yankees wid dere blue uniforms wid brass buttons on 'em. I wus too small to work any but I played in de yard wid my oldes' sister, Katie. She is dead long ago. My mother belonged to ole man John Griffith an' I belonged to him. His plantation wus down here at Auburn in Wake County. My father wus named Edmund Rand. He belonged to Mr. Nat Rand. He lived in Auburn. De plantations wus not fur apart. Dere wus about twenty-five slaves on de plantation whur mother an' me stayed.

I really remember the Yankees in their blue uniforms with brass buttons. I was too young to work, but I played outside with my oldest sister, Katie. She’s been gone for a long time. My mother belonged to an old man named John Griffith, and I belonged to him too. His plantation was down here in Auburn, Wake County. My father was named Edmund Rand, and he belonged to Mr. Nat Rand, who lived in Auburn. The plantations weren't far apart. There were about twenty-five slaves on the plantation where my mother and I stayed.

Marse John used ter take me on his knee an' sing, 'Here is de hammer, Shing ding. Gimme de Hammer, shing ding.' Marster loved de nigger chilluns on his plantation. When de war ended father come an' lived with us at Marse John's plantation. Marster John Griffith named me Emmy. My grandfather on my fathers side wus named Harden Rand, an' grandmother wus named Mason Rand. My grandfather on my mother's side wus named Antny Griffiths an' grandmother wus named Nellie.[Pg 105]

Marse John used to take me on his knee and sing, 'Here is the hammer, Shing ding. Give me the Hammer, shing ding.' Master loved the black kids on his plantation. When the war ended, my father came and lived with us at Marse John's plantation. Master John Griffith named me Emmy. My grandfather on my father's side was named Harden Rand, and my grandmother was named Mason Rand. My grandfather on my mother's side was named Antny Griffiths, and my grandmother was named Nellie.[Pg 105]

Our food wus a plenty and well cooked. Marster fed his niggers good. We had plenty of homespun dresses and we got shoes once a year, at Christmas Eve. I ken 'member it just as good. We got Christmas Holidays an' a stockin' full of candy an' peanuts. Sometimes we got ginger snaps at Christmas. My grandmother cooked' em. She wus a good cook. My mother's missus wus Miss Jetsy Griffith and my father's missus wus Lucy Rand. Dey wus both mighty good women. You know I am ole. I ken 'member all dem good white folks. Dey give us Fourth July Holidays. Dey come to town on dat day. Dey wore, let me tell you what dey wore, dey wore dotted waist blouses an' white pants. Dat wus a big day to ever'body, de Fourth of July. Dey begun singing at Auburn an' sung till dey reached Raleigh. Auburn is nine miles from Raleigh. Dere wus a lot of lemonade. Dey made light bread in big ovens an' had cheese to eat wid it. Some said just goin' on de fofe to git lemonade an' cheese.

Our food was plentiful and well-cooked. Master provided good meals for his workers. We had plenty of homemade dresses and received shoes once a year on Christmas Eve. I remember it clearly. We had Christmas holidays and stockings filled with candy and peanuts. Sometimes we got ginger snaps for Christmas, which my grandmother baked. She was a great cook. My mother’s employer was Miss Jetsy Griffith and my father’s employer was Lucy Rand. They were both very kind women. You know I’m old. I can remember all those good white folks. They gave us Fourth of July holidays. They went to town that day. They wore, let me tell you what they wore, dotted blouses and white pants. It was a big day for everyone, the Fourth of July. They started singing in Auburn and continued until they reached Raleigh. Auburn is nine miles from Raleigh. There was a lot of lemonade. They made light bread in large ovens and had cheese to eat with it. Some said just going to get lemonade and cheese was worth it.

In the winter we had a lot of possums to eat an' a lot of rabbits too. At Christmas time de men hunted and caught plenty game. We barbecued it before de fire. I 'members seein' mother an' grandmother swinging rabbits[Pg 106] 'fore de fire to cook 'em. Dey would turn an' turn 'em till dey wus done. Dey hung some up in de chimbly an' dry 'em out an' keep 'em a long time an' dat is de reason I won't eat a rabbit today. No Sir! I won't eat a rabbit. I seed 'em mess wid 'em so much turned me 'ginst eatin' 'em.

In the winter, we had a lot of possums to eat and quite a few rabbits too. At Christmas time, the men hunted and caught plenty of game. We grilled it by the fire. I remember seeing my mother and grandmother swinging rabbits[Pg 106] in front of the fire to cook them. They would keep turning them until they were done. They hung some up in the chimney to dry them out so they could keep them for a long time, and that's why I won't eat a rabbit today. No way! I won't eat a rabbit. I saw them handle them so much it turned me off from eating them.

I don't know how much lan' Marster John owned but, Honey, dat wus some plantation. It reached from Auburn to de Neuse River. Yes Sir, it did, 'cause I been down dere in corn hillin' time an' we fished at twelve o'clock in Neuse River. Marster John had overseers. Dere wus six of 'em. Dey rode horses over de fields but I don't 'member dere names.

I don't know how much land Master John owned, but, Honey, that was quite a plantation. It stretched from Auburn to the Neuse River. Yes, it did, because I was down there during corn-hilling season and we fished at noon in the Neuse River. Master John had overseers. There were six of them. They rode horses over the fields, but I don't remember their names.

I never seen a slave whupped but dey wus whupped on de plantation an' I heard de grown folks talkin' 'bout it. My uncles Nat an' Bert Griffiths wus both whupped. Uncle Nat would not obey his missus rules an' she had him whupped. Dey whupped Uncle Bert 'cause he stayed drunk so much. He loved his licker an' he got drunk an' cut up bad, den dey whupped him. You could git plenty whiskey den. Twon't like it is now. No sir, it won't. Whiskey sold fur ten cents a quart. Most ever' body drank it but[Pg 107] you hardly ever seed a man drunk. Slaves wus not whupped for drinkin'. Dere Marsters give 'em whiskey but dey wus whupped for gittin' drunk. Dere wus a jail, a kind of stockade built of logs, on de farm to put slaves in when dey wouldn't mind. I never say any slave put on de block an' sold, but I saw Aunt Helen Rand cryin' because her Marster Nat Rand sold her boy, Fab Rand.

I never saw a slave getting beaten, but they were punished on the plantation, and I heard the adults talking about it. My uncles Nat and Bert Griffiths were both whipped. Uncle Nat wouldn't follow his wife's rules, so she had him punished. They whipped Uncle Bert because he drank so much. He loved his alcohol, got really drunk, acted out, and then they punished him. You could buy plenty of whiskey back then. It’s not like it is now. No, sir, it isn't. Whiskey sold for ten cents a quart. Almost everyone drank it, but you hardly ever saw a man drunk. Slaves weren't punished for drinking. Their masters gave them whiskey, but they were punished for getting drunk. There was a jail, a sort of stockade made of logs, on the farm to put slaves in when they wouldn't behave. I never saw any slave put on the block and sold, but I saw Aunt Helen Rand crying because her master Nat Rand sold her son, Fab Rand.

No Sir, no readin' an' writin'. You had to work. Ha! ha! You let your marster or missus ketch you wid a book. Dat wus a strict rule dat no learnin' wus to be teached. I can't read an' write. If it wus not fur my mother wit don't know what would become of me. We had prayer meetings around at de slave houses. I 'member it well. We turned down pots on de inside of de house at de door to keep marster an' missus from hearin' de singin' an' prayin'. Marster an' his family lived in de great house an' de slave quarters wus 'bout two hundred yards away to the back of de great house. Dey wus arranged in rows. When de war ended we all stayed on wid de families Griffiths an' Rands till dey died, dat is all 'cept my father an' me. He lef' an' I lef'. I been in Raleigh forty-five years. I married Mack Blalock in Raleigh. He been dead seven years.[Pg 108]

No sir, no reading and writing. You had to work. Ha! You let your master or mistress catch you with a book. That was a strict rule that no learning was to be taught. I can't read or write. If it wasn't for my mother, I don't know what would have become of me. We had prayer meetings at the slave quarters. I remember it well. We turned over pots inside the house at the door to keep master and mistress from hearing the singing and praying. Master and his family lived in the big house, and the slave quarters were about two hundred yards away behind the big house. They were arranged in rows. When the war ended, we all stayed with the Griffiths and Rands families until they died, except my father and me. He left, and I left. I’ve been in Raleigh for forty-five years. I married Mack Blalock in Raleigh. He has been dead for seven years.[Pg 108]

My mother had two boys, Antny an' Wesley. She had four girls, Katie, Grissie, Mary Ella an' Emma. I had three chilluns, two are livin' yet. They both live in Raleigh.

My mother had two boys, Anthony and Wesley. She had four girls, Katie, Gracie, Mary Ella, and Emma. I had three children, two are still living. They both live in Raleigh.

We had big suppers an' dinners at log rollin's an' corn shuckin's in slavery time ha! ha! plenty of corn licker for ever'body, both white an' black. Ever'body helped himself. Dr. Tom Busbee, one good ole white man, looked after us when we got sick, an' he could make you well purty quick, 'cause he wus good an' 'cause he wus sorry fer you. He wus a feelin' man. Course we took erbs. I tell you what I took. Scurrey grass, chana balls dey wus for worms. Scurrey grass worked you out. Dey give us winter green to clense our blood. We slaves an' a lot of de white folks drank sassafras tea in de place of coffee. We sweetened it wid brown sugar, honey, or molasses, just what we had in dat line. I think slavery wus a right good thing. Plenty to eat an' wear.

We had big dinners and suppers at log rollings and corn shuckings back in the days of slavery, ha! ha! Plenty of corn liquor for everyone, both white and black. Everyone helped themselves. Dr. Tom Busbee, a good old white man, took care of us when we got sick, and he could make you well pretty quickly because he was kind and cared about you. He was a compassionate man. Of course, we used herbs. I’ll tell you what I took. Scurry grass and chana balls were for worms. Scurry grass really helped get things moving. They gave us wintergreen to cleanse our blood. We slaves and a lot of the white folks drank sassafras tea instead of coffee. We sweetened it with brown sugar, honey, or molasses, whatever we had on hand. I think slavery was actually a pretty good thing. Plenty to eat and wear.

When you gits a tooth pulled now it costs two dollars, don't it? Well in slavery time I had a tooth botherin' me. My mother say, Emma, take dis egg an' go down to Doctor Busbee an' give it to him an' git your[Pg 109] tooth pulled. I give him one egg. He took it an' pulled my tooth. Try dat now, if you wants to an' see what happens. Yes, slavery wus a purty good thing.

When you get a tooth pulled now, it costs two dollars, right? Well, back in slavery days, I had a tooth that was bothering me. My mother said, "Emma, take this egg and go down to Doctor Busbee, give it to him, and get your[Pg 109] tooth pulled." I gave him one egg. He took it and pulled my tooth. Try that now if you want and see what happens. Yes, slavery was a pretty good thing.


[320165]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:1430
Subject:Days on the Plantation
Person Interviewed:Uncle David Blount
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

HW notes [Pg 111]

HW notes [Pg 111]

DAYS ON THE PLANTATION

As told by Uncle David Blount, formerly of Beaufort County, who did not know his age. "De Marster" he refers to was Major Wm. A. Blount, who owned plantations in several parts of North Carolina.

As told by Uncle David Blount, formerly of Beaufort County, who didn’t know his age. “De Marster” he refers to was Major Wm. A. Blount, who owned plantations in several parts of North Carolina.

Yes mam, de days on de plantation wuz de happy days. De marster made us wuck through de week but on Sadays we uster go swimmin' in de riber an' do a lot of other things dat we lak ter do.

Yes ma'am, the days on the plantation were the happy days. The master made us work through the week, but on Saturdays we used to go swimming in the river and do a lot of other things that we liked to do.

We didn't mind de wuck so much case de ground wuz soft as ashes an' de marster let us stop and rest when we got tired. We planted 'taters in de uplan's and co'n in de lowgroun's nex' de riber. It wuz on de Cape Fear an' on hot days when we wuz a-pullin' de fodder we'd all stop wuck 'bout three o'clock in de ebenin' an' go swimmin'. Atter we come out'n de water we would wuck harder dan eber an' de marster wuz good to us, case we did wuck an' we done what he ast us.

We didn't mind the work too much because the ground was soft like ashes and the master let us take breaks when we got tired. We planted potatoes in the uplands and corn in the lowlands next to the river. It was on the Cape Fear, and on hot days when we were pulling the fodder, we'd all stop working around three o'clock in the afternoon and go swimming. After we got out of the water, we would work harder than ever, and the master was good to us because we did work and we did what he asked us.

I 'members onct de marster had a oberseer dar dat wuz meaner dan a mean nigger. He always hired good oberseers an' a whole lot of times he let some Negro slave obersee. Well, dis oberseer beat some of de half grown boys till de blood run down ter dar heels an' he tole de rest of us dat if we told on him dat he'd kill us. We don't dasen't ast de marster ter git rid of de man so dis went on fer a long time.[Pg 112]

I remember once the master had an overseer who was meaner than the meanest person you could imagine. He usually hired good overseers, and often he let some enslaved men take on the overseer's role. Well, this overseer would beat some of the young boys until blood ran down to their heels, and he told the rest of us that if we said anything about it, he would kill us. We didn’t dare ask the master to get rid of him, so this continued for a long time.[Pg 112]

It wuz cold as de debil one day an' dis oberseer had a gang of us a-clearin' new groun'. One boy ast if he could warm by de bresh heap. De oberseer said no, and atter awhile de boy had a chill. De oberseer don't care, but dat night de boy am a sick nigger. De nex' mornin' de marster gits de doctor, an' de doctor say dat de boy has got pneumonia. He tells 'em ter take off de boys shirt an' grease him wid some tar, turpentine, an' kerosene, an' when dey starts ter take de shirt off dey fin's dat it am stuck.

It was freezing one day, and this overseer had a group of us clearing new land. One boy asked if he could warm himself by the brush pile. The overseer said no, and after a while, the boy got a chill. The overseer didn't care, but that night, the boy got really sick. The next morning, the master called the doctor, and the doctor said the boy had pneumonia. He told them to take off the boy's shirt and rub him down with some tar, turpentine, and kerosene, and when they started to take the shirt off, they found that it was stuck.

Dey had ter grease de shirt ter git it off case de blood whar de oberseer beat him had stuck de shirt tight ter de skin. De marster wuz in de room an' he axed de boy how come it, an' de boy tole him.

Dey had to grease the shirt to get it off because the blood from where the overseer beat him had stuck the shirt tightly to the skin. The master was in the room and he asked the boy what happened, and the boy told him.

De marster sorta turns white an' he says ter me, 'Will yo' go an' ast de oberseer ter stop hyar a minute, please?'

De marster kinda goes pale, and he says to me, 'Will you go and ask the overseer to stop here for a minute, please?'

When de oberseer comes up de steps he axes sorta sassy-like, 'What yo' want?'

When the overseer comes up the steps, he asks a bit sassily, 'What do you want?'

De marster says, 'Pack yo' things an' git off'n my place as fast as yo' can, yo' pesky varmit.'

De marster says, 'Pack your things and get off my property as quickly as you can, you annoying pest.'

De oberseer sasses de marster some more, an' den I sees de marster fairly loose his temper for de first time. He don't say a word but he walks ober, grabs de oberseer by de shoulder, sets his boot right hard 'ginst de seat of his pants an' sen's him, all drawed up, out in de yard[Pg 113] on his face. He close up lak a umbrella for a minute den he pulls hisself all tergether an' he limps out'n dat yard an' we ain't neber seed him no more.

The overseer talks back to the master a bit more, and then I see the master lose his temper for the first time. He doesn't say a word, but he walks over, grabs the overseer by the shoulder, and puts his boot hard against the seat of his pants, sending him, all hunched over, out into the yard[Pg 113] with a look on his face. He collapses like an umbrella for a minute, then pulls himself together and limps out of that yard, and we never saw him again.

No mam, dar wuzent no marryin' on de plantation dem days, an' as one ole 'oman raised all of de chilluns me an' my brother Johnnie ain't neber knowed who our folkses wuz. Johnnie wuz a little feller when de war ended, but I wuz in most of de things dat happen on de plantation fer a good while.

No ma'am, there wasn't any marrying on the plantation back then, and since one old woman raised all the kids, my brother Johnnie and I never knew who our parents were. Johnnie was just a little guy when the war ended, but I was there for most of the things that happened on the plantation for quite a while.

One time dar, I done fergit de year, some white mens comes down de riber on a boat an' dey comes inter de fiel's an' talks ter a gang of us an' dey says dat our masters ain't treatin' us right. Dey tells us dat we orter be paid fer our wuck, an' dat we hadn't ort ter hab passes ter go anywhar. Dey also tells us dat we ort ter be allowed ter tote guns if we wants 'em. Dey says too dat sometime our marsters was gwine ter kill us all.

One time, I forgot the year, some white men came down the river on a boat and they came into the fields and talked to a group of us. They said that our masters weren't treating us right. They told us that we should be paid for our work, and that we shouldn't have to have passes to go anywhere. They also said that we should be allowed to carry guns if we wanted to. They said too that sometime our masters were going to kill us all.

I laughs at 'em, but some of dem fool niggers listens ter 'em; an' it 'pears dat dese men gib de niggers some guns atter I left an' promised ter bring 'em some more de nex' week.

I laugh at them, but some of those foolish blacks listen to them; and it seems that these men gave the blacks some guns after I left and promised to bring them some more next week.

I fin's out de nex' day 'bout dis an' I goes an' tells de marster. He sorta laughs an' scratches his head, 'Dem niggers am headed fer trouble, Dave, 'he says ter me, 'an I wants yo' ter help me.'

I find out the next day about this and I go and tell the master. He kind of laughs and scratches his head, "Those people are headed for trouble, Dave," he says to me, "and I want you to help me."

I says, 'Yas sar, marster.'

I say, 'Yes sir, master.'

An' he goes on, 'Yo' fin's out when de rest of de[Pg 114] guns comes Dave, an' let me know.'

An' he goes on, 'You'll find out when the rest of the[Pg 114] guys come, Dave, and let me know.'

When de men brings back de guns I tells de marster, an' I also tells him dat dey wants ter hold er meetin'.

When the men bring back the guns, I tell the master, and I also tell him that they want to hold a meeting.

'All right,' he says an' laughs, 'dey can have de meetin'. Yo' tell 'em, Dave, dat I said dat dey can meet on Chuesday night in de pack house.'

'All right,' he says and laughs, 'they can have the meeting. You tell them, Dave, that I said they can meet on Tuesday night in the packing house.'

Chuesday ebenin' he sen's dem all off to de low groun's but me, an' he tells me ter nail up de shutters ter de pack house an' ter nail 'em up good.

Ch Tuesday evening he sends them all off to the low grounds but me, and he tells me to nail up the shutters to the pack house and to nail them up tight.

I does lak he tells me ter do an' dat night de niggers marches in an' sneaks dar guns in too. I is lyin' up in de loft an' I hyars dem say dat atter de meetin' dey is gwine ter go up ter de big house an' kill de whole fambly.

I like how he tells me to do, and that night the Black folks marched in and snuck their guns in too. I'm lying up in the loft and I hear them say that after the meeting they're going to go up to the big house and kill the whole family.

I gits out of de winder an' I runs ter de house an tells de marster. Den me an' him an' de young marster goes out an' quick as lightnin', I slams de pack house door an' I locks it. Den de marster yells at dem, 'I'se got men an' guns out hyar, he yells, 'an' if yo' doan throw dem guns out of de hole up dar in de loft, an' throw dem ebery one out I'se gwine ter stick fire ter dat pack house.'

I get out of the window and run to the house to tell the master. Then, the master, the young master, and I go outside, and as fast as lightning, I slam the pack house door and lock it. Then the master yells at them, "I've got men and guns out here," he yells, "and if you don't throw those guns out of the hole up there in the loft, and throw every single one out, I'm going to set fire to that pack house."

De niggers 'liberates for a few minutes an' den dey throws de guns out. I knows how many dey has got so I counts till dey throw dem all out, den I gathers up dem[Pg 115] guns an' I totes 'em off ter de big house.

De blacks 'liberate for a few minutes and then they throw the guns out. I know how many they have, so I count until they throw them all out, then I gather up the guns and I tote them off to the big house.[Pg 115]

Well sar, we keeps dem niggers shet up fer about a week on short rations; an' at de end of dat time dem niggers am kyored for good. When dey comes out dey had three oberseers 'stid of one, an' de rules am stricter dan eber before; an' den de marster goes off ter de war.

Well sir, we keep those people shut up for about a week on limited food; and by the end of that time, they're fixed for good. When they come out, they have three overseers instead of one, and the rules are stricter than ever before; and then the master goes off to the war.

I reckon I was 'bout fifteen or sixteen den; an' de marster car's me 'long fer his pusonal sarvant an' body guard an' he leabes de rest of dem niggers in de fiel's ter wuck like de dickens while I laughs at dem Yankees.

I think I was about fifteen or sixteen then; and the master took me along as his personal servant and bodyguard while he left the rest of the people in the fields to work really hard while I laughed at those Yankees.

Jim belonged to Mr. Harley who lived in New Hanover County during de war, in fac' he was young Massa Harley's slave; so when young Massa Tom went to de war Jim went along too.

Jim belonged to Mr. Harley, who lived in New Hanover County during the war. In fact, he was young Master Harley's slave; so when young Master Tom went to the war, Jim went along too.

Dey wuz at Manassas, dey tells me, when Massa Tom got kilt, and de orders wuz not to take no bodies off de field right den.

Dey were at Manassas, they tell me, when Master Tom got killed, and the orders were not to take any bodies off the field right then.

Course ole massa down near Wilmington, doan know 'bout young Massa Tom, but one night dey hears Jim holler at de gate. Dey goes runnin' out; an' Jim has brung Massa Tom's body all dat long ways home so dat he can be buried in de family burian ground.

Course old master down near Wilmington, don't know about young Master Tom, but one night they hear Jim shouting at the gate. They run out; and Jim has brought Master Tom's body all that long way home so that he can be buried in the family burial ground.

De massa frees Jim dat night; but he stays on a time atter de war, an' tell de day he died he hated[Pg 116] de Yankees for killing Massa Tom. In fact we all hated de Yankees, 'specially atter we hear 'bout starve dat first winter. I tried ter make a libin' fer me an' Johnnie but it was bad goin'; den I comes ter Raleigh an' I gits 'long better. Atter I gits settled I brings Johnnie, an' so we done putty good.

De massa frees Jim that night; but he stays on for a while after the war, and until the day he died, he hated[Pg 116] the Yankees for killing Massa Tom. In fact, we all hated the Yankees, especially after we heard about starving that first winter. I tried to make a living for me and Johnnie, but it was tough; then I came to Raleigh and I got along better. After I got settled, I brought Johnnie, and so we did pretty well.

Dat's all I can tell yo' now Miss, but if'n yo'll come back sometime I'll tell yo' de rest of de tales.

Dat's all I can tell you now, Miss, but if you'll come back sometime I'll tell you the rest of the stories.

Shortly after the above interview Uncle Dave who was failing fast was taken to the County Home, where he died. He was buried on May 4th, 1937, the rest of the tale remaining untold.

Shortly after the interview mentioned above, Uncle Dave, who was rapidly declining, was taken to the County Home, where he died. He was buried on May 4th, 1937, with the rest of the story left untold.


[320185]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:459
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Person Interviewed:Clay Bobbit
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 17 1937"

EX-SLAVE STORY

An interview with Clay Bobbit, 100 of S. Harrington Street, Raleigh, N.C., May 27, 1937.

I wuz borned May 2, 1837 in Warren County to Washington an' Delisia Bobbit. Our Marster wuz named Richard Bobbit, but we all calls him Massa Dick.

I was born on May 2, 1837, in Warren County to Washington and Delisia Bobbit. Our master was named Richard Bobbit, but we all call him Massa Dick.

Massa Dick ain't good ter us, an' on my arm hyar, jist above de elbow am a big scar dis day whar he whupped me wid a cowhide. He ain't whupped me fer nothin' 'cept dat I is a nigger. I had a whole heap of dem whuppin's, mostly case I won't obey his orders an' I'se seed slaves beat 'most ter deff.

Massa Dick isn't good to us, and on my arm here, just above the elbow, there's a big scar to this day from when he beat me with a cowhide. He hasn't beaten me for anything except that I’m black. I've had a lot of those beatings, mostly because I wouldn’t obey his orders, and I've seen slaves beaten almost to death.

I wuz married onct 'fore de war by de broom stick ceremony, lak all de rest of de slaves wuz but shucks dey sold away my wife 'fore we'd been married a year an' den de war come on.

I was married once before the war with the broomstick ceremony, like all the other slaves were, but they sold my wife away before we had been married a year and then the war came.

I had one brother, Henry who am wuckin' fer de city, an' one sister what wuz named Deliah. She been daid dese many years now.

I had one brother, Henry, who was working for the city, and one sister named Deliah. She has been dead for many years now.

Massa Dick owned a powerful big plantation an' ober a hundert slaves, an' we wucked on short rations an' went nigh naked. We ain't gone swimmin' ner huntin'[Pg 119] ner nothin' an' we ain't had no pleasures 'less we runs away ter habe 'em. Eben when we sings we had ter turn down a pot in front of de do' ter ketch de noise.

Massa Dick owned a huge plantation and over a hundred slaves, and we worked on barely enough food and were almost naked. We never went swimming or hunting or anything, and we didn’t have any fun unless we ran away to find it. Even when we sang, we had to turn over a pot in front of the door to muffle the noise.[Pg 119]

I knowed some pore white trash; our oberseer wuz one, an' de shim shams[3] wuz also nigh 'bout also. We ain't had no use fer none of 'em an' we shorely ain't carin' whe'her dey has no use fer us er not.

I knew some poor white trash; our overseer was one, and the sham shams[3] were really about the same. We had no use for any of them, and we certainly didn't care whether they had any use for us or not.

De Ku Kluxes ain't done nothin' fer us case dar ain't many in our neighborhood. Yo' see de Yankees ain't come through dar, an' we is skeerd of dem anyhow. De white folks said dat de Yankees would kill us if'en dey ketched us.

De Ku Kluxes haven't done anything for us because there aren't many in our neighborhood. You see, the Yankees haven't come through here, and we're scared of them anyway. The white folks said that the Yankees would kill us if they caught us.

I ain't knowed nothin' 'bout de Yankees, ner de surrender so I stays on fer seberal months atter de wahr wuz ober, den I comes ter Raleigh an' goes ter wuck fer de city. I wucks fer de city fer nigh on fifty years, I reckon, an' jis' lately I retired.

I didn't know anything about the Yankees or the surrender, so I stayed for several months after the war was over. Then I came to Raleigh and went to work for the city. I worked for the city for almost fifty years, I guess, and just recently I retired.

I'se been sick fer 'bout four months an' on, de second day of May. De day when I wuz a hundert years old I warn't able ter git ter de city lot, but I got a lot uv presents.

I've been sick for about four months now, on the second day of May. On the day when I turned a hundred years old, I wasn't able to get to the city lot, but I received a lot of presents.

Dis 'oman am my third lawful wife. I married her three years ago.[4]

Dis 'oman am my third lawful wife. I married her three years ago.[4]

[3] Shim Sham, Free Issues or Negroes of mixed blood.

[3] Shim Sham, Free Issues or people of mixed race.

[4] The old man was too ill to walk out on the porch for his picture, and his mind wandered too much to give a connected account of his life.

[4] The old man was too sick to go out on the porch for his photo, and his thoughts drifted too much to provide a coherent story of his life.


[320190]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:793
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Story Teller:Henry Bobbitt
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

EX-SLAVE STORIES

An interview with Henry Bobbitt, 87 of Raleigh, Wake County N.C. May 13, 1937 by Mary A. Hicks.

I wuz borned at Warrenton in Warren County in 1850. My father wuz named Washington, atter General Washington an' my mamma wuz named Diasia atter a woman in a story. Us an' 'bout forty or fifty other slaves belonged ter Mr. Richard Bobbitt an' we wucked his four hundred acres o' land fer him. I jist had one brother named Clay, atter Henry Clay, which shows how Massa Dick voted, an' Delilah, which shows dat ole missus read de Bible.

I was born in Warrenton, Warren County, in 1850. My father's name was Washington, after General Washington, and my mother's name was Diasia, after a woman in a story. We, along with about forty or fifty other slaves, belonged to Mr. Richard Bobbitt, and we worked his four hundred acres of land for him. I only had one brother named Clay, after Henry Clay, which shows how Master Dick voted, and Delilah, which shows that the old mistress read the Bible.

We farmed, makin' tobacco, cotton, co'n, wheat an' taters. Massa Dick had a whole passel o' fine horses an' our Sunday job wuz ter take care of 'em, an' clean up round de house. Yes mam, we wucked seben days a week, from sunup till sundown six days, an' from seben till three or four on a Sunday.

We farmed, growing tobacco, cotton, corn, wheat, and potatoes. Master Dick had a whole bunch of fine horses, and our Sunday job was to take care of them and clean around the house. Yes ma'am, we worked seven days a week, from sunrise to sunset six days, and from seven until three or four on a Sunday.

We didn't have many tear-downs an' prayer meetin's an' sich, case de fuss sturbed ole missus who wuz kinder sickly. When we did have sompin' we turned down a big wash-pot in front of de do', an' it took up de fuss, an' folkses in de yard can't hyar de fuss. De patterollers[Pg 122] would git you iffen you went offen de premises widout a pass, an' dey said dat dey would beat you scandelous. I seed a feller dat dey beat onct an' he had scars as big as my fingers all ober his body.

We didn’t have many gatherings or prayer meetings because the noise bothered the elderly lady who was kind of sickly. When we did have something, we’d set up a big wash pot in front of the door to muffle the noise, so people in the yard couldn’t hear it. The patrollers[Pg 122] would get you if you left the property without a pass, and they said they’d beat you badly. I saw a guy they had beaten once, and he had scars all over his body that were as big as my fingers.

I got one whuppin' dat I 'members, an' dat wuz jist a middlin' one. De massa told me ter pick de cotton an' I sot down in de middle an' didn't wuck a speck. De oberseer come an' he frailed me wid a cotton-stalk; he wuz a heap meaner ter de niggers dan Massa Dick wuz. I saw some niggers what wuz beat bad, but I ain't neber had no bad beatin'.

I got one beating that I remember, and it was just an average one. The master told me to pick the cotton, and I sat down in the middle and didn’t work at all. The overseer came and whipped me with a cotton stalk; he was a lot meaner to the Black people than Master Dick was. I saw some Black people who got beaten badly, but I’ve never had a bad beating.

We libed in log houses wid sand floors an' stick an' dirt chimneys an' we warn't 'lowed ter have no gyarden, ner chickens, ner pigs. We ain't had no way o' makin' money an' de fun wuz only middlin'. We had ter steal what rabbits we et from somebody elses boxes on some udder plantation, case de massa won't let us have none o' our own, an' we ain't had no time ter hunt ner fish.

We lived in log houses with sand floors and stick and dirt chimneys, and we weren't allowed to have any garden, chickens, or pigs. We had no way of making money, and the fun was just okay. We had to steal the rabbits we ate from other people's boxes on some other plantation because the owner wouldn’t let us have any of our own, and we didn’t have time to hunt or fish.

Now talkin' 'bout sompin' dat we'd git a whuppin' fer, dat wuz fer havin' a pencil an' a piece of paper er a slate. Iffen you jist looked lak you wanted ter larn ter read er write you got a lickin'.

Now talking about something that we’d get in trouble for, that was for having a pencil and a piece of paper or a slate. If you just looked like you wanted to learn to read or write, you’d get punished.

Dar wuz two colored women lived nigh us an' dey wuz called "free issues," but dey wuz really witches. I ain't really seen 'em do nothin' but I hyard a whole lot[Pg 123] 'bout 'em puttin' spells on folkses an' I seed tracks whar day had rid Massa Dick's hosses an' eber mo'nin' de hosses manes an' tails would be all twisted an' knotted up. I know dat dey done dat case I seed it wid my own eyes. Dey doctored lots of people an' our folkses ain't neber had no doctor fer nothin' dat happen.

There were two women of color who lived near us, and they were called "free issues," but they were really witches. I never actually saw them do anything, but I heard a lot about them putting spells on people, and I saw tracks where they had ridden Massa Dick's horses. Every morning, the horses' manes and tails would be all twisted and knotted up. I know they did that because I saw it with my own eyes. They treated a lot of people, and our folks never had a doctor for anything that happened.

You wuz axin' 'bout de slave sales, an' I want ter tell you dat I has seen some real sales an' I'se seed niggers, whole bunches of' em, gwin' ter Richmond ter be sold. Dey wuz mostly chained, case dey wuz new ter de boss, an' he doan know what ter 'spect. I'se seed some real sales in Warrenton too, an' de mammies would be sold from deir chilluns an' dare would be a whole heap o' cryin' an' mou'nin' 'bout hit. I tell you folkses ain't lak dey uster be, 'specially niggers. Uster be when a nigger cries he whoops an' groans an' hollers an' his whole body rocks, an' dat am de way dey done sometime at de sales.

You were asking about the slave sales, and I want to tell you that I have seen some real sales, and I've seen black people, whole groups of them, going to Richmond to be sold. They were mostly chained because they were new to the boss, and he didn’t know what to expect. I’ve seen some real sales in Warrenton too, and the mothers would be sold away from their children, and there would be a lot of crying and mourning about it. I tell you, people aren’t like they used to be, especially black people. It used to be when a black person cried, they would scream and groan and holler, and their whole body would rock, and that’s how they sometimes reacted at the sales.

Speakin' 'bout haints: I'se seed a whole lot o' things, but de worst dat eber happen wuz 'bout twenty years ago when a han'ts hand hit me side o' de haid. I bet dat hand weighed a hundred pounds an' it wuz as cold as ice. I ain't been able ter wuck fer seben days an' nights an' I still can't turn my haid far ter de left as you sees.

Speaking of ghosts: I've seen a lot of things, but the worst that ever happened was about twenty years ago when a ghostly hand struck me on the side of the head. I bet that hand weighed a hundred pounds and it was as cold as ice. I haven't been able to work for seven days and nights, and I still can't turn my head far to the left as you can see.

I reckon 'bout de funniest thing 'bout our planta[Pg 124]tion wuz de marryin'. A couple got married by sayin' dat dey wuz, but it couldn't last fer longer dan five years. Dat wuz so iffen one of 'em got too weakly ter have chilluns de other one could git him another wife or husban'.

I think the funniest thing about our plantation was the marriages. A couple would get married just by saying they were, but it couldn't last longer than five years. That was so if one of them got too weak to have kids, the other one could get himself another wife or husband.

I 'members de day moughty well when de Yankees come. Massa Dick he walked de floor an' cussed Sherman fer takin' his niggers away. All o' de niggers lef', of course, an' me, I walked clean ter Raleigh ter find out if I wuz really free, an' I couldn't unnerstan' half of it.

I remember the day really well when the Yankees came. Mr. Dick was pacing the floor and cursing Sherman for taking his slaves away. All of the slaves left, of course, and I walked all the way to Raleigh to find out if I was really free, and I couldn't understand half of it.

Well de first year I slept in folkses woodhouses an' barns an' in de woods or any whar else I could find. I wucked hyar an' dar, but de folkses' jist give me sompin' ter eat an' my clothes wuz in strings' fore de spring o' de year.

Well, the first year I slept in people's woodsheds and barns and in the woods or anywhere else I could find. I worked here and there, but people just gave me something to eat, and my clothes were in tatters before spring came.

Yo' axes me what I thinks of Massa Lincoln? Well, I thinks dat he wuz doin' de wust thing dat he could ter turn all dem fool niggers loose when dey ain't got no place ter go an' nothin' ter eat. Who helped us out den? Hit wuzn't de Yankees, hit wuz de white folkses what wuz left wid deir craps in de fiel's, an' wuz robbed by dem Yankees, ter boot. My ole massa, fur instance, wuz robbed uv his fine hosses an' his feed stuff an' all dem kaigs o' liquor what he done make hisself, sides his money an' silver.

You ask me what I think of Master Lincoln? Well, I think that he was doing the worst thing he could by setting all those foolish Black people free when they had no place to go and nothing to eat. Who helped us then? It wasn’t the Yankees; it was the white folks who were left with their crops in the fields and were robbed by those Yankees too. My old master, for example, was robbed of his fine horses and his feed and all that liquor he made himself, plus his money and silver.

Slavery wuz a good thing den, but de world jist got better an' outgrowed it.

Slavery was a good thing back then, but the world just got better and outgrew it.

EH

EH


[320235]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:863
Subject:HERNDON BOGAN
Story Teller:Herndon Bogan
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

HERNDON BOGAN

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Herndon Bogan, 76 (?) of State Prison, Raleigh, N.C.

I wus bawned in Union County, South Carolina on de plantation o' Doctor Bogan, who owned both my mammy Issia, an' my pap Edwin. Dar wus six o' us chilluns; Clara, Lula, Joe, Tux, Mack an' me.

I was born in Union County, South Carolina, on the plantation of Doctor Bogan, who owned both my mother Issia and my father Edwin. There were six of us kids: Clara, Lula, Joe, Tux, Mack, and me.

I doan' member much 'bout slavery days 'cept dat my white folkses wus good ter us. Dar wus a heap o' slaves, maybe a hundert an' fifty. I 'members dat we wucked hard, but we had plenty ter eat an' w'ar, eben iffen we did w'ar wood shoes.

I don't remember much about the days of slavery except that my white folks were good to us. There were a lot of slaves, maybe a hundred and fifty. I remember that we worked hard, but we had plenty to eat and wear, even if we did wear wooden shoes.

I kin barely recolleck 'fore de war dat I'se seed a heap o' cocks fightin' in pits an' a heap o' horse racin'. When de marster winned he 'ud give us niggers a big dinner or a dance, but if he lost, oh!

I can barely remember before the war that I saw a lot of roosters fighting in pits and a lot of horse racing. When the master won, he would treat us black folks to a big dinner or a dance, but if he lost, oh!

My daddy wus gived ter de doctor when de doctor wus married an' dey shore loved each other. One day marster, he comes in an' he sez dat de Yankees am aimin' ter try ter take his niggers way from him, but dat dey am gwine ter ketch hell while dey does hit. When he[Pg 127] sez dat he starts ter walkin' de flo'. 'I'se gwine ter leave yore missus in yore keer, Edwin,' he sez.

My dad was given to the doctor when the doctor was married, and they really loved each other. One day, the master came in and said that the Yankees were trying to take his slaves away from him, but that they were going to face serious trouble doing it. When he[Pg 127] said that, he started to pace the floor. 'I'm going to leave your wife in your care, Edwin,' he said.

But pa 'lows, 'Wid all respec' fer yore wife sar, she am a Yankee too, an' I'd ruther go wid you ter de war. Please sar, massa, let me go wid you ter fight dem Yanks.'

But, with all due respect for your wife, sir, she's a Yankee too, and I’d rather go with you to the war. Please, sir, let me go with you to fight those Yankees.

At fust massa 'fuses, den he sez, 'All right.' So off dey goes ter de war, massa on a big hoss, an' my pap on a strong mule 'long wid de blankets an' things.

At first, the master refuses, then he says, 'All right.' So off they go to the war, the master on a big horse, and my dad on a strong mule along with the blankets and supplies.

Dey tells me dat ole massa got shot one night, an' dat pap grabs de gun 'fore hit hits de earth an' lets de Yanks have hit.

Dey tells me that the old master got shot one night, and that Dad grabs the gun before it hits the ground and lets the Yankees have it.

I 'members dat dem wus bad days fer South Carolina, we gived all o' de food ter de soldiers, an' missus, eben do' she has got some Yankee folks in de war, l'arns ter eat cabbages an' kush an' berries.

I remember that those were tough times for South Carolina. We gave all the food to the soldiers, and the missus, even though she has some Yankee relatives in the war, learns to eat cabbage, squash, and berries.

I 'members dat on de day of de surrender, leastways de day dat we hyard 'bout hit, up comes a Yankee an' axes ter see my missus. I is shakin', I is dat skeerd, but I bucks up an' I tells him dat my missus doan want ter see no blue coat.

I remember that on the day of the surrender, at least the day we heard about it, a Yankee shows up and asks to see my wife. I'm shaking, I'm so scared, but I gather myself and tell him that my wife doesn't want to see any blue coat.

He grins, an' tells me ter skedaddle, an' 'bout den my missus comes out an' so help me iffen she doan hug dat dratted Yank. Atter awhile I gathers dat he's her brother, but at fust I ain't seed no sense in her cryin'[Pg 128] an' sayin' 'thank God', over an' over.

He grins and tells me to get lost, and then my wife comes out and, I swear, she hugs that annoying Yank. After a while, I figure out that he’s her brother, but at first, I didn’t see any reason for her to be crying and saying "thank God" over and over. [Pg 128]

Well sar, de massa an' pap what had gone off mad an' healthy an' ridin' fine beastes comes back walkin' an' dey looked sick. Massa am white as cotton, an' so help me, iffen my pap, who wuz black as sin, ain't pale too.

Well sir, the master and my dad who had gone off looking healthy and riding fine animals come back walking and they looked sick. The master is as white as cotton, and I swear, if my dad, who was as black as sin, isn't looking pale too.

Atter a few years I goes ter wuck in Spartanburg as a houseboy, den I gits a job wid de Southern Railroad an' I goes ter Charlotte ter night-watch de tracks.

After a few years, I went to work in Spartanburg as a houseboy, then I got a job with the Southern Railroad and went to Charlotte to night-watch the tracks.

I stays dar eighteen years, but one night I kills a white hobo who am tryin' ter rob me o' my gol' watch an' chain, an' dey gives me eighteen months. I'se been hyar six already. He wus a white man, an' jist a boy, an' I is sorry, but I comes hyar anyhow.

I stayed there for eighteen years, but one night I killed a white homeless guy who was trying to rob me of my gold watch and chain, and they gave me eighteen months. I've been here for six already. He was a white guy, just a kid, and I feel bad about it, but I came here anyway.

I hyard a ole 'oman in Charlotte tell onct 'bout witchin' in slavery times, dar in Mecklenburg County. She wus roun' ninety, so I reckon she knows. She said dat iffen anybody wanted ter be a witch he would draw a circle on de groun' jist at de aidge o' dark an' git in de circle an' squat down.

I heard an old woman in Charlotte talking once about witchcraft during slavery times, down in Mecklenburg County. She was around ninety, so I guess she knows. She said that if anyone wanted to be a witch, they would draw a circle on the ground right at the edge of dark and get inside the circle and squat down.

Dar he had ter set an' talk ter de debil, an' he mus' say, 'I will have nothin' ter do wid 'ligion, an' I wants you ter make me a witch.' Atter day he mus' bile a black cat, a bat an' a bunch of herbs an' drink de soup, den he wuz really a witch.[Pg 129]

Dar he had to sit and talk to the devil, and he must say, 'I want nothing to do with religion, and I want you to make me a witch.' After that day he must boil a black cat, a bat, and a bunch of herbs and drink the soup; then he was really a witch.[Pg 129]

When you wanted ter witch somebody, she said dat you could take dat stuff, jist a little bit of hit an' put hit under dat puson's doorsteps an' dey'd be sick.

When you wanted to put a curse on someone, she said that you could take that stuff, just a little bit of it, and put it under that person's doorstep and they'd get sick.

You could go thru' de key hole or down de chimney or through de chinks in a log house, an' you could ride a puson jist lak ridin' a hoss. Dat puson can keep you outen his house by layin' de broom 'fore de do' an' puttin' a pin cushion full of pins side of de bed do', iffen he's a mind to.

You could go through the keyhole or down the chimney or through the gaps in a log house, and you could ride a person just like riding a horse. That person can keep you out of his house by placing a broom in front of the door and putting a pin cushion full of pins next to the bedroom door, if he feels like it.

Dat puson can kill you too, by drawin' yore pitcher an' shootin' hit in de haid or de heart too.

Dat puson can kill you too, by drawing your picture and shooting it in the head or the heart too.

Dar's a heap o' ways ter tell fortunes dat she done tol' me but I'se done forgot now 'cept coffee groun's an' a little of de others. You can't tell hit wid 'em do', case hit takes knowin' how, hit shore does.

Dar's a lot of ways to tell fortunes that she told me, but I’ve forgotten now except for coffee grounds and a few others. You can't do it without knowing how; it really takes some skill.


[320022]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1,741
Subject:ANDREW BOONE
Story Teller:Andrew Boone
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"OCT 23 1937"

ANDREW BOONE

age 90 years.
Wake County, North Carolina. Harris Farm.

I been living in dese backer barns fifteen years. I built this little shelter to cook under. Dey cut me off the WPA cause dey said I wus too ole to work. Dey tole us ole folks we need not put down our walkin' sticks to git work cause dey jes' won't goin' to put us on.

I’ve been living in these back barns for fifteen years. I built this little shelter to cook under. They cut me off from the WPA because they said I was too old to work. They told us older folks we don’t need to put down our walking sticks to get work because they just weren’t going to hire us.

Well, I had some tomatoes cooked widout any grease for my breakfast. I had a loaf of bread yesterday, but I et it. I ain't got any check from the ole age pension an' I have nothin' to eat an' I am hongry. I jes' looks to God. I set down by de road thinkin' bout how to turn an' what to do to git a meal, when you cum along. I thanks you fer dis dime. I guess God made you give it to me.

Well, I had some tomatoes cooked without any grease for my breakfast. I had a loaf of bread yesterday, but I ate it. I haven't gotten any check from the old age pension and I have nothing to eat, and I am hungry. I just look to God. I sat down by the road thinking about how to turn and what to do to get a meal, when you came along. I thank you for this dime. I guess God made you give it to me.

I wus glad to take you down to my livin' place to give you my story. Dis shelter, an ole tobacco barn, is better dan no home at all. I is a man to myself an' I enjoy livin' out here if I could git enough to eat.

I was glad to take you to my place to share my story. This shelter, an old tobacco barn, is better than no home at all. I'm a man on my own, and I enjoy living out here if I could just get enough to eat.

Well de big show is coming to town. It's de Devil's wurk. Yes sir, it's de Devil's wurk. Why dem[Pg 132] show folks ken make snakes an' make 'em crawl too. Dere wus one in Watson Field in de edge of Raleigh not long ago an' he made snakes an' made 'em crawl too. All shows is de Devil's wurk.

Well, the big show is coming to town. It's the Devil's work. Yes, sir, it's the Devil's work. Why, those show folks can make snakes and make them crawl too. There was one in Watson Field on the edge of Raleigh not long ago, and he made snakes and made them crawl too. All shows are the Devil's work.

I never done anything fer myself in all my life. I always wurked fer de Rebels. I stuck right to 'em. Didn't have no sense fer doin' dat I guess.

I never did anything for myself in my entire life. I always worked for the Rebels. I stuck with them. I guess I didn't have the sense to do anything else.

One time a Rebel saw a Yankee wid one eye, one leg an' one arm. De Yankee wus beggin'. De Rebel went up to him an' give him a quarter. Den he backed off an' jes' stood a-lookin' at de Yankee, presently he went back an' give him anudder quarter, den anudder, den he said, 'You take dis whole dollar, you is de first Yankee I eber seed trimmed up jes' to my notion, so take all dis, jes' take de whole dollar, you is trimmed up to my notion'.

One time a Rebel saw a Yankee with one eye, one leg, and one arm. The Yankee was begging. The Rebel went up to him and gave him a quarter. Then he stepped back and just stood there looking at the Yankee. After a while, he went back and gave him another quarter, then another. Finally, he said, "You take this whole dollar. You are the first Yankee I’ve ever seen who is just to my liking, so take all this, just take the whole dollar; you’re just what I like."

I belonged to Billy Boone in Slavery time. He wus a preacher. He lived on an' owned a plantation in Northampton County. The plantation wus near woodland. The nearest river to the place wus the Roanoke. My ole missus' name wus Nancy. When ole marster died I stayed around wid fust one then another of the chilluns, cause marster tole me jes' fore he died fer me to stay wid any of 'em I wanted to stay with. All dem ole people done dead an' gone on.[Pg 133]

I belonged to Billy Boone during the time of slavery. He was a preacher. He lived on and owned a plantation in Northampton County. The plantation was near some woods. The closest river to the place was the Roanoke. My old mistress's name was Nancy. When my old master died, I stayed with first one child and then another because he told me just before he died to stay with any of them I wanted to. All those old folks are gone now.[Pg 133]

Niggers had to go through thick an' thin in slavery time, with rough rations most of de time, wid jes' enough clothin' to make out wid. Our houses were built of logs an' covered wid slabs. Dey wus rived out of blocks of trees about 3-6 and 8ft in length. De chimleys wus built of sticks and mud, den a coat of clay mud daubed over 'em. De cracks in de slave houses wus daubed wid mud too.

Blacks had to endure a lot during slavery, facing tough conditions most of the time with barely enough food and minimal clothing. Our homes were made of logs and covered with wooden slabs. They were split from tree trunks about 3 to 8 feet long. The chimneys were made of sticks and mud, then coated with clay mud on top. The cracks in the slave houses were also filled with mud.

We wurked from sun to sun. If we had a fire in cold weather where we wus wurkin' marster or de overseer would come an' put it out. We et frozen meat an' bread many times in cold weather. After de day's wurk in de fields wus over we had a task of pickin' de seed from cotton till we had two ounces of lint or spin two ounces of cotton on a spinnin' wheel. I spun cotton on a spinnin' wheel. Dats de way people got clothes in slavery time.

We worked from sunrise to sunset. If we had a fire in cold weather while we were working, the master or the overseer would come and put it out. We ate frozen meat and bread many times in cold weather. After the day's work in the fields was done, we had to pick the seeds from cotton until we had two ounces of lint or spin two ounces of cotton on a spinning wheel. I spun cotton on a spinning wheel. That's how people got clothes during slavery.

I can't read an' write but dey learned us to count. Dey learned us to count dis way. 'Ought is an' ought, an' a figger is a figger, all for de white man an' nothin' fer de nigger'. Hain't you heard people count dat way?

I can't read or write, but they taught us how to count. They taught us to count like this. 'Ought is an' ought, and a number is a number, all for the white man and nothing for the black.' Haven't you heard people count that way?

Dey sold slaves jes' like people sell hosses now. I saw a lot of slaves sold on de auction block. Dey would strip 'em stark naked. A nigger scarred up or whaled an' welted up wus considered a bad nigger an' did not bring much. If his body wus not scarred,[Pg 134] he brought a good price. I saw a lot of slaves whupped an' I was whupped myself. Dey whupped me wid de cat o' nine tails. It had nine lashes on it. Some of de slaves wus whupped wid a cabbin paddle. Dey had forty holes in' em an' when you wus buckled to a barrel dey hit your naked flesh wid de paddle an' every whur dere wus a hole in de paddle it drawed a blister. When de whuppin' wid de paddle wus over, dey took de cat o' nine tails an' busted de blisters. By dis time de blood sometimes would be runnin' down dere heels. Den de next thing wus a wash in salt water strong enough to hold up an egg. Slaves wus punished dat way fer runnin' away an' sich.

They sold slaves just like people sell horses now. I saw a lot of slaves sold on the auction block. They would strip them completely naked. A black person who was scarred or beaten and had welts was considered a bad slave and didn’t fetch much of a price. If his body wasn’t scarred, [Pg 134] he brought a good price. I saw many slaves whipped and I was whipped myself. They whipped me with a cat o’ nine tails. It had nine lashes on it. Some of the slaves were whipped with a cabin paddle. They had forty holes in them and when you were strapped to a barrel, they hit your bare skin with the paddle and every place there was a hole in the paddle, it drew a blister. When the whipping with the paddle was over, they took the cat o’ nine tails and burst the blisters. By this time, blood would sometimes be running down their heels. Then the next thing was a wash in salt water strong enough to float an egg. Slaves were punished this way for attempting to run away and such.

If you wus out widout a pass dey would shore git you. De paterollers shore looked after you. Dey would come to de house at night to see who wus there. If you wus out of place, dey would wear you out.

If you went out without a pass, they would definitely catch you. The patrollers were always on the lookout for you. They would come to the house at night to check who was there. If you were out of line, they would put you in your place.

Sam Joyner, a slave, belonged to marster. He wus runnin' from de paterollers an' he fell in a ole well. De pateroller went after marster. Marster tole' em to git ole Sam out an' whup him jes' as much as dey wanted to. Dey got him out of de well an' he wus all wet an' muddy. Sam began takin' off his shoes, den he took off his pants an' got in his shirt tail. Marster, he say,[Pg 135] 'What you takin' off you clothes fer Sam?' Sam, he say, 'Marster, you know you all can't whup dis nigger right over all dese wet clothes.' Den Sam lit out. He run so fas' he nearly flew. De paterollers got on dere hosses an' run him but dey could not ketch him. He got away. Marster got Sam's clothes an' carried 'em to de house. Sam slipped up next morning put his clothes on an' marster said no more about it.

Sam Joyner, a slave, belonged to his master. He was running from the patrollers and fell into an old well. The patroller went after his master. His master told them to get Sam out and whip him as much as they wanted to. They pulled him out of the well, and he was all wet and muddy. Sam started taking off his shoes, then he took off his pants and got into his shirt tail. His master said, `[Pg 135]` "What are you taking off your clothes for, Sam?" Sam replied, "Master, you know you can’t whip me with all these wet clothes on." Then Sam took off running. He ran so fast he nearly flew. The patrollers got on their horses and chased him, but they couldn't catch him. He got away. His master took Sam's clothes and brought them to the house. Sam slipped in the next morning, put his clothes on, and his master said nothing more about it.

I wus a great big boy when de Yankees come through. I wus drivin' a two mule team an' doin' other wurk on de farm. I drove a two hoss wagon when dey carried slaves to market. I went to a lot of different places.

I was a big kid when the Yankees came through. I was driving a two-mule team and doing other work on the farm. I drove a two-horse wagon when they took slaves to market. I went to a lot of different places.

My marster wus a preacher, Billy Boone. He sold an' bought niggers. He had fifty or more. He wurked the grown niggers in two squads. My father wus named Isham Boone and my mother wus Sarah Boone. Marster Boone whupped wid de cobbin paddle an' de cat o' nine tails an' used the salt bath an' dat wus 'nough. Plenty besides him whupped dat way.

My master was a preacher, Billy Boone. He bought and sold enslaved people. He had fifty or more. He worked the adult enslaved people in two groups. My father's name was Isham Boone and my mother's was Sarah Boone. Master Boone whipped with a cobbing paddle and a cat o' nine tails, and used a salt bath, and that was enough. Many others whipped that way too.

Marster had one son, named Solomon, an' two girls, Elsie an' Alice. My mother had four children, three boys an' one girl. The boys were named Sam, Walter and Andrew, dats me, an' de girl wus Cherry.

Marster had one son named Solomon and two daughters, Elsie and Alice. My mother had four children, three boys and one girl. The boys were named Sam, Walter, and Andrew, that's me, and the girl was Cherry.

My father had several children cause he had several women besides mother. Mollie and Lila Lassiter, two[Pg 136] sisters, were also his women. Dese women wus given to him an' no udder man wus allowed to have anything to do wid 'em. Mollie an' Lila both had chilluns by him. Dere names wus Jim, Mollie, Liza, Rosa, Pete an' I can't remember no more of 'em.

My father had several children because he had several women besides my mother. Mollie and Lila Lassiter, two[Pg 136] sisters, were also his partners. These women were given to him and no other man was allowed to have anything to do with them. Mollie and Lila both had children by him. Their names were Jim, Mollie, Liza, Rosa, Pete, and I can't remember any more of them.

De Yankees took jes' what dey wanted an' nothin' stopped 'em, cause de surrender had come. Before de surrender de slave owners begun to scatter de slaves 'bout from place to place to keep de Yankees from gittin' 'em. If de Yankees took a place de slaves nearby wus moved to a place further off.

De Yankees took just what they wanted and nothing stopped them, because the surrender had come. Before the surrender, the slave owners started to scatter the slaves around from place to place to keep the Yankees from getting them. If the Yankees took one place, the nearby slaves were moved to a place further away.

All I done wus fer de Rebels. I wus wid 'em an' I jes' done what I wus tole. I wus afraid of de Yankees 'cause de Rebels had told us dat de Yankees would kill us. Dey tole us dat de Yankees would bore holes in our shoulders an' wurk us to carts. Dey tole us we would be treated a lot worser den dey wus treating us. Well, de Yankees got here but they treated us fine. Den a story went round an' round dat de marster would have to give de slaves a mule an' a year's provisions an' some lan', about forty acres, but dat was not so. Dey nebber did give us anything. When de war ended an' we wus tole we wus free, we stayed on wid marster cause we had nothin' an' nowhere[Pg 137] to go.

All I did was for the Rebels. I was with them, and I just did what I was told. I was scared of the Yankees because the Rebels told us that the Yankees would kill us. They told us that the Yankees would drill holes in our shoulders and make us work on carts. They told us we would be treated a lot worse than they were treating us. Well, the Yankees came, but they treated us well. Then a story went around that the master would have to give the slaves a mule, a year's worth of food, and some land, about forty acres, but that wasn't true. They never did give us anything. When the war ended and we were told we were free, we stayed with the master because we had nothing and nowhere[Pg 137] to go.

We moved about from farm to farm. Mother died an' father married Maria Edwards after de surrender. He did not live wid any of his other slave wives dat I knows of.

We moved around from farm to farm. Mom passed away and Dad married Maria Edwards after the surrender. He didn't live with any of his other slave wives that I know of.

I have wurked as a han' on de farm most of de time since de surrender and daddy worked most of de time as a han', but he had gardens an' patches most everywhere he wurked. I wurked in New York City for fifteen years with Crawford and Banhay in de show business. I advertised for 'em. I dressed in a white suit, white shirt, an' white straw hat, and wore tan shoes. I had to be a purty boy. I had to have my shoes shined twice a day. I lived at 18 Manilla Lane, New York City. It is between McDougall Street and 6th Avenue. I married Clara Taylor in New York City. We had two children. The oldest one lives in New York. The other died an' is buried in Raleigh.

I have worked as a laborer on the farm most of the time since the surrender, and my dad worked most of the time as a laborer too, but he had gardens and patches almost everywhere he worked. I worked in New York City for fifteen years with Crawford and Banhay in show business. I advertised for them. I wore a white suit, white shirt, and white straw hat, and tan shoes. I had to look sharp. I had to have my shoes shined twice a day. I lived at 18 Manilla Lane, New York City. It’s located between McDougall Street and 6th Avenue. I married Clara Taylor in New York City. We had two children. The oldest one lives in New York, while the other passed away and is buried in Raleigh.

In slavery time they kept you down an' you had to wurk, now I can't wurk, an' I am still down. Not allowed to wurk an' still down. It's all hard, slavery and freedom, both bad when you can't eat. The ole bees makes de honey comb, the young bee makes de honey, niggers makes de cotton an' corn an' de white folks gets de money. Dis wus de case in Slavery time an' its de case now. De nigger do mos' de hard wurk on de farms now, and de white folks still git de money dat de nigger's labor makes.

In slavery times, they kept you down and you had to work; now I can’t work, and I’m still down. Not allowed to work and still down. It’s all tough, slavery and freedom, both bad when you can’t eat. The old bees make the honeycomb, the young bees make the honey, Black people grow the cotton and corn, and the white folks get the money. This was the situation during slavery and it’s still the case now. Black people do most of the hard work on the farms now, and white folks still get the money that Black people’s labor produces.

LE

LE


[320002]
STATE EDITORIAL IDENTIFICATION FORM

STATE:North Carolina
RECEIVED FROM:(State office) Asheville
MS:Interview with W. L. Bost, Ex-Slave.
WORDS:2000
DATE:Sept. 27, 1937

Interview with W. L. Bost, Ex-slave

88 years
63 Curve Street,
Asheville, N.C.
By—Marjorie Jones

My Massa's name was Jonas Bost. He had a hotel in Newton, North Carolina. My mother and grandmother both belonged to the Bost family. My ole Massa had two large plantations one about three miles from Newton and another four miles away. It took a lot of niggers to keep the work a goin' on them both. The women folks had to work in the hotel and in the big house in town. Ole Missus she was a good woman. She never allowed the Massa to buy or sell any slaves. There never was an overseer on the whole plantation. The oldest colored man always looked after the niggers. We niggers lived better than the niggers on the other plantations.

My master's name was Jonas Bost. He owned a hotel in Newton, North Carolina. My mother and grandmother were both part of the Bost family. My old master had two large plantations, one about three miles from Newton and another four miles away. It took a lot of people to keep the work going on both of them. The women had to work in the hotel and in the big house in town. Old Missus was a good woman. She never let the master buy or sell any slaves. There was never an overseer on the whole plantation. The oldest man always looked after the others. We lived better than the people on the other plantations.

Lord child, I remember when I was a little boy, 'bout ten years, the speculators come through Newton with droves of slaves. They always stay at our place. The poor critters nearly froze to death. They always come 'long on the last of December so that the niggers would be ready for sale on the first day of January. Many the time I see four or five of them chained together. They never had enough clothes on to keep a cat warm. The women never wore anything but a thin dress and a petticoat and one underwear. I've seen the ice balls hangin' on to the bottom of their dresses as they ran along, jes like sheep in a pasture 'fore they are sheared. They never wore any shoes. Jes[Pg 140] run along on the ground, all spewed up with ice. The speculators always rode on horses and drove the pore niggers. When they get cold, they make 'em run 'til they are warm again.

Lord child, I remember when I was about ten years old, the speculators would come through Newton with groups of slaves. They always stayed at our place. The poor souls nearly froze to death. They would always arrive at the end of December so the slaves would be ready for sale on the first day of January. Many times, I saw four or five of them chained together. They never had enough clothes on to keep warm. The women only wore a thin dress, a petticoat, and one piece of underwear. I’ve seen ice balls hanging from the bottoms of their dresses as they ran, just like sheep in a pasture before they get sheared. They never wore shoes. Just ran along on the ground, all covered in ice. The speculators would ride on horses and drive the poor slaves. When they got cold, they made them run until they were warm again.

The speculators stayed in the hotel and put the niggers in the quarters jes like droves of hogs. All through the night I could hear them mournin' and prayin'. I didn't know the Lord would let people live who were so cruel. The gates were always locked and they was a guard on the outside to shoot anyone who tried to run away. Lord miss, them slaves look jes like droves of turkeys runnin' along in front of them horses.

The speculators stayed at the hotel and put the Black people in the quarters just like herds of hogs. All through the night, I could hear them mourning and praying. I didn't think the Lord would allow people to live who were so cruel. The gates were always locked, and there was a guard outside to shoot anyone who tried to escape. Lord, those slaves looked just like flocks of turkeys running along in front of those horses.

I remember when they put 'em on the block to sell 'em. The ones 'tween 18 and 30 always bring the most money. The auctioneer he stand off at a distance and cry 'em off as they stand on the block. I can hear his voice as long as I live.

I remember when they put them up for sale. The ones between 18 and 30 always sell for the most. The auctioneer stands back and calls them out as they stand on the block. I can hear his voice for as long as I live.

If the one they going to sell was a young Negro man this is what he say: "Now gentlemen and fellow-citizens here is a big black buck Negro. He's stout as a mule. Good for any kin' o' work an' he never gives any trouble. How much am I offered for him?" And then the sale would commence, and the nigger would be sold to the highest bidder.

If the person they were going to sell was a young Black man, this is what he would say: "Now gentlemen and fellow citizens, here’s a strong Black man. He’s as tough as a mule. Good for any kind of work and he never causes any trouble. How much am I offered for him?" And then the sale would begin, and the man would be sold to the highest bidder.

If they put up a young nigger woman the auctioneer cry out: "Here's a young nigger wench, how much am I offered[Pg 141] for her?" The pore thing stand on the block a shiverin' an' a shakin' nearly froze to death. When they sold many of the pore mothers beg the speculators to sell 'em with their husbands, but the speculator only take what he want. So meybe the pore thing never see her husban' agin.

If they put up a young Black woman, the auctioneer calls out: "Here's a young Black woman, how much am I offered[Pg 141] for her?" The poor thing stands on the block, shivering and shaking, nearly frozen to death. When they sold many of the poor mothers, they begged the buyers to sell them with their husbands, but the buyer only takes what he wants. So maybe the poor thing never sees her husband again.

Ole' Massa always see that we get plenty to eat. O' course it was no fancy rashions. Jes corn bread, milk, fat meat, and 'lasses but the Lord knows that was lots more than other pore niggers got. Some of them had such bad masters.

Ole' Massa always made sure we had enough to eat. Of course, it wasn't anything fancy—just cornbread, milk, fatty meat, and molasses—but the Lord knows that was a lot more than what other poor black people got. Some of them had really awful masters.

Us pore niggers never 'lowed to learn anything. All the readin' they ever hear was when they was carried through the big Bible. The Massa say that keep the slaves in they places. They was one nigger boy in Newton who was terrible smart. He learn to read an' write. He take other colored children out in the fields and teach 'em about the Bible, but they forgit it 'fore the nex' Sunday.

Us poor Black people were never allowed to learn anything. The only reading they ever experienced was when they were taken through the big Bible. The Master said that keeps the slaves in their place. There was one Black boy in Newton who was incredibly smart. He learned to read and write. He took other kids out into the fields and taught them about the Bible, but they forgot it before the next Sunday.

Then the paddyrollers they keep close watch on the pore niggers so they have no chance to do anything or go anywhere. They jes' like policemen, only worser. 'Cause they never let the niggers go anywhere without a pass from his master. If you wasn't in your proper place when the paddyrollers come they lash you til' you was black and blue. The women got 15 lashes and the men 30. That is for jes bein' out without a pass. If the nigger done anything worse he was taken to the jail and put in the whippin' post. They was[Pg 142] two holes cut for the arms stretch up in the air and a block to put your feet in, then they whip you with cowhide whip. An' the clothes shore never get any of them licks.

Then the patrols keep a close eye on the poor Black people so they have no chance to do anything or go anywhere. They're just like police officers, but worse. Because they never let Black people go anywhere without a pass from their master. If you weren't in your proper place when the patrols arrived, they would whip you until you were black and blue. The women received 15 lashes and the men 30. That’s just for being out without a pass. If a Black person did something worse, they were taken to jail and put in the whipping post. There were two holes cut for the arms to stretch up in the air and a block to put your feet in, then they whipped you with a cowhide whip. And the clothes sure never got any of those lashes.

I remember how they kill one nigger whippin' him with the bull whip. Many the pore nigger nearly killed with the bull whip. But this one die. He was a stubborn Negro and didn't do as much work as his Massa thought he ought to. He been lashed lot before. So they take him to the whippin' post, and then they strip his clothes off and then the man stan' off and cut him with the whip. His back was cut all to pieces. The cuts about half inch apart. Then after they whip him they tie him down and put salt on him. Then after he lie in the sun awhile they whip him agin. But when they finish with him he was dead.

I remember how they killed a black man by whipping him with a bullwhip. Many poor black people were nearly killed with the bullwhip, but this one died. He was a stubborn man and didn't work as hard as his master thought he should. He had been lashed many times before. So they took him to the whipping post, stripped him of his clothes, and then the man stood back and whipped him. His back was cut to pieces, with the cuts about half an inch apart. After they whipped him, they tied him down and put salt on his wounds. Then, after he lay in the sun for a while, they whipped him again. But when they were done, he was dead.

Plenty of the colored women have children by the white men. She know better than to not do what he say. Didn't have much of that until the men from South Carolina come up here and settle and bring slaves. Then they take them very same children what have they own blood and make slaves out of them. If the Missus find out she raise revolution. But she hardly find out. The white men not going to tell and the nigger women were always afraid to. So they jes go on hopin' that thing won't be that way always.

Plenty of the women of color have kids with white men. She knows better than to not do what he says. There wasn't much of that until the men from South Carolina came here, settled, and brought slaves. Then they took those very children who shared their own blood and made slaves out of them. If the Missus found out, she would raise a revolution. But she rarely finds out. The white men aren’t going to say anything, and the Black women were always scared to speak up. So they just keep hoping things won't always be this way.

I remember how the driver, he was the man who did most of[Pg 143] the whippin', use to whip some of the niggers. He would tie their hands together and then put their hands down over their knees, then take a stick and stick it 'tween they hands and knees. Then when he take hold of them and beat 'em first on one side then on the other.

I remember how the driver, the guy who did most of[Pg 143] the whipping, used to whip some of the Black people. He would tie their hands together and then put their hands down over their knees, then take a stick and place it between their hands and knees. Then he would grab them and hit them first on one side and then on the other.

Us niggers never have chance to go to Sunday School and church. The white folks feared for niggers to get any religion and education, but I reckon somethin' inside jes told us about God and that there was a better place hereafter. We would sneak off and have prayer meetin'. Sometimes the paddyrollers catch us and beat us good but that didn't keep us from tryin'. I remember one old song we use to sing when we meet down in the woods back of the barn. My mother she sing an' pray to the Lord to deliver us out o' slavery. She always say she thankful she was never sold from her children, and that our Massa not so mean as some of the others. But the old song it went something like this:

We Black people never had the chance to go to Sunday School or church. White folks were scared of us getting any religion or education, but I think something inside just told us about God and that there was a better place after this life. We would sneak away to have prayer meetings. Sometimes the patrollers would catch us and beat us up, but that didn’t stop us from trying. I remember one old song we used to sing when we gathered in the woods behind the barn. My mother would sing and pray to the Lord to free us from slavery. She always said she was thankful she was never sold away from her children, and that our master wasn’t as mean as some of the others. But the old song went something like this:

"Oh, Mom, let's go down, let's go down, let's go down, let's go down." Oh, mother, let's go down, down to the valley to pray.
As I walked down into the valley to pray
Learning about that good old way
Who will wear that starry crown? "Please, God, guide me."

Then the other part was just like that except it said 'father'[Pg 144] instead of 'mother', and then 'sister' and then 'brother'.

Then the other part was just like that except it said 'father'[Pg 144] instead of 'mother', and then 'sister' and then 'brother'.

Then they sing sometime:

Then they sing sometimes:

"We camp for a bit in the wild, in the wild, in the wild.
We camp out for a bit in the wild, where the Lord brings me joy.
"And then I'm going home."

I don't remember much about the war. There was no fightin' done in Newton. Jes a skirmish or two. Most of the people get everything jes ready to run when the Yankee sojers come through the town. This was toward the las' of the war. Cose the niggers knew what all the fightin' was about, but they didn't dare say anything. The man who owned the slaves was too mad as it was, and if the niggers say anything they get shot right then and thar. The sojers tell us after the war that we get food, clothes, and wages from our Massas else we leave. But they was very few that ever got anything. Our ole Massa say he not gwine pay us anything, corse his money was no good, but he wouldn't pay us if it had been.

I don't remember much about the war. There wasn't much fighting in Newton—just a skirmish or two. Most people got everything ready to flee when the Yankee soldiers came through town. This was towards the end of the war. Of course, the Black people understood what the fighting was all about, but they didn't dare say anything. The man who owned the slaves was already furious, and if the Black people said anything, they would get shot right then and there. The soldiers told us after the war that we would get food, clothes, and wages from our masters or we could leave. But very few ever received anything. Our old master said he wasn’t going to pay us anything; of course, his money was worthless, but he wouldn't pay us even if it had value.

Then the Ku Klux Klan come 'long. They were terrible dangerous. They wear long gowns, touch the ground. They ride horses through the town at night and if they find a Negro that tries to get nervy or have a little bit for himself, they lash him nearly to death and gag him and leave him to do the bes' he can. Some time they put sticks in the top of the tall thing they wear and then put an extra head up there with scary eyes and great big[Pg 145] mouth, then they stick it clear up in the air to scare the poor Negroes to death.

Then the Ku Klux Klan came along. They were really dangerous. They wore long robes that touched the ground. They rode horses through the town at night, and if they found a Black man trying to assert himself or have a little something of his own, they would nearly beat him to death, gag him, and leave him to fend for himself. Sometimes they would put sticks on top of their tall hoods and attach an extra head with scary eyes and a big mouth, then they would raise it high in the air to scare the poor Black people to death.

They had another thing they call the 'Donkey Devil' that was jes as bad. They take the skin of a donkey and get inside of it and run after the pore Negroes. Oh, Miss them was bad times, them was bad times. I know folks think the books tell the truth, but they shore don't. Us pore niggers had to take it all.

They had another thing they called the 'Donkey Devil' that was just as bad. They would take the skin of a donkey, get inside it, and chase after the poor Black people. Oh, those were terrible times, really terrible times. I know people think the books tell the truth, but they sure don't. Us poor Black folks had to endure it all.

Then after the war was over we was afraid to move. Jes like tarpins or turtles after 'mancipation. Jes stick our heads out to see how the land lay. My mammy stay with Marse Jonah for 'bout a year after freedom then ole Solomon Hall made her an offer. Ole man Hall was a good man if there ever was one. He freed all of his slaves about two years 'fore 'mancipation and gave each of them so much money when he died, that is he put that in his will. But when he die his sons and daughters never give anything to the pore Negroes. My mother went to live on the place belongin' to the nephew of Solomon Hall. All of her six children went with her. Mother she cook for the white folks an' the children make crop. When the first year was up us children got the first money we had in our lives. My mother certainly was happy.

Then, after the war was over, we were too scared to move. Just like turtles after emancipation, we just stuck our heads out to see how things were. My mom stayed with Marse Jonah for about a year after freedom, then old Solomon Hall made her an offer. Old man Hall was a good man, if there ever was one. He freed all of his slaves about two years before emancipation and left them money in his will when he died. But when he died, his sons and daughters didn’t give anything to the poor Black folks. My mother went to live on the property belonging to Solomon Hall's nephew. All six of her children went with her. My mother cooked for the white folks, and the children worked the fields. When the first year was up, we kids got the first money we had ever earned in our lives. My mother was really happy.

We live on this place for over four years. When I was 'bout twenty year old I married a girl from West Virginia but she didn't live but jes 'bout a year. I stayed down there for a[Pg 146] year or so and then I met Mamie. We came here and both of us went to work, we work at the same place. We bought this little piece of ground 'bout forty-two years ago. We gave $125 for it. We had to buy the lumber to build the house a little at a time but finally we got the house done. Its been a good home for us and the children. We have two daughters and one adopted son. Both of the girls are good cooks. One of them lives in New Jersey and cooks in a big hotel. She and her husband come to see us about once a year. The other one is in Philadelphia. They both have plenty. But the adopted boy, he was part white. We took him when he was a small and did the best we could by him. He never did like to 'sociate with colored people. I remember one time when he was a small child I took him to town and the conductor made me put him in the front of the street car cause he thought I was just caring for him and that he was a white boy. Well, we sent him to school until he finished. Then he joined the navy. I ain't seem him in several years. The last letter I got from him he say he ain't spoke to a colored girl since he has been there. This made me mad so I took his insurance policy and cashed it. I didn't want nothin' to do with him, if he deny his own color.

We’ve lived here for over four years. When I was about twenty, I married a girl from West Virginia, but she only lived for about a year. I stayed down there for a year or so and then met Mamie. We came here and both went to work at the same place. We bought this little piece of land about forty-two years ago for $125. We had to buy the lumber to build the house bit by bit, but we eventually finished it. It's been a good home for us and the kids. We have two daughters and one adopted son. Both girls are good cooks. One of them lives in New Jersey and works in a big hotel. She and her husband visit us about once a year. The other one is in Philadelphia. They both do well. But the adopted boy is part white. We took him in when he was small and did the best we could for him. He never liked to socialize with Black people. I remember one time when he was a small child, I took him to town, and the conductor told me to put him at the front of the streetcar because he thought I was just taking care of him and that he was a white boy. We sent him to school until he finished. Then he joined the Navy. I haven't seen him in several years. The last letter I got from him said he hasn’t spoken to a Black girl since he got there. This made me angry, so I took his insurance policy and cashed it. I didn't want anything to do with him if he denies his own race.

Very few of the Negroes ever get anywhere; they never have no education. I knew one Negro who got to be a policeman in Salisbury once and he was a good one too. When my next birthday comes in December I will be eighty-eight years old. That is if the Lord lets me live and I shore hope He does.

Very few Black people ever get anywhere; they don’t have any education. I knew one Black man who became a police officer in Salisbury once, and he was a good one, too. When my next birthday comes in December, I will be eighty-eight years old. That is, if the Lord lets me live, and I sure hope He does.


[320279]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
No. Words:1384
Subject:Mary Wallace Bowe
Ex-slave 81 Years
Durham County Home
Durham, N.C.

Lovely story about Abraham Lincoln [Pg 148]

Great story about Abraham Lincoln [Pg 148]

[TR: This interview was heavily corrected by hand. i.e. wuz to was, er to a, etc. Changes made without comment.]

MARY WALLACE BOWE

Ex-slave 81 years

My name is Mary Wallace Bowe. I was nine years ole at de surrender.

My name is Mary Wallace Bowe. I was nine years old at the time of the surrender.

My mammy an' pappy, Susan an' Lillman Graves, first belonged to Marse Fountain an' Mis' Fanny Tu'berville, but Marse Fountain sold me, my mammy an' my brother George to Mis' Fanny's sister, Mis' Virginia Graves. Mis' Virginia's husban' was Marse Doctor Graves. Dey lived on de ole Elijah Graves estate not far from Marse Fountain's plantation here in Durham county, an' Mis' Virginia an' Mis' Fanny seed each other near 'bout every day.

My mom and dad, Susan and Lillman Graves, originally belonged to Mr. Fountain and Mrs. Fanny Tuberville, but Mr. Fountain sold me, my mom, and my brother George to Mrs. Fanny's sister, Mrs. Virginia Graves. Mrs. Virginia's husband was Mr. Doctor Graves. They lived on the old Elijah Graves estate not far from Mr. Fountain's plantation here in Durham County, and Mrs. Virginia and Mrs. Fanny saw each other almost every day.

I was little when Marse Fountain an' Marse Doctor went to de war but I remembers it. I remembers it kaze Mis' Fanny stood on de po'ch smilin' an' wavin' at Marse Fountain 'til he went 'roun' de curve in de road, den she fell to de floor like she was dead. I thought she was dead 'till Mis' Virginia th'owed some water in her face an' she opened her eyes.

I was young when Mr. Fountain and Mr. Doctor went off to war, but I remember it. I remember it because Miss Fanny stood on the porch, smiling and waving at Mr. Fountain until he rounded the curve in the road; then she collapsed to the floor like she was dead. I thought she was dead until Miss Virginia splashed some water on her face, and she opened her eyes.

De nex day Mis' Virginia took me an' mammy an' we all went over an' stayed wid Mis' Fanny kaze she was skeered, an' so dey'd be company for each other. Mammy waited on Mis' Virginia an' he'ped Surella Tu'berville, Mis' Fanny's house girl, sweep an' make up de beds an' things. I was little but mammy made me work. I shook de rugs, brung in de kindlin' an run 'roun' waitin' on Mis' Virginia an' Mis' Fanny, doin' things like totin' dey basket of keys, bringin' dey shawls and such as dat. Dey was all de time talkin' about de folks fightin' an' what dey would do if de Yankees come.[Pg 149]

The next day, Miss Virginia took me and Mom and we all went over to stay with Miss Fanny because she was scared, so they'd have company for each other. Mom waited on Miss Virginia and helped Surella Tuberville, Miss Fanny's housemaid, sweep and make the beds and other chores. I was little, but Mom made me work. I shook out the rugs, brought in the firewood, and ran around waiting on Miss Virginia and Miss Fanny, doing things like carrying their basket of keys, bringing their shawls, and stuff like that. They were always talking about the people fighting and what they would do if the Yankees came.[Pg 149]

Every time dey talk Mis' Fanny set an' twist her han's an' say: "What is we gwine do, Sister, what is we gwine do?"

Every time they talked, Miss Fanny would sit there twisting her hands and say, "What are we going to do, Sister, what are we going to do?"

Mis' Virginia try to pacify Mis' Fanny. She say, 'Don' yo' worry none, Honey, I'll fix dem Yankees when dey come.' Den she set her mouf. When she done dat I run an' hid behin' Mis' Fanny's chair kaze I done seed Mis' Virginia set her mouf befo' an' I knowed she meant biznes'.

Mis' Virginia tries to calm down Mis' Fanny. She says, "Don't you worry, Honey, I'll take care of those Yankees when they come." Then she sets her mouth. When she does that, I run and hide behind Mis' Fanny's chair because I've seen Mis' Virginia set her mouth before, and I knew she meant business.

I didn' have sense enough to be skeered den kaze I hadn' never seed no Yankee sojers, but 'twaren't long befo' I wuz skeered. De Yankees come one mornin', an' dey ripped, Oh, Lawd, how dey did rip. When dey rode up to de gate an' come stompin' to de house, Mis' Fanny 'gun to cry. 'Tell dem somethin', Sister, tell dem somethin'; she tole Mis' Virginia.

I didn’t have enough sense to be scared then because I had never seen any Yankee soldiers, but it wasn’t long before I was scared. The Yankees came one morning, and, oh my, how they did make a scene. When they rode up to the gate and came stomping to the house, Mrs. Fanny started to cry. “Say something, Sister, say something,” she told Mrs. Virginia.

Mis' Virginia she ain' done no cryin'. When she seed dem Yankees comin' 'cross de hill, she run 'roun' an' got all de jewelry. She took off de rings an' pins she an' Mis' Fanny had on an' she got all de things out of de jewelry box an' give dem to pappy. "Hide dem, Lillmam" she tole pappy, 'hide dem some place whare dem thieves won't find dem'.

Mis' Virginia hasn’t cried at all. When she saw those Yankees coming over the hill, she ran around and gathered all the jewelry. She took off the rings and pins she and Mis' Fanny were wearing and took everything out of the jewelry box and gave it to Pappy. "Hide them, Lillmam," she told Pappy, "hide them somewhere those thieves won't find them."

Pappy had on high top boots. He didn' do nothin but stuff all dat jewelry right down in dem boots, den he strutted all' roun' dem Yankees laughin' to heself. Dey cussed when dey couldn' fin' no jewelry a tall. Dey didn' fin' no silver neither kaze us niggers done he'p Mis' Fanny an' Mis' Virginia hide dat. We done toted it all down to de cottin gin house an' hid it in de[Pg 150] loose cotton piled on de floor. When dey couldn' fin' nothin' a big sojer went up to Mis' Virginia who wuz standin' in de hall. He look at her an' say: 'Yo's skeered of me, ain' yo'?'

Pappy wore high-top boots. He just stuffed all that jewelry right down in them boots, then strutted around those Yankees laughing to himself. They cursed when they couldn’t find any jewelry at all. They didn't find any silver either because us blacks helped Miss Fanny and Miss Virginia hide it. We carried it all down to the cotton gin house and hid it in the[Pg 150] loose cotton piled on the floor. When they couldn’t find anything, a big soldier went up to Miss Virginia, who was standing in the hall. He looked at her and said, “You’re scared of me, aren’t you?”

Mis' Virginia ain' batted no eye yet. She tole him, "If I was gwine to be skeered, I'd be skeered of somethin'. I sho ain' of no ugly, braggin' Yankee."

Mis' Virginia hasn't blinked yet. She told him, "If I were going to be scared, I'd be scared of something. I'm definitely not scared of some ugly, boastful Yankee."

De man tu'ned red an he say: "If you don' tell me where you done hide dat silver I'se gwine to make' you skeered."

The man turned red and said, "If you don’t tell me where you hid that silver, I’m going to scare you."

Mis' Virginia's chin went up higher. She set her mouf an' look at dat sojer twell he drap his eyes. Den she tole him dat some folks done come an' got de silver, dat dey done toted it off. She didn' tell him dat it wuz us niggers dat done toted it down to de cotton gin house.

Mis' Virginia's chin lifted higher. She fixed her gaze on that soldier until he looked away. Then she told him that some people had come and taken the silver, that they had carried it off. She didn’t mention that it was us black folks who had taken it down to the cotton gin house.

In dem days dey wuz peddlers gwine 'roun' de country sellin' things. Dey toted big packs on dey backs filled wid everythin' from needles an' thimbles to bed spreads an' fryin' pans. One day a peddler stopped at Mis' Fanny's house. He was de uglies' man I ever seed. He was tall an' bony wid black whiskers an' black bushy hair an' curious eyes dat set way back in his head. Dey was dark an' look like a dog's eyes after you done hit him. He set down on de po'ch an' opened his pack, an' it was so hot an' he looked so tired, dat Mis' Fanny give him er cool drink of milk dat done been settin' in de spring house. All de time Mis' Fanny was lookin' at de things in de pack an' buyin', de man kept up a runnin' talk. He ask her how many niggers dey had; how many men[Pg 151] dey had fightin' on de 'Federate side, an' what wuz was she gwine do if de niggers wuz was set free. Den he ask her if she knowed Mistah Abraham Lincoln.

Back in the day, there were peddlers traveling around the country selling various items. They carried large packs on their backs filled with everything from needles and thimbles to bedspreads and frying pans. One day, a peddler stopped at Miss Fanny's house. He was the ugliest man I had ever seen. He was tall and skinny with black whiskers and bushy black hair, and his curious eyes were set deep in his head. They were dark and looked like a dog's eyes after you’ve hit it. He sat down on the porch and opened his pack, and since it was so hot and he looked so tired, Miss Fanny offered him a cool drink of milk that had been sitting in the spring house. While Miss Fanny looked at the items in the pack and made purchases, the man kept up a constant conversation. He asked her how many Black people they had, how many men they had fighting on the Confederate side, and what she would do if the Black people were set free. Then he asked her if she knew Mr. Abraham Lincoln.

'Bout dat time Mis' Virginia come to de door an' heard what he said. She blaze up like a lightwood fire an' told dat peddler dat dey didn't want to know nothin' 'bout Mistah Lincoln; dat dey knowed too much already, an' dat his name wuzn 'lowed called in dat house. Den she say he wuzn nothin' but a black debil messin' in other folks biznes', an' dat she'd shoot him on sight if she had half a chance.

'About that time, Miss Virginia came to the door and heard what he said. She flared up like a fire and told that peddler that they didn't want to know anything about Mr. Lincoln; that they knew too much already, and that his name wasn’t allowed in that house. Then she said he wasn’t nothing but a black devil messing in other folks' business, and that she’d shoot him on sight if she had half a chance.

De man laughed. "Maybe he ain't so bad,' he told her. Den he packed his pack an' went off down de road, an' Mis' Virginia watched him 'till he went out of sight 'roun' de bend."

The man laughed. "Maybe he ain't so bad," he told her. Then he packed his bag and walked down the road, and Miss Virginia watched him until he disappeared around the bend.

Two or three weeks later Mis' Fanny got a letter. De letter was from dat peddler. He tole her dat he was Abraham Lincoln hese'f; dat he wuz peddlin' over de country as a spy, an' he thanked her for de res' on her shady po'ch an' de cool glass of milk she give him.

Two or three weeks later, Miss Fanny received a letter. The letter was from that peddler. He told her that he was Abraham Lincoln himself, that he was traveling across the country as a spy, and he thanked her for the rest on her shady porch and the cool glass of milk she gave him.

When dat letter come Mis' Virginia got so hoppin' mad dat she took all de stuff Mis' Fanny done bought from Mistah Lincoln an' made us niggers burn it on de ash pile. Den she made pappy rake up de ashes an' th'ow dem in de creek.

When that letter arrived, Miss Virginia got so furious that she had us burn all the things Miss Fanny had bought from Mr. Lincoln on the ash pile. Then she had Dad rake up the ashes and throw them in the creek.


[320148]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:377
Subject:Ex-Slave Recollections
Person Interviewed:Lucy Brown
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 7 1937"

EX-SLAVE RECOLLECTIONS

An interview with Lucy Brown of Hecktown, Durham, Durham County, May 20, 1937. She does not know her age.

I wuz jist a little thing when de war wuz over an' I doan 'member much ter tell yo'. Mostly what I does know I hyard my mammy tell it.

I was just a little kid when the war was over and I don't remember much to tell you. Mostly what I know I heard my mom talk about it.

We belonged to John Neal of Person County. I doan know who my pappy wuz, but my mammy wuz named Rosseta an' her mammy's name 'fore her wuz Rosseta. I had one sister named Jenny an' one brother named Ben.

We belonged to John Neal from Person County. I don’t know who my dad was, but my mom was named Rosseta and her mom’s name before her was also Rosseta. I had one sister named Jenny and one brother named Ben.

De marster wuz good ter us, in a way, but he ain't 'lowin' no kinds of frolickin' so when we had a meetin' we had ter do it secret. We'd turn down a wash pot outside de do', an' dat would ketch de fuss so marster neber knowed nothin' 'bout hit.

The master was nice to us, in a way, but he didn’t allow any kind of fun, so when we had a meeting, we had to do it in secret. We'd set a wash pot outside the door, and that would catch the noise so the master never knew anything about it.

On Sundays we went ter church at de same place de white folkses did. De white folkses rid an' de niggers walked, but eben do' we wored wooden bottomed shoes we wuz proud an' mostly happy. We had good clothes an' food an' not much abuse. I doan know de number of slaves, I wuz so little.

On Sundays we went to church at the same place as the white folks. The white folks rode while the black folks walked, but even though we wore wooden-bottomed shoes, we were proud and mostly happy. We had nice clothes and food and not much abuse. I don’t know the number of slaves; I was too young.

My mammy said dat slavery wuz a whole lot wuser 'fore I could 'member. She tol' me how some of de slaves had[Pg 154] dere babies in de fiel's lak de cows done, an' she said dat 'fore de babies wuz borned dey tied de mammy down on her face if'en dey had ter whup her ter keep from ruinin' de baby.

My mom said that slavery was a lot worse before I could remember. She told me how some of the slaves had their babies in the fields like the cows did, and she said that before the babies were born, they tied the moms down on their faces if they had to whip her to keep from harming the baby.

She said dat dar wuz ghostes an' some witches back den, but I doan know nothin' 'bout dem things.

She said that there were ghosts and some witches back then, but I don't know anything about those things.

Naw. I can't tell yo' my age but I will tell yo' dat eber'body what lives in dis block am either my chile or gran'chile. I can't tell yo' prexackly how many dar is o' 'em, but I will tell you dat my younges' chile's baby am fourteen years old, an' dat she's got fourteen youngin's , one a year jist lak I had till I had sixteen.

No. I can't tell you my age, but I will tell you that everyone who lives on this block is either my child or grandchild. I can't tell you exactly how many there are, but I will tell you that my youngest child's baby is fourteen years old, and she's got fourteen kids, one each year just like I had until I had sixteen.

I'se belonged ter de church since I wuz a baby an' I tells dem eber'day dat dey shore will miss me when I'se gone.

I’ve belonged to the church since I was a baby, and I tell them every day that they certainly will miss me when I’m gone.


[320115]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary Hicks
No. Words:462
Subject:PLANTATION LIFE IN GEORGIA
Reference:Midge Burnett
Editor:George L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 6 1937"

PLANTATION LIFE IN GEORGIA

An interview with Midge Burnett, 80 years old, of 1300 S. Bloodworth Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I wus borned in Georgia eighty years ago, de son of Jim an' Henretta Burnett an' de slave of Marse William Joyner.

I was born in Georgia eighty years ago, the son of Jim and Henretta Burnett and the slave of Marse William Joyner.

I wurked on de farm durin' slavery times, among de cotton, corn, an' sugar cane. De wurk wusn't so hard an' we had plenty of time ter have fun an' ter git inter meanness, dat's why Marse William had ter have so many patterollers on de place.

I worked on the farm during slavery times, among the cotton, corn, and sugar cane. The work wasn't too hard, and we had plenty of time to have fun and get into mischief; that’s why Master William needed to have so many patrollers on the property.

Marse William had near three hundret slaves an' he kept seben patterollers ter keep things goin' eben. De slaves ain't run away. Naw sir, dey ain't, dey knows good things when dey sees dem an' dey ain't leavin' dem nother. De only trouble wus dat dey wus crazy 'bout good times an' dey'd shoot craps er bust.

Marse William had almost three hundred slaves, and he employed seven patrolmen to keep everything running smoothly. The slaves didn’t run away. No sir, they didn’t; they know a good thing when they see it and weren’t leaving it behind either. The only trouble was that they were wild about having a good time, and they’d gamble or lose their money.

De patterollers 'ud watch all de paths leadin' frum de plantation an' when dey ketched a nigger leavin' dey whupped him an' run him home. As I said de patterollers watched all paths, but dar wus a number of little paths what run through de woods dat nobody ain't watched case dey ain't knowed dat de paths wus dar.[Pg 157]

The patrols would watch all the paths leading from the plantation, and when they caught a black person leaving, they would beat him and send him home. As I mentioned, the patrols monitored all the main paths, but there were several small paths that ran through the woods that no one was watching because they didn't know those paths existed.[Pg 157]

On moonlight nights yo' could hear a heap of voices an' when yo' peep ober de dike dar am a gang of niggers a-shootin' craps an' bettin' eber'thing dey has stold frum de plantation. Sometimes a pretty yaller gal er a fat black gal would be dar, but mostly hit would be jist men.

On moonlit nights, you could hear a lot of voices, and when you peek over the dyke, there's a group of people playing craps and betting everything they’ve stolen from the plantation. Sometimes a pretty girl or a heavyset girl would be there, but mostly it would just be men.

Dar wus a ribber nearby de plantation an' we niggers swum dar ever' Sadday an' we fished dar a heap too. We ketched a big mess of fish ever' week an' dese come in good an' helped ter save rations ter boot. Dat's what Marse William said, an' he believed in havin' a good time too.

There was a river near the plantation, and we Black folks swam there every Saturday and fished a lot too. We caught a big load of fish every week, which really helped save on rations. That’s what Master William said, and he believed in having a good time too.

We had square dances dat las' all night on holidays an' we had a Christmas tree an' a Easter egg hunt an' all dat, case Marse William intended ter make us a civilized bunch of blacks.

We had square dances that lasted all night on holidays, and we had a Christmas tree and an Easter egg hunt and all that, because Master William wanted to make us a civilized group of Black people.

Marse William ain't eber hit one of us a single lick till de day when we heard dat de Yankees wus a-comin'. One big nigger jumps up an' squalls, 'Lawd bless de Yankees'.

Marse William never hit any of us a single time until the day we heard that the Yankees were coming. One big Black man jumps up and shouts, 'Thank God for the Yankees'.

Marse yells back, 'God damn de Yankees', an' he slaps big Mose a sumerset right outen de do'. Nobody else wanted ter git slapped soe ever'body got outen dar in a hurry an' nobody else dasen't say Yankees ter de marster.

Marse yells back, "Damn the Yankees," and he knocks big Mose right out the door. Nobody else wanted to get slapped, so everyone got out of there quickly and nobody else dared to mention Yankees to the master.

Eben when somebody seed de Yankees comin' Mose wont go tell de' marster 'bout hit, but when Marster William wus hilt tight twixt two of dem big husky Yankees he cussed 'em[Pg 158] as hard as he can. Dey carries him off an' dey put him in de jail at Atlanta an' dey keeps him fer a long time.

Eben saw the Yankees coming, but Mose didn't tell the master about it. When Master William was caught between two of those big, tough Yankees, he cursed them as hard as he could. They took him away and put him in jail in Atlanta, where they kept him for a long time.[Pg 158]

Atter de surrender we left dar an' we moves ter Star, South Carolina, whar I still wurks 'roun' on de farm. I stayed on dar' till fifty years ago when I married Roberta Thomas an' we moved ter Raliegh. We have five chilluns an' we's moughty proud of 'em, but since I had de stroke we has been farin' bad, an' I'se hopin' ter git my ole aged pension.

After the surrender, we left there and moved to Star, South Carolina, where I still work around the farm. I stayed there until fifty years ago when I married Roberta Thomas and we moved to Raleigh. We have five kids and we’re really proud of them, but since I had the stroke, we’ve been doing poorly, and I’m hoping to get my old age pension.

EH

EH


[320274]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
No. Words:[TR Added: 1,444
Subject:Fanny Cannady
Ex-Slave 79 Years
Durham County

FANNY CANNADY

EX-SLAVE 79 years

I don' 'member much 'bout de sojers an' de fightin' in de war kaze I wuzn' much more den six years ole at de surrender, but I do 'member how Marse Jordan Moss shot Leonard Allen, one of his slaves. I ain't never forgot dat.

I don't remember much about the soldiers and the fighting in the war because I was only about six years old at the surrender, but I do remember how Marse Jordan Moss shot Leonard Allen, one of his slaves. I've never forgotten that.

My mammy an' pappy, Silo an' Fanny Moss belonged to Marse Jordan an' Mis' Sally Moss. Dey had 'bout three hundred niggahs an' mos' of dem worked in de cotton fields.

My mom and dad, Silo and Fanny Moss, belonged to Mr. Jordan and Mrs. Sally Moss. They had about three hundred people working for them, and most of them worked in the cotton fields.

Marse Jordan wuz hard on his niggahs. He worked dem over time an' didn' give den enough to eat. Dey didn' have good clothes neither an' dey shoes wuz made out of wood. He had 'bout a dozen niggahs dat didn' do nothin' else but make wooden shoes for de slaves. De chillun didn' have no shoes a tall; dey went barefooted in de snow an' ice same as 'twuz summer time. I never had no shoes on my feets 'twell I wuz pas' ten years ole, an' dat wuz after de Yankees done set us free.

Marse Jordan was tough on his people. He worked them overtime and didn’t give them enough to eat. They didn’t have good clothes either, and their shoes were made of wood. He had about a dozen people who didn’t do anything else but make wooden shoes for the other slaves. The children didn’t have any shoes at all; they went barefoot in the snow and ice just like it was summer. I never had any shoes on my feet until I was over ten years old, and that was after the Yankees had set us free.

I wuz skeered of Marse Jordan, an' all of de grown niggahs wuz too 'cept Leonard an' Burrus Allen. Dem niggahs wuzn' skeered of nothin'. If de debil hese'f had come an' shook er stick at dem dey'd hit him back. Leonard wuz er big black buck niggah; he wuz de bigges niggah I ever seed, an' Burrus wuz near 'bout as big, an' dey 'spized Marse Jordan wus'n pizen.

I was scared of Marse Jordan, and all the grown men were too, except for Leonard and Burrus Allen. Those guys weren’t afraid of anything. If the devil himself had come and waved a stick at them, they would have hit him back. Leonard was a big, strong guy; he was the biggest man I ever saw, and Burrus was almost as big, and they hated Marse Jordan like poison.

I wuz sort of skeered of Mis' Polly too. When Marse Jordan wuzn' 'roun' she wuz sweet an' kind, but when he wuz 'roun', she[Pg 161] wuz er yes, suh, yes, suh, woman. Everythin' he tole her to do she done. He made her slap Marmy one time kaze when she passed his coffee she spilled some in de saucer. Mis' Sally hit Mammy easy, but Marse Jordan say: 'Hit her, Sally, hit de black bitch like she 'zerve to be hit.' Den Mis' Sally draw back her hand an' hit Mammy in de face, pow, den she went back to her place at de table an' play like she eatin' her breakfas'. Den when Marse Jordan leave she come in de kitchen an' put her arms 'roun' Mammy an' cry, an' Mammy pat her on de back an' she cry too. I loved Mis' Sally when Marse Jordan wuzn' 'roun'.

I was kind of scared of Miss Polly too. When Master Jordan wasn’t around, she was sweet and kind, but when he was there, she was a yes, sir, yes, sir, woman. Everything he told her to do, she did. He made her slap Mammy one time because when she passed him his coffee, she spilled some in the saucer. Miss Sally slapped Mammy lightly, but Master Jordan said, “Hit her, Sally, hit the black woman like she deserves to be hit.” Then Miss Sally pulled her hand back and hit Mammy in the face—pow—then she went back to her place at the table and acted like she was eating her breakfast. Then when Master Jordan left, she came into the kitchen and put her arms around Mammy and cried, and Mammy patted her on the back, and she cried too. I loved Miss Sally when Master Jordan wasn’t around.

Marse Jordan's two sons went to de war; dey went all dressed up in dey fightin' clothes. Young Marse Jordan wuz jus' like Mis' Sally but Marse Gregory wuz like Marse Jordan, even to de bully way he walk. Young Marse Jordan never come back from de war, but 'twould take more den er bullet to kill Marse Gregory; he too mean to die anyhow kaze de debil didn' want him an' de Lawd wouldn' have him.

Marse Jordan's two sons went off to war; they went all dressed up in their fighting clothes. Young Marse Jordan was just like Miss Sally, but Marse Gregory was like Marse Jordan, even down to the tough way he walked. Young Marse Jordan never returned from the war, but it would take more than a bullet to kill Marse Gregory; he was too mean to die anyway because the devil didn’t want him and the Lord wouldn’t have him.

One day Marse Gregory come home on er furlo'. He think he look pretty wid his sword clankin' an' his boots shinin'. He wuz er colonel, lootenent er somethin'. He wuz struttin' 'roun' de yard showin' off, when Leonard Allen say under his breath, 'Look at dat God damn sojer. He fightin' to keep us niggahs from bein' free.'

One day, Marse Gregory came home on his furlough. He thought he looked pretty with his sword clanking and his boots shining. He was a colonel, lieutenant, or something. He was strutting around the yard showing off when Leonard Allen said under his breath, "Look at that damn soldier. He's fighting to keep us Black people from being free."

'Bout dat time Marse Jordan come up. He look at Leonard an' say: 'What yo' mumblin' 'bout?'

'Bout that time, Marse Jordan showed up. He looked at Leonard and said, 'What are you mumbling about?'

Dat big Leonard wuzn' skeered. He say, I say, 'Look at dat God damn sojer. He fightin' to keep us niggahs from bein' free.'[Pg 162]

Dat big Leonard wasn't scared. He said, I say, 'Look at that damn soldier. He's fighting to keep us from being free.'[Pg 162]

Marse Jordan's face begun to swell. It turned so red dat de blood near 'bout bust out. He turned to Pappy an' tole him to go an' bring him dis shot gun. When Pappy come back Mis' Sally come wid him. De tears wuz streamin' down her face. She run up to Marse Jordan an' caught his arm. Ole Marse flung her off an' took de gun from Pappy. He leveled it on Leonard an' tole him to pull his shirt open. Leonard opened his shirt an' stood dare big as er black giant sneerin' at Ole Marse.

Marse Jordan's face started to swell. It turned so red that it looked like the blood was about to burst out. He turned to Pappy and told him to go bring him the shotgun. When Pappy came back, Miss Sally was with him. Tears were streaming down her face. She ran up to Marse Jordan and grabbed his arm. Old Marse pushed her away and took the gun from Pappy. He aimed it at Leonard and told him to pull his shirt open. Leonard opened his shirt and stood there, big as a black giant, sneering at Old Marse.

Den Mis' Sally run up again an' stood 'tween dat gun an' Leonard.

Den Mis' Sally ran up again and stood between that gun and Leonard.

Ole Marse yell to pappy an' tole him to take dat woman out of de way, but nobody ain't moved to touch Mis' Sally, an' she didn' move neither, she jus' stood dare facin' Ole Marse. Den Ole Marse let down de gun. He reached over an' slapped Mis' Sally down, den picked up de gun an' shot er hole in Leonard's ches' big as yo' fis'. Den he took up Mis' Sally an' toted her in de house. But I wuz so skeered dat I run an' hid in de stable loft, an' even wid my eyes shut I could see Leonard layin' on de groun' wid dat bloody hole in his ches' an' dat sneer on his black mouf.

Ole Master yelled at Dad and told him to get that woman out of the way, but nobody moved to touch Miss Sally, and she didn’t move either; she just stood there facing Ole Master. Then Ole Master lowered the gun. He reached over and slapped Miss Sally down, then picked up the gun and shot a hole in Leonard's chest as big as your fist. Then he picked up Miss Sally and carried her into the house. But I was so scared that I ran and hid in the stable loft, and even with my eyes shut, I could see Leonard lying on the ground with that bloody hole in his chest and that sneer on his dark mouth.

After dat Leonard's brother Burrus hated Ole Marse wus' er snake, den one night he run away. Mammy say he run away to keep from killin' Ole Marse. Anyhow, when Ole Marse foun' he wuz gone, he took er bunch of niggahs an' set out to find him. All day long dey tromped de woods, den when night come dey lit fat pine to'ches an' kept lookin', but dey couldn' find Burrus. De nex' day Ole Marse went down to de county jail an' got de blood houn's. He[Pg 163] brung home er great passel of dem yelpin' an' pullin' at de ropes, but when he turned dem loose dey didn' find Burrus, kaze he done grease de bottom of his feets wid snuff an' hog lard so de dogs couldn' smell de trail. Ole Marse den tole all de niggahs dat if anybody housed an' fed Burrus on de sly, dat he goin' to shoot dem like he done shot Leonard. Den he went every day an' searched de cabins; he even looked under de houses.

After that, Leonard's brother Burrus hated Old Marse like he was a snake, then one night he ran away. Mammy said he ran away to avoid killing Old Marse. Anyway, when Old Marse found out he was gone, he took a group of guys and set out to find him. All day long they trudged through the woods, and when night came, they lit fat pine torches and kept looking, but they couldn’t find Burrus. The next day, Old Marse went down to the county jail and got the bloodhounds. He brought home a whole bunch of them, yelping and pulling at the ropes, but when he set them loose, they didn’t find Burrus because he had greased the bottoms of his feet with snuff and hog lard so the dogs couldn’t pick up the scent. Old Marse then told all the guys that if anyone hid and fed Burrus on the sly, he would shoot them just like he shot Leonard. Then he went every day and searched the cabins; he even looked under the houses.

One day in 'bout er week Mis' Sally wuz feedin' de chickens when she heard somethin' in de polk berry bushes behin' de hen house. She didn' go 'roun' de house but she went inside house an' looked through de crack. Dare wuz Burrus layin' down in de bushes. He wuz near 'bout starved kaze he hadn' had nothin' to eat since he done run away.

One day during the week, Miss Sally was feeding the chickens when she heard something in the blackberry bushes behind the chicken coop. Instead of going around the house, she went inside and looked through the crack. There was Burrus lying down in the bushes. He was nearly starving because he hadn't eaten anything since he had run away.

Mis' Sally whisper an' tole him to lay still, dat she goin' to slip him somethin' to eat. She went back to de house an' made up some more cawn meal dough for de chickens, an' under de dough she put some bread an' meat. When she went 'cross de yard she met Marse Jordan. He took de pan of dough an' say he goin' to feed de chickens. My mammy say dat Mis' Sally ain't showed no skeer, she jus' smile at Ole Marse an' pat his arm, den while she talk she take de pan an' go on to de chicken house, but Ole Marse he go too. When dey got to de hen house Ole Marse puppy begun sniffin' 'roun'. Soon he sta'ted to bark; he cut up such er fuss dat Ole Marse went to see what wuz wrong. Den he foun' Burrus layin' in de polk bushes.

Miss Sally whispered and told him to stay still, that she was going to slip him something to eat. She went back to the house and made some more cornmeal dough for the chickens, and under the dough, she put some bread and meat. When she crossed the yard, she ran into Mr. Jordan. He took the pan of dough and said he was going to feed the chickens. My mom said that Miss Sally showed no fear; she just smiled at Old Master and patted his arm, then while she talked, she took the pan and headed to the chicken house, but Old Master followed her. When they got to the hen house, Old Master's puppy started sniffing around. Soon he began to bark; he made such a fuss that Old Master went to see what was wrong. Then he found Burrus lying in the poke bushes.

Ole Marse drag Burrus out an' drove him to de house. When[Pg 164] Mis' Sally seed him take out his plaited whip, she run up stairs an' jump in de bed an' stuff er pillow over her head.

Ole Marse dragged Burrus out and drove him to the house. When[Pg 164] Miss Sally saw him take out his braided whip, she ran upstairs and jumped into bed, covering her head with a pillow.

Dey took Burrus to de whippin' post. Dey strip off his shirt, den dey put his head an' hands through de holes in de top, an' tied his feets to de bottom, den, Ole Marse took de whip. Dat lash hiss like col' water on er red hot iron when it come through de air, an' every time it hit Burrus it lef' er streak of blood. Time Ole Marse finish, Burrus' back look like er piece of raw beef.

Dey took Burrus to the whipping post. They stripped off his shirt, then they put his head and hands through the holes in the top, and tied his feet to the bottom. Then, Old Master took the whip. That lash hissed like cold water on a red-hot iron when it came through the air, and every time it hit Burrus, it left a streak of blood. By the time Old Master finished, Burrus's back looked like a piece of raw beef.

Dey laid Burrus face down on er plank den dey poured turpentine in all dem cut places. It burned like fire but dat niggah didn' know nothin' 'bout it kaze he done passed out from pain. But, all his life dat black man toted dem scares on his back.

Dey laid Burrus face down on a plank then they poured turpentine in all those cut places. It burned like fire but that guy didn’t know anything about it because he had passed out from pain. But, all his life that black man carried those scars on his back.

When de war ended Mis' Sally come to Mammy an' say: 'Fanny, I's sho glad yo's free. Yo' can go now an' yo' won' ever have to be er slave no more.'

When the war ended, Miss Sally came to Mammy and said, "Fanny, I'm so glad you're free. You can go now and you'll never have to be a slave again."

But Mammy, she ain't had no notion of leavin' Mis' Sally. She put her arms' roun' her an' call her Baby, an' tell her she goin' to stay wid her long as she live. An' she did stay wid her. Me an' Mammy bof stayed Mis' Sally 'twell she died.

But Mammy didn't have any idea of leaving Miss Sally. She put her arms around her and called her Baby, telling her she was going to stay with her for as long as she lived. And she did stay with her. Mammy and I both stayed with Miss Sally until she died.


[320193]
N.C. District:No. 3
Field Worker:Esther S. Pinnix
Word Total:3199
Editor:P. G. Cross
Subject:"Negro Folklore of the Piedmont".
Consultants:Mrs. P. G. Cross
Miss Kate Jones,
Descendants of Dr. Beverly Jones.
Sources of Information:
Aunt Betty Cofer—ex-slave of Dr. Beverly Jones

NEGRO FOLK LORE OF THE PIEDMONT.

The ranks of negro ex-slaves are rapidly thinning out, but, scattered here and there among the ante-bellum families of the South, may be found a few of these picturesque old characters. Three miles north of Bethania, the second oldest settlement of the "Unitas Fratrum" in Wachovia, lies the 1500 acre Jones plantation. It has been owned for several generations by the one family, descendants of Abraham Conrad. Conrad's daughter, Julia, married a physician of note, Dr. Beverly Jones, whose family occupied the old homestead at the time of the Civil War.

The number of black ex-slaves is quickly decreasing, but here and there among the pre-Civil War families of the South, you can still find a few of these colorful old characters. Three miles north of Bethania, the second oldest settlement of the "Unitas Fratrum" in Wachovia, is the 1500-acre Jones plantation. It has been owned by the same family for several generations, descendants of Abraham Conrad. Conrad's daughter, Julia, married a well-known doctor, Dr. Beverly Jones, whose family lived in the old homestead during the Civil War.

Here, in 1856, was born a negro girl, Betty, to a slave mother. Here, today, under the friendly protection of this same Jones family, surrounded by her sons and her sons' sons, lives this same Betty in her own little weather-stained cottage. Encircling her house are lilacs, althea, and flowering trees that soften the bleak outlines of unpainted out-buildings. A varied collection of old-fashioned plants and flowers crowd the neatly swept dooryard. A friendly German-shepherd puppy rouses from his nap on the sunny porch to greet visitors enthusiastically. In answer to our knock a gentle voice calls, "Come in." The door opens directly into a small, low-ceilinged room almost filled by two double beds. These beds are conspicuously clean and covered by homemade crocheted spreads. Wide bands of hand-made insertion ornament the stiffly starched pillow slips. Against the wall is a plain oak dresser. Although the day is warm, two-foot logs burn on the age-worn andirons of the wide brick fire place. From the shelf above dangles a leather bag of[Pg 167] "spills" made from twisted newspapers.

Here, in 1856, a black girl named Betty was born to a slave mother. Here, today, under the kind protection of the same Jones family, surrounded by her sons and her grandsons, Betty still lives in her little weathered cottage. Surrounding her house are lilacs, althea, and flowering trees that soften the stark outlines of the unpainted outbuildings. A diverse collection of old-fashioned plants and flowers fills the neatly swept yard. A friendly German shepherd puppy wakes up from his nap on the sunny porch to greet visitors excitedly. In response to our knock, a gentle voice calls, "Come in." The door opens directly into a small, low-ceilinged room almost filled with two double beds. These beds are noticeably clean and covered with homemade crocheted spreads. Wide bands of handmade insertion decorate the stiffly starched pillow slips. Against the wall is a simple oak dresser. Even though the day is warm, two-foot logs burn on the age-worn andirons of the wide brick fireplace. From the shelf above hangs a leather bag of[Pg 167] "spills" made from twisted newspapers.

In a low, split-bottom chair, her rheumatic old feet resting on the warm brick hearth, sits Aunt Betty Cofer. Her frail body stoops under the weight of four-score years but her bright eyes and alert mind are those of a woman thirty years younger. A blue-checked mob cap covers her grizzled hair. Her tiny frame, clothed in a motley collection of undergarments, dress, and sweaters, is adorned by a clean white apron. Although a little shy of her strange white visitors, her innate dignity, gentle courtesy, and complete self possession indicate long association with "quality folks."

In a low, split-bottom chair, her achy old feet resting on the warm brick hearth, sits Aunt Betty Cofer. Her frail body bends under the weight of eighty years, but her bright eyes and sharp mind are those of a woman thirty years younger. A blue-checked mob cap covers her grizzled hair. Her tiny frame, dressed in a mix of undergarments, a dress, and sweaters, is topped off with a clean white apron. Although she is a bit shy around her unusual white visitors, her natural dignity, gentle courtesy, and complete composure show that she has long been around "quality folks."

Her speech shows a noticeable freedom from the usual heavy negro dialect and idiom of the deep south. "Yes, Ma'am, yes, Sir, come in. Pull a chair to the fire. You'll have to 'scuse me. I can't get around much, 'cause my feet and legs bother me, but I got good eyes an' good ears an' all my own teeth. I aint never had a bad tooth in my head. Yes'm, I'm 81, going on 82. Marster done wrote my age down in his book where he kep' the names of all his colored folks. Muh (Mother) belonged to Dr. Jones but Pappy belonged to Marse Israel Lash over yonder. (Pointing northwest.) Younguns always went with their mammies so I belonged to the Joneses.

Her speech clearly indicates a lack of the typical heavy Southern dialect and expressions. "Yes, ma'am, yes, sir, come in. Pull up a chair by the fire. You'll have to excuse me. I can't move around much because my feet and legs give me trouble, but I have good eyes, good ears, and all my own teeth. I've never had a bad tooth in my head. Yes, ma'am, I'm 81, almost 82. The master wrote my age down in his book where he kept the names of all his Black folks. My mother belonged to Dr. Jones, but my father belonged to Master Israel Lash over there. (Pointing northwest.) The kids always went with their mothers, so I belonged to the Joneses.

Muh and Pappy could visit back and forth sometimes but they never lived together 'til after freedom. Yes'm, we was happy. We got plenty to eat. Marster and old Miss Julia (Dr. Jones' wife, matriarch of the whole plantation) was mighty strict but they was good to us. Colored folks on some of the other plantations wasn't so lucky. Some of' em had overseers, mean, cruel men. On one plantation the field hands had to hustle to git to the[Pg 168] end of the row at eleven o'clock dinner-time 'cause when the cooks brought their dinner they had to stop just where they was and eat, an' the sun was mighty hot out in those fields. They only had ash cakes (corn pone baked in ashes) without salt, and molasses for their dinner, but we had beans an' grits an' salt an' sometimes meat.

Muh and Pappy could visit each other sometimes, but they never lived together until after we got our freedom. Yeah, we were happy. We had plenty to eat. The Master and old Miss Julia (Dr. Jones' wife, the matriarch of the whole plantation) were pretty strict, but they were good to us. Folks on some of the other plantations weren't so lucky. Some of them had overseers, mean and cruel men. On one plantation, the field workers had to rush to the[Pg 168] end of the row by eleven o'clock lunch time because when the cooks brought their meals, they had to stop right where they were and eat, and the sun was really hot out in those fields. They only had ash cakes (cornbread baked in ashes) with no salt and molasses for lunch, but we had beans, grits, salt, and sometimes meat.

I was lucky. Miss Ella (daughter of the first Beverly Jones) was a little girl when I was borned and she claimed me. We played together an' grew up together. I waited on her an' most times slept on the floor in her room. Muh was cook an' when I done got big enough I helped to set the table in the big dinin' room. Then I'd put on a clean white apron an' carry in the victuals an' stand behind Miss Ella's chair. She'd fix me a piece of somethin' from her plate an' hand it back over her shoulder to me (eloquent hands illustrate Miss Ella's making of a sandwich.) I'd take it an' run outside to eat it. Then I'd wipe my mouth an' go back to stand behind Miss Ella again an' maybe get another snack.

I was fortunate. Miss Ella, the daughter of the first Beverly Jones, was a little girl when I was born, and she took me under her wing. We played together and grew up together. I took care of her, and most of the time, I slept on the floor in her room. My mom was a cook, and when I got old enough, I helped set the table in the big dining room. Then I'd put on a clean white apron and bring in the food, standing behind Miss Ella’s chair. She would take a piece of something from her plate and hand it back to me over her shoulder. I’d grab it and run outside to eat. Afterward, I'd wipe my mouth and go back to stand behind Miss Ella again, hoping to get another snack.

Yes'm, there was a crowd of hands on the plantation. I mind 'em all an' I can call most of their names. Mac, Curley, William, Sanford, Lewis, Henry, Ed, Sylvester, Hamp, an' Juke was the men folks. The women was Nellie, two Lucys, Martha, Nervie, Jane, Laura, Fannie, Lizzie, Cassie, Tensie, Lindy, an' Mary Jane. The women mostly, worked in the house. There was always two washwomen, a cook, some hands to help her, two sewin' women, a house girl, an' some who did all the weavin' an' spinnin'. The men worked in the fields an' yard. One was stable boss an' looked after all the horses an' mules. We raised our own[Pg 169] flax an' cotton an' wool, spun the thread, wove the cloth, made all the clothes. Yes'm, we made the mens' shirts an' pants an' coats. One woman knitted all the stockin's for the white folks an' colored folks too. I mind she had one finger all twisted an' stiff from holdin' her knittin' needles. We wove the cotton an' linen for sheets an' pillow-slips an' table covers. We wove the wool blankets too. I use to wait on the girl who did the weavin' when she took the cloth off the loom she done give me the 'thrums' (ends of thread left on the loom.) I tied 'em all together with teensy little knots an' got me some scraps from the sewin' room and I made me some quilt tops. Some of 'em was real pretty too! (Pride of workmanship evidenced by a toss of Betty's head.)

Yes, there were a lot of hands on the plantation. I remember them all, and I can name most of them. The men were Mac, Curley, William, Sanford, Lewis, Henry, Ed, Sylvester, Hamp, and Juke. The women were Nellie, two Lucys, Martha, Nervie, Jane, Laura, Fannie, Lizzie, Cassie, Tensie, Lindy, and Mary Jane. Most of the women worked in the house. There were always two washwomen, a cook, some help for her, two sewing women, a house girl, and some who did all the weaving and spinning. The men worked in the fields and around the yard. One was the stable boss and took care of all the horses and mules. We grew our own[Pg 169] flax, cotton, and wool, spun the thread, wove the cloth, and made all the clothes. Yes, we made the men's shirts, pants, and coats. One woman knitted all the stockings for both the white folks and the colored folks. I remember she had one finger all twisted and stiff from holding her knitting needles. We wove the cotton and linen for sheets, pillowcases, and table covers. We also made wool blankets. I used to help the girl who did the weaving; when she took the cloth off the loom, she would give me the 'thrums' (the ends of thread left over). I tied them all together with tiny little knots and got some scraps from the sewing room, and I made some quilt tops. Some of them were really pretty too! (Pride of workmanship was evident by a toss of Betty's head.)

All our spinnin' wheels and flax wheels and looms was hand-made by a wheel wright, Marse Noah Westmoreland. He lived over yonder. (A thumb indicates north.) Those old wheels are still in the family'. I got one of the flax wheels. Miss Ella done give it to me for a present. Leather was tanned an' shoes was made on the place. 'Course the hands mostly went barefoot in warm weather, white chillen too. We had our own mill to grind the wheat and corn an' we raised all our meat. We made our own candles from tallow and beeswax. I 'spect some of the old candle moulds are over to 'the house' now. We wove our own candle wicks too. I never saw a match 'til I was a grown woman. We made our fire with flint an' punk (rotten wood). Yes'm, I was trained to cook an' clean an' sew. I learned to make mens' pants an' coats. First coat I made, Miss Julia told me to rip the collar off, an' by the time I picked out all the teensy stitches an' sewed it together again I could set a collar right! I can do it[Pg 170] today, too! (Again there is manifested a good workman's pardonable pride of achievement)

All our spinning wheels, flax wheels, and looms were handmade by a wheelwright, Mr. Noah Westmoreland. He lived over there. (A thumb indicates north.) Those old wheels are still in the family. I have one of the flax wheels. Miss Ella gave it to me as a gift. Leather was tanned, and shoes were made on the property. Of course, the workers mostly went barefoot in warm weather, including white children. We had our own mill to grind the wheat and corn, and we raised all our meat. We made our own candles from tallow and beeswax. I expect some of the old candle molds are over at "the house" now. We wove our own candle wicks too. I never saw a match until I was a grown woman. We made our fire with flint and punk (rotten wood). Yes, I was taught to cook, clean, and sew. I learned to make men's pants and coats. The first coat I made, Miss Julia told me to rip the collar off, and by the time I picked out all the tiny stitches and sewed it back together, I could set a collar right! I can do it[Pg 170] today, too!

Miss Julia cut out all the clothes herself for men and women too. I 'spect her big shears an' patterns an' old cuttin' table are over at the house now. Miss Julia cut out all the clothes an' then the colored girls sewed 'em up but she looked 'em all over and they better be sewed right! Miss Julia bossed the whole plantation. She looked after the sick folks and sent the doctor (Dr. Jones) to dose 'em and she carried the keys to the store-rooms and pantries.

Miss Julia made all the clothes herself for both men and women. I bet her big shears, patterns, and old cutting table are over at the house now. Miss Julia cut out all the clothes, and then the colored girls sewed them up, but she checked them all, and they better be sewn correctly! Miss Julia ran the whole plantation. She took care of the sick people and sent the doctor (Dr. Jones) to treat them, and she held the keys to the storerooms and pantries.

HW Yes'm, I'm some educated. Muh showed me my 'a-b-abs' and my numbers and when I was fifteen I went to school in the log church built by the Moravians. They give it to the colored folks to use for their own school and church. (This log house is still standing near Bethania). Our teacher was a white man, Marse Fulk. He had one eye, done lost the other in the war. We didn't have no colored teachers then. They wasn't educated. We 'tended school four months a year. I went through the fifth reader, the 'North Carolina Reader'. I can figger a little an' read some but I can't write much 'cause my fingers 're—all stiffened up. Miss Julia use to read the bible to us an' tell us right an' wrong, and Muh showed me all she could an' so did the other colored folks. Mostly they was kind to each other.

HW Yes, ma'am, I’m somewhat educated. My mom taught me my ABCs and numbers, and when I was fifteen, I went to school in the log church built by the Moravians. They let the Black community use it for their school and church. (This log house is still standing near Bethania). Our teacher was a white man, Mr. Fulk. He had one eye; he lost the other one in the war. We didn’t have any Black teachers then because they weren’t educated. We attended school for four months a year. I went through the fifth reader, the 'North Carolina Reader.' I can do a little math and read some, but I can't write much because my fingers are all stiffened up. Miss Julia used to read the Bible to us and taught us about right and wrong, and my mom showed me all she could, as did the other Black folks. Mostly, they were kind to each other.

No'm, I don't know much about spells an' charms. Course most of the old folks believed in 'em. One colored man use to make charms, little bags filled with queer things. He called 'em 'jacks' an' sold 'em to the colored folks an' some white folks too.[Pg 171]

No, I don't know much about spells and charms. Of course, most of the older people believed in them. One Black man used to make charms, little bags filled with strange items. He called them 'jacks' and sold them to Black folks and some white folks too.[Pg 171]

Yes'm, I saw some slaves sold away from the plantation, four men and two women, both of 'em with little babies. The traders got 'em. Sold 'em down to Mobile, Alabama. One was my pappy's sister. We never heard from her again. I saw a likely young feller sold for $1500. That was my Uncle Ike. Marse Jonathan Spease bought him and kept him the rest of his life.

Yes, ma'am, I saw some slaves taken away from the plantation, four men and two women, both with little babies. The traders got them. Sold them down to Mobile, Alabama. One was my dad's sister. We never heard from her again. I saw a promising young man sold for $1500. That was my Uncle Ike. Mr. Jonathan Spease bought him and kept him for the rest of his life.

Yes'm, we saw Yankee soldiers. (Stoneman's Cavalry in 1865.) They come marchin' by and stopped at 'the house. I wasn't scared 'cause they was all talkin' and laughin' and friendly but they sure was hongry. They dumped the wet clothes out of the big wash-pot in the yard and filled it with water. Then they broke into the smokehouse and got a lot of hams and biled 'em in the pot and ate 'em right there in the yard. The women cooked up a lot of corn pone for 'em and coffee too. Marster had a barrel of 'likker' put by an' the Yankees knocked the head in an' filled their canteens. There wasn't ary drop left. When we heard the soldiers comin' our boys turned the horses loose in the woods. The Yankees said they had to have 'em an' would burn the house down if we didn't get 'em. So our boys whistled up the horses an' the soldiers carried 'em all off. They carried off ol' Jennie mule too but let little Jack mule go. When the soldiers was gone the stable boss said,'if ol' Jennie mule once gits loose nobody on earth can catch her unless she wants. She'll be back!' Sure enough, in a couple of days she come home by herself an' we worked the farm jus' with her an' little Jack.

Yes, we saw Yankee soldiers. (Stoneman's Cavalry in 1865.) They marched by and stopped at the house. I wasn't scared because they were all talking, laughing, and friendly, but they sure were hungry. They dumped the wet clothes out of the big wash pot in the yard and filled it with water. Then they broke into the smokehouse, grabbed a bunch of hams, boiled them in the pot, and ate them right there in the yard. The women cooked a lot of cornbread for them and made coffee too. Our master had a barrel of liquor set aside, and the Yankees smashed the top and filled their canteens. There wasn't a drop left after that. When we heard the soldiers coming, our boys turned the horses loose in the woods. The Yankees said they needed them and would burn the house down if we didn’t get them. So our boys whistled for the horses, and the soldiers carried them all off. They also took old Jennie the mule but left little Jack. After the soldiers were gone, the stable boss said, "If old Jennie ever gets loose, no one on earth can catch her unless she wants to. She'll be back!" Sure enough, in a couple of days, she came home by herself, and we worked the farm just with her and little Jack.

Some of the colored folks followed the Yankees away. Five or six of our boys went. Two of 'em travelled as far as Yadkinville but come back. The rest of 'em kep' goin' an' we never heard tell[Pg 172] of' em again.

Some of the Black folks followed the Union soldiers away. Five or six of our guys went. Two of them traveled as far as Yadkinville but came back. The rest of them kept going, and we never heard from them again.

Yes'm, when we was freed Pappy come to get Muh and me. We stayed around here. Where could we go? These was our folks and I couldn't go far away from Miss Ella. We moved out near Rural Hall (some 5 miles from Bethania) an' Pappy farmed, but I worked at the home place a lot. When I was about twenty-four Marse R. J. Reynolds come from Virginia an' set up a tobacco factory. He fotched some hands with 'im. One was a likely young feller, named Cofer, from Patrick County, Virginia. I liked 'im an' we got married an' moved back here to my folks.(the Jones family) We started to buy our little place an' raise a family. I done had four chillen but two's dead. I got grandchillen and great-grandchillen close by. This is home to us. When we talk about the old home place (the Jones residence, now some hundred years old) we just say 'the house' 'cause there's only one house to us. The rest of the family was all fine folks and good to me but I loved Miss Ella better'n any one or anythin' else in the world. She was the best friend I ever had. If I ever wanted for anythin' I just asked her an she give it to me or got it for me somehow. Once when Cofer was in his last sickness his sister come from East Liverpool, Ohio, to see 'im. I went to Miss Ella to borrow a little money. She didn't have no change but she just took a ten dollar bill from her purse an' says 'Here you are, Betty, use what you need and bring me what's left'.

Sure, when we were freed, Dad came to get Mom and me. We stayed around here. Where could we go? These were our people, and I couldn't go far from Miss Ella. We moved out near Rural Hall (about 5 miles from Bethania), and Dad farmed, but I worked at the family place a lot. When I was about twenty-four, Marse R. J. Reynolds came from Virginia and set up a tobacco factory. He brought some workers with him. One was a promising young guy named Cofer from Patrick County, Virginia. I liked him, and we got married and moved back here to my folks (the Jones family). We started to buy our little place and raise a family. I had four kids, but two are gone. I have grandkids and great-grandkids close by. This is home for us. When we talk about the old home place (the Jones residence, now about a hundred years old), we just call it 'the house' because it’s the only house that matters to us. The rest of the family was all great people and kind to me, but I loved Miss Ella more than anyone or anything else in the world. She was the best friend I ever had. If I ever needed anything, I just asked her, and she would give it to me or find it somehow. Once, when Cofer was seriously ill, his sister came from East Liverpool, Ohio, to see him. I went to Miss Ella to borrow some money. She didn’t have any change, but she just took a ten-dollar bill from her purse and said, 'Here you go, Betty, take what you need and bring me back what’s left.'

I always did what I could for her too an' stood by her—but one time. That was when we was little girls goin' together to fetch the mail. It was hot an' dusty an' we stopped to cool off an' wade in the 'branch'. We heard a horse trottin' an' looked[Pg 173] up an' there was Marster switchin' his ridin' whip an' lookin' at us. 'Git for home, you two, and I'll 'tend to you,' he says, an' we got! But this time I let Miss Ella go to 'the house' alone an' I sneaked aroun' to Granny's cabin an' hid. I was afraid I'd git whupped! 'Nother time, Miss Ella went to town an' told me to keep up her fire whilst she was away. I fell asleep on the hearth and the fire done burnt out so's when Miss Ella come home the room was cold. She was mad as hops. Said she never had hit me but she sure felt like doin' it then.

I always did what I could for her and stood by her—except for one time. That was when we were little girls going together to get the mail. It was hot and dusty, and we stopped to cool off and wade in the creek. We heard a horse trotting and looked[Pg 173] up, and there was Mr. riding by with his whip and looking at us. "Get home, you two, and I’ll deal with you," he said, and we took off! But this time I let Miss Ella go to the house alone, and I sneaked around to Granny’s cabin and hid. I was afraid I’d get in trouble! Another time, Miss Ella went to town and told me to keep the fire going while she was away. I fell asleep by the hearth, and the fire went out, so when Miss Ella came home, the room was cold. She was really angry. She said she never hit me before, but she sure felt like it then.

Yes'm, I been here a right smart while. I done lived to see three generations of my white folks come an' go, an' they're the finest folks on earth. There use to be a reg'lar buryin' ground for the plantation hands. The colored chillen use to play there but I always played with the white chillen. (This accounts for Aunt Betty's gentle manner and speech.) Three of the old log cabins (slave cabins) is there yet. One of 'em was the 'boys cabin'. (house for boys and unmarried men) They've got walls a foot thick an' are used for store-rooms now. After freedom we buried out around our little churches but some of th' old grounds are plowed under an' turned into pasture cause the colored folks didn't get no deeds to 'em. It won't be long 'fore I go too but I'm gwine lie near my old home an' my folks.

Yeah, I've been here quite a while. I've lived to see three generations of my white folks come and go, and they're the best people on earth. There used to be a regular burial ground for the plantation workers. The Black kids used to play there, but I always played with the white kids. (This explains Aunt Betty's kind demeanor and way of speaking.) Three of the old log cabins (slave cabins) are still standing. One of them was the 'boys cabin.' (house for boys and unmarried men) They have walls a foot thick and are being used as storage rooms now. After we were freed, we buried our loved ones around our little churches, but some of the old grounds have been plowed under and turned into pastures because the Black folks didn’t get any deeds to them. It won’t be long before I go too, but I plan to lie near my old home and my family.

Yes'm, I remember Marse Israel Lash, my Pappy's Marster. He was a low, thick-set man, very jolly an' friendly. He was real smart an' good too, 'cause his colored folks all loved 'im. He worked in the bank an' when the Yankees come, 'stead of shuttin' the door 'gainst 'em like the others did, he bid 'em welcome. (Betty's nodding head, expansive smile and wide-spread hands[Pg 174] eloquently pantomime the banker's greeting.) So the Yankees done took the bank but give it back to 'im for his very own an' he kep' it but there was lots of bad feelin' 'cause he never give folks the money they put in the old bank. (Possibly this explains the closing of the branch of the Cape Fear Bank in Salem and opening of Israel Lash's own institution, the First National Bank of Salem, 1866.)

Yeah, I remember Marse Israel Lash, my Pappy's master. He was a short, stocky guy, really cheerful and friendly. He was smart and genuinely nice too, because all his Black folks loved him. He worked at the bank, and when the Yankees came, instead of shutting the door against them like the others did, he welcomed them. (Betty's nodding head, big smile, and open hands[Pg 174] vividly mimic the banker's greeting.) So the Yankees took over the bank but gave it back to him as his own, and he kept it, but there was a lot of bad feeling since he never gave people their money back from the old bank. (This might explain why the branch of the Cape Fear Bank in Salem closed and why Israel Lash started his own bank, the First National Bank of Salem, in 1866.)

I saw General Robert E. Lee, too. After the war he come with some friends to a meeting at Five Forks Baptist Church. All the white folks gathered 'round an' shook his hand an' I peeked 'tween their legs an' got a good look at' im. But he didn't have no whiskers, he was smooth-face! (Pictures of General Lee all show him with beard and mustache)

I saw General Robert E. Lee, too. After the war, he came with some friends to a meeting at Five Forks Baptist Church. All the white folks gathered around and shook his hand, and I peeked between their legs and got a good look at him. But he didn't have any whiskers; he was smooth-faced! (Pictures of General Lee all show him with a beard and mustache.)

Miss Ella died two years ago. I was sick in the hospital but the doctor come to tell me. I couldn't go to her buryin'. I sure missed her. (Poignant grief moistens Betty's eyes and thickens her voice). There wasn't ever no one like her. Miss Kate an' young Miss Julia still live at 'the house' with their brother, Marse Lucian (all children of the first Beverly Jones and 'old Miss Julia',) but it don't seem right with Miss Ella gone. Life seems dif'rent, some how, 'though there' lots of my young white folks an' my own kin livin' round an' they're real good to me. But Miss Ella's gone!

Miss Ella died two years ago. I was sick in the hospital when the doctor came to tell me. I couldn’t go to her funeral. I really missed her. (Poignant grief moistens Betty’s eyes and thickens her voice). There was never anyone like her. Miss Kate and young Miss Julia still live at 'the house' with their brother, Marse Lucian (all children of the first Beverly Jones and 'old Miss Julia'), but it doesn’t feel right with Miss Ella gone. Life feels different somehow, even though there are plenty of my young white folks and my own relatives living around, and they’re really good to me. But Miss Ella's gone!

"Goodday, Ma'am. Come anytime. You're welcome to. I'm right glad to have visitors 'cause I can't get out much." A bobbing little curtsy accompanies Betty's cordial farewell.[Pg 175]

"Good day, Ma'am. Feel free to come by anytime. You’re always welcome. I’m really happy to have visitors since I can’t get out much." A cheerful little curtsy accompanies Betty's friendly farewell.[Pg 175]

Although a freed woman for 71 years, property owner for half of them, and now revered head of a clan of self respecting, self-supporting colored citizens, she is still at heart a "Jones negro," and all the distinguished descendants of her beloved Marse Beverly and Miss Julia will be her "own folks" as long as she lives.

Although she has been free for 71 years, a property owner for half of that time, and now respected as the leader of a clan of self-reliant, dignified black citizens, she is still fundamentally a "Jones black," and all the esteemed descendants of her beloved Marse Beverly and Miss Julia will be her "own folks" for as long as she lives.


[320188]
N.C. District:No. 2
No. Words:340
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Person Interviewed:John Coggin
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

JOHN COGGIN.

Ex-Slave Story.
An interview with John Coggin 85, of Method, N.C.

When the interviewer first visited Uncle John he was busy cutting hay for a white family nearby, swinging the scythe with the vigor of a young man. In late afternoon he was found sitting on the doorsteps of his granddaughter's house after a supper which certainly had onions on the menu and was followed by something stronger than water.

When the interviewer first visited Uncle John, he was busy cutting hay for a white family nearby, swinging the scythe with the energy of a young man. Later in the afternoon, he was found sitting on the steps of his granddaughter's house after a dinner that definitely included onions and was followed by something stronger than water.

"I was borned on March 1, 1852 in Orange County. My mammy wuz named Phillis Fenn an' she wuz from Virginia. I ain't neber had no paw an' I ain't wanted none, I ain't had no brothers nar sisters nother."

"I was born on March 1, 1852, in Orange County. My mom was named Phillis Fenn, and she was from Virginia. I never had a dad and didn't want one, and I didn't have any brothers or sisters either."

"We 'longed ter Doctor Jim Leathers, an' de only whuppin' I eber got wuz 'bout fightin' wid young Miss Agnes, who wuz sommers long' bout my age. Hit wuz jist a little whuppin' but I' members hit all right."

"We longed for Doctor Jim Leathers, and the only beating I ever got was for fighting with young Miss Agnes, who was probably around my age. It was just a little beating, but I remember it well."

"We wucked de fiel's, I totin' water fer de six or seben han's that wucked dar. An' we jist wucked moderate like. We had plenty ter eat an' plenty ter w'ar, do' we did go barefooted most of de year. De marster shore wuz good ter us do'."[Pg 178]

"We worked in the fields, and I carried water for the six or seven people who worked there. And we just worked at a steady pace. We had plenty to eat and plenty to wear, though we did go barefoot most of the year. The master was really good to us though." [Pg 178]

"I 'members dat de fust I hyard of de Yankees wuz when young marster come in an' says, 'Lawd pa, de Yankees am in Raleigh.'"

"I remember that the first I heard of the Yankees was when young master came in and said, 'Lord pa, the Yankees are in Raleigh.'"

"Dat ebenin' I wuz drawin' water when all of a sudden I looks up de road, an' de air am dark wid Yankees. I neber seed so many mens, hosses an' mules in my life. De band wuz playin' an' de soldiers wuz hollerin' an' de hosses wuz prancin' high. I done what all of de rest o' de slaves done, I run fer de woods."

"That evening, I was drawing water when suddenly I looked up the road, and the air was filled with Yankees. I had never seen so many men, horses, and mules in my life. The band was playing, the soldiers were shouting, and the horses were prancing proudly. I did what all the other slaves did; I ran for the woods."

"Atter de surrender we moved ter a place nigh Dix Hill hyar in Raleigh an' my mammy married a Coggin, dar's whar I gits my name. All of us slaves moved dar an' farmed."

"After the surrender, we moved to a place near Dix Hill here in Raleigh, and my mom married a Coggin, that's where I get my name. All of us former slaves moved there and farmed."

"Way long time atter dat ole Marster Jim come ter visit his niggers, an' we had a big supper in his honor. Dat night he died, an' 'fore he died his min' sorta wanders an' he thinks dat hit am back in de slave days an' dat atter a long journey he am comin' back home. Hit shore wuz pitiful an' we shore did hate it."

"Many years after that old Master Jim came to visit his former slaves, we had a big dinner in his honor. That night he died, and before he died, his mind seemed to wander, thinking he was back in the days of slavery and that after a long journey he was returning home. It was truly sad, and we really hated it."

"Yes 'um honey, we got 'long all right atter de war. You knows dat niggers ain't had no sense den, now dey has. Look at dese hyar seben chilluns, dey am my great gran'chillun an' dey got a heap mo' sense dan I has right now."

"Yeah, honey, we got along fine after the war. You know that Black people didn't have much sense back then, but now they do. Look at these seven kids here—they're my great-grandchildren, and they have way more sense than I do right now."

EH

EH


[320150]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:433
Subject:MANDY COVERSON
Story Teller:Mandy Coverson
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 7 1937"

MANDY COVERSON

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Mandy Coverson, 78, of 103 South Wilmington Street, Raleigh.

I wuz borned in Union County to Sarah an' Henderson Tomberlin. My mother belonged to Mr. Moses Coverson, an' my pappy belonged to Mr. Jackie Tom Tomberlin. I stayed wid my mammy, of course, an' Marster Moses wuz good ter me. Dey warn't so good ter my mammy, case dey makes her wuck frum sunup till sundown in de hot summertime, an' she ain't had no fun at all. She plowed two oxes, an' if'en yo' has eber been around a steer yo' knows what aggravatin' things dey is.

I was born in Union County to Sarah and Henderson Tomberlin. My mother was owned by Mr. Moses Coverson, and my dad was owned by Mr. Jackie Tom Tomberlin. I stayed with my mom, of course, and Master Moses was kind to me. They weren't very kind to my mom because they made her work from sunrise to sunset in the hot summer, and she didn’t have any fun at all. She plowed with two oxen, and if you’ve ever been around a steer, you know what frustrating things they are.

De oberseer, whose name I'se plumb forget, wuz pore white trash an' he wuz meaner dan de meanest nigger. Anyhow I wuz too little ter do much wuck so I played a heap an' I had a big time.

De overseer, whose name I've completely forgotten, was poor white trash and he was meaner than the meanest black. Anyway, I was too little to do much work, so I played a lot and I had a great time.

My mammy, died 'fore I wuz very old an' missus kept me in de house. I wuz petted by her, an' I reckon spoiled. Yo' knows dat den de niggers ain't neber eat no biscuits but missus always gimmie one eber meal an' in dat way she got me interested in waitin' on de table.

My mom passed away when I was really young, and the lady of the house kept me indoors. She spoiled me, and I think I got a little too pampered. You know that back then, Black people never got to eat biscuits, but she always gave me one at every meal, and that’s how I became interested in helping out at the table.

I wuzn't old enough ter know much, but I does 'member how de fambly hid all de valuables 'fore de Yankees come, an'[Pg 181] dat Marster Moses in pickin' up de big brass andirons hurt his back an' dey said dat dat wuz de cause of his death a little while atterwards. Anyhow de andirons wuz saved an' dar warn't no trouble wid de Yankees who comed our way, an' dey ain't hurt nobody dar.

I wasn't old enough to know much, but I remember how the family hid all the valuables before the Yankees came, and that Master Moses hurt his back picking up the big brass andirons, and they said that was the cause of his death a little while later. Anyway, the andirons were saved, and there wasn't any trouble with the Yankees who came our way, and they didn't hurt anyone there.

Dey did kill all de things dat dey could eat an' dey stold de rest of de feed stuff. Dey make one nigger boy draw water fer dere hosses fer a day an' night. De Yankees wuz mean 'bout cussin', but de southern soldiers wuz jist as bad. Wheeler's Cavalry wuz de meanest in de whole bunch, I thinks.

Dey killed all the things they could eat and stole the rest of the feed. They made one black boy draw water for their horses all day and night. The Yankees were harsh about cursing, but the Southern soldiers were just as bad. Wheeler's Cavalry was the meanest of them all, I think.

De Ku Kluxes wuz pretty mean, but dey picked dere spite on de Free Issues. I doan know why dey done dis 'cept dat dey ain't wantin' no niggers a-favorin' dem nigh by, now dat slavery am ober. Dey done a heap of beatin' an' chasin' folkses out'n de country but I 'specks dat de Carpet Bagger's rule wuz mostly de cause of it.

The Ku Klux Klan was really cruel, but they focused their anger on the Freedmen. I don't know why they did this except that they didn't want any Black people supporting them now that slavery is over. They did a lot of beating and driving people out of the country, but I think the Carpetbagger's rule was mostly to blame for it.

I married Daniel Coverson, a slave on de same plantation I wuz on, an' forty years ago we moved ter Raleigh. We had a hard time but I'se glad dat he an' me am free an' doan belong ter two diff'ent famblies.

I married Daniel Coverson, a slave on the same plantation I was on, and forty years ago we moved to Raleigh. We had a tough time, but I'm glad that he and I are free and don't belong to two different families.

AC

AC


[320212]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:914
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Person Interviewed:Willie Cozart
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

EX-SLAVE STORY

An Interview by Mary A. Hicks with Willis Cozart of Zebulon, (Wake Co. N.C.) Age 92. May 12, 1937.

No mam, Mistress, I doan want ter ride in no automobile, thank you, I'se done walked these three miles frum Zebulon an' walkin' is what has kept me goin' all dese years.

No ma'am, Mistress, I don’t want to ride in any car, thank you. I've walked these three miles from Zebulon, and walking is what has kept me going all these years.

Yes'm I'se a bachelor an' I wuz borned on June 11, 1845 in Person County. My papa wuz named Ed an' my maw wuz named Sally. Dar wuz ten of us youngins, Morris, Dallas, Stephen, Jerry, Florence, Polly, Lena, Phillis, Caroline, an' me. Mr. Starling Oakley of Person County, near Roxboro wuz my master an' as long as him an' ole mistress lived I went back ter see dem.

Yes, I'm a bachelor and I was born on June 11, 1845, in Person County. My dad was named Ed and my mom was named Sally. There were ten of us kids: Morris, Dallas, Stephen, Jerry, Florence, Polly, Lena, Phillis, Caroline, and me. Mr. Starling Oakley of Person County, near Roxboro, was my master, and as long as he and the old mistress were alive, I went back to see them.

He wuz right good to de good niggers an' kinder strick wid de bad ones. Pusonly he ain't never have me whupped but two or three times. You's hyard 'bout dese set down strikes lately, well dey ain't de fust ones. Onct when I wuz four or five years old, too little to wuck in de fiel's, my master sot me an' some more little chilluns ter wuck pullin' up weeds roun' de house. Well, I makes a speech and I tells dem le's doan wuck none so out we sprawls on de grass under de apple tree. Atter awhile ole master found us dar, an'[Pg 184] when he fin's dat I wuz de ring-leader he gives me a little whuppin'.

He was really good to the good black people and kind of strict with the bad ones. But he only had me whipped two or three times. You’ve heard about these sit-down strikes lately, but they aren't the first ones. Once, when I was about four or five years old, too little to work in the fields, my master had me and some other kids working to pull weeds around the house. Well, I made a speech and told them let’s not work at all, so we sprawled out on the grass under the apple tree. After a while, old master found us there, and when he discovered that I was the ringleader, he gave me a little whipping.

Hit wuz a big plantation, round 1,200 acres o' land, I reckon, an' he had 'bout seventy or eighty slaves to wuck de cotton, corn, tobacco an' de wheat an' vege'bles. De big house wuz sumpin to look at, but de slave cabins wuz jist log huts wid sand floors, and stick an' dirt chimneys. We wuz 'lowed ter have a little patch o' garden stuff at de back but no chickens ner pigs. De only way we had er' makin' money wuz by pickin' berries an' sellin' 'em. We ain't had much time to do dat, case we wucked frum sunup till sundown six days a week.

It was a large plantation, about 1,200 acres of land, I guess, and he had around seventy or eighty slaves to work the cotton, corn, tobacco, wheat, and vegetables. The big house was something to see, but the slave cabins were just log huts with sand floors and stick-and-dirt chimneys. We were allowed to have a small patch of garden stuff in the back but no chickens or pigs. The only way we had to make money was by picking berries and selling them. We didn't have much time to do that since we worked from sunrise to sunset six days a week.

De master fed us as good as he knowed how, but it wuz mostly on bread, meat, an' vege'bles.

De master fed us as well as he knew how, but it was mainly on bread, meat, and vegetables.

I 'members seberal slave sales whar dey sold de pappy or de mammy 'way frum de chillums an' dat wuz a sad time. Dey led dem up one at de time an' axed dem questions an' dey warn't many what wuz chained, only de bad ones, an' sometime when dey wuz travelin' it wuz necessary to chain a new gang.

I remember several slave sales where they sold the dad or the mom away from the kids, and that was a sad time. They led them up one at a time and asked them questions, and there weren't many who were chained, only the bad ones, and sometimes when they were traveling it was necessary to chain a new group.

I'se seed niggers beat till da blood run, an' I'se seed plenty more wid big scars, frum whuppin's but dey wuz de bad ones. You wuz whupped 'cordin ter de deed yo' done in dem days. A moderate whuppin' wuz thirty-nine or forty lashes an' a real whuppin' wuz a even hundred; most folks[Pg 185] can't stand a real whuppin'.

I’ve seen black people get beaten until they bled, and I’ve seen plenty more with big scars from beatings, but those were the severe ones. You were punished based on what you did back then. A mild punishment was thirty-nine or forty lashes, while a serious punishment was a full hundred; most people[Pg 185] can’t endure a real beating.

Frum all dis you might think dat we ain't had no good times, but we had our co'n shuckin's, candy pullin's an' sich like. We ain't felt like huntin' much, but I did go on a few fox hunts wid de master. I uster go fishin' too, but I ain't been now since 1873, I reckon. We sometimes went ter de neighborhood affairs if'n we wuz good, but if we wuzn't an' didn't git a pass de patter-rollers would shore git us. When dey got through whuppin' a nigger he knowed he wuz whupped too.

From all this, you might think we didn’t have any good times, but we had our corn shuckings, candy pulls, and things like that. We didn't feel like hunting much, but I did go on a few fox hunts with the master. I used to go fishing too, but I haven't been since 1873, I guess. We sometimes went to neighborhood events if we behaved, but if we didn’t and didn’t get a pass, the patter-rollers would definitely get us. When they were done whipping a Black man, he knew he’d been whipped for sure.

De slave weddin's in dat country wuz sorta dis way: de man axed de master fer de 'oman an' he jist told dem ter step over de broom an' dat wuz de way dey got married dem days; de pore white folks done de same way.

De slave weddings in that country were sort of like this: the man asked the master for the woman and he just told them to step over the broom and that was how they got married back then; the poor white folks did it the same way.

Atter de war started de white folks tried ter keep us niggers frum knowin' 'bout it, but de news got aroun' somehow, an' dar wuz some talk of gittin' shet of de master's family an' gittin' rich. De plans didn't 'mout to nothin' an' so de Yankees come down.

At the start of the war, the white folks tried to keep us blacks from knowing about it, but the news somehow got around, and there was some talk of getting away from the master's family and getting rich. The plans didn’t amount to anything, and so the Yankees came down.

I 'members moughty well when de Yankees come through our country. Dey stold ever'thing dey could find an' I 'members what ole master said. He says, 'Ever' one dat wants ter wuck fer me git in de patch ter pullin' dat forty acres of fodder an' all dat don't git up de road wid dem d—— Yankees.' Well we all went away.[Pg 186]

I remember really well when the Yankees came through our land. They stole everything they could find, and I remember what the old master said. He said, "Everyone who wants to work for me get in the field to pull that forty acres of fodder, and all those who don't, get up the road with those damned Yankees." Well, we all left.[Pg 186]

Dat winter wuz tough, all de niggers near 'bout starved ter death, an' we ain't seed nothin' of de forty acres of land an' de mule what de Yankees done promise us nother. Atter awhile we had ter go ter our ole masters an' ax 'em fer bread ter keep us alive.

Dat winter was tough, all the black people nearly starved to death, and we still hadn't seen anything of the forty acres of land and the mule that the Yankees promised us either. After a while, we had to go to our old masters and ask them for bread to keep us alive.

De Klu Klux Klan sprung right up out of de earth, but de Yankees put a stop ter dat by puttin' so many of dem in jail. Dey do say dat dat's what de State Prison wus built fer.

The Klu Klux Klan just came up out of nowhere, but the Yankees put a stop to that by imprisoning so many of them. They say that’s what the State Prison was built for.

I never believed in witches an' I ain't put much stock in hain'ts but I'se seed a few things durin' my life dat I can't 'splain, like de thing wid de red eyes dat mocked me one night; but shucks I ain't believin' in dem things much. I'se plowed my lan', tended it year atter year, lived by myself an' all, an' I ain't got hurted yet, but I ain't never rid in a automobile yet, an' I got one tooth left.

I never believed in witches and I don't think much of ghosts, but I've seen a few things in my life that I can't explain, like the thing with the red eyes that mocked me one night; but honestly, I don't put much faith in those things. I've worked my land, taken care of it year after year, lived on my own, and I haven't been hurt yet, but I've never ridden in a car, and I've only got one tooth left.

B. N.

B. N.


[320159]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1453
Subject:HANNAH CRASSON
Story Teller:Hannah Crasson
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
HW notes at bottom of page illegible

HANNAH CRASSON

My name is Hannah Crasson. I wuz born on John William Walton's plantation 4 miles from Garner and 13 miles from Raleigh, N. C. in the County of Wake. I am 84 years ole the 2nd day uv dis las' gone March. I belonged to Mr. John William Walton in slavery time. My missus wuz named Miss Martha.

My name is Hannah Crasson. I was born on John William Walton's plantation, 4 miles from Garner and 13 miles from Raleigh, NC, in Wake County. I turned 84 on the 2nd day of last March. I belonged to Mr. John William Walton during the time of slavery. My mistress was named Miss Martha.

My father wuz named Frank Walton. My mother wuz named Flora Walton. Grandma wuz 104 years when she died. She died down at de old plantation. My brothers were named Johnnie and Lang. My sisters were Adeline, Violet, Mary, Sarah, Ellen, and Annie. Four of us are livin', Ellen, Mary, Sarah and me.

My father was named Frank Walton. My mother was named Flora Walton. Grandma was 104 years old when she died. She passed away at the old plantation. My brothers were Johnnie and Lang. My sisters were Adeline, Violet, Mary, Sarah, Ellen, and Annie. Four of us are still alive: Ellen, Mary, Sarah, and me.

De old boss man wuz good to us. I wuz talkin' about him the udder night. He didn't whup us and he said, he didn't want nobody else to whup us. It is jis like I tell you; he wuz never cruel to us. One uv his sons wuz cruel to us. We had a plenty to eat, we shore did, plenty to eat. We had nice houses to live in too. Grandma had a large room to live in, and we had one to live in. Daddy stayed at home with mother. They worked their patches by moonlight; and worked for the white folks in the day time.

The old boss was good to us. I was talking about him the other night. He didn't hit us and he said he didn't want anyone else to hit us. Just like I tell you; he was never cruel to us. One of his sons was cruel to us. We had plenty to eat, we really did, plenty to eat. We also had nice houses to live in. Grandma had a large room to herself, and we had one too. Dad stayed home with mom. They worked their fields by moonlight and worked for the white folks during the day.

They sold what they made. Marster bought it and paid for it. He made a barrel o' rice every year, my daddy did.[Pg 189]

They sold what they produced. The master bought it and paid for it. My dad made a barrel of rice every year.[Pg 189]

Mr. Bell Allen owned slaves too. He had a plenty o' niggers. His plantation wuz 5 miles from ourn. We went to church at the white folks church. When Mr. Bell Allen seed us cummin' he would say, 'Yonder comes John Walton's free niggers.'

Mr. Bell Allen owned slaves too. He had a lot of Black people. His plantation was 5 miles from ours. We went to church at the white people's church. When Mr. Bell Allen saw us coming, he would say, 'There come John Walton's free Black people.'

Our marster would not sell his slaves. He give dem to his children when they married off do'. I swept yards, churned, fed the chickens. In de ebening I would go with my missus a fishin'. We eat collards, peas, corn bread, milk, and rice. We got biskit and butter twice a week. I thought dat de best things I ever et wuz butter spread on biskit. We had a corn mill and a flour mill on the plantation. There wuz about 24 slaves on de place. Dey had brandy made on de plantation, and de marster gib all his slaves some for dere own uses.

Our master wouldn't sell his slaves. He gave them to his children when they got married. I swept yards, churned butter, and fed the chickens. In the evening, I would go fishing with my mistress. We ate collards, peas, cornbread, milk, and rice. We had biscuits and butter twice a week. I thought the best thing I ever ate was butter spread on a biscuit. We had a corn mill and a flour mill on the plantation. There were about 24 slaves on the place. They made brandy on the plantation, and the master gave all his slaves some for their own use.

My grandmother and mother wove our clothes. Dey were called homespun. Dey made de shoes on de plantation too. I wuz not married til atter de surrender. I did not dress de finest in the world; but I had nice clothes. My wedding dress wuz made of cream silk, made princess with pink and cream bows. I wore a pair of morocco store bought shoes. My husband was dressed in a store bought suit of clothes, the coat wuz made pigen tail. He had on a velvet vest and a white collar and tie. Somebody stole de ves' atter dat.

My grandmother and mother made our clothes. They were called homespun. They made the shoes on the plantation too. I wasn't married until after the surrender. I didn't wear the finest clothes in the world, but I had nice outfits. My wedding dress was made of cream silk, styled like a princess gown with pink and cream bows. I wore a pair of store-bought morocco shoes. My husband was dressed in a store-bought suit, the coat was styled like a peacock tail. He had on a velvet vest and a white collar and tie. Someone stole the vest after that.

One of our master's daughters wuz cruel. Sometimes[Pg 190] she would go out and rare on us, but old marster didn't want us whupped.

One of our master’s daughters was really mean. Sometimes[Pg 190] she would go out and go off on us, but the old master didn’t want us punished.

Our great grand mother wuz named granny Flora. Dey stole her frum Africa wid a red pocket handkerchief. Old man John William got my great grandmother. De people in New England got scured of we niggers. Dey were afrid me would rise aginst em and dey pushed us on down South. Lawd, why didn't dey let us stay whur we wuz, dey nebber wouldn't a been so menny half white niggers, but the old marster wuz to blame for that.

Our great grandmother was named Granny Flora. They stole her from Africa with a red pocket handkerchief. Old man John William took my great grandmother. The people in New England were scared of us black folks. They were afraid we would rise up against them, so they pushed us down South. Lord, why didn't they let us stay where we were? There wouldn't have been so many half-white blacks, but the old master was to blame for that.

We never saw any slaves sold. They carried them off to sell 'em. The slaves travelled in droves. Fathers and mothers were sold from their chilluns. Chilluns wuz sold from their parents on de plantations close to us. Where we went to church, we sat in a place away from de white folks. The slaves never did run away from marster, because he wuz good to 'em; but they run away from other plantations.

We never saw any slaves being sold. They took them away to sell them. The slaves traveled in large groups. Parents were sold away from their children. Children were sold from their parents on the plantations near us. When we went to church, we sat in a section away from the white people. The slaves never ran away from the master because he was good to them, but they did run away from other plantations.

Yes, we seed the patterollers, we called 'em pore white trash, we also called patterollers pore white pecks. They had ropes around their necks. They came to our house one night when we were singin' and prayin'. It wuz jist before the surrender. Dey were hired by de slave owner. My daddy told us to show 'em de brandy our marster gib us, den dey went on a way, kase dey knowed John Walton wuz a funny man about his slaves. Dey gave us Christmas and other holidays. Den dey, de men, would go to see dere[Pg 191] wives. Some of the men's wives belong to other marsters on other plantations. We had corn shuckin's at night, and candy pullin's. Sometimes we had quiltings and dances.

Yes, we saw the patterollers, we called them poor white trash, we also called patterollers poor white pecks. They had ropes around their necks. They came to our house one night when we were singing and praying. It was just before the surrender. They were hired by the slave owner. My dad told us to show them the brandy our master gave us, then they went on their way, because they knew John Walton was particular about his slaves. They gave us Christmas and other holidays. Then the men would go to see their wives. Some of the men's wives belonged to other masters on other plantations. We had corn shuckings at night, and candy pullings. Sometimes we had quiltings and dances.

One of the slaves, my aint, she wuz a royal slave. She could dance all over de place wid a tumbler of water on her head, widout spilling it. She sho could tote herself. I always luved to see her come to church. She sho could tote herself.

One of the slaves, my aunt, she was a royal slave. She could dance around with a glass of water on her head without spilling any. She really knew how to carry herself. I always loved seeing her come to church. She really knew how to carry herself.

My oldest sister Violet died in slavery time. She wuz ten years old when she died. Her uncles were her pall bearers. Uncle Hyman and Uncle Handy carried her to the grave yard. If I makes no mistake my daddy made her coffin. Dere wuz no singin'. There were seven of the family dere, dat wuz all. Dey had no funeral. Dere were no white folks dere.

My oldest sister Violet died during slavery. She was ten years old when she passed away. Her uncles were her pallbearers. Uncle Hyman and Uncle Handy carried her to the graveyard. If I'm not mistaken, my dad made her coffin. There was no singing. There were only seven family members there, and that was it. They didn’t have a funeral. There were no white people present.

Dey baptized people in creeks and ponds.

They baptized people in streams and ponds.

We rode corn stalks, bent down small pine trees and rode' em for horses. We also played prison base. Colored and white played, yes sir, whites and colored. We played at night but we had a certain time to go to bed. Dat wuz nine o'clock. HW:

We rode on corn stalks, bent down small pine trees, and pretended they were horses. We also played prison base. Black and white kids played together, yes, there were white kids and Black kids. We played at night, but we had to go to bed at a certain time. That was nine o'clock. HW:

De boss man looked atter us when we wuz sick. He got doctors. I had the typhoid fever. All my hair came out. Dey called it de "mittent fever." Dr. Thomas Banks doctored me. He been dead a long time. Oh! I don't know how long he been dead. Near all my white folks were found dead. Mr. John died outside.[Pg 192]

The boss man took care of us when we were sick. He got doctors for us. I had typhoid fever. All my hair fell out. They called it "miltent fever." Dr. Thomas Banks treated me. He’s been dead for a long time. Oh! I don’t know how long he’s been gone. Almost all of my white folks were found dead. Mr. John died outside.[Pg 192]

Walton died in bed. Marster Joe Walton died sitting under a tree side de path. Miss Hancey died in bed.

Walton died in bed. Master Joe Walton died sitting under a tree by the path. Miss Hancey died in bed.

I 'member the day de war commenced. My marster called my father and my two uncles Handy and Hyman, our marster called 'em. Dey had started back to the field to work in the afternoon. He said, 'Cum here boys,' that wuz our young marster, Ben Walton, says 'cum here boys. I got sumptin' to tell you.' Uncle Hyman said, 'I can't. I got to go to work.' He said 'Come here and set down, I got sumptin' to tell you.'

I remember the day the war started. My master called my father and my two uncles, Handy and Hyman. They were heading back to the fields to work in the afternoon. He said, "Come here, boys," which was our young master, Ben Walton, saying, "Come here, boys. I have something to tell you." Uncle Hyman replied, "I can't. I have to go to work." He said, "Come here and sit down, I have something to tell you."

The niggers went to him and set down. He told them; 'There is a war commenced between the North and the South. If the North whups you will be as free a man as I is. If the South whups you will be a slave all your days.'

The Black people came to him and sat down. He told them, "There’s a war going on between the North and the South. If the North wins, you’ll be as free as I am. If the South wins, you’ll be a slave for the rest of your life."

Mr. Joe Walton said when he went to war dat dey could eat breakfast at home, go and whup the North, and be back far dinner. He went away, and it wuz four long years before he cum back to dinner. De table wuz shore set a long time for him. A lot of de white folks said dey wouldn't be much war, dey could whup dem so easy. Many of dem never did come back to dinner. I wuz afraid of the Yankees because Missus had told us the Yankees were going to kill every nigger in the South. I hung to my mammy when dey come through.[Pg 193]

Mr. Joe Walton said when he went to war that they could eat breakfast at home, go and defeat the North, and be back for dinner. He left, and it was four long years before he came back for dinner. The table was definitely set for him for a long time. A lot of the white folks said there wouldn’t be much war; they could defeat them so easily. Many of them never returned for dinner. I was afraid of the Yankees because my Missus told us the Yankees were going to kill every black person in the South. I clung to my mom when they came through.[Pg 193]

I thought Abraham Lincoln wuz the Medicine man, with grip in his han', cause he said every borned man must be free.

I thought Abraham Lincoln was the Medicine man, with a grip in his hand, because he said every born man must be free.

I did not think anything of Jeff Davis. I thank de will of God for setting us free. He got into Abraham Lincoln and the Yankees. We are thankful to the Great Marster dat got into Lincoln and the Yankees. Dey say Booker Washington wuz fine, I don't know.

I didn't think much of Jeff Davis. I thank God for setting us free. He influenced Abraham Lincoln and the Union soldiers. We are grateful to the Great Master who inspired Lincoln and the Yankees. They say Booker Washington was great, but I don't know.

The white folks did not allow us to have nuthing to do wid books. You better not be found, tryin' to learn to read. Our marster wuz harder down on dat den anything else. You better not be ketched wid a book. Day read the Bible and told us to obey our marster for de Bible said obey your marster.

The white people didn't let us have anything to do with books. You better not get caught trying to learn to read. Our master was tougher on that than on anything else. You better not be caught with a book. They read the Bible and told us to obey our master because the Bible said to obey your master.

The first band of music I ever herd play the Yankees wuz playin' it. They were playin' a song. 'I am tired of seeing de homespun dresses the southern women wear'.

The first band I ever heard play was the Yankees. They were playing a song. 'I am tired of seeing the homespun dresses the southern women wear.'

I thinks Mr. Roosevelt is a fine man. Jus' what we need.

I think Mr. Roosevelt is a great man. Just what we need.


[320169]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:130
Subject:EX-SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:Julia Crenshaw
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

[TR: HW circled "I"][Pg 195]

[TR: HW circled "I"][Pg 195]

EX-SLAVE STORY

As Julia Crenshaw recalled her mother's story.

My mammy wuz named Jane an' my pappy wuz named Richard. Dey belonged ter Lawyer R. J. Lewis in Raleigh, dar whar Peace Institute am ter day. Mammy said dat de white folkses wuz good ter dem an' gib 'em good food an' clothes. She wuz de cook, an' fer thirty years atter de war she cooked at Peace.

My mom's name was Jane and my dad's name was Richard. They worked for Lawyer R. J. Lewis in Raleigh, where Peace Institute is today. Mom said that the white people were good to them and provided them with good food and clothes. She was the cook, and for thirty years after the war, she cooked at Peace.

Before de Yankees come Mr. Lewis said, dat he dreamed dat de yard wuz full uv dem an' he wuz deef. When dey comed he played deef so dat he won't have ter talk ter 'em. Him he am dat proud.

Before the Yankees came, Mr. Lewis said that he dreamed the yard was full of them and he was deaf. When they did come, he acted deaf so he wouldn't have to talk to them. He was so proud.

Mammy said dat she ain't cared 'bout been' free case she had a good home, but atter all slavery wusn't de thing fer America.

Mammy said that she didn't care about being free because she had a good home, but after all, slavery wasn't the right thing for America.


[320239]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1,414
Subject:ZEB CROWDER
Story Teller:Zeb Crowder
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 30 1937"

ZEB CROWDER

323 E. Cabarrus Street

I wont nuthin' in slavery time and I aint nuthin' now. All de work I am able ter do now is a little work in de garden. Dey say I is too ole ter work, so charity gives me a little ter go upon every week. For one weeks 'lowance o' sumptin' ter eat dey gives me, hold on, I will show you, dat beats guessin'. Here it is: ½ peck meal (corn meal), 2 lbs oat meal, 2 lb dry skim milk, and 1 lb plate meat. Dis is what I gits fer one week 'lowance. I can't work much, but de white folks gib me meals fur washin' de woodwork in dere houses, de white folks in Hayes's Bottom. What little I do, I does fer him. He gives me meals for workin'. De charity gives me about 80 cts worth o' rations a week.

I didn't have anything back during slavery, and I don't have anything now. The only work I can do is a little bit in the garden. They say I'm too old to work, so charity gives me a little something to get by each week. For my weekly allowance of food, let me show you what I get—it’s quite something. Here it is: ½ peck of cornmeal, 2 lbs of oatmeal, 2 lbs of dry skim milk, and 1 lb of meat. This is what I get for my weekly allowance. I can’t do much work, but the white folks give me meals for washing the woodwork in their houses, the ones in Hayes's Bottom. I do the little work I can for him. He gives me meals for the work I do. Charity gives me about 80 cents worth of food each week.

I wus seven years old when de Yankees come through. All de niggers 'cept me an' de white folks ran to de woods. I didn't have sense enough ter run, so I stayed on de porch where dey were passin' by. One of 'em pointed his gun at me. I remember it as well as it was yisterday. Yes sir, I seed de Yankees and I remember de clothes dey wore. Dey were blue and dere coats had capes on' em and large brass buttons. De niggers and white folks were afraid of' em. De ole house[Pg 198] where dey came by, an' me on de porch is still standin', yes sir, and dey are livin' in it now. It belongs to Ralph Crowder, and he has a fellow by de name o' Edward, a colored man, livin' dere now. De house is de udder side o' Swift Creek, right at Rands Mill. I belonged ter ole man William Crowder durin' slavery, Tom Crowder's daddy. Ralph is Tom's son. My missus wus named Miss Melvina an' if I lives ter be a hundred years old I will never forget dem white folks. Yes sir, dey shore wus good ter us. We had good food, good clothes and a good place ter sleep.

I was seven years old when the Yankees came through. All the Black folks except me and the white folks ran to the woods. I didn't have the sense to run, so I stayed on the porch while they passed by. One of them pointed his gun at me. I remember it like it was yesterday. Yes, I saw the Yankees and I remember the clothes they wore. They were blue, and their coats had capes and large brass buttons. The Black folks and white folks were scared of them. The old house[Pg 198] where they passed by, and me on the porch, is still standing, yes sir, and they are living in it now. It belongs to Ralph Crowder, and he has a guy named Edward, a Black man, living there now. The house is on the other side of Swift Creek, right at Rands Mill. I belonged to old man William Crowder during slavery, Tom Crowder's dad. Ralph is Tom's son. My missus was named Miss Melvina and if I live to be a hundred years old, I will never forget those white folks. Yes, they were really good to us. We had good food, good clothes, and a good place to sleep.

My mother died before de war, but Miss Melvina wus so good ter us we didn't know so much difference. Mother wus de first person I remember seein' dead. When she died Miss Melvina, marster's wife, called us chillun in and says, 'Chillun your mother is dead, but anything in dis kitchen you wants ter eat go take it, but don't slip nuthin'. If you slip it you will soon be stealin' things.' I had four brothers and one sister, and none of us never got into trouble 'bout stealin'. She taught us ter let other people's things alone.

My mother died before the war, but Miss Melvina was so good to us that we didn't notice much of a difference. Mother was the first person I remember seeing dead. When she passed away, Miss Melvina, the master's wife, gathered us kids and said, 'Kids, your mother is dead, but you can eat anything in this kitchen, just don’t take anything without permission. If you do, you’ll soon be stealing things.' I had four brothers and one sister, and none of us ever got into trouble for stealing. She taught us to respect other people's belongings.

My father wus named Waddy Crowder. My mother wus named Neelie Crowder. Grandpa was named Jacob Crowder and grandma was named Sylvia Crowder. I know dem jist as good as if it wus yisterday.[Pg 199]

My father's name was Waddy Crowder. My mother's name was Neelie Crowder. Grandpa was named Jacob Crowder and grandma was named Sylvia Crowder. I know them just as well as if it was yesterday.[Pg 199]

Never went ter school a day in my life. I can't read an' write. Dey would not 'low slaves ter have books, no sir reee, no, dat dey wouldn't. We went wid de white folks to church; dey were good ter us, dat's de truth. Dere aint many people dat knows 'bout dem good times. Dey had a lot o' big dinners and when de white folks got through I would go up and eat all I wanted.

Never went to school a day in my life. I can't read or write. They wouldn't allow slaves to have books, no sirree, they wouldn't. We went with the white folks to church; they were good to us, that's the truth. There aren't many people who know about those good times. They had a lot of big dinners, and when the white folks were done, I would go up and eat as much as I wanted.

I 'member choppin' cotton on Clabber branch when I wus a little boy before de surrender. When de surrender come I didn't like it. Daddy an' de udders didn't like it, 'cause after de surrender dey had to pay marster fer de meat an' things. Before dat dey didn't have nuthin' to do but work. Dere were eight slaves on de place in slavery time. Clabber branch run into Swift Creek. Lord have mercy, I have caught many a fish on dat branch. I also piled brush in de winter time. Birds went in de brush ter roost. Den we went bird blindin'. We had torches made o' lightwood splinters, and brushes in our han's, we hit de piles o' brush after we got 'round 'em. When de birds come out we would kill 'em. Dere were lots o' birds den. We killed' em at night in the sage fields[5] where broom grass was thick. Dem were de good times. No sich times now. We killed robins, doves, patridges and[Pg 200] other kinds o' birds. Dey aint no such gangs o' birds now. We briled 'em over coals o' fire and fried 'em in fryin' pans, and sometimes we had a bird stew, wid all de birds we wanted. De stew wus de bes' o' all. Dere aint no sich stews now. We put flour in de stew. It was made into pastry first, and we called it slick. When we cooked chicken wid it we called it chicken slick.

I remember chopping cotton on Clabber Branch when I was a little boy before the surrender. When the surrender happened, I didn't like it. Daddy and the others didn't like it because after the surrender they had to pay the master for meat and other things. Before that, they didn't have anything to do but work. There were eight slaves on the place during slavery. Clabber Branch ran into Swift Creek. Lord have mercy, I caught many fish in that branch. I also piled brush in the winter. Birds would go in the brush to roost. Then we went bird-blinding. We had torches made of lightwood splinters and brushes in our hands; we hit the piles of brush after we got around them. When the birds came out, we would kill them. There were a lot of birds back then. We killed them at night in the sage fields[5] where broom grass was thick. Those were the good times. No times like that now. We killed robins, doves, partridges, and[Pg 200] other kinds of birds. There aren't such large flocks of birds now. We grilled them over the coals of fire and fried them in frying pans, and sometimes we had a bird stew with all the birds we wanted. The stew was the best of all. There aren't any stews like that now. We put flour in the stew, made it into pastry first, and we called it slick. When we cooked chicken with it, we called it chicken slick.

Dere were no overseers on our plantation. Marster wouldn't let you have any money on Sunday. He would not trade on Sunday. He would not handle money matters on Monday, but 'ceptin' dese two days if you went to him he would keep you. He was who a good ole man. Dat's de truf.

There were no overseers on our plantation. Master wouldn't let you have any money on Sunday. He wouldn't trade on Sunday. He wouldn't deal with money matters on Monday, but besides those two days, if you went to him, he would take care of you. He was a good old man. That's the truth.

The Ku Klux would certainly work on you. If dey caught you out of your place dey would git wid you. I don't remember anything 'bout de Freedman's Bureau but de Ku Klux Klan was something all niggers wus scared of. Yes sir, dey would get wid you. Dats right. Ha! Ha! Dat's right.

The Ku Klux would definitely come after you. If they found you out of your place, they would deal with you. I can't recall much about the Freedman's Bureau, but the Ku Klux Klan was something all black people were afraid of. That's right, they would come for you. Exactly. Ha! Ha! That's right.

I never seen a slave whupped, no sir, I never see a slave sold. I saw de speculators do'. I saw de patterollers, but dey didn't never whup my daddy. Dey run him one time, but dey couldn't cotch him. Marster Crowder allus give daddy a pass when he asked fer it.[Pg 201]

I’ve never seen a slave get whipped, no way, I’ve never seen a slave sold. I’ve seen the speculators do it. I’ve seen the patrollers, but they never whipped my dad. They chased him once, but they couldn’t catch him. Master Crowder always gave my dad a pass when he asked for it.[Pg 201]

I believe ole marster an' ole missus went right on ter Heaven, Yes, I do believe dat. Dat's de truf. Yes, my Lawd, I would like to see' em right now. Dere is only one o' de old crowd livin', an' dat is Miss Cora. She stays right here in Raleigh.

I believe old master and old missus went straight to Heaven, yes, I really believe that. That's the truth. Yes, my Lord, I would love to see them right now. There's only one of the old group still living, and that’s Miss Cora. She lives right here in Raleigh.

We used to have candy pullin's, an' I et more ash cakes den anybody. We cooked ash cakes out o' meal. We had dances in de winter time, and other plays. I played marbles an' runnin' an' jumpin' when I wus a chile. Dey give us sasafrac tea sweetened to eat wid bread. It shore wus mighty good. My father never married enny more. He settled right down after de war and farmed fer his old marster and all we chillun stayed. We didn't want ter leave, an' I would be wid 'em right now if dey wus livin'.

We used to have candy pulls, and I ate more ash cakes than anyone. We made ash cakes from meal. We had dances in the winter and other activities. I played marbles and ran and jumped when I was a kid. They gave us sassafras tea sweetened to have with bread. It was really good. My father never remarried. He settled down after the war and farmed for his old master, and all of us kids stayed. We didn’t want to leave, and I would be with them right now if they were still alive.

I got married when I wus 21 years old, and moved ter myself in a little house on de plantation. De house is standin' dere now, de house where I lived den. I seed it de udder day when I went out dere to clean off my wife's grave. I married Lula Hatcher. She died 'bout ten years ago. I married her in Georgia. I stayed dere a long time when missus' brother, Wiley Clemmons, went ter Georgia ter run turpentine an' tuck me wid him. I stayed dere till he died; an' Mr. Tom Crowder went after him an' brought him back home an' buried him at de ole home place. He is buried right dere at de Crowder place.[Pg 202]

I got married when I was 21 years old and moved into a little house on the plantation. The house is still there now, the house where I lived back then. I saw it the other day when I went out there to clean off my wife's grave. I married Lula Hatcher. She died about ten years ago. I married her in Georgia. I stayed there for a long time until my wife's brother, Wiley Clemmons, went to Georgia to run turpentine and took me with him. I stayed there until he died; then Mr. Tom Crowder went after him, brought him back home, and buried him at the old home place. He is buried right there at the Crowder place.[Pg 202]

I have worked wid some o' de Crowders mos' all my life and I miss dem people, when one of 'em dies. Dey allus give my daddy outside patches, and he made good on it. He cleaned up seven acres, and do you know how he fenced it? Wid nuthin' but bresh. An' hogs an' cows didn't go in dere neither. We had lots o' game ter eat. Marster 'lowed my daddy ter hunt wid a gun, and he killed a lot o' rabbits, squirrels, an' game. We trapped birds an' caught rabbits in boxes. Daddy caught possums an' coons wid dogs. One o' my brothers is livin' at Garner, N.C. I am four years older den he is. From what little judgment I got I thought a right smart o' Abraham Lincoln, but I tells you de truf Mr. Roosevelt has done a lot o' good. Dats de truf. I likes him.

I have worked with some of the Crowders for most of my life, and I miss those people when one of them dies. They always gave my dad outside patches, and he did well with it. He cleared seven acres, and do you know how he fenced it? With nothing but brush. And hogs and cows didn’t go in there either. We had plenty of game to eat. The master allowed my dad to hunt with a gun, and he killed a lot of rabbits, squirrels, and game. We trapped birds and caught rabbits in boxes. Dad caught possums and raccoons with dogs. One of my brothers is living in Garner, N.C. I am four years older than he is. From what little judgment I have, I thought quite highly of Abraham Lincoln, but I have to say the truth, Mr. Roosevelt has done a lot of good. That's the truth. I like him.

[5] The Negroes call the tall grass sage.

[5] The Black people refer to the tall grass as sage.

AC

AC


[320243]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:585
Subject:ADELINE CRUMP
Person Interviewed:Adeline Crump
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

ADELINE CRUMP

526 Cannon Street

My name is Adeline Crump, and I am 73 years old. My husband's name wus James Crump. My mother's wus Marie Cotton and my father's name wus Cotton. My mother belonged to the Faucetts; Rich Faucett wus her marster. Father belonged to the Cottons; Wright Cotton wus his marster. My maiden name wus Cotton. Mother and father said they were treated all right and that they loved their white folks. They gave them patches, clothed them tolerably well, and seed that they got plenty to eat. The hours of work wus long. Nearbout everybody worked long hours then, but they said they wus not mistreated 'bout nothing. When they got sick marster got a doctor, if they wus bad off sick.

My name is Adeline Crump, and I am 73 years old. My husband's name was James Crump. My mother's name was Marie Cotton, and my father's name was Cotton. My mother belonged to the Faucetts; Rich Faucett was her master. My father belonged to the Cottons; Wright Cotton was his master. My maiden name was Cotton. My parents said they were treated well and that they cared for their white folks. They provided them with patches, dressed them fairly well, and made sure they had enough to eat. The work hours were long. Almost everyone worked long hours back then, but they said they weren't mistreated at all. When they got sick, the master called a doctor if they were seriously ill.

They wus allowed holidays Christmas and at lay-by time, an' they wus 'lowed to hunt possums an' coons at night an' ketch rabbits in gums. They also caught birds in traps made of splinters split from pine wood.

They were allowed holidays for Christmas and during break time, and they could hunt possums and raccoons at night and catch rabbits in the bushes. They also trapped birds using traps made from splinters split from pine wood.

Mother and father had no learnin'. They would not allow them to learn to read and write. Marster wus keerful 'bout that. I cannot read an' write. My mother and father told me many stories 'bout the patterollers and Ku Klux. A nigger better have a pass when he went visitin' or if they caught him they tore up his back. The Ku Klux[Pg 205] made the niggers think they could drink a well full of water. They carried rubber things under their clothes and a rubber pipe leadin' to a bucket o' water. The water bag helt the water they did not drink it. Guess you have heard people tell 'bout they drinking so much water.

Mother and father had no education. They wouldn’t let us learn to read or write. The master was particular about that. I can’t read or write. My parents told me many stories about the patrollers and the Ku Klux. A Black person had to have a pass when visiting, or if they were caught, they were beaten. The Ku Klux[Pg 205] made Black people believe they could drink from a well full of water. They hid rubber things under their clothes and had a rubber pipe leading to a bucket of water. The water bag held the water—they didn’t actually drink it. I suppose you’ve heard people talk about drinking so much water.

Marster didn't have no overseers to look after his slaves. He done that hisself with the help o' some o' his men slaves. Sometimes he made 'em foreman and my mother and father said they all got along mighty fine. The colored folks went to the white folk's church and had prayer meeting in their homes.

Marster didn't have any overseers to take care of his slaves. He handled that himself with the help of some of his male slaves. Sometimes he made them foremen, and my mother and father said they all got along really well. The Black folks went to the white folks' church and held prayer meetings in their homes.

Mother lived in the edge o' marster's yard. When the surrender come after the war they stayed on the plantation right on and lived on marster's land. They built log houses after de war cause marster let all his slaves stay right on his plantation. My mother had twenty-one chillun. She had twins five times. I was a twin and Emaline wus my sister. She died 'bout thirty years ago. She left 11 chillun when she died. I never had but four chillun. All my people are dead, I is de only one left.

Mother lived at the edge of the master’s yard. After the surrender following the war, they stayed on the plantation and lived on the master’s land. They built log houses after the war because the master allowed all his former slaves to remain on his plantation. My mother had twenty-one children. She had twins five times. I was a twin, and Emaline was my sister. She passed away about thirty years ago, leaving behind 11 children. I only had four children. All my family is gone; I am the only one left.

Marster's plantation was 'bout six miles from Merry Oaks in Chatham County. We moved to Merry Oaks when I wus fourteen years old. I married at seventeen. I have lived in North Carolina all my life. We moved to Raleigh from Merry Oaks long time ago. My husband died here seventeen years ago. I worked after my husband died, washin'[Pg 206] and ironin' for white folks till I am not able to work no more. Hain't worked any in fo' years. Charity don't help me none. My chillun gives me what I gits.

Marster's plantation was about six miles from Merry Oaks in Chatham County. We moved to Merry Oaks when I was fourteen years old. I got married at seventeen. I've lived in North Carolina my whole life. A long time ago, we moved to Raleigh from Merry Oaks. My husband passed away here seventeen years ago. After he died, I worked washing and ironing for white folks until I was no longer able to work. I haven't worked in four years. Charity doesn't help me at all. My children give me what they can.

Slavery wus a bad thing, cause from what mother and father tole me all slaves didn't fare alike. Some fared good an' some bad. I don't know enough 'bout Abraham Lincoln an' Mr. Roosevelt to talk about 'em. No, I don't know just what to say. I sho' hopes you will quit axin' me so many things cause I forgot a lot mother and father tole me.

Slavery was a terrible thing because, from what my parents told me, not all slaves had the same experience. Some had it good, and some had it bad. I don’t know enough about Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Roosevelt to discuss them. No, I’m not sure what to say. I really hope you will stop asking me so many questions because I’ve forgotten a lot of what my parents told me.


[320232]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:844
Subject:BILL CRUMP
Person Interviewed:Bill Crump
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

[Pg 208] HW: "photo"

HW: "picture"

BILL CRUMP

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Bill Crump, 82 of State prison, Raleigh North Carolina.

I reckon dat I wus borned in Davidson County on de plantation of Mr. Whitman Smith, my mammy's marster.

I think I was born in Davidson County on Mr. Whitman Smith's plantation, my mom's master.

My daddy wus named Tom an' he 'longed ter Mr. Ben Murry fust an' later ter Mr. Jimmy Crump. Daddy wus named atter his young marster. Dey lived in Randolph, de county next ter Davidson whar me mammy an' de rest of de chilluns, Alt, George, Harriet, Sarah, Mary an' de baby libed.

My dad was named Tom, and he belonged to Mr. Ben Murry first and later to Mr. Jimmy Crump. Dad was named after his young master. They lived in Randolph, the county next to Davidson, where my mom and the rest of the kids, Alt, George, Harriet, Sarah, Mary, and the baby, lived.

Both of de marsters wus good ter us, an' dar wus plenty ter eat an' w'ar, an' right many jubilees. We ain't none of de dozen er so of us eber got a whuppin', case we ain't desarved no whuppin'; why, dar wusn't eben a cowhide whup anywhar on de place. We wucked in de fie'ls from sunup ter sundown mos' o' de time, but we had a couple of hours at dinner time ter swim or lay on de banks uv de little crick an' sleep. Ober 'bout sundown marster let us go swim ag'in iff'en we wanted ter do it.[Pg 209]

Both of the masters were good to us, and there was plenty to eat and wear, and quite a few celebrations. None of the dozen or so of us ever got a beating because we didn't deserve one; in fact, there wasn't even a cowhide whip anywhere on the place. We worked in the fields from sunrise to sunset most of the time, but we had a couple of hours at dinner to swim or lie on the banks of the little creek and rest. Around sunset, the master let us go swimming again if we wanted to.[Pg 209]

De marster let us have some chickens, a shoat an' a gyarden, an' 'tater patch, an' we had time off ter wuck 'em. In season we preserved our own fruits fer de winter an' so we larned not ter be so heaby on de marster's han's.

De master let us have some chickens, a piglet, a garden, and a potato patch, and we had time off to work on them. In season, we canned our own fruits for the winter, so we learned not to depend so much on the master’s hands.

My daddy wus a fiddler, an' he sometimes played fer de dances at de Cross Roads, a little village near de marster's place. All what ain't been mean could go, but de mean ones can't, an' de rest o' us has ter habe a pass ter keep de patterollers from gittin us.

My dad was a fiddler, and he sometimes played for the dances at the Crossroads, a small village near the master's place. Anyone who wasn't mean could go, but the mean ones couldn't, and the rest of us had to have a pass to keep the patrollers from getting us.

Yes mam, we had our fun at de dances, co'n chuckin's, candy pullin's, an' de gatherin's an' we sarbed de marster better by habin' our fun.

Yes ma'am, we had our fun at the dances, corn shuckings, candy pulls, and gatherings, and we served the master better by having our fun.

I'se seed a bunch o' slaves sold a heap of times an' I neber seed no chains on nobody. Dey jist stood dem on de table front of de post office at Cross Roads an' sol' 'em ter de one what bids de highes'.

I’ve seen a bunch of slaves sold many times, and I never saw any chains on anyone. They just stood them on the table in front of the post office at Cross Roads and sold them to the one who bid the highest.

We hyard a whisper 'bout some slaves bein' beat ter death, but I ain't neber seed a slave git a lick of no kin', course atter de war I seed de Ku Klux runnin' mean niggers.

We heard a rumor about some slaves being beaten to death, but I never saw a slave get a single blow. Of course, after the war, I saw the Ku Klux Klan attacking Black people.

Dar wus no marryin' on de plantation, iffen a nigger wants a 'oman he has got ter buy her or git her marster's permit, den dey am married.

Dar wus no marryin' on de plantation; if a Black man wants a woman, he has to buy her or get his master's permission, then they are married.

When one o' de slaves wus sick he had a doctor fast[Pg 210] as lightnin', an' when de died he wus set up wid one night. De marster would gibe de mourners a drink o' wine mebbe, an' dey'd mo'n, an' shout, an' sing all de night long, while de cop'se laid out on de coolin' board, which 'minds me of a tale.

When one of the slaves was sick, he had a doctor as fast as lightning, and when he died, he was set up for one night. The master would give the mourners a drink of wine maybe, and they’d mourn, and shout, and sing all night long, while the corpse was laid out on the cooling board, which reminds me of a story.

Onct we wus settin' up wid a nigger, 'fore de war an' hit bein' a hot night de wine wus drunk an' de mo'ners wus settin' front o' de do' eatin' watermillons while de daid man laid on de coolin' board. Suddenly one of de niggers looks back in at de do', an' de daid man am settin' up on de coolin' board lookin right at him. De man what sees hit hollers, an' all de rest what has been wishin 'dat de daid man can enjoy de wine an' de watermillons am sorry dat he has comed back.

Once we were gathered with a Black man, before the war, and it was a hot night. The wine was flowing, and the mourners were sitting in front of the door eating watermelons while the deceased lay on the cooling board. Suddenly, one of the Black men looks back inside at the door, and the dead man is sitting up on the cooling board looking right at him. The man who sees this shouts, and all the others who had been wishing that the dead man could enjoy the wine and watermelons are now sorry he has come back.

Dey doan take time ter say hit do', case dey am gone ter de big house. De marster am brave so he comes ter see, an' he says dat hit am only restrictions o' de muscles.

They don't take the time to say it does, because they have gone to the big house. The master is brave, so he comes to see, and he says that it is only restrictions of the muscles.

De nex' mornin', as am de way, dey puts de man in a pine box made by 'nother slave an' dey totes him from de cabin ter de marster's buryin' groun' at de cedars; an' de slaves bury's him while de marster an' his fambly looks on.

De next morning, as usual, they put the man in a pine box made by another slave and they carry him from the cabin to the master's burial ground at the cedars; and the slaves bury him while the master and his family watch.

I doan know much 'bout de Yankees case de warn't none 'cept de skirtin' parties comed our way.

I don't know much about the Yankees because there weren't any except the skirt-chasing parties that came our way.

Atter de war we stays on fer four or five years[Pg 211] mebbe, an' I goes ter school two weeks. De teacher wus Mr. Edmund Knights from de No'th.

After the war, we stayed on for four or five years[Pg 211], maybe, and I went to school for two weeks. The teacher was Mr. Edmund Knights from the North.

I'se sarbed four years an' ten months of a eight ter twelve stretch fer killin' a man. Dis man an' a whole gang o' us wus at his house gamblin'. I had done quit drinkin' er mont' er so 'fore dat, but dey 'sists on hit, but I 'fuses. Atter 'while he pours some on me an' I cusses him, den he cusses me, an' he says dat he am gwine ter kill me, an' he follers me down de road. I turns roun' an' shoots him.

I served four years and ten months of an eight to twelve year sentence for killing a man. This man and a whole gang of us were at his house gambling. I had stopped drinking about a month before that, but they insisted I join in, but I refused. After a while, he poured some on me and I cursed at him, then he cursed back at me, and he said he was going to kill me, and he followed me down the road. I turned around and shot him.

Dat am all of my story 'cept dat I has seen a powerful heap of ghostes an' I knows dat dey comes in white an' black, an' dat dey am in de shape er dogs, mens, an' eber'thing dat you can have a mind to.

That’s all of my story except that I have seen a whole lot of ghosts, and I know that they come in white and black, and that they take the shape of dogs, men, and everything else you can think of.

LE

LE


[320148]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:652
Subject:CHARLIE CRUMP
Person Interviewed:Charlie Crump
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"— 11 1937"

CHARLIE CRUMP

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Charlie Crump 82 of Cary (near)

I wuz borned at Evan's Ferry in Lee or Chatham County, an' I belonged ter Mr. Davis Abernathy an' his wife Mis' Vick. My pappy wuz named Ridge, an' my mammy wuz named Marthy. My brothers wuz Stokes an' Tucker, an' my sisters wuz Lula an' Liddy Ann. Dar wuz nine o' us in all, but some o' dem wuz sold, an' some o' dem wuz dead.

I was born at Evan's Ferry in Lee or Chatham County, and I belonged to Mr. Davis Abernathy and his wife Miss Vick. My dad was named Ridge, and my mom was named Marthy. My brothers were Stokes and Tucker, and my sisters were Lula and Liddy Ann. There were nine of us in total, but some of them were sold, and some of them were dead.

De Abernathy's wuzn't good ter us, we got very little ter eat, nothin' ter wear an' a whole lot o' whuppin's. Dey ain't had no slaves 'cept seben or eight, in fact, dey wuz pore white trash tryin' ter git rich; so dey make us wuck.

De Abernathy's weren't good to us; we got very little to eat, nothing to wear, and a lot of beatings. They didn't have many slaves, maybe seven or eight. In fact, they were poor white trash trying to get rich, so they made us work.

Dey wucks us from daylight till dark, an' sometimes we jist gits one meal a day. De marster says dat empty niggers am good niggers an' dat full niggers has got de debil in dem. An' we ain't 'lowed ter go nowhar at night, dat is if dey knowed it. I'se seed de time dat niggers from all ober de neighborhood gang up an' have fun anyhow, but if dey hyard de patterollers comin' gallopin' on a hoss dey'd fly. Crap shootin' wuz de style den, but a heap of times dey can't find nothin ter bet.[Pg 214]

They work us from dawn till dusk, and sometimes we only get one meal a day. The master says that hungry Black people are good, but full Black people have the devil in them. And we're not allowed to go anywhere at night, that is, if they knew about it. I've seen times when Black people from all around the neighborhood would gather and have a good time, but if they heard the patrollers coming on horseback, they would run. Gambling was the thing back then, but many times they couldn't find anything to bet. [Pg 214]

I toted water, case dat's all I wuz big enough ter do, an' lemmie tell yo' dat when de war wuz ober I ain't had nary a sprig of hair on my haid, case de wooden buckets what I toted on it wored it plumb off.

I carried water, since that’s all I was strong enough to do, and let me tell you that when the war was over, I didn’t have a single strand of hair on my head because the wooden buckets I carried on it wore it completely off.

When we got hongry an' could fin' a pig, a calf or a chicken, no matter who it had belonged to, it den belonged ter us. We raised a heap o' cane an' we et brown sugar. Hit 's funny dat de little bit dey gibed us wuz what dey now calls wholesome food, an' hit shore make big husky niggers.

When we got hungry and could find a pig, a calf, or a chicken, it didn’t matter who it used to belong to—it belonged to us. We grew a lot of sugarcane and ate brown sugar. It's funny that the little bit they gave us was what they now call wholesome food, and it sure made us strong, healthy folks.

My mammy had more grit dan any gal I now knows of has in her craw. She plowed a hateful little donkey dat wuz about as hongry as she wuz, an' he wuz a cuss if'en dar eber wuz one. Mammy wuz a little brown gal, den, tough as nails an' she ain't axin' dat donkey no odds at all. She uster take him out at twelve an' start fer de house an' dat donkey would hunch up his back an' swear dat she wuzn't gwine ter ride him home. Mammy would swear dat she would, an' de war would be on. He'd throw her, but she'd git back on an' atter she'd win de fight he'd go fer de house as fast as a scaulded dog.

My mom had more determination than any girl I know today. She worked a stubborn little donkey that was just as hungry as she was, and he was a real menace. Mom was a little brown woman, tough as nails, and she didn’t care one bit about that donkey. She used to take him out at noon and head for home, and that donkey would hunch up his back and act like he wasn’t going to let her ride him home. Mom would insist that she would, and a battle would ensue. He’d throw her off, but she’d get back on, and once she won the fight, he would race home like a scalded dog.

When we hyard dat de Yankees wuz comin' we wuz skeerd, case Marse Abernathy told us dat dey'd skin us alive. I'members hit wuz de last o' April or de fust o' May when dey comed, an' I had started fer de cane fil' wid a bucket o' water on[Pg 215] my haid, but when I sees dem Yankees comin' I draps de bucket an' runs.

When we heard that the Yankees were coming, we were scared because Mr. Abernathy told us they’d skin us alive. I remember it was the end of April or the beginning of May when they arrived, and I had started for the cane field with a bucket of water on my head, but when I saw the Yankees approaching, I dropped the bucket and ran.

De folks thar 'bouts burnt de bridge crost de ribber, but de Yankees carried a rope bridge wid 'em, so dey crossed anyhow.

De folks there 'bouts burned the bridge across the river, but the Yankees brought a rope bridge with them, so they crossed anyway.

Dem Yankees tuck eber thing dat dey saw eben to our kush, what we had cooked fer our supper. Kush wuz cornmeal, onions, red pepper, salt an' grease, dat is if we had any grease. Dey killed all de cows, pigs, chickens an' stold all de hosses an' mules.

Dem Yankees took everything they saw, even our food that we had cooked for supper. Our food was cornmeal, onions, red pepper, salt, and grease, if we had any grease. They killed all the cows, pigs, chickens, and stole all the horses and mules.

We wuz glad ter be free, an' lemmie tell yo', we shore cussed ole marster out 'fore we left dar; den we comed ter Raleigh. I'se always been a farmer an' I'se made right good. I lak de white folkses an' dey laks me but I'll tell yo' Miss, I'd ruther be a nigger any day dan to be lak my ole white folks wuz.

We were glad to be free, and let me tell you, we really let the old master have it before we left there; then we came to Raleigh. I've always been a farmer and I've done pretty well. I like the white folks and they like me, but I’ll tell you, ma'am, I’d rather be black any day than be like my old white folks were.

M. A. H.
L. E.

M. A. H.
L. E.


[320050]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary Hicks
No. Words:10,018
Subject:BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR
Story Teller:Mattie Curtis
Editor:George L. Andrews
Date Stamp:HW: 8/31/37

BEFORE AND AFTER THE WAR

An interview with Mattie Curtis, 98 years old, of Raleigh, North Carolina, Route # 4.

I wus borned on de plantation of Mr. John Hayes in Orange County ninety-eight years ago. Seberal of de chilluns had been sold 'fore de speculator come an' buyed mammy, pappy an' we three chilluns. De speculator wus named Bebus an' he lived in Henderson, but he meant to sell us in de tobacco country.

I was born on the plantation of Mr. John Hayes in Orange County ninety-eight years ago. Several of the kids had been sold before the speculator came and bought my mom, dad, and us three kids. The speculator was named Bebus and he lived in Henderson, but he planned to sell us in the tobacco country.

We come through Raleigh an' de fust thing dat I 'members good wus goin' through de paper mill on Crabtree. We traveled on ter Granville County on de Granville Tobacco path till a preacher named Whitfield buyed us. He lived near de Granville an' Franklin County line, on de Granville side.

We passed through Raleigh, and the first thing I remember well was going by the paper mill on Crabtree. We traveled on to Granville County along the Granville Tobacco path until a preacher named Whitfield bought us. He lived near the Granville and Franklin County line, on the Granville side.

Preacher Whitfield, bein' a preacher, wus supposed to be good, but he ain't half fed ner clothed his slaves an' he whupped 'em bad. I'se seen him whup my mammy wid all de clothes offen her back. He'd buck her down on a barrel an' beat de blood outen her. Dar wus some difference in his beatin' from de neighbors. De folks round dar 'ud whup in de back yard, but Marse Whitfield 'ud have de barrel carried in his parlor fer de beatin'.[Pg 218]

Preacher Whitfield, being a preacher, was supposed to be good, but he didn’t feed or clothe his slaves properly, and he beat them badly. I’ve seen him whip my mother until all her clothes came off. He’d pin her down on a barrel and beat the blood out of her. There was a noticeable difference in his beatings compared to the neighbors. The folks around there would whip in the backyard, but Master Whitfield had the barrel brought into his parlor for the beating.[Pg 218]

We ain't had no sociables, but we went to church on Sunday an' dey preached to us dat we'd go ter hell alive iffen we sassed our white folks.

We hadn't had any gatherings, but we went to church on Sunday and they preached to us that we'd go to hell alive if we disrespected our white folks.

Speakin' 'bout clothes, I went as naked as Yo' han' till I wus fourteen years old. I wus naked like dat when my nature come to me. Marse Whitfield ain't carin', but atter dat mammy tol' him dat I had ter have clothes.

Speaking about clothes, I was completely naked until I was fourteen years old. I was like that when I hit puberty. Mr. Whitfield didn’t mind, but after that, my mom told him that I needed to have some clothes.

Marse Whitfield ain't never pay fer us so finally we wus sold to Mis' Fanny Long in Franklin County. Dat 'oman wus a debil iffen dar eber wus one. When I wus little I had picked up de fruit, fanned flies offen de table wid a peafowl fan an' nussed de little slave chilluns. De las' two or three years I had worked in de fiel' but at Mis' Long's I worked in de backer factory.

Marse Whitfield never paid for us, so we were finally sold to Miss Fanny Long in Franklin County. That woman was the devil if there ever was one. When I was little, I picked fruit, fanned flies off the table with a peafowl fan, and took care of the little slave children. In the last two or three years, I worked in the fields, but at Miss Long's, I worked in the tobacco factory.

Yes mam, she had a backer factory whar backer wus stemmed, rolled an' packed in cases fer sellin'. Dey said dat she had got rich on sellin' chawin' terbacker.

Yes ma'am, she had a tobacco factory where tobacco was stemmed, rolled, and packed in cases for selling. They said that she got rich from selling chewing tobacco.

We wus at Mis' Long's when war wus declared, 'fore dat she had been purty good, but she am a debil now. Her son am called ter de war an' he won't go. Dey comes an' arrests him, den his mammy tries ter pay him out, but dat ain't no good.

We were at Miss Long's when war was declared; before that, she had been pretty good, but now she's a devil. Her son was called to the war, and he won't go. They come and arrest him, then his mom tries to bail him out, but that doesn't work.

De officers sez dat he am yaller an' dat day am gwine ter shoot his head off an' use hit fer a soap gourd. De Yankees did shoot him down here at Bentonville an' Mis' Long went atter de body. De Confederates has got de body but dey won't[Pg 219] let her have it fer love ner money. Dey laughs an' tells her how yaller he am an' dey buries him in a ditch like a dog.

De officers say that he is yellow and that they're going to shoot his head off and use it for a soap gourd. The Yankees shot him down here at Bentonville and Mrs. Long went after the body. The Confederates have the body, but they won't let her have it for love or money. They laugh and tell her how yellow he is and they bury him in a ditch like a dog.

Mis' Long has been bad enough fore den but atter her son is dead she sez dat she am gwine ter fight till she draps dead. De nex' day she sticks de shot gun in mammy's back an' sez dat she am gwine ter shoot her dead. Mammy smiles an' tells her dat she am ready ter go. Mis' Long turns on me an' tells me ter go ter de peach tree an' cut her ten limbs 'bout a yard long, dis I does an' atter she ties dem in a bundle she wears dem out on me at a hundret licks. Lemmie tell yo', dar wus pieces of de peach tree switches stickin' all in my bloody back when she got through.

Mis' Long has been bad enough before, but after her son died, she said she was going to fight until she dropped dead. The next day, she shoved the shotgun into Mammy's back and said she was going to shoot her dead. Mammy smiled and told her she was ready to go. Mis' Long turned on me and told me to go to the peach tree and cut her ten limbs about a yard long; I did that, and after she tied them in a bundle, she wore them out on me with a hundred licks. Let me tell you, there were pieces of those peach tree switches sticking all in my bloody back when she was done.

Atter dat Mis' Long ain't done nothin' but whup us an' fight till she shore nuff wore out.

Atter that, Miss Long hasn't done anything but beat us and fight until she's really worn out.

De Yankee captain come ter our place an tol' us dat de lan' was goin' ter be cut up an' divided among de slaves, dey would also have a mule an' a house apiece.

The Yankee captain came to our place and told us that the land was going to be divided up among the slaves, and each of them would also get a mule and a house.

I doan know how come hit but jist 'fore de end of de war we come ter Moses Mordicia's place, right up de hill from here. He wus mean too, he'd get drunk an' whup niggers all day off' an' on. He'd keep dem tied down dat long too, sometimes from sunrise till dark.

I don't know how it happened, but just before the end of the war, we arrived at Moses Mordicia's place, just up the hill from here. He was cruel as well; he'd get drunk and beat Black people all day long, on and off. He'd keep them tied up for so long too, sometimes from sunrise until dark.

Mr. Mordicia had his yaller gals in one quarter ter dereselves an' dese gals belongs ter de Mordicia men, dere friends an' de overseers. When a baby wus born in dat quarter[Pg 220] dey'd sen' hit over ter de black quarter at birth. Dey do say dat some of dese gal babies got grown an' atter goin' back ter de yaller quarter had more chilluns fer her own daddy or brother. De Thompson's sprung from dat set an' dey say dat a heap of dem is halfwits fer de reason dat I has jist tol' yo'. Dem yaller wimen wus highfalutin' too, dey though dey wus better dan de black ones.

Mr. Mordicia had his yellow women in one section for themselves, and these women belonged to the Mordicia men, their friends, and the overseers. When a baby was born in that section[Pg 220], they would send it over to the black section at birth. They say that some of these girl babies grew up and after returning to the yellow section had more children with their own father or brother. The Thompsons came from that group, and they say that many of them are halfwits for the reason I just told you. Those yellow women were quite pretentious too; they thought they were better than the black ones.

Has yo' ever wondered why de yaller wimen dese days am meaner dan black ones 'bout de men? Well dat's de reason fer hit, dere mammies raised dem to think 'bout de white men.

Has you ever wondered why the yellow women these days are meaner than the black ones about the men? Well, that's the reason for it; their mommas raised them to think about the white men.

When de Yankees come dey come an' freed us. De woods wus full of Rebs what had deserted, but de Yankees killed some of dem.

When the Yankees came, they came and freed us. The woods were full of Rebs who had deserted, but the Yankees killed some of them.

Some sort of corporation cut de land up, but de slaves ain't got none of it dat I ever heard about.

Some kind of corporation divided up the land, but I’ve never heard of the slaves getting any of it.

I got married before de war to Joshua Curtis. I loved him too, which is more dam most folks can truthfully say. I always had craved a home an' a plenty to eat, but freedom ain't give us notin' but pickled hoss meat an' dirty crackers, an' not half enough of dat.

I got married before the war to Joshua Curtis. I loved him too, which is more than most people can honestly say. I always craved a home and enough to eat, but freedom didn’t give us anything but pickled horse meat and stale crackers, and not nearly enough of that.

Josh ain't really care 'bout no home but through dis land corporation I buyed dese fifteen acres on time. I cut down de big trees dat wus all over dese fields an' I milled out de wood an' sold hit, den I plowed up de fields an' planted dem. Josh did help to build de house an' he worked out some.[Pg 221]

Josh doesn’t really care about having a home, but through this land corporation, I bought these fifteen acres on credit. I chopped down the big trees that were all over these fields, milled the wood, and sold it. Then I plowed up the fields and planted them. Josh did help build the house and he worked a bit too.[Pg 221]

All of dis time I had nineteen chilluns an' Josh died, but I kep' on an' de fifteen what is dead lived to be near 'bout grown, ever one of dem.

All this time I had nineteen kids and Josh died, but I kept going and the fifteen who are gone grew up to be almost adults, every one of them.

Right atter de war northern preachers come around wid a little book a-marrying slaves an' I seed one of dem marry my pappy an' mammy. Atter dis dey tried to find dere fourteen oldest chilluns what wus sold away, but dey never did find but three of dem.

Right after the war, northern preachers came around with a little book for marrying slaves, and I saw one of them marry my dad and mom. After this, they tried to find their fourteen oldest kids who had been sold away, but they only managed to find three of them.

But you wants ter find out how I got along. I'll never fergit my first bale of cotton an' how I got hit sold. I wus some proud of dat bale of cotton, an' atter I had hit ginned I set out wid hit on my steercart fer Raleigh. De white folks hated de nigger den, 'specially de nigger what wus makin' somethin' so I dasen't ax nobody whar de market wus.

But you want to know how I got by. I'll never forget my first bale of cotton and how I sold it. I was so proud of that bale of cotton, and after I had it ginned, I set out with it on my steer cart for Raleigh. The white people hated the black people back then, especially the black people who were making something, so I didn’t dare ask anyone where the market was.

I thought dat I could find de place by myself, but I rid all day an' had to take my cotton home wid me dat night 'case I can't find no place to sell hit at. But dat night I think hit over an' de nex' day I goes' back an' axes a policeman 'bout de market. Lo an' behold chile, I foun' hit on Blount Street, an' I had pass by hit seberal times de day before.

I thought I could find the place on my own, but I rode all day and had to take my cotton home with me that night because I couldn’t find anywhere to sell it. But that night I thought it over and the next day I went back and asked a policeman about the market. Lo and behold, I found it on Blount Street, and I had passed by it several times the day before.

I done a heap of work at night too, all of my sewin' an' such an' de piece of lan' near de house over dar ain't never got no work 'cept at night. I finally paid fer de land. Some of my chilluns wus borned in de field too. When I wus to de house we had a granny an' I blowed in a bottle to make de labor[Pg 222] quick an' easy.

I did a lot of work at night too, all my sewing and stuff, and the piece of land near the house over there never got any work done except at night. I finally paid for the land. Some of my kids were born in the field too. When I was at the house, we had a grandma and I blew into a bottle to make the labor[Pg 222] quick and easy.

Dis young generation ain't worth shucks. Fifteen years ago I hired a big buck nigger to help me shrub an' 'fore leben o'clock he passed out on me. You know 'bout leben o'clock in July hit gits in a bloom. De young generation wid dere schools an dere divorcing ain't gwine ter git nothin' out of life. Hit wus better when folks jist lived tergether. Dere loafin' gits dem inter trouble an' dere novels makes dem bad husban's an' wives too.

Dis young generation ain't worth shucks. Fifteen years ago I hired a big guy to help me with the shrubs and before noon he passed out on me. You know about noon in July, it gets really hot. The young generation with their schools and divorces isn’t going to get anything out of life. It was better when people just lived together. Their laziness gets them into trouble and their novels make them bad husbands and wives too.

EH

EH


[320227]
TR Note:No Header Page
No. Words:[TR: 1,165]
Subject:[TR: Charles Lee Dalton]

By Miss Nancy Woodburn Watkins
Rockingham County
Madison, North Carolina

Ex-Slave Biography—Charles Lee Dalton, 93.

In July, 1934, the census taker went to the home of Unka Challilee Dalton and found that soft talking old darky on the porch of his several roomed house, a few hundred feet south of the dirt road locally called the Ayersville road because it branches from the hard surfaced highway to Mayodan at Anderson Scales' store, a short distance from Unka Challilie's. Black got its meaning from his face, even his lips were black, but his hair was whitening. His lean body was reclining while the white cased pillows of his night bed sunned on a chair. His granddaughter kept house for him the census taker learned. Unka Challilie said: "I'se got so I ain't no count fuh nuthin. I wuz uh takin' me a nap uh sleepin' (' AM). Dem merry-go-wheels keep up sich a racket all nite, sech a racket all nite, ah cyan't sleep." This disturbance was "The Red Wolfe Medicine Troop of Players and Wheels" near Anderson Scales' store in the forks of the Mayodan and the Ayresville roads.

In July 1934, the census taker visited the home of Unka Challilee Dalton and found the soft-spoken old man sitting on the porch of his multi-room house, just a few hundred feet south of the dirt road known as Ayersville Road because it branches off from the paved highway to Mayodan at Anderson Scales' store, which is not far from Unka Challilee's place. His dark skin was evident from his face, even his lips were dark, but his hair was turning white. He was lounging back while the white pillowcases from his bed were drying on a chair. The census taker learned that his granddaughter took care of him. Unka Challilee said, "I’ve gotten to where I’m good for nothing. I was taking a nap sleeping (at) 1 AM. Those merry-go-rounds keep making such a racket all night, such a racket all night, I can’t sleep." This noise was from "The Red Wolfe Medicine Troop of Players and Wheels" near Anderson Scales' store at the junction of the Mayodan and Ayersville roads.

In 1937 in the home of his son, Unka Challilie ninety-three, told the cause of his no "countness." "I wuz clean-up man in de mill in Mayodan ontill three[Pg 224] years ago, I got too trimbly to git amongst de machinery. Daze frade I'd fall and git cut."

In 1937, at his son’s home, Unka Challilie, who was ninety-three, explained why he felt worthless. "I was the cleanup guy at the mill in Mayodan until three[Pg 224] years ago. I got too shaky to be around the machinery. I was afraid I’d fall and get hurt."

I cum tuh Madison forty-five yeah ago, and I bought one acre, and built me a house on it, an' razed my leben chillun dyah. My wife was Ellen Irving of Reidsville. We had a cow, pigs, chickens, and gyardum of vegetables to hope out what I got paid at de mill.

I came to Madison forty-five years ago, bought an acre of land, and built a house on it where I raised my eleven children. My wife was Ellen Irving from Reidsville. We had a cow, pigs, chickens, and a vegetable garden to supplement the money I earned at the mill.

Nome I nevah learned to read an write. Ounct I thought mebbe I'd git sum lunnin but aftah I got married, I didn't think I would.

Nome I never learned to read and write. Once I thought maybe I'd get some learning but after I got married, I didn't think I would.

My old Marse wuz Marse Lee Dalton and I stayed on his plantation till forty-five years ago when I cum tuh Madison. His place wuz back up dyah close tuh. Mt. Herman Church. Nome we slaves ain't learn no letters, but sumtimes young mistis' 'd read de Bible tuh us. Day wuz pretty good tuh us, but sumtimes I'd ketch uh whippin'. I wuz a hoe boy and plow man. My mothers' name wuz Silvia Dalton and my daddy's name wuz Peter Dalton. Day belonged to Marse Lee and his wife wuz Miss Matilda Steeples (Staples). Marse Lee lived on Beaver Island Creek at the John Hampton Price place. Mr. Price bought it. He married Miss Mollie Dalton, Marse Lee's daughter. Dyah's uh ole graveyard dyah whah lots uh Daltons is buried but no culled fokes. Day is buried to the side uh Stoneville[Pg 225] wiff no white fokes a-tall berried dyah. De ole Daltons wuz berried on de Ole Jimmy Scales plantation. Day bought hit, an little John Price what runs uh tuhbaccah warehouse in Madison owns hit now. (1937) His tenant is Marse Walt Hill, an hits five miles frum Madison. I knose whah de old Deatherage graveyard is, too, up close to Stoneville whah sum Daltons is berried. Ole Marse Lee's mother was a Deatherage.

My old master was Master Lee Dalton, and I stayed on his plantation until forty-five years ago when I came to Madison. His place was back there near Mt. Herman Church. No, we slaves didn't learn any letters, but sometimes the young mistress would read the Bible to us. They were pretty good to us, but sometimes I would catch a whipping. I was a hoe boy and plowman. My mother's name was Silvia Dalton and my father's name was Peter Dalton. They belonged to Master Lee, and his wife was Miss Matilda Steeples (Staples). Master Lee lived on Beaver Island Creek at the John Hampton Price place. Mr. Price bought it. He married Miss Mollie Dalton, Master Lee's daughter. There's an old graveyard there where lots of Daltons are buried, but no colored folks. They're buried to the side of Stoneville[Pg 225] with no white folks at all buried there. The old Daltons were buried on the Old Jimmy Scales plantation. They bought it, and little John Price, who runs a tobacco warehouse in Madison, owns it now. (1937) His tenant is Master Walt Hill, and it's five miles from Madison. I know where the old Deatherage graveyard is too, up near Stoneville where some Daltons are buried. Old Master Lee's mother was a Deatherage.

Ole Marse was kind to us, an' I stayed on his plantation an' farmed till I kum to Madison. Dee Yankees, day didn't giv us nuthin so we had kinduh to live off'n old Marse.

Ole Marse was good to us, and I stayed on his plantation and farmed until I came to Madison. The Yankees, they didn’t give us anything, so we kind of had to rely on old Marse.

Fuh ayteen yuz I kin member ah de Mefodis Church byah in Madison. I wuzn't converted unduh de Holiness preachment uh James Foust but duh de revival of Reverend William Scales. William didn't bare much lunnin. His wife wuz Mittie Scales an huh mother wuz Chlocy Scales, sister to Tommie Scales, de shoemaker, what died lase summuh (July, 1936). William jes wanted so much tuh preach, and Mittie hoped him. I'se been uh class leader, an uh stewart, an uh trustee in de church. It's St. Stephen's and de new brick church was built in 1925, an Mistuh John Wilson's son wrote uh peace uh bout hit in de papuh. De fuss chuch wuz down dyah cross de street fum Jim Foust's "tabernacle."[Pg 226] But de fuss cullud chuch in Madison wuz a Union chuch over dyah by de Presbyterian graveyard whah now is de Gyartuh factry. An' Jane Richardson wuz de leader.

For eighteen years, I can remember the Methodist Church here in Madison. I wasn't converted under the Holiness preaching of James Foust but during the revival of Reverend William Scales. William didn't have much education. His wife was Mittie Scales, and her mother was Chlocy Scales, sister to Tommie Scales, the shoemaker, who passed away last summer (July 1936). William just wanted so much to preach, and Mittie supported him. I've been a class leader, a steward, and a trustee in the church. It's St. Stephen's, and the new brick church was built in 1925, and Mr. John Wilson's son wrote a piece about it in the paper. The first church was down there across the street from Jim Foust's "tabernacle." [Pg 226] But the first colored church in Madison was a Union church over there by the Presbyterian graveyard where the Gyartuh factory is now. And Jane Richardson was the leader.

Yess'm I got so no count, I had to cum live with mah son, Frank Dalton. Frank married Mattie Cardwell. You remembuh Mary Mann? She married Anderson Cardwell. Day's bofe dade long time. Days berried jess up hyuh at Mayodan whah Mr. Bollin's house is on and dem new bungyloes is on top um, too. Uh whole lots uh cullud people berried in dah with de slaves of Ole Miss Nancy (Watkins) Webster on till de Mayo Mills got started and day built Mayhodan at de Mayo Falls. An' dat's whah my daughter-in-law's folks is berried.

Yeah, I had to move in with my son, Frank Dalton, because I had no other choice. Frank married Mattie Cardwell. Do you remember Mary Mann? She married Anderson Cardwell. They've both passed away a long time ago. They're buried right here in Mayodan, where Mr. Bollin's house is and where those new bungalows are, too. A lot of Black people are buried there along with the slaves of Old Miss Nancy (Watkins) Webster until the Mayo Mills came along and they built Mayodan at the Mayo Falls. That's where my daughter-in-law's family is buried.

My leben chillun—Frank, one died in West Virginia; Cora married Henry Cardwell; Hattie married Roy Current and bafe ob dem in Winston; Della married Arthur Adkins, an' Joe, an' George an' Perry an' Nathaniel Dalton, an'.

My kids—Frank, one died in West Virginia; Cora married Henry Cardwell; Hattie married Roy Current and they live in Winston; Della married Arthur Adkins, and Joe, and George and Perry and Nathaniel Dalton, and.

Yes'm mah daughter-in-law has de writings about de brick chuch, dem whut started hit, an' she'll put it out whah she can git hit fuh you easy, when you coun back fuh hit.

Yes, my daughter-in-law has the information about the brick church, the ones who started it, and she'll make it available for you to get easily when you come back for it.

Nome, up at Marse Lee Dalton's fob de s'renduh us slaves didn't nevuh go tuh chuch. But young Miss'ud read de Bible to us sometimes.

Nome, at Marse Lee Dalton's place, we slaves never went to church. But young Miss would read the Bible to us sometimes.

[Pg 227]Here in the five room, white painted cottage of his son, Frank, Unka Challilie is kindly cared for by his daughter-in-law, Mattie. A front porch faces the Mayodan hard road a few doors from the "coppubration line." A well made arch accents the entrance to the front walk. A climbing rose flourishes on the arch. Well kept grass with flowers on the edges show Mattie's love. At the right side is the vegetable garden, invaded by several big domineckuh chickens. A kudzu vine keeps out the hot west sun. Unka Challilie sits on the front porch and nods to his friends else back in the kitchen, he sits and watches Mattie iron after he has eaten his breakfast. Several hens come on the back porch and lay in boxes there. One is "uh settin" fuh fried chicken later! A walnut tree, "uh white wawnut", waves its long dangly green blooms as the leaves are half grown in the early May. Well dressed, clean, polite, comforted with his religion, but very "trimbly" even on his stout walking stick, Unka Challilie often dozes away his "no countness" with "uh napuh sleepin" while the mad rush of traffic and tourist wheels stir the rose climbing over the entrance arch. An ex-slave who started wiff nuffin de Yankees gave him, who lived on his old Marse's place ontil he wuz forty-eight, who cleaned the Mayo Mills ontill he wuz too trimbly to get amongst de machinery, who raised eleven children on an acre of red Rockingham county[Pg 228] hillside, faces the next move with plenty to eat, wear, plenty time to take a nap uh sleepin.

[Pg 227]Here in the five-room, white-painted cottage of his son, Frank, Unka Challilie is well taken care of by his daughter-in-law, Mattie. A front porch faces the Mayodan hard road, just a few doors from the "coppubration line." A well-made arch highlights the entrance to the front walk, with a climbing rose thriving on it. The well-kept grass and flowers along the edges show Mattie's care. To the right is the vegetable garden, which is invaded by several large Dominicker chickens. A kudzu vine provides shade from the hot western sun. Unka Challilie sits on the front porch and nods to his friends; or back in the kitchen, he sits watching Mattie iron after finishing his breakfast. Several hens come onto the back porch and lay their eggs in the boxes there. One hen is "uh settin" for fried chicken later! A walnut tree, "uh white wawnut," sways with its long dangly green blooms as the leaves are just half grown in early May. Well-dressed, clean, polite, and comforted by his faith, but very "trimbly" even with his sturdy walking stick, Unka Challilie often dozes off his "no countness" with "uh napuh sleepin" while the hustle and bustle of traffic and tourists stir the rose climbing over the entrance arch. An ex-slave who started with nothing that the Yankees gave him, who lived on his old master's place until he was forty-eight, who worked at the Mayo Mills until he became too "trimbly" to be around the machinery, who raised eleven children on an acre of red Rockingham County hillside, faces the next chapter of his life with plenty to eat, wear, and enough time to take a nap. [Pg 228]


[320281]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:386
Subject:JOHN DANIELS
Story Teller:John Daniels
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

JOHN DANIELS

Ex-Slave Story
HW: (?)

I'se named fer my pappy's ole massa down in Spartanburg, South Carolina, course I doan know nothin' 'bout no war, case I warn't borned. I does 'member seein' de ole 'big house' do', maybe you want me ter tell you how hit looked?

I’m named after my dad’s old master down in Spartanburg, South Carolina. Of course, I don’t know anything about the war because I wasn’t born yet. I do remember seeing the old big house door; maybe you want me to tell you how it looked?

It wuz a big white two-story house at de end uv a magnolia lane an' a-settin' in a big level fiel'. Back o' de big house wuz de ole slave cabins whar my folks uster live.

It was a large white two-story house at the end of a magnolia lane and sitting in a big flat field. Behind the big house were the old slave cabins where my family used to live.

Dey said dat de massa wuz good ter 'em, but dat sometimes in de mo'nin' dey jist has lasses an' co'nbread fer breakfas'.

Dey said that the food was good to them, but that sometimes in the morning they just have biscuits and cornbread for breakfast.

I started ter tell you 'bout de Joe Moe do'.

I started to tell you about the Joe Moe deal.

You mebbe doan know hit, but de prisoners hyar doan git de blues so bad if de company comes on visitin' days, an' de mail comes reg'lar. We's always gittin' up somepin' ter have a little fun, so somebody gits up de Joe Moe.

You might not know this, but the prisoners here don’t get as down when visitors come on visiting days, and the mail arrives regularly. We're always finding ways to have a little fun, so someone starts up the Joe Moe.

Yo' sees dat when a new nigger comes in he am skeerd an' has got de blues. Somebody goes ter cheer him up an' dey axes him hadn't he ruther be hyar dan daid.[Pg 231] Yo' see he am moughty blue den, so mebbe he says dat he'd ruther be daid; den dis feller what am tryin' ter cheer him tells him dat all right he sho' will die dat he's got de Joe Moe put on him.

You can see that when a new person of color arrives, he feels scared and down. Someone goes to cheer him up and asks him if he wouldn't rather be here than dead.[Pg 231] You see, he's feeling really low at that moment, so maybe he says he’d rather be dead; then this guy who is trying to cheer him up tells him that, okay, he definitely will die because he’s got the bad luck on him.

Seberal days atter dis de new nigger fin's a little rag full of somepin twix de bed an' mattress an' he axes what hit am. Somebody tells him dat hit am de Joe Moe, an' dey tells him dat de only way he can git de spell off am ter git de bag off on somebody else. Ever'body but him knows' bout hit so de Joe Moe keeps comin' back till a new one comes in an' he l'arns de joke.

Several days later, this new black guy finds a little rag stuffed between the bed and mattress, and he asks what it is. Someone tells him it's the Joe Moe, and they say the only way he can get rid of the curse is to pass the bag onto someone else. Everyone except him knows about it, so the Joe Moe keeps coming back until a new person arrives and learns the joke.

Talkin' 'bout ghostes I wants ter tell you dat de air am full of 'em. Dar's a strip from de groun' 'bout four feet high which am light on de darkes' night, case hit can't git dark down dar. Git down an' crawl an' yo'll see a million laigs of eber' kin' an' if'en you lis'ens you'll hyar a little groanin' an' den you has gone through a warm spot.

Talking about ghosts, I want to tell you that the air is full of them. There's a strip on the ground about four feet high that is lighter on the darkest night because it can't get dark down there. Get down and crawl, and you'll see a million legs of every kind, and if you listen, you'll hear a little groaning, and then you'll have gone through a warm spot.

B. N.

B. N.


[320186]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:725
Subject:HARRIET ANN DAVES
Story Teller:Harriet Ann Daves
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

HARRIET ANN DAVES

601 E. Cabarrus Street

My full name is Harriet Ann Daves, I like to be called Harriet Ann. If my mother called me when she was living, I didn't want to answer her unless she called me Harriet Ann. I was born June 6, 1856. Milton Waddell, my mother's marster was my father, and he never denied me to anybody.

My full name is Harriet Ann Daves, but I prefer to be called Harriet Ann. When my mother was alive, I didn't want to respond unless she called me Harriet Ann. I was born on June 6, 1856. Milton Waddell, my mother's master, was my father, and he never denied me to anyone.

My mother was a slave but she was white. I do not know who my mother's father was. My mother was Mary Collins. She said that her father was an Indian. My mother's mother was Mary Jane Collins, and she was white—maybe part Indian. My grandfather was old man William D. Waddell, a white man. I was born in Virginia near Orange Courthouse. The Waddells moved to Lexington, Missouri, after I was born. I guess some of the family would not like it if they knew I was telling this. We had good food and a nice place to live. I was nothing but a child, but I know, and remember that I was treated kindly. I remember the surrender very well. When the surrender came my grandfather came to mother and told her: 'Well, you are as free as I am.' That was William D. Waddell. He was one of the big shots among the white folks.[Pg 234]

My mother was a slave, but she was white. I don’t know who my mother’s father was. My mother’s name was Mary Collins. She said her father was an Indian. My mother’s mother was Mary Jane Collins, and she was white—maybe partly Indian. My grandfather was an old man named William D. Waddell, a white man. I was born in Virginia near Orange Courthouse. The Waddells moved to Lexington, Missouri, after I was born. I guess some of the family wouldn’t like it if they knew I was sharing this. We had good food and a nice place to live. I was just a child, but I remember being treated kindly. I remember the surrender very clearly. When the surrender happened, my grandfather came to my mother and told her, ‘Well, you are as free as I am.’ That was William D. Waddell. He was one of the important people among the white folks.[Pg 234]

My white grandmother wanted mother to give me to her entirely. She said she had more right to me than my Indian grandmother that she had plenty to educate and care for me. My mother would not give me to her, and she cried. My mother gave me to my Indian grandmother. I later went back to my mother.

My white grandmother wanted my mom to completely hand me over to her. She insisted she had more right to me than my Indian grandmother and claimed she could provide me with more education and care. My mom refused to let me go, and my grandmother cried. Eventually, my mom gave me to my Indian grandmother. Later, I returned to my mom.

While we were in Missouri some of my father's people, a white girl, sent for me to come up to the great house. I had long curls and was considered pretty. The girl remarked, 'Such a pretty child' and kissed me. She afterwards made a remark to which my father who was there, my white father, took exception telling her I was his child and that I was as good as she was. I remember this incident very distinctly.

While we were in Missouri, some of my father's relatives, a white girl, invited me to come up to the main house. I had long curls and was considered pretty. The girl said, "What a pretty child," and kissed me. Then she made a comment that my father, my white father who was present, didn't like. He told her I was his child and that I was just as good as she was. I remember this incident very clearly.

My mother had two children by the same white man, my father. The other was a girl. She died in California. My father never married. He loved my mother, and he said if he could not marry Mary he did not want to marry. Father said he did not want any other woman. My father was good to me. He would give me anything I asked him for. Mother would make me ask him for things for her. She said it was no harm for me to ask him for things for her which she[Pg 235] could not get unless I asked him for them. When the surrender came my mother told my father she was tired of living that kind of a life, that if she could not be his legal wife she wouldn't be anything to him, so she left and went to Levenworth, Kansas. She died there in 1935. I do not know where my father is, living or dead, or what became of him.

My mom had two kids with the same white man, my dad. The other one was a girl. She passed away in California. My dad never married. He loved my mom and said that if he couldn't marry Mary, he didn't want to marry anyone at all. Dad said he didn't want any other woman. He was good to me and would give me anything I asked for. Mom would make me ask him for things for her. She said it was no problem for me to ask him for things she couldn't get unless I asked him. When the surrender happened, my mom told my dad she was tired of living that way and that if she couldn't be his legal wife, she didn't want to be anything to him, so she left and went to Leavenworth, Kansas. She died there in 1935. I don't know where my dad is, whether he’s alive or dead, or what happened to him.

I can read and write well. They did not teach us to read and write in slavery days. I went to a school opened by the Yankees after the surrender.

I can read and write well. They didn’t teach us to read and write during the slavery days. I went to a school started by the Yankees after the surrender.

I went with my mother to Levenworth, Kansas. She sent me to school in Flat, Nebraska. I met my husband there. My first husband was Elisha Williams; I ran away from school in Flat, and married him. He brought me to Raleigh. He was born and raised in Wake County. We lived together about a year when he died July 1st, 1872. There was one child born to us which died in infancy.

I went with my mom to Leavenworth, Kansas. She enrolled me in school in Flat, Nebraska. That's where I met my husband. My first husband was Elisha Williams; I left school in Flat and married him. He took me to Raleigh. He was born and raised in Wake County. We lived together for about a year before he passed away on July 1st, 1872. We had one child, but sadly that child died in infancy.

I married the second time Rufus H. Daves in 1875. He was practically a white man. He wouldn't even pass for a mulatto. He used to belong to the Haywoods. He died in 1931 in Raleigh.[Pg 236]

I married Rufus H. Daves for the second time in 1875. He was basically a white man. He wouldn’t even be mistaken for a mulatto. He used to belong to the Haywoods. He died in 1931 in Raleigh.[Pg 236]

I think Abraham Lincoln was a fine, conscientious man; my mother worshipped him, but he turned us out without anything to eat or live on. I don't think Mr. Roosevelt is either hot or cold—just a normal man.

I think Abraham Lincoln was a great, thoughtful guy; my mom admired him a lot, but he left us with nothing to eat or live on. I don't think Mr. Roosevelt is either really great or really bad—just an average guy.

AC

AC


[320257]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:429
Subject:JERRY DAVIS
Story Teller:Jerry Davis
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 26 1937"

JERRY DAVIS

Ex-Slave Story and Folk Tale
An interview with Jerry Davis 74 of 228 E. South Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I wus borned in Warren County ter Mataldia an' Jordan Davis. Dere wus twenty-two o' us chilluns, an' natu'ally Marster Sam Davis laked my mammy an' daddy. He owned two hundert an' sebenty slaves, an' three, four, or five scopes o' lan'.

I was born in Warren County to Mataldia and Jordan Davis. There were twenty-two of us kids, and naturally, Master Sam Davis liked my mom and dad. He owned two hundred and seventy slaves and three, four, or five farms.

Marster wus good ter us, he gibe us plenty ter eat, an' w'ar, an' he wus good an' kind in his talkin'. I warn't big 'nuff ter do much 'sides min' de chickens, an' sich lak.

Marster was good to us; he gave us plenty to eat and wear, and he was good and kind in his talking. I wasn't big enough to do much besides mind the chickens and things like that.

I doan 'member so much 'bout de Yankees comin' 'cept sein' dem, an' dat dey gibe my pappy a new blue overcoat an' dat I slep' on it onct er twict. I knows dat de Yankees wus good ter de niggers but dey warn't so good ter de ole Issues. Dey did 'stroy most eber'thing do'.

I don't remember much about the Yankees coming except seeing them, and that they gave my dad a new blue overcoat that I slept on once or twice. I know that the Yankees were good to the black people, but they weren’t so good to the old folks. They did destroy almost everything, though.

I can't 'member, but I'se hyard my mammy tell o' dances, co'n shuckin's, wrestlin' matches, candy pullin's an' sich things dat wus had by de slaves dem days.[Pg 239]

I can't remember, but I've heard my mom talk about dances, corn shucking, wrestling matches, candy pullings, and stuff like that the slaves had back in the day.[Pg 239]

My pappy tol' me 'bout de cock fights in de big pits at Warrenton an' how dat when de roosters got killed de owner often gibe de dead bird ter him. I'se also hyard him tell 'bout de hoss races an' 'bout Marster Sam's fine hosses.

My dad told me about the cockfights in the big pits at Warrenton and how, when the roosters got killed, the owner would often give the dead bird to him. I've also heard him talk about the horse races and about Master Sam's fine horses.

I knows dat de marster an' missus wus good case my mammy an' daddy 'sisted on stayin' right on atter de war, an' so dey died an' was buried dar on Marster Sam's place.

I know that the master and missus were good people because my mom and dad insisted on staying right after the war, and so they died and were buried there on Master Sam's property.

I wucked in de Dupont Powder plant durin' de World War but I wus discharged case I had acid injury.

I worked in the Dupont Powder plant during World War II, but I was discharged because I had an acid injury.

Yessum, I'll tell you de only rale ole tale dat I knows an' dat am de story' bout——Jack.

Yessum, I'll tell you the only real old tale that I know and that is the story about——Jack.

JACK

Onct dar wus a white man down in Beaufort County what owned a nigger named Jack. Dis man owned a boat an' he was fer ever more goin' boat ridin', fer days an' nights. He larned Jack how ter steer an' often he'd go ter sleep leavin' Jack at de wheel, wid 'structions ter steer always by de seben stars.[Pg 240]

Once there was a white man in Beaufort County who owned a Black man named Jack. This man owned a boat and he was always going boating, day and night. He taught Jack how to steer and often would fall asleep, leaving Jack at the wheel, with instructions to always steer by the seven stars.[Pg 240]

One night as Jack steered for his master to sleep, Jack suddenly fell asleep too. When he awake it wuz jist at de crack of dawn so no stars wus dar.

One night, as Jack was steering for his master to sleep, Jack suddenly fell asleep too. When he woke up, it was just at the crack of dawn, so there were no stars out.

Jack went flyin' ter de marster hollerin', 'please sur marster, hang up some mo' stars, I done run by dem seben'.

Jack ran to the master yelling, "Please, sir, master, hang up some more stars, I've already passed seven of them."

JACK AND THE DEVIL

Onct Jack an' de debil got inter a 'spute 'bout who can throw a rock de ferderest. De debil sez dat he can throw a rock so fur dat hit won't come down in three days.

Once Jack and the devil got into a dispute about who could throw a rock the farthest. The devil said that he could throw a rock so far that it wouldn't come down for three days.

Iffen you can throw a rock furder dan dat, sez de debil, I'll give you yer freedom.

Iffen you can throw a rock farther than that, says the devil, I'll give you your freedom.

De debil chunks a rock an' hit goes up an' stays fer three days. When hit comes down Jack picks hit up an' he 'lows, 'Good Lawd, move de stars an' de moon case dar's a rock comin' ter heaben'.

De weak guy throws a rock up and it stays in the air for three days. When it finally comes down, Jack picks it up and says, "Good Lord, move the stars and the moon because there's a rock coming to heaven."

De debil sez, 'Iffen you can do dat den you can beat me case I can't throw a rock in a mile o' heaben'.

De debil says, 'If you can do that then you can beat me because I can't throw a rock a mile to heaven.'

AC

AC


[320240]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1025
Subject:A Slave Story
Story Teller:W. S. Debnam
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 30 1937"

W. SOLOMON DEBNAM.

701 Smith Street.

Yes, I remember the Yankees coming to Raleigh. I don't know very much about those times, I was so young, but I remember the Yankees all right in their blue clothes; their horses, and so on. I'll be 78 years old the 8th of this comin' September an' I've heard mother an' father talk about slavery time a whole lot. We belonged to T. R. Debnam at Eagle Rock, Wake County. His wife was named Priscilla Debnam. My father was named Daniel Debnam an' my mother was named Liza Debnam. My master had several plantations an' a lot of slaves. I don't know how many, but I know he had 'em. He fed us well; we had a good place to sleep. We had wove clothes, enough to keep us warm. He treated me just like he had been my father. I didn't know the difference. Marster an' missus never hit me a lick in their lives. My mother was the house girl. Father tended business around the house an' worked in the field sometimes. Our houses were in marster's yard. The slave quarters were in the yard of the great house. I don't remember going to church until after the surrender.

Yes, I remember the Yankees coming to Raleigh. I don't know much about those times because I was so young, but I definitely remember the Yankees in their blue uniforms, their horses, and so on. I'll be 78 years old on the 8th of this coming September, and I've heard my mother and father talk a lot about the time of slavery. We belonged to T. R. Debnam at Eagle Rock, Wake County. His wife was named Priscilla Debnam. My father's name was Daniel Debnam and my mother's name was Liza Debnam. My master had several plantations and a lot of slaves. I don’t know how many, but I know he had them. He fed us well; we had a decent place to sleep. We had woven clothes, enough to keep us warm. He treated me just like I was his own child. I didn’t know the difference. Master and Missus never hit me a single time in their lives. My mother was the house girl. My father managed things around the house and sometimes worked in the fields. Our houses were in the master’s yard. The slave quarters were in the yard of the big house. I don't remember going to church until after the surrender.

I remember the corn shuckin's, but not the Christmas and the fourth of July holidays. They had a lot of whiskey at corn shuckin's and good things to eat.[Pg 243]

I remember the corn shuckings, but I don't recall the Christmas or Fourth of July holidays. There was a lot of whiskey at the corn shuckings and plenty of good food to eat.[Pg 243]

I heard pappy talk of patterollers, but I do not know what they were. Pappy said he had to have a pass to visit on, or they would whip him if they could ketch him. Sometimes they could not ketch a nigger they were after. Yes, they taught us to say pappy an' mammy in them days.

I heard my dad talk about patterollers, but I don't know what they were. He said he had to have a pass to visit anywhere, or they would beat him if they could catch him. Sometimes they couldn't catch a Black person they were after. Yeah, they taught us to say dad and mom back then.

I remember the coon and possum hunts an' the rabbits we caught in gums. I remember killin' birds at night with thorn brush. When bird blindin' we hunt 'em at night with lights from big splinters. We went to grass patches, briars, and vines along the creeks an' low groun's where they roosted, an' blinded 'em an' killed 'em when they come out. We cooked 'em on coals, and I remember making a stew and having dumplings cooked with 'em. We'd flustrate the birds in their roostin' place an' when they come out blinded by the light we hit 'em an' killed 'em with thorn brush we carried in our han's.

I remember the raccoon and possum hunts and the rabbits we caught in the trees. I remember hunting birds at night with thorn brush. When bird hunting, we chased them at night with lights made from big splinters. We visited grass patches, briars, and vines along the creeks and low ground where they roosted, and we blinded them and killed them when they came out. We cooked them on coals, and I remember making a stew and having dumplings with it. We'd disturb the birds in their roosting spots, and when they came out blinded by the light, we hit them and killed them with the thorn brush we carried in our hands.

Marster had a gran'son, the son of Alonza Hodge an' Arabella Hodge, 'bout my age an' I stayed with him most of the time. When Alonza Hodge bought his son anything he bought for me too. He treated us alike. He bought each of us a pony. We could ride good, when we were small. He let us follow him. He let us go huntin' squirrels with him. When he shot an' killed a squirrel he let us race to see which could get him first, while he laughed at us.[Pg 244]

Marster had a grandson, the son of Alonza Hodge and Arabella Hodge, about my age, and I spent most of my time with him. When Alonza Hodge bought his son anything, he bought it for me too. He treated us the same. He got each of us a pony. We could ride well when we were little. He let us follow him around. He let us go hunting for squirrels with him. When he shot and killed a squirrel, he allowed us to race to see who could get it first, while he laughed at us.[Pg 244]

I didn't sleep in the great house. I stayed with this white boy till bed time then my mammy come an' got me an' carried me home. When marster wanted us boys to go with him he would say, 'Let's go boys,' an' we would follow him. We were like brothers. I ate with him at the table. What they et, I et. He made the house girl wait on me just like he an' his son was waited on.

I didn't sleep in the big house. I stayed with this white boy until bedtime, then my mom came and got me and took me home. When the master wanted us boys to go with him, he'd say, "Let's go, boys," and we would follow him. We were like brothers. I ate with him at the table. Whatever they ate, I ate. He made the house girl wait on me just like he and his son were waited on.

My father stayed with marster till he died, when he was 63 an' I was 21; we both stayed right there. My white playmate's name was Richard Hodge. I stayed there till I was married. When I got 25 years old I married Ida Rawlson. Richard Hodge became a medical doctor, but he died young, just before I was married.

My father stayed with the master until he passed away when he was 63, and I was 21; we both remained there. My white friend’s name was Richard Hodge. I stayed there until I got married. When I turned 25, I married Ida Rawlson. Richard Hodge became a doctor, but he died young, just before my wedding.

They taught me to read an' write. After the surrender I went to free school. When I didn't know a word I went to old marster an' he told me.

They taught me how to read and write. After the surrender, I went to a free school. Whenever I didn’t know a word, I went to the old master, and he would tell me.

During my entire life no man can touch my morals, I was brought up by my white folks not to lie, steal or do things immoral. I have lived a pure life. There is nothing against me.

During my whole life, no one can question my morals. I was raised by my white parents to not lie, steal, or do anything immoral. I've lived a clean life. There's nothing that can be held against me.

I remember the Yankees, yes sir, an' somethings they done. Well, I remember the big yeller gobler they couldn't ketch. He riz an' flew an' they shot him an' killed him. They went down to marster's store an' busted the head outen a barrel o' molasses an' after they busted the head out I got a tin bucket an' got it full o' molasses an' started to the[Pg 245] house. Then they shoved me down in the molasses. I set the bucket down an' hit a Yankee on the leg with a dogwood stick. He tried to hit me. The Yankees ganged around him, an' made him leave me alone, give me my bucket o' molasses, an' I carried it on to the house. They went down to the lot, turned out all the horses an' tuck two o' the big mules, Kentucky mules, an' carried 'em off. One of the mules would gnaw every line in two you tied him with, an' the other could not be rode. So next morning after the Yankees carried 'em off they both come back home with pieces o' lines on 'em. The mules was named, one was named Bill, an' the other Charles. You could ride old Charles, but you couldn't ride old Bill. He would throw you off as fast as you got on 'im.

I remember the Yankees, sure, and some things they did. Well, I remember the big yellow turkey they couldn't catch. It got up and flew, and they shot it and killed it. They went down to the master’s store and broke the top off a barrel of molasses, and after they did that, I grabbed a tin bucket, filled it with molasses, and started to the [Pg 245] house. Then they pushed me into the molasses. I set the bucket down and hit a Yankee on the leg with a dogwood stick. He tried to hit me back. The Yankees gathered around him, made him leave me alone, gave me my bucket of molasses, and I took it on to the house. They went down to the lot, let all the horses loose, and took two of the big mules, Kentucky mules, and carried them off. One of the mules would chew through every line you tied him with, and the other couldn't be ridden. So the next morning after the Yankees took them, they both came back home with pieces of lines on them. The mules had names; one was named Bill and the other Charles. You could ride old Charles, but you couldn't ride old Bill. He would throw you off as soon as you got on him.

After I was married when I was 25 years old I lived there ten years, right there; but old marster had died an' missus had died. I stayed with his son Nathaniel; his wife was named Drusilla.

After I got married at 25, I lived there for ten years, right there; but old master had died and mistress had died. I stayed with his son Nathaniel; his wife was named Drusilla.

I had five brothers, Richard, Daniel, Rogene, Lorenzo, Lumus and myself. There wont places there for us all, an' then I left. When I left down there I moved to Raleigh. The first man I worked fer here was George Marsh Company, then W. A. Myatt Company an' no one else. I worked with the Myatt Company twenty-six years; 'till I got shot.

I had five brothers: Richard, Daniel, Rogene, Lorenzo, and Lumus, along with me. There wasn't enough room for all of us, so I left. After I left there, I moved to Raleigh. The first company I worked for here was George Marsh Company, then W. A. Myatt Company, and no one else. I worked with the Myatt Company for twenty-six years until I got shot.

It was about half past twelve o'clock. I was on my way home to dinner on the 20th of December, 1935. When I was[Pg 246] passing Patterson's Alley entering Lenoir Street near the colored park in the 500 block something hit me. I looked around an' heard a shot. The bullet hit me before I heard the report of the pistol. When hit, I looked back an' heard it. Capt. Bruce Pool, o' the Raleigh Police force, had shot at some thief that had broken into a A&P Store an' the bullet hit me. It hit me in my left thigh above the knee. It went through my thigh, a 38 caliber bullet, an' lodged under the skin on the other side. I did not fall but stood on one foot while the blood ran from the wound. A car came by in about a half hour an' they stopped an' carried me to St. Agnes Hospital. It was not a police car. I stayed there a week. They removed the bullet, an' then I had to go to the hospital every day for a month. I have not been able to work a day since. I was working with W. A. Myatt Company when I got shot. My leg pains me now and swells up. I cannot stand on it much. I am unable to do a day's work. Can't stand up to do a day's work. The city paid me $200.00, an' paid my hospital bill.

It was around 12:30 PM. I was heading home for dinner on December 20, 1935. As I was[Pg 246] passing Patterson's Alley and entering Lenoir Street near the Black park in the 500 block, something hit me. I looked around and heard a shot. The bullet struck me before I heard the gun go off. When I was hit, I looked back and heard it. Capt. Bruce Pool from the Raleigh Police Department had shot at a thief who had broken into an A&P store, and the bullet hit me. It hit me in my left thigh, just above the knee. It went through my thigh, a .38 caliber bullet, and lodged under the skin on the other side. I didn't fall but stood on one foot while blood ran from the wound. A car came by about half an hour later; they stopped and took me to St. Agnes Hospital. It wasn't a police car. I stayed there for a week. They removed the bullet, and then I had to go to the hospital every day for a month. I haven't been able to work at all since then. I was employed at W. A. Myatt Company when I got shot. My leg hurts now and swells up. I can't stand on it much. I'm unable to work a full day. The city paid me $200 and covered my hospital bill.

Abraham Lincoln was all right. I think slavery was wrong because birds an' things are free an' man ought to have the same privilege.

Abraham Lincoln was a good guy. I believe slavery was wrong because birds and other creatures are free, and humans should have the same right.

Franklin Roosevelt is a wonderful man. Men would have starved if he hadn't helped 'em.

Franklin Roosevelt is an amazing man. People would have gone hungry if he hadn't helped them.


[320199]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
No. Words:1384
Subject:SARAH DEBRO
EX-SLAVE 90 YEARS
Durham, N.C.
Date Stamp:"JUL 24 1937"

SARAH DEBRO

EX-SLAVE 90 YEARS

I was bawn in Orange County way back some time in de fifties.

I was born in Orange County sometime in the fifties.

Mis Polly White Cain an' Marse Docter Cain was my white folks. Marse Cain's plantation joined Mistah Paul Cameron's land. Marse Cain owned so many niggers dat he didn' know his own slaves when he met dem in de road. Sometimes he would stop dem an' say: 'Whose niggers am you?' Dey'd say, 'We's Marse Cain's niggers.' Den he would say, 'I'se Marse Cain,' and drive on.

Mis Polly White Cain and Mr. Doctor Cain were my white folks. Mr. Cain's plantation was next to Mr. Paul Cameron's land. Mr. Cain owned so many Black people that he didn’t recognize his own slaves when he met them on the road. Sometimes, he would stop them and say, "Whose slaves are you?" They'd respond, "We're Mr. Cain's slaves." Then he would say, "I'm Mr. Cain," and drive on.

Marse Cain was good to his niggers. He didn' whip dem like some owners did, but if dey done mean he sold dem. Dey knew dis so dey minded him. One day gran'pappy sassed Mis' Polly White an' she told him dat if he didn' 'have hese'f dat she would put him in her pocket. Gran'pappy wuz er big man an' I ax him how Mis' Polly could do dat. He said she meant dat she would sell him den put de money in her pocket. He never did sass Mis' Polly no more.

Marse Cain treated his Black workers well. He didn’t whip them like some owners did, but if they acted up, he sold them. They knew this, so they respected him. One day, Grandpa talked back to Miss Polly White, and she told him that if he didn’t behave, she would put him in her pocket. Grandpa was a big man, and I asked him how Miss Polly could do that. He said she meant that she would sell him and keep the money for herself. He never talked back to Miss Polly again.

I was kept at de big house to wait on Mis' Polly, to tote her basket of keys an' such as dat. Whenever she seed a chile down in de quarters dat she wanted to raise be hand, she took dem up to do big house an' trained dem. I wuz to be a house maid. De day she took me my mammy cried kaze she knew I would never be 'lowed to live at de cabin wid her no more Mis' Polly was big an' fat an' she made us niggers mind an' we had to keep clean. My dresses[Pg 249] an' aprons was starched stiff. I had a clean apron every day. We had white sheets on de beds an' we niggers had plenty to eat too, even ham. When Mis' Polly went to ride she took me in de carriage wid her. De driver set way up high an' me an' Mis' Polly set way down low. Dey was two hosses with shiney harness. I toted Mis' Polly's bag an' bundles, an' if she dropped her hank'chief I picked it up. I loved Mis' Polly an' loved stayin' at de big house.

I was kept at the big house to wait on Miss Polly, to carry her basket of keys and things like that. Whenever she saw a child down in the quarters that she wanted to raise, she would take them up to the big house and train them. I was meant to be a housemaid. The day she took me, my mom cried because she knew I would never be allowed to live in the cabin with her again. Miss Polly was big and plump, and she made us Black people behave, and we had to stay clean. My dresses[Pg 249] and aprons were starched stiff. I had a clean apron every day. We had white sheets on the beds, and we Black people had plenty to eat too, even ham. When Miss Polly went for a ride, she took me in the carriage with her. The driver sat way up high while Miss Polly and I sat way down low. There were two horses with shiny harnesses. I carried Miss Polly's bag and bundles, and if she dropped her handkerchief, I picked it up. I loved Miss Polly and loved staying at the big house.

I was 'bout wais' high when de sojers mustered. I went wid Mis' Polly down to de musterin' fiel' whare dey was marchin'. I can see dey feets now when dey flung dem up an' down, sayin', hep, hep. When dey was all ready to go an' fight, de women folks fixed a big dinner. Aunt Charity an' Pete cooked two or three days for Mis' Polly. De table was piled wid chicken, ham, shoat, barbecue, young lam', an'all sorts of pies, cakes an' things, but nobody eat nothin much. Mis' Polly an' de ladies got to cryin.' De vittles got cold. I was so sad dat I got over in de corner an' cried too. De men folks all had on dey new sojer clothes, an' dey didn' eat nothin neither. Young Marse Jim went up an' put his arm 'roun' Mis' Polly, his mammy, but dat made her cry harder. Marse Jim was a cavalry. He rode a big hoss, an' my Uncle Dave went wid him to de fiel' as his body guard. He had a hoss too so if Marse Jim's hoss got shot dare would be another one for him to ride. Mis' Polly had another son but he was too drunk to hold a gun. He stayed drunk.

I was about waist high when the soldiers gathered. I went with Miss Polly down to the muster field where they were marching. I can see their feet now as they stamped them up and down, saying, "hep, hep." When they were all set to go and fight, the women prepared a big dinner. Aunt Charity and Pete cooked for two or three days for Miss Polly. The table was piled with chicken, ham, pork, barbecue, lamb, and all sorts of pies, cakes, and other things, but nobody ate much. Miss Polly and the ladies started crying. The food got cold. I was so sad that I went to the corner and cried too. The men were all wearing their new soldier uniforms, and they didn’t eat anything either. Young Master Jim went up and put his arm around Miss Polly, his mom, but that made her cry even harder. Master Jim was in the cavalry. He rode a big horse, and my Uncle Dave went with him to the field as his bodyguard. He had a horse too, so if Master Jim's horse got shot, there would be another one for him to ride. Miss Polly had another son, but he was too drunk to hold a gun. He stayed drunk.

De first cannon I heard skeered me near 'bout to death. We could hear dem goin' boom, boom. I thought it was thunder, den[Pg 250] Mis Polly say, 'Lissen, Sarah, hear dem cannons? Dey's killin' our mens.' Den she 'gun to cry.

The first cannon I heard scared me nearly to death. We could hear them going boom, boom. I thought it was thunder, then[Pg 250] Miss Polly said, 'Listen, Sarah, hear those cannons? They’re killing our men.' Then she started to cry.

I run in de kitchen whare Aunt Charity was cookin an' tole her Mis' Polly was cryin. She said: 'She ain't cryin' kaze de Yankees killin' de mens; she's doin' all dat cryin' kaze she skeered we's goin' to be sot free.' Den I got mad an' tole her Mis' Polly wuzn' like dat.

I ran into the kitchen where Aunt Charity was cooking and told her that Miss Polly was crying. She said, "She isn't crying because the Yankees are killing the men; she's crying because she's scared we're going to be set free." Then I got angry and told her Miss Polly wasn't like that.

I 'members when Wheelers Cavalry come through. Dey was 'Federates but dey was mean as de Yankees. Dey stold everything dey could find an' killed a pile of niggers. Dey come 'roun' checkin'. Dey ax de niggahs if dey wanted to be free. If dey say yes, den dey shot dem down, but if dey say no, dey let dem alone. Dey took three of my uncles out in de woods an' shot dey faces off.

I remember when Wheelers Cavalry came through. They were Confederates, but they were just as mean as the Yankees. They stole everything they could find and killed a lot of Black people. They came around checking things out. They asked the Black people if they wanted to be free. If they said yes, then they shot them down, but if they said no, they left them alone. They took three of my uncles out into the woods and shot their faces off.

I 'members de first time de Yankees come. Dey come gallupin' down de road, jumpin' over de palin's, tromplin' down de rose bushes an' messin' up de flower beds. Dey stomped all over de house, in de kitchen, pantries, smoke house, an' everywhare, but dey didn' find much, kaze near 'bout everything done been hid. I was settin' on de steps when a big Yankee come up. He had on a cap an' his eyes was mean.

I remember the first time the Yankees came. They came galloping down the road, jumping over the fences, trampling the rose bushes, and messing up the flower beds. They stomped all over the house, in the kitchen, pantries, smokehouse, and everywhere, but they didn’t find much because almost everything had been hidden. I was sitting on the steps when a big Yankee approached. He was wearing a cap, and his eyes looked mean.

'Whare did dey hide do gol' an silver, Nigger?' he yelled at me.

'Where did they hide the gold and silver, Black?' he yelled at me.

I was skeered an my hands was ashy, but I tole him I didn' nothin' 'bout nothin; dat if anybody done hid things dey hid it while I was sleep.[Pg 251]

I was scared and my hands were ashy, but I told him I didn’t know anything; that if anyone hid stuff, they did it while I was asleep.[Pg 251]

'Go ax dat ole white headed devil,' he said to me.

'Go ask that old white-headed devil,' he said to me.

I got mad den kaze he was tawkin' 'bout Mis' Polly, so I didn' say nothin'. I jus' set. Den he pushed me off de step an' say if I didn' dance he gwine shoot my toes off. Skeered as I was, I sho done some shufflin'. Den he give me five dollers an' tole me to go buy jim cracks, but dat piece of paper won't no good. 'Twuzn nothin' but a shin plaster like all dat war money, you couldn' spend it.

I got angry because he was talking about Miss Polly, so I didn't say anything. I just sat there. Then he pushed me off the step and said if I didn't dance, he was going to shoot my toes off. As scared as I was, I definitely shuffled a bit. Then he gave me five dollars and told me to go buy some treats, but that piece of paper was no good. It was just a worthless note like all that war money; you couldn't spend it.

Dat Yankee kept callin' Mis' Polly a white headed devil an' said she done ramshacked 'til dey wuzn' nothin' left, but he made his mens tote off meat, flour, pigs, an' chickens. After dat Mis' Polly got mighty stingy wid de vittles an' de didn' have no more ham.

Dat Yankee kept calling Miss Polly a white-headed devil and said she had ransacked everything until there was nothing left, but he had his men haul away meat, flour, pigs, and chickens. After that, Miss Polly became really stingy with the food, and they didn't have any more ham.

When de war was over de Yankees was all 'roun' de place tellin' de niggers what to do. Dey tole dem dey was free, dat dey didn' have to slave for de white folks no more. My folks all left Marse Cain an' went to live in houses dat de Yankees built. Dey wuz like poor white folks houses, little shacks made out of sticks an' mud wid stick an' mud chimneys. Dey wuzn' like Marse Cain's cabins, planked up an' warm, dey was full of cracks, an' dey wuzn' no lamps an' oil. All de light come from de lightwood knots burnin' in de fireplace.

When the war was over, the Yankees were everywhere telling the black people what to do. They told them they were free, that they didn’t have to work for the white folks anymore. My family all left Marse Cain and moved into houses that the Yankees built. They were like poor white folks' houses, little shacks made of sticks and mud with stick and mud chimneys. They weren’t like Marse Cain's cabins, which were planked and warm; they were full of cracks, and there were no lamps or oil. All the light came from the lightwood knots burning in the fireplace.

One day my mammy come to de big house after me. I didn' want to go, I wanted to stay wid Mis' Polly. I 'gun to cry an' Mammy caught hold of me. I grabbed Mis' Polly an' held so tight dat I tore her skirt bindin' loose an' her skirt fell down 'bout[Pg 252] her feets.

One day my mom came to the big house to get me. I didn't want to go; I wanted to stay with Miss Polly. I started to cry, and Mom grabbed hold of me. I clung to Miss Polly so tightly that I tore her skirt's binding loose, and her skirt fell down around[Pg 252] her feet.

'Let her stay wid me,' Mis' Polly said to Mammy.

'Let her stay with me,' Miss Polly said to Mammy.

But Mammy shook her head. 'You took her away from me an' didn' pay no mind to my cryin', so now I'se takin' her back home. We's free now, Mis' Polly, we ain't gwine be slaves no more to nobody.' She dragged me away. I can see how Mis' Polly looked now. She didn' say nothin' but she looked hard at Mammy an' her face was white.

But Mom shook her head. "You took her away from me and didn't pay any attention to my crying, so now I’m taking her back home. We're free now, Miss Polly, we’re not going to be slaves to anyone anymore." She pulled me away. I can picture how Miss Polly looked now. She didn't say anything, but she stared hard at Mom and her face was pale.

Mammy took me to de stick an' mud house de Yankees done give her. It was smoky an' dark kaze dey wuzn' no windows. We didn' have no sheets an' no towels, so when I cried an' said I didn' want to live on no Yankee house, Mammy beat me an' made me go to bed. I laid on de straw tick lookin' up through de cracks in de roof. I could see de stars, an' de sky shinin' through de cracks looked like long blue splinters stretched 'cross de rafters. I lay dare an' cried kaze I wanted to go back to Mis' Polly.

Mom took me to the stick-and-mud house that the Yankees had given her. It was smoky and dark because there weren't any windows. We didn't have any sheets or towels, so when I cried and said I didn't want to live in a Yankee house, Mom punished me and made me go to bed. I lay on the straw mattress looking up through the cracks in the roof. I could see the stars, and the sky shining through the cracks looked like long blue splinters stretched across the rafters. I lay there and cried because I wanted to go back to Miss Polly.

I was never hungry til we waz free an' de Yankees fed us. We didn' have nothin to eat 'cept hard tack an' middlin' meat. I never saw such meat. It was thin an' tough wid a thick skin. You could boil it allday an' all night an' it wouldn' cook dome, I wouldn' eat it. I thought 'twuz mule meat; mules dat done been shot on de battle field den dried. I still believe 'twuz mule meat.

I was never hungry until we were free and the Yankees fed us. We didn’t have anything to eat except hardtack and mediocre meat. I had never seen such meat. It was thin and tough with a thick skin. You could boil it all day and all night and it wouldn’t cook through; I wouldn’t eat it. I thought it was mule meat; mules that had been shot on the battlefield and then dried. I still believe it was mule meat.

One day me an' my brother was lookin' for acorns in de woods. We foun' sumpin' like a grave in de woods. I tole Dave dey wuz sumpin' buried in dat moun'. We got de grubbin hoe an' dug. Dey wuz a box wid eleven hams in dat grave. Somebody done[Pg 253] hid it from de Yankees an' forgot whare dey buried it. We covered it back up kaze if we took it home in de day time de Yankees an' niggers would take it away from us. So when night come we slipped out an' toted dem hams to de house an' hid dem in de loft.

One day, my brother and I were looking for acorns in the woods. We found something that looked like a grave. I told Dave there was something buried in that mound. We got the hoe and started digging. There was a box with eleven hams in that grave. Somebody had hidden it from the Yankees and forgot where they buried it. We covered it back up because if we took it home during the day, the Yankees and Black people would take it away from us. So when night came, we sneaked out and carried the hams to the house and hid them in the attic.

Dem was bad days. I'd rather been a slave den to been hired out like I was, kaze I wuzn' no fiel' hand, I was a hand maid, trained to wait on de ladies. Den too, I was hungry most of de time an' had to keep fightin' off dem Yankee mens. Dem Yankees was mean folks.

Dem was bad days. I'd rather have been a slave than hired out like I was, because I wasn't any field hand; I was a maid, trained to serve the ladies. Even then, I was hungry most of the time and had to keep fighting off those Yankee men. Those Yankees were mean people.

We's come a long way since dem times. I'se lived near 'bout ninety years an' I'se seen an' heard much. My folks don't want me to talk 'bout slavery, day's shame niggers ever was slaves. But, while for most colored folks freedom is de bes, dey's still some niggers dat out to be slaves now. Dese niggers dat's done clean forgot de Lawd; dose dat's always cuttin' an' fightin' an' gwine in white folks houses at night, dey ought to be slaves. Dey ought to have an' Ole Marse wid a whip to make dem come when he say come, an' go when he say go, 'til dey learn to live right.

We've come a long way since those times. I've lived about ninety years and I've seen and heard a lot. My family doesn't want me to talk about slavery; they say it's a shame that Black people were ever enslaved. But, while for most Black folks freedom is the best thing, there are still some Black people who should be slaves now. These are the ones who have completely forgotten the Lord; those who are always arguing and fighting and sneaking into white people's houses at night, they ought to be slaves. They should have an Old Master with a whip to make them come when he says come, and go when he says go, until they learn to live properly.

I looks back now an' thinks. I ain't never forgot dem slavery days, an' I ain't never forgot Mis' Polly an' my white starched aprons.

I look back now and think. I've never forgotten those slavery days, and I've never forgotten Miss Polly and my white starched aprons.


[320147]
26
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:805
Subject:CHARLES W. DICKENS
Story Teller:Charles W. Dickens
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 11 1937"

CHARLES W. DICKENS

1115 East Lenoir Street

My name is Charles W. Dickens. I lives at 1115 East Lenoir Street, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wake County. I wuz born August 16, 1861, de year de war started. My mother wuz named Ferebee Dickens. My father wuz named John Dickens. I had nine sisters and brothers. My brothers were named Allen, Douglas, my name, Jake, Johnnie and Jonas. The girls Katie, Matilda Francis, and Emily Dickens.

My name is Charles W. Dickens. I live at 1115 East Lenoir Street, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wake County. I was born on August 16, 1861, the year the war started. My mother's name was Ferebee Dickens. My father's name was John Dickens. I had nine siblings. My brothers were named Allen, Douglas, my name, Jake, Johnnie, and Jonas. The girls were Katie, Matilda Francis, and Emily Dickens.

My grandmother wuz named Charity Dickens. My grandfather wuz Dudley T. Dickens. I do not know where dey came from. No, I don't think I do. My mother belonged to Washington Scarborough, and so did we chilluns. My father he belonged to Obediah Dickens and missus wuz named Silvia Dickens. Dey lowed mother to go by the name of my father after dey wuz married.

My grandmother was named Charity Dickens. My grandfather was Dudley T. Dickens. I don’t know where they came from. No, I don’t think I do. My mother belonged to Washington Scarborough, and so did we kids. My father belonged to Obediah Dickens, and his wife was named Silvia Dickens. They allowed my mother to use my father’s last name after they got married.

We lived in log houses and we had bunks in 'em. Master died, but I 'member missus wuz mighty good to us. We had tolerable fair food, and as fur as I know she wuz good to us in every way. We had good clothing made in a loom, that is de cloth wuz made in de loom. My father lived in Franklin County. My mother lived in Wake County. I 'member hearin' father talk about walkin' so fur to see us.[Pg 256] There wuz about one dozen slaves on de plantation. Dere were no hired overseers. Missus done her own bossing. I have heard my father speak about de patterollers, but I never seed none. I heard him say he could not leave the plantation without a strip o' something.

We lived in log cabins and had bunks in them. The master passed away, but I remember the missus was really good to us. We had decent food, and as far as I know, she treated us well in every way. We had good clothes made from loom-woven fabric. My father lived in Franklin County, and my mother lived in Wake County. I remember hearing my father talk about walking a long way to see us.[Pg 256] There were about a dozen slaves on the plantation. There were no hired overseers. The missus managed everything herself. I heard my father talk about the patrollers, but I never saw any. He said he couldn’t leave the plantation without some kind of permission.

No, sir, the white folks did not teach us to read and write. My mother and father, no sir, they didn't have any books of any kind. We went to white folk's church. My father split slats and made baskets to sell. He said his master let him have all de money he made sellin' de things he made. He learned a trade. He wuz a carpenter. One of the young masters got after father, so he told me, and he went under de house to keep him from whuppin' him. When missus come home she wouldn't let young master whup him. She jist wouldn't 'low it.

No, sir, the white people didn’t teach us to read and write. My parents, no sir, they didn’t have any books at all. We attended the white folks' church. My father made slats and crafted baskets to sell. He said his master allowed him to keep all the money he made from selling his creations. He learned a trade. He was a carpenter. One of the young masters got after my father, he told me, and he hid under the house to avoid getting beaten. When the missus came home, she wouldn’t let the young master hit him. She just wouldn’t allow it.

I 'members de Yankees comin' through. When mother heard they were comin', she took us chillun and carried us down into an ole field, and after that she carried us back to the house. Missus lived in a two-story house. We lived in a little log house in front of missus' house. My mother had a shoulder of meat and she hid it under a mattress in the house. When the Yankees lef, she looked for it; they had stole the meat and gone. Yes, they stole from us slaves. The road the Yankees wuz travellin' wuz as thick wid' em as your fingers. I 'member their blue clothes, their blue caps. De chickens they were carrying on their horses wuz[Pg 257] crowing. Dey wuz driving cows, hogs, and things. Yes sir, ahead of 'em they come first. The barns and lots were on one side de road dey were trabellin' on and de houses on de other. Atter many Yankees had passed dey put a bodyguard at de door of de great house, and didn't 'low no one to go in dere. I looked down at de Yankees and spit at 'em. Mother snatched me back, and said, 'Come back here chile, dey will kill you.'

I remember the Yankees coming through. When my mom heard they were coming, she took us kids and brought us down into an old field, and after that, she brought us back to the house. The lady lived in a two-story house. We lived in a little log house in front of her place. My mom had a shoulder of meat that she hid under a mattress in the house. When the Yankees left, she looked for it; they had stolen the meat and taken off. Yes, they stole from us slaves. The road the Yankees were traveling was as crowded with them as your fingers. I remember their blue uniforms, their blue caps. The chickens they were carrying on their horses were cawing. They were driving cows, hogs, and other stuff. Yes sir, they came first. The barns and fields were on one side of the road they were traveling on, and the houses were on the other. After many Yankees had passed, they put a bodyguard at the door of the big house and didn’t let anyone go in there. I looked down at the Yankees and spat at them. My mom pulled me back and said, 'Come back here, child, they will kill you.'

Dey carried de horses off de plantation and de meat from missus' smokehouse and buried it. My uncle, Louis Scarborough, stayed wid de horses. He is livin' yet, he is over a hundred years old. He lives down at Moores Mill, Wake County, near Youngsville. Before de surrender one of de boys and my uncle got to fightin', one of de Scarborough boys and him. My uncle threw him down. The young Master Scarborough jumped up, and got his knife and cut uncle's entrails out so uncle had to carry 'em to de house in his hands. About a year after de war my father carried us to Franklin County. He carried us on a steer cart. Dat's about all I 'member about de war.

They took the horses from the plantation and the meat from the mistress' smokehouse and buried it. My uncle, Louis Scarborough, stayed with the horses. He’s still alive and over a hundred years old. He lives down at Moores Mill in Wake County, near Youngsville. Before the surrender, one of the boys got into a fight with my uncle, one of the Scarborough boys. My uncle threw him down. The young Master Scarborough jumped up, got his knife, and cut my uncle's insides out, so my uncle had to carry them to the house in his hands. About a year after the war, my father took us to Franklin County. He transported us in a steer cart. That's about all I remember about the war.

Abraham Lincoln wuz de man who set us free. I think he wuz a mighty good man. He done so much for de colored race, but what he done was intended through de higher power. I don't think slavery wuz right.[Pg 258]

Abraham Lincoln was the man who set us free. I believe he was a truly great man. He did so much for the Black community, but what he achieved was meant to happen through a higher power. I don't think slavery was right.[Pg 258]

I think Mr. Roosevelt is a fine man, one of the best presidents in the world. I voted for him, and I would vote for him ag'in. He has done a lot for de people, and is still doin'. He got a lot of sympathy for 'em. Yas sir, a lot of sympathy for de people.

I believe Mr. Roosevelt is a great man, one of the best presidents in the world. I voted for him, and I would vote for him again. He has done a lot for the people, and he’s still doing it. He really cares about them. Yes, sir, he definitely has a lot of compassion for the people.

MM

MM


[320184]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:655
Subject:MARGARET E. DICKENS
Person Interviewed:Margaret E. Dickens
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

MARGARET E. DICKENS

1115 E. Lenoir St.

My name is Margaret E. Dickens and I was born on the 5th of June 1861. My mother wuz free born; her name wuz Mary Ann Hews, but my mother wuz colored. I don't remember anything about Marster and Missus. My father was named Henry Byrd. Here is some of father's writing. My mother's father was dark. He had no protection. If he did any work for a white man and the white man didn't like it, he could take him up and whup him. My father was like a stray dog.

My name is Margaret E. Dickens and I was born on June 5, 1861. My mother was free-born; her name was Mary Ann Hews, but my mother was Black. I don’t remember anything about Master and Mistress. My father was named Henry Byrd. Here’s some of my father’s writing. My mother’s father was dark-skinned. He had no protection. If he did any work for a white man and the white man didn’t like it, he could take him and beat him. My father was like a stray dog.

My name was Margaret E. Byrd before I got married. Here is some of father's writing—"Margaret Elvira Byrd the daughter of Henry and Mary Ann Byrd was born on the 5th June 1861." My grandfather, my mother's father was a cabinet maker. He made coffins and tables and furniture. If he made one, and it didn't suit the man he would beat him and kick him around and let him go. Dis was told to me. My father was a carpenter. He built houses.

My name was Margaret E. Byrd before I got married. Here’s some of my father’s writing—“Margaret Elvira Byrd, the daughter of Henry and Mary Ann Byrd, was born on June 5, 1861.” My grandfather, my mother’s father, was a cabinetmaker. He made coffins, tables, and furniture. If he made something that didn’t satisfy the customer, he would beat him up and kick him around before letting him go. I was told this. My father was a carpenter. He built houses.

I can read and write. My father could read and write. My mother could read, but couldn't write very much.

I can read and write. My dad could read and write. My mom could read, but she couldn't write very much.

I have heerd my mother say when she heerd the Yankees were commin' she had a brand new counterpane, my[Pg 261] father owned a place before he married my mother, the counterpane was a woolen woven counterpane. She took it off and hid it. The Yankees took anything they wanted, but failed to find it. We were living in Raleigh, at the time, on the very premises we are living on now. The old house has been torn down, but some of the wood is in this very house. I kin show you part of the old house now. My mother used to pass this place when she wuz a girl and she told me she never expected to live here. She was twenty years younger than my father. My mother, she lived here most of the time except twenty-four years she lived in the North. She died in 1916. My father bought the lan' in 1848 from a man named Henry Morgan. Here is the deed.[6]

I heard my mother say that when she found out the Yankees were coming, she had a brand new quilt that my father owned before he married her. It was a woolen woven quilt. She took it off and hid it. The Yankees took whatever they wanted but didn’t find it. At the time, we were living in Raleigh, in the same place we are now. The old house has been torn down, but some of the wood is in this very house. I can show you part of the old house now. My mother used to walk by this place when she was a girl, and she told me she never expected to live here. She was twenty years younger than my father. My mother lived here most of the time, except for the twenty-four years she spent in the North. She passed away in 1916. My father bought the land in 1848 from a man named Henry Morgan. Here is the deed.[6]

When we left Raleigh, and went North we first stopped in Cambridge, Mass. This was with my first husband. His name was Samuel E. Reynolds. He was a preacher. He had a church and preached there. The East winds were so strong and cold we couldn't stan' it. It was too cold for us. We then went to Providence, R. I. From there to Elmira, N. Y. From there we went to Brooklyn, N. Y. He preached in the State of New York; we finally came back South, and he died right here in this house. I like the North very well, [Pg 262]but there is nothing like home, the South. Another thing I don't have so many white kin folks up North. I don't like to be called Auntie by anyone, unless they admit bein' kin to me. I was not a fool when I went to the North, and it made no change in me. I was raised to respect everybody and I tries to keep it up. Some things in the North are all right, I like them, but I like the South better. Yes, I guess I like the South better. I was married to Charles W. Dickens in 1920. He is my second husband.

When we left Raleigh and headed North, our first stop was in Cambridge, Massachusetts. I was with my first husband, Samuel E. Reynolds, who was a preacher with his own church. The East winds were so strong and cold that we couldn't handle it; it was too chilly for us. Then we went to Providence, Rhode Island, and from there to Elmira, New York. After that, we moved on to Brooklyn, New York, where he preached in the State of New York. Eventually, we made our way back South, and he passed away right here in this house. I really like the North, [Pg 262] but nothing compares to home, which is the South. Also, I don't have as many white relatives up North. I don't like being called Auntie by anyone unless they acknowledge being related to me. I wasn't naive when I went to the North, and it didn't change me. I was raised to respect everyone, and I try to keep that up. Some things in the North are good; I enjoy them, but I prefer the South. Yes, I guess I like the South more. I married Charles W. Dickens in 1920. He’s my second husband.

I inherited this place from my father Henry Byrd. I like well water. There is my well, right out here in the yard. This well was dug here when they were building the first house here. I believe in havin' your own home, so I have held on to my home, and I am goin' to try to keep holdin' on to it.

I inherited this place from my dad, Henry Byrd. I really appreciate well water. There’s my well, right out in the yard. This well was dug when they were building the first house here. I believe in having your own home, so I’ve held on to mine, and I’m going to keep trying to hold on to it.

[6] An interesting feature of the deed is the fact that Henry Morgan made his mark while Henry Byrd's signature is his own.

[6] An interesting aspect of the deed is that Henry Morgan marked it with his symbol, whereas Henry Byrd signed it with his own name.


[320156]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1369
Subject:REV. SQUIRE DOWD
Story Teller:Rev. Squire Dowd
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"
HW: Minister—Fascinating
HW: The language isn’t bland; it’s very expressive and engaging.
[TR: The above comment is crossed out.]

REVEREND SQUIRE DOWD

202 Battle Street Raleigh, N.C.

My name is Squire Dowd, and I was born April 3, 1855. My mother's name was Jennie Dowd. My father's name was Elias Kennedy. My mother died in Georgia at the age of 70, and my father died in Moore County at the age of 82. I attended his funeral. My sister and her husband had carried my mother to Georgia, when my sister's husband went there to work in turpentine. My mother's husband was dead. She had married a man named Stewart. You could hardly keep up with your father during slavery time. It was a hard thing to do. There were few legal marriages. When a young man from one plantation courted a young girl on the plantation, the master married them, sometimes hardly knowing what he was saying.

My name is Squire Dowd, and I was born on April 3, 1855. My mother's name was Jennie Dowd. My father's name was Elias Kennedy. My mother passed away in Georgia at the age of 70, and my father died in Moore County at the age of 82. I attended his funeral. My sister and her husband took my mother to Georgia when her husband went there to work in turpentine. My mother's husband had already died. She married a man named Stewart. It was nearly impossible to keep track of your father during the time of slavery. It was a tough situation. There were few legal marriages. When a young man from one plantation courted a young girl on another plantation, the master would marry them, often without even knowing what he was saying.

My master was General W. D. Dowd. He lived three miles from Carthage, in Moore County, North Carolina. He owned fifty slaves. The conditions were good. I had only ten years' experience, but it was a good experience. No man is fool enough to buy slaves to kill. I have never known a real slave owner to abuse his slaves. The abuse was done by patterollers and overseers.[Pg 265]

My master was General W. D. Dowd. He lived three miles from Carthage, in Moore County, North Carolina. He owned fifty slaves. The conditions were good. I had only ten years of experience, but it was a positive experience. No one is foolish enough to buy slaves just to harm them. I have never seen a true slave owner mistreat their slaves. Abuse was carried out by patterollers and overseers.[Pg 265]

I have a conservative view of slavery. I taught school for four years and I have been in the ministry fifty years. I was ordained a Christian minister in 1885. I lived in Moore County until 1889, then I moved to Raleigh. I have feeling. I don't like for people to have a feeling that slaves are no more than dogs; I don't like that. It causes people to have the wrong idea of slavery. Here is John Bectom, a well, healthy friend of mine, 75 years of age. If we had been treated as some folks say, these big, healthy niggers would not be walking about in the South now. The great Negro leaders we have now would never have come out of it.

I have a traditional view of slavery. I taught school for four years and have been in the ministry for fifty years. I was ordained as a Christian minister in 1885. I lived in Moore County until 1889, then I moved to Raleigh. I have strong feelings about this. I don't like when people think of slaves as being no better than dogs; I find that unacceptable. It gives people a skewed understanding of slavery. Take John Bectom, a well-built, healthy friend of mine who is 75 years old. If we had been treated the way some claim, these strong, healthy Black individuals wouldn't be walking around in the South today. The prominent Black leaders we have now would never have emerged.

The places we lived in were called cabins. The Negroes who were thrifty had nice well-kept homes; and it is thus now. The thrifty of the colored race live well; the others who are indolent live in hovels which smell foul and are filthy.

The places we lived in were called cabins. The Black people who were hardworking had nice, well-kept homes; and it’s still that way now. The hardworking members of the Black community live well; those who are lazy live in run-down places that smell bad and are filthy.

Prayer meetings were held at night in the cabins of the slaves. On Sunday we went to the white folk's church. We sat in a barred-off place, in the back of the church or in a gallery.

Prayer meetings took place at night in the slaves' cabins. On Sundays, we attended the white people's church. We sat in a restricted area, at the back of the church or in the balcony.

We had a big time at cornshuckings. We had plenty of good things to eat, and plenty of whiskey and brandy to drink. These shuckings were held at night. We had a good time, and I never saw a fight at a cornshucking in life. If we could catch the master after the shucking[Pg 266] was over, we put him in a chair, we darkies, and toted him around and hollered, carried him into the parlor, set him down, and combed his hair. We only called the old master "master". We called his wife "missus." When the white children grew up we called them Mars. John, Miss Mary, etc.

We had a great time at corn huskings. There was a lot of good food to eat, and plenty of whiskey and brandy to drink. These huskings took place at night. We had a blast, and I never saw a fight at a corn husking in my life. If we could catch the master after the husking[Pg 266] was done, we, the blacks, would put him in a chair, carry him around, shout, and take him into the parlor, set him down, and comb his hair. We called the old master "master." We referred to his wife as "missus." When the white children grew up, we called them Mars. John, Miss Mary, and so on.

We had some money. We made baskets. On moonlight nights and holidays we cleared land; the master gave us what we made on the land. We had money.

We had some money. We made baskets. On moonlit nights and holidays, we cleared land; the owner gave us what we earned from the land. We had money.

The darkies also stole for deserters during the war. They paid us for it. I ate what I stole, such as sugar. I was not big enough to steal for the deserters. I was a house boy. I stole honey. I did not know I was free until five years after the war. I could not realize I was free. Many of us stayed right on. If we had not been ruined right after the war by carpetbaggers our race would have been, well,—better up by this time, because they turned us against our masters, when our masters had everything and we had nothing. The Freedmen's Bureau helped us some, but we finally had to go back to the plantation in order to live.

The Black people also provided support to deserters during the war, and they paid us for it. I took what I could, like sugar. I wasn’t old enough to steal for the deserters. I was a house boy. I stole honey. I didn’t realize I was free until five years after the war. I couldn’t understand my freedom. Many of us just stayed put. If we hadn’t been taken advantage of right after the war by carpetbaggers, our community would have been, well—better off by now, because they turned us against our former masters, who had everything while we had nothing. The Freedmen's Bureau helped us a bit, but in the end, we had to return to the plantation just to survive.

We got election days, Christmas, New Year, etc., as holidays. When we were slaves we had a week or more Christmas. The holidays lasted from Christmas Eve to after New Years. Sometimes we got passes. If our master[Pg 267] would not give them to us, the white boys we played with would give us one. We played cat, jumping, wrestling and marbles. We played for fun; we did not play for money. There were 500 acres on the plantation. We hunted a lot, and the fur of the animals we caught we sold and had the money. We were allowed to raise a few chickens and pigs, which we sold if we wanted to.

We had days off for elections, Christmas, New Year, and other holidays. Back when we were enslaved, we got a week or more for Christmas. The holidays stretched from Christmas Eve to just after New Year's. Sometimes we got passes. If our master[Pg 267] wouldn’t give them to us, the white boys we played with would help us out. We played games like tag, jumping, wrestling, and marbles. We played just for fun, not for money. The plantation was 500 acres big. We did a lot of hunting, and we sold the fur from the animals we caught to make some money. We were also allowed to raise a few chickens and pigs, which we could sell if we wanted.

The white folks rode to church and the darkies walked, as many of the poor white folks did. We looked upon the poor white folks as our equals. They mixed with us and helped us to envy our masters. They looked upon our masters as we did.

The white people rode to church while the Black people walked, just like many of the poor white folks did. We saw the poor white folks as our equals. They interacted with us and helped us envy our masters. They viewed our masters the same way we did.

Negro women having children by the masters was common. My relatives on my mother's side, who were Kellys are mixed blooded. They are partly white. We, the darkies and many of the whites hate that a situation like this exists. It is enough to say that seeing is believing. There were many and are now mixed blooded people among the race.

Negro women having children with their masters was common. My relatives on my mother's side, who are Kellys, are of mixed race. They have some white ancestry. We, the Black community, and many of the white people dislike that this situation exists. It's enough to say that seeing is believing. There have been and still are many mixed-race individuals in our community.

I was well clothed. Our clothes were made in looms. Shoes were made on the plantation. Distilleries were also located on the plantation. When they told me I was free, I did not notice it. I did not realize it till many years after when a man made a speech at Carthage,[Pg 268] telling us we were free.

I was dressed well. Our clothes were made on looms. Shoes were made on the plantation too. There were also distilleries on the plantation. When they told me I was free, I didn’t pay attention. I didn’t realize it until many years later when a man gave a speech at Carthage,[Pg 268] telling us we were free.

I did not like the Yankees. We were afraid of them. We had to be educated to love the Yankees, and to know that they freed us and were our friends. I feel that Abraham Lincoln was a father to us. We consider him thus because he freed us. The Freedmen's Bureau and carpet baggers caused us to envy our masters and the white folks. The Ku Klux Klan, when we pushed our rights, came in between us, and we did not know what to do. The Ku Klux were after the carpet baggers and the Negroes who followed them.

I didn't like the Yankees. We were scared of them. We had to be taught to love the Yankees and to understand that they freed us and were our allies. I feel that Abraham Lincoln was like a father to us. We see him that way because he liberated us. The Freedmen's Bureau and carpetbaggers made us envy our former masters and the white folks. The Ku Klux Klan stepped in when we tried to assert our rights, and we didn’t know how to respond. The Klan targeted the carpetbaggers and the Black people who supported them.

It was understood that white people were not to teach Negroes during slavery, but many of the whites taught the Negroes. The children of the white folks made us study. I could read and write when the war was up. They made me study books, generally a blue-back spelling book as punishment for mean things I done. My Missus, a young lady about 16 years old taught a Sunday School class of colored boys and girls. This Sunday School was held at a different time of day from the white folks. Sometimes old men and old women were in these classes. I remember once they asked Uncle Ben Pearson who was meekest man, 'Moses' he replied. 'Who was the wisest man?' 'Soloman', 'Who was the strongest man?' was then asked him. To this he said 'They say Bill[Pg 269] Medlin is the strongest, but Tom Shaw give him his hands full.' They were men of the community. Medlin was white, Shaw was colored.

It was understood that white people couldn't teach Black individuals during slavery, but many white people did teach them. The children of white families made us study. I could read and write by the time the war started. They made me go through books, usually a blue-back spelling book, as punishment for the bad things I did. My Missus, a young lady about 16 years old, taught a Sunday School class for Black boys and girls. This Sunday School was held at a different time than the one for white people. Sometimes older men and women attended these classes. I remember once they asked Uncle Ben Pearson who the meekest man was. He replied, 'Moses.' 'Who was the wisest man?' 'Solomon.' Then they asked him, 'Who was the strongest man?' He said, 'They say Bill[Pg 269] Medlin is the strongest, but Tom Shaw gives him a run for his money.' They were respected men in the community. Medlin was white; Shaw was Black.

I do not like the way they have messed up our songs with classical music. I like the songs, 'Roll Jordan Roll', 'Old Ship of Zion', 'Swing Low Sweet Chariot'. Classical singers ruin them, though.

I don't like how they've ruined our songs with classical music. I enjoy songs like 'Roll Jordan Roll,' 'Old Ship of Zion,' and 'Swing Low Sweet Chariot.' Classical singers just make them worse.

There was no use of our going to town of Saturday afternoon to buy our rations, so we worked Saturday afternoons. When we got sick the doctors treated us. Dr. J. D. Shaw, Dr. Bruce, and Dr. Turner. They were the first doctors I ever heard any tell of. They treated both whites and darkies on my master's plantation.

There was no point in us going to town on Saturday afternoon to get our supplies, so we worked on Saturday afternoons. When we got sick, the doctors treated us. Dr. J. D. Shaw, Dr. Bruce, and Dr. Turner. They were the first doctors I ever heard of. They treated both white people and Black people on my master's plantation.

I married a Matthews, Anna Matthews, August 1881. We have one daughter. Her name is Ella. She married George Cheatam of Henderson, N.C. A magistrate married us, Mr. Pitt Cameron. It was just a quiet wedding on Saturday night with about one-half dozen of my friends present.

I married Anna Matthews in August 1881. We have one daughter named Ella. She married George Cheatam from Henderson, N.C. A magistrate, Mr. Pitt Cameron, officiated our wedding. It was a simple ceremony on Saturday night with about six of my friends in attendance.

My idea of life is to forget the bad and live for the good there is in it. This is my motto.

My approach to life is to let go of the bad and focus on the good in it. This is my motto.

B. N.

B. N.


[320079]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:862
Subject:FANNIE DUNN
Story Teller:Fannie Dunn
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 17 1937"

FANNIE DUNN

222 Heck Street, Raleigh, N.C.

I don't 'zakly know my age, but I knows and 'members when de Yankees come through Wake County. I wus a little girl an' wus so skeered I run an hid under de bed. De Yankees stopped at de plantation an' along de road fur a rest. I 'members I had diphtheria an' a Yankee doctor come an' mopped my throat. Dey had to pull me outen under de bed so he could doctor me.

I don’t exactly know my age, but I remember when the Yankees came through Wake County. I was a little girl and was so scared that I ran and hid under the bed. The Yankees stopped at the plantation and along the road to take a break. I remember I had diphtheria and a Yankee doctor came and treated my throat. They had to pull me out from under the bed so he could help me.

One Yankee would come along an' give us sumptin' an another would come on behind him an' take it. Dats de way dey done. One give mother a mule an' when dey done gone she sold it. A Yankee give mother a ham of meat, another come right on behind him an' took it away from her. Dere shore wus a long line of dem Yankees. I can 'member seeing 'em march by same as it wus yisterday. I wus not old enough to work, but I 'members 'em. I don't know 'zackly but I wus 'bout five years old when de surrender wus.

One Yankee would come along and give us something, and then another would come right after and take it. That’s how it was. One gave my mom a mule, and when they were gone, she sold it. A Yankee gave my mom a ham, and another came right behind him and took it away from her. There sure was a long line of those Yankees. I can remember seeing them march by like it was yesterday. I wasn’t old enough to work, but I remember them. I don’t know exactly, but I was about five years old when the surrender happened.

My name before I wus married wus Fannie Sessoms an' mother wus named Della Sessoms. We belonged to Dr. Isaac Sessoms an' our missus wus named Hanna. My father wus named Perry Vick, after his marster who wus named Perry Vick. My missus died durin' de war an' marster never married anymore.

My name before I married was Fannie Sessoms and my mother's name was Della Sessoms. We were owned by Dr. Isaac Sessoms and our mistress was named Hanna. My father's name was Perry Vick, named after his master who was also named Perry Vick. My mistress died during the war and my master never remarried.

I don't 'member much 'bout missus but mother tole me she wus some good woman an' she loved her. Marster wus mighty good[Pg 272] to us an' didn't allow patterollers to whip us none. De slave houses wus warm and really dey wus good houses, an' didn't leak neither.

I don't remember much about her, but my mother told me she was a good woman and she loved her. The master was really good to us and didn't let patrollers whip us at all. The slave houses were warm, and actually, they were good houses that didn't leak either.

I don't 'member much 'bout my grandparents, just a little mother tole me 'bout 'em. Grandma 'longed to de Sessoms an' Dr. Isaac Sessoms brother wus mother's father. Mother tole me dat. Look at dat picture, mister, you see you can't tell her from a white woman. Dats my mother's picture. She wus as white as you wid long hair an' a face like a white woman. She been dead 'bout twenty years. My mother said dat we all fared good, but course we wore homemade clothes an' wooden bottomed shoes.

I don’t remember much about my grandparents, just a little that my mom told me. Grandma belonged to the Sessoms and Dr. Isaac Sessoms was my mother’s father. My mom told me that. Look at that picture, sir; you can’t tell her apart from a white woman. That’s my mom’s picture. She was as white as you, with long hair and a face like a white woman. She’s been gone for about twenty years. My mom said that we all did well, but of course, we wore homemade clothes and wooden-soled shoes.

We went to the white folks church at Red Oak an' Rocky Mount Missionary Baptist Churches. We were allowed to have prayer meetings at de slave houses, two an' three times a week. I 'members goin' to church 'bout last year of de war wid mother. I had a apple wid me an' I got hungry an' wanted to eat it in meetin' but mother jest looked at me an' touched my arm, dat wus enough. I didn't eat de apple. I can 'member how bad I wanted to eat it. Don't 'member much 'bout dat sermon, guess I put my mind on de apple too much.

We went to the white people's church at Red Oak and Rocky Mount Missionary Baptist Churches. We were allowed to have prayer meetings at the slave quarters two or three times a week. I remember going to church around the last year of the war with my mother. I had an apple with me, and I got hungry and wanted to eat it during the service, but my mother just looked at me and touched my arm; that was enough. I didn't eat the apple. I remember how badly I wanted to eat it. I don't remember much about that sermon; I guess I was focused on the apple too much.

Marster had about twenty slaves an' mother said dey had always been allowed to go to church an' have prayer meetings 'fore I wus born. Marster had both white an' colored overseers but he would not allow any of his overseers to bulldoze over his slaves too much. He would call a overseer down for bein' rough at de wrong time. Charles Sessoms wus one of marster's colored[Pg 273] overseers. He 'longed to marster, an' mother said marster always listened to what Charles said. Dey said marster had always favored him even 'fore he made him overseer. Charles Sessoms fell dead one day an' mother found him. She called Marster Sessoms an' he come an' jest cried. Mother said when Marster come he wus dead shore enough, dat marster jest boohooed an' went to de house, an' wouldn't look at him no more till dey started to take him to de grave. Everybody on de plantation went to his buryin' an' funeral an' some from de udder plantation dat joined ourn.

Marster had about twenty slaves, and my mother said they had always been allowed to go to church and have prayer meetings before I was born. Marster had both white and Black overseers, but he wouldn’t let any of them be too harsh with his slaves. He would call an overseer out for being rough at the wrong time. Charles Sessoms was one of Marster's Black[Pg 273] overseers. He belonged to Marster, and my mother said Marster always listened to what Charles said. They said Marster had always favored him even before he made him overseer. One day, Charles Sessoms suddenly dropped dead, and my mother found him. She called Marster Sessoms, and he came and just cried. My mother said by the time Marster got there, he was definitely dead; Marster just boohooed and went to the house, not wanting to look at him again until they started to take him to the grave. Everyone on the plantation went to his burial and funeral, along with some people from the neighboring plantation that joined ours.

I 'members but little 'bout my missus, but 'members one time she run me when I wus goin' home from de great house, an' she said, 'I am goin' to catch you, now I catch you'. She pickin' at me made me love her. When she died mother tole me 'bout her bein' dead an' took me to her buryin'. Next day I wanted to go an' get her up. I tole mother I wanted her to come home an' eat. Mother cried an' took me up in her arms, an' said, 'Honey missus will never eat here again.' I wus so young I didn't understand.

I don't remember much about my wife, but I do remember one time when she chased me while I was coming home from the big house, and she said, "I'm going to catch you, now I’ve caught you." The way she teased me made me love her. When she passed away, my mother told me about her being gone and took me to her burial. The next day, I wanted to go and bring her back. I told my mother I wanted her to come home and eat. My mother cried and picked me up in her arms, saying, "Sweetheart, your wife will never eat here again." I was so young I didn’t understand.

Dr. Sessoms an' also Dr. Drake, who married his daughter, doctored us when we wus sick. Dr. Joe Drake married marster's only daughter Harriet an' his only son David died in Mississippi. He had a plantation dere.

Dr. Sessoms and Dr. Drake, who married his daughter, took care of us when we were sick. Dr. Joe Drake married the master's only daughter, Harriet, and his only son, David, died in Mississippi. He had a plantation there.

I been married only once. I wus married forty years ago to Sidney Dunn. I had one chile, she's dead.[Pg 274]

I've only been married once. I got married forty years ago to Sidney Dunn. I had one child, but she's passed away.[Pg 274]

From what I knows of slavery an' what my mother tole me I can't say it wus a bad thing. Mister, I wants to tell de truth an' I can't say its bad 'cause my mother said she had a big time as a slave an' I knows I had a good time an' wus treated right.

From what I know about slavery and what my mother told me, I can't say it was a bad thing. Sir, I want to tell the truth and I can't say it's bad because my mother said she had a great time as a slave, and I know I had a good time and was treated well.

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[320187]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:382
Subject:JENNYLIN DUNN
Person Interviewed:Jennylin Dunn
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

JENNYLIN DUNN

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Jennylin Dunn 87, of 315 Bledsoe Avenue, Raleigh, N.C.

I wuz borned hyar in Wake County eighty-seben years ago. Me an' my folks an' bout six others belonged ter Mis' Betsy Lassiter who wuz right good ter us, do' she sho' did know dat chilluns needs a little brushin' now an' den.

I was born here in Wake County eighty-seven years ago. My family, along with about six others, belonged to Miss Betsy Lassiter, who was really good to us, although she definitely knew that kids need a little discipline now and then.

My papa wuz named Isaac, my mammy wuz named Liza, an' my sisters wuz named Lucy, Candice an' Harriet. Dar wuz one boy what died 'fore I can 'member an' I doan know his name.

My dad was named Isaac, my mom was named Liza, and my sisters were named Lucy, Candice, and Harriet. There was one boy who died before I can remember, and I don’t know his name.

We ain't played no games ner sung no songs, but we had fruit ter eat an' a heap of watermillions ter eat in de season.

We didn’t play any games or sing any songs, but we had fruit to eat and a lot of watermelons to eat in the season.

I seed seberal slabe sales on de block, front of de Raleigh Cou't house, an' yo' can't think how dese things stuck in my mind. A whole heap o' times I seed mammies sold from dere little babies, an' dar wuz no'min' den, as yo' knows.

I saw several slave sales on the block in front of the Raleigh Courthouse, and you can't imagine how these things stuck in my mind. Many times I saw mothers sold away from their little babies, and there was nothing anyone could do about it, as you know.

De patterollers wuz sumpin dat I wuz skeerd of. I know jist two o' 'em, Mr. Billy Allen Dunn an' Mr. Jim Ray, an' I'se hyard of some scandelous things dat dey done. Dey do say dat dey whupped some of de niggers scandelous.[Pg 277]

De patrols were something that I was scared of. I only know two of them, Mr. Billy Allen Dunn and Mr. Jim Ray, and I've heard some scandalous things that they did. They say that they beat some of the Black people scandalously.[Pg 277]

When dey hyard dat de Yankees wuz on dere way ter hyar dey says ter us dat dem Yankees eats little nigger youngins, an' we shore stays hid.

When they heard that the Yankees were on their way here, they told us that the Yankees eat little Black children, and we definitely stayed hidden.

I jist seed squeamishin' parties lookin' fer sumpin' ter eat, an' I'se hyard dat dey tuck ever'thing dey comes 'crost. A whole heap of it dey flunged away, an' atterwards dey got hongry too.

I just saw some people looking for something to eat, and I heard that they took everything they came across. A lot of it they threw away, and later they got hungry too.

One of 'em tried ter tell us dat our white folks stold us from our country an' brung us hyar, but since den I foun' out dat de Yankees stole us dereselves, an' den dey sold us ter our white folkses.

One of them tried to tell us that our white folks stole us from our country and brought us here, but since then I found out that the Yankees stole us themselves, and then they sold us to our white folks.

Atter de war my pappy an' mammy brung us ter Raleigh whar I'se been libin' since dat time. We got along putty good, an' de Yankees sont us some teachers, but most o' us wuz so busy scramblin' roun' makin' a livin' dat we ain't got no time fer no schools.

At the end of the war, my dad and mom brought us to Raleigh, where I've been living ever since. We were doing alright, and the Yankees sent us some teachers, but most of us were so busy running around trying to make a living that we didn't have any time for school.

I reckon dat hit wuz better dat de slaves wuz freed, but I still loves my white folkses, an' dey loves me.

I think it was better that the slaves were freed, but I still love my white people, and they love me.


[320125]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:1119
Subject:AUNT LUCY'S LOVE STORY
Person Interviewed:Lucy Ann Dunn
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 1 1937"

AUNT LUCY'S LOVE STORY

An interview with Lucy Ann Dunn, 90 years old, 220 Cannon Street, Raleigh, N.C.

My pappy, Dempsey, my mammy, Rachel an' my brothers an' sisters an' me all belonged ter Marse Peterson Dunn of Neuse, here in Wake County. Dar wus five of us chilluns, Allen, Charles, Corina, Madora an' me, all borned before de war.

My dad, Dempsey, my mom, Rachel, my brothers and sisters, and I all belonged to Mr. Peterson Dunn of Neuse, here in Wake County. There were five of us kids: Allen, Charles, Corina, Madora, and me, all born before the war.

My mammy wus de cook, an' fur back as I 'members almost, I wus a house girl. I fanned flies offen de table an' done a heap of little things fer Mis' Betsy, Marse Peterson's wife. My pappy worked on de farm, which wus boun' ter have been a big plantation wid two hundert an' more niggers ter work hit.

My mom was the cook, and as far back as I can remember, I was a house girl. I fanned flies off the table and did a lot of little things for Mrs. Betsy, Mr. Peterson's wife. My dad worked on the farm, which was probably a big plantation with two hundred or more black workers.

I 'members when word come dat war wus declared, how Mis' Betsy cried an' prayed an' how Marse Peter quarreled an' walked de floor cussin' de Yankees.

I remember when the news came that war was declared, how Miss Betsy cried and prayed, and how Master Peter argued and paced the floor cursing the Yankees.

De war comes on jist de same an' some of de men slaves wus sent ter Roanoke ter hep buil' de fort. Yes mam, de war comes ter de great house an' ter de slave cabins jist alike.

De war comes on just the same and some of the men slaves were sent to Roanoke to help build the fort. Yes ma'am, the war comes to the great house and to the slave cabins just alike.

De great house wus large an' white washed, wid green blinds an' de slave cabins wus made of slabs wid plank floors. We had plenty ter eat an' enough ter wear an' we wus happy. We had our fun an' we had our troubles, lak little whuppin's, when we warn't good, but dat warn't often.[Pg 280]

The big house was large and whitewashed, with green shutters and the slave cabins were made of slabs with plank floors. We had plenty to eat and enough to wear, and we were happy. We had our fun and we had our troubles, like little spankings when we weren't good, but that wasn't often.[Pg 280]

Atter so long a time de rich folkses tried ter hire, er make de po' white trash go in dere places, but some of dem won't go. Dey am treated so bad dat some of dem cides ter be Ku Kluxes an' dey goes ter de woods ter live. When we starts ter take up de aigs er starts from de spring house wid de butter an' milk dey grabs us an' takes de food fer dereselbes.

Atter so long a time, the rich people tried to hire, or make the poor white trash go in their place, but some of them won't go. They are treated so badly that some of them decide to join the Ku Klux Klan and go live in the woods. When we start to take the eggs or come from the spring house with the butter and milk, they grab us and take the food for themselves.

Dis goes on fer a long time an' finally one day in de spring I sets on de porch an' I hear a roar. I wus 'sponsible fer de goslins dem days so I sez ter de missus, 'I reckin dat I better git in de goslins case I hear hit a-thunderin'.

Dis goes on for a long time, and finally one day in the spring, I sit on the porch and hear a roar. I was responsible for the goslings those days, so I say to the missus, "I think I better get to the goslings because I hear it thundering."

'Dat ain't no thunder, nigger, dat am de canon', she sez.

'That ain't thunder, black, that's the cannon,' she says.

'What canon', I axes?

'What canon?' I asked.

'Why de canon what dey am fightin' wid', she sez.

'Why do they fight with the cannon?' she says.

Well dat ebenin' I is out gittin' up de goslins when I hears music, I looks up de road an' I sees flags, an' 'bout dat time de Yankees am dar a-killin' as dey goes. Dey kills de geese, de ducks, de chickens, pigs an' ever'thing. Dey goes ter de house an' dey takes all of de meat, de meal, an' ever'thing dey can git dere paws on.

Well, that evening I was out rounding up the goslings when I heard music. I looked up the road and saw flags, and just then the Yankees showed up, killing as they went. They killed the geese, the ducks, the chickens, pigs, and everything. They went to the house and took all the meat, the flour, and everything they could get their hands on.

When dey goes ter de kitchen whar mammy am cookin' she cuss dem out an' run dem outen her kitchen. Dey shore am a rough lot.

When they go to the kitchen where mom is cooking, she curses them out and chases them out of her kitchen. They are definitely a rough crowd.

I aint never fergot how Mis' Betsy cried when de news of de surrender come. She aint said nothin' but Marse Peter he[Pg 281] makes a speech sayin' dat he aint had ter sell none of us, dat he aint whupped none of us bad, dat nobody has ever run away from him yet. Den he tells us dat all who wants to can stay right on fer wages.

I will never forget how Miss Betsy cried when the news of the surrender came. She didn't say anything, but Mr. Peter made a speech saying that he didn’t have to sell any of us, that he didn’t mistreat any of us, and that nobody had ever run away from him. Then he told us that anyone who wanted to could stay on for wages.

Well we stayed two years, even do my pappy died de year atter de surrender, den we moves ter Marse Peter's other place at Wake Forest. Atter dat we moves back ter Neuse.

Well, we stayed for two years, even though my dad died the year after the surrender, then we moved to Mr. Peter's other place at Wake Forest. After that, we moved back to Neuse.

Hit wus in de little Baptist church at Neuse whar I fust seed big black Jim Dunn an' I fell in love wid him den, I reckons. He said dat he loved me den too, but hit wus three Sundays 'fore he axed ter see me home.

Hit was in the little Baptist church at Neuse where I first saw big black Jim Dunn, and I fell in love with him then, I guess. He said that he loved me then too, but it was three Sundays before he asked to walk me home.

We walked dat mile home in front of my mammy an' I wus so happy dat I aint thought hit a half a mile home. We et cornbread an' turnips fer dinner an' hit wus night 'fore he went home. Mammy wouldn't let me walk wid him ter de gate. I knowed, so I jist sot dar on de porch an' sez good night.

We walked that mile home in front of my mom, and I was so happy that I didn't even think it was half a mile. We had cornbread and turnips for dinner, and it was night before he went home. Mom wouldn’t let me walk with him to the gate. I knew that, so I just sat there on the porch and said goodnight.

He come ever' Sunday fer a year an' finally he proposed. I had told mammy dat I thought dat I ort ter be allowed ter walk ter de gate wid Jim an' she said all right iffen she wus settin' dar on de porch lookin'.

He came every Sunday for a year and finally proposed. I had told Mom that I thought I should be allowed to walk to the gate with Jim, and she said it was fine as long as she was sitting there on the porch watching.

Dat Sunday night I did walk wid Jim ter de gate an' stood under de honeysuckles dat wus a-smellin' so sweet. I heard de big ole bullfrogs a-croakin' by de riber an' de whipper-wills a-hollerin' in de woods. Dar wus a big yaller[Pg 282] moon, an' I reckon Jim did love me. Anyhow he said so an' axed me ter marry him an' he squeezed my han'.

That Sunday night, I walked with Jim to the gate and stood under the honeysuckles that smelled so sweet. I heard the big old bullfrogs croaking by the river and the whip-poor-wills calling in the woods. There was a big yellow[Pg 282] moon, and I think Jim really loved me. Anyway, he said so and asked me to marry him while he squeezed my hand.

I tol' him I'd think hit ober an' I did an' de nex' Sunday I tol' him dat I'd have him.

I told him I'd think it over, and I did, and the next Sunday I told him that I'd have him.

He aint kissed me yet but de nex' Sunday he axes my mammy fer me. She sez dat she'll have ter have a talk wid me an' let him know.

He hasn't kissed me yet, but next Sunday he asks my mom for me. She says that she'll need to have a talk with me and let him know.

Well all dat week she talks ter me, tellin' me how serious gittin' married is an' dat hit lasts a powerful long time.

Well, all that week she talked to me, telling me how serious getting married is and that it lasts a really long time.

I tells her dat I knows hit but dat I am ready ter try hit an' dat I intends ter make a go of hit, anyhow.

I tell her that I know it but that I am ready to try it and that I intend to make a go of it, anyway.

On Sunday night mammy tells Jim dat he can have me an' yo' orter seed dat black boy grin. He comes ter me widout a word an' he picks me up outen dat cheer an' dar in de moonlight he kisses me right 'fore my mammy who am a-cryin'.

On Sunday night, Mom tells Jim that he can have me, and you should've seen that black boy smile. He comes over to me without saying a word, picks me up out of that chair, and right there in the moonlight, he kisses me right in front of my mom, who is crying.

De nex' Sunday we wus married in de Baptist church at Neuse. I had a new white dress, do times wus hard.

De next Sunday we were married in the Baptist church at Neuse. I had a new white dress, though times were hard.

We lived tergether fifty-five years an' we always loved each other. He aint never whup ner cuss me an' do we had our fusses an' our troubles we trusted in de Lawd an' we got through. I loved him durin' life an' I love him now, do he's been daid now fer twelve years.

We lived together for fifty-five years and we always loved each other. He never hit or cursed me, and even though we had our fights and our struggles, we trusted in the Lord and got through it. I loved him during his life and I love him now, even though he's been gone for twelve years.

The old lady with her long white hair bowed her head and sobbed for a moment then she began again unsteadily.[Pg 283]

The elderly woman with her long white hair hung her head and cried for a moment, then she started again, her voice shaky.[Pg 283]

We had eight chilluns, but only four of dem are livin' now. De livin' are James, Sidney, Helen an' Florence who wus named fer Florence Nightingale.

We had eight kids, but only four of them are alive now. The living ones are James, Sidney, Helen, and Florence, who was named after Florence Nightingale.

I can't be here so much longer now case I'se gittin' too old an' feeble an' I wants ter go ter Jim anyhow. The old woman wiped her eyes, 'I thinks of him all de time, but seems lak we're young agin when I smell honeysuckles er see a yaller moon.

I can't stay here much longer since I'm getting too old and weak, and I want to go see Jim anyway. The old woman wiped her eyes, "I think about him all the time, but it feels like we're young again when I smell honeysuckles or see a yellow moon."

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[320271]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
Subject:Tempie Herdon Durham
Ex-Slave 103 Years Old
1312 Pine St., Durham, N.C.
Date Stamp:"AUG 23 1937"

TEMPIE HERNDON DURHAM

EX-SLAVE 103 YEARS OLD
1312 PINE ST., DURHAM, N.C.

I was thirty-one years ole when de surrender come. Dat makes me sho nuff ole. Near 'bout a hundred an' three years done passed over dis here white head of mine. I'se been here, I mean I'se been here. 'Spects I'se de olest nigger in Durham. I'se been here so long dat I done forgot near 'bout as much as dese here new generation niggers knows or ever gwine know.

I was thirty-one years old when the surrender happened. That makes me really old. Almost a hundred and three years have passed over this white head of mine. I've been here, I mean I’ve been here. I think I’m the oldest Black person in Durham. I’ve been here so long that I’ve forgotten nearly as much as what these new generation Black people know or will ever know.

My white fo'ks lived in Chatham County. Dey was Marse George an' Mis' Betsy Herndon. Mis Betsy was a Snipes befo' she married Marse George. Dey had a big plantation an' raised cawn, wheat, cotton an' 'bacca. I don't know how many field niggers Marse George had, but he had a mess of dem, an' he had hosses too, an' cows, hogs an' sheeps. He raised sheeps an' sold de wool, an' dey used de wool at de big house too. Dey was a big weavin' room whare de blankets was wove, an' dey wove de cloth for de winter clothes too. Linda Hernton an' Milla Edwards was de head weavers, dey looked after de weavin' of de fancy blankets. Mis' Betsy was a good weaver too. She weave de same as de niggers. She say she love de clackin' soun' of de loom, an' de way de shuttles run in an' out carryin' a long tail of bright colored thread. Some days she set at de loom all de mawnin' peddlin' wid her feets an' her white han's flittin' over de bobbins.[Pg 286]

My white folks lived in Chatham County. They were Mr. George and Mrs. Betsy Herndon. Mrs. Betsy was a Snipes before she married Mr. George. They had a large plantation and grew corn, wheat, cotton, and tobacco. I don't know how many field hands Mr. George had, but he had a lot of them, and he had horses too, along with cows, pigs, and sheep. He raised sheep and sold the wool, and they used the wool in the big house as well. There was a large weaving room where the blankets were woven, and they also wove the cloth for winter clothes. Linda Hernton and Milla Edwards were the head weavers; they oversaw the weaving of the fancy blankets. Mrs. Betsy was a good weaver too. She wove just like the black folks. She said she loved the clacking sound of the loom and the way the shuttles ran in and out, carrying long strands of brightly colored thread. Some days she would sit at the loom all morning, working with her feet while her white hands fluttered over the bobbins.[Pg 286]

De cardin' an' spinnin' room was full of niggers. I can hear dem spinnin' wheels now turnin' roun' an' sayin' hum-m-m-m, hum-m-m-m, an' hear de slaves singin' while dey spin. Mammy Rachel stayed in de dyein' room. Dey wuzn' nothin' she didn' know' bout dyein'. She knew every kind of root, bark, leaf an' berry dat made red, blue, green, or whatever color she wanted. Dey had a big shelter whare de dye pots set over de coals. Mammy Rachel would fill de pots wid water, den she put in de roots, bark an' stuff an' boil de juice out, den she strain it an'put in de salt an' vinegar to set de color. After de wool an' cotton done been carded an' spun to thread, Mammy take de hanks an' drap dem in de pot of bollin' dye. She stir dem' roun' an' lif' dem up an' down wid a stick, an' when she hang dem up on de line in de sun, dey was every color of de rainbow. When dey dripped dry dey was sent to de weavin' room whare dey was wove in blankets an' things.

The carding and spinning room was filled with Black people. I can still hear the spinning wheels turning and saying hum-m-m-m, hum-m-m-m, and I can hear the slaves singing while they spun. Mammy Rachel stayed in the dyeing room. There wasn’t anything she didn’t know about dyeing. She knew every type of root, bark, leaf, and berry that made red, blue, green, or whatever color she wanted. They had a big shelter where the dye pots were set over the coals. Mammy Rachel would fill the pots with water, then she would add the roots, bark, and other materials to boil the juice out, then she would strain it and add salt and vinegar to set the color. After the wool and cotton had been carded and spun into thread, Mammy would take the hanks and dip them in the pot of boiling dye. She would stir them around and lift them up and down with a stick, and when she hung them out on the line in the sun, they were every color of the rainbow. Once they dripped dry, they were sent to the weaving room where they were woven into blankets and other things.

When I growed up I married Exter Durham. He belonged to Marse Snipes Durham who had de plantation 'cross de county line in Orange County. We had a big weddin'. We was married on de front po'ch of de big house. Marse George killed a shoat an' Mis' Betsy had Georgianna, de cook, to bake a big weddin' cake all iced up white as snow wid a bride an' groom standin' in de middle holdin' han's. De table was set out in de yard under de trees, an' you ain't never seed de like of eats. All de niggers come to de feas' an' Marse George had a dram for everybody. Dat[Pg 287] was some weddin'. I had on a white dress, white shoes an' long white gloves dat come to my elbow, an' Mis' Betsy done made me a weddin' veil out of a white net window curtain. When she played de weddin ma'ch on de piano, me an' Exter ma'ched down de walk an' up on de po'ch to de altar Mis' Betsy done fixed. Dat de pretties' altar I ever seed. Back 'gainst de rose vine dat was full or red roses, Mis' Betsy done put tables filled wid flowers an' white candles. She done spread down a bed sheet, a sho nuff linen sheet, for us to stan' on, an' dey was a white pillow to kneel down on. Exter done made me a weddin' ring. He made it out of a big red button wid his pocket knife. He done cut it so roun' an' polished it so smooth dat it looked like a red satin ribbon tide 'roun' my finger. Dat sho was a pretty ring. I wore it 'bout fifty years, den it got so thin dat I lost it one day in de wash tub when I was washin' clothes.

When I grew up, I married Exter Durham. He was part of Marse Snipes Durham, who owned the plantation across the county line in Orange County. We had a big wedding. We got married on the front porch of the big house. Marse George killed a pig, and Mis' Betsy had Georgianna, the cook, bake a large wedding cake, all iced white as snow with a bride and groom standing in the middle holding hands. The table was set out in the yard under the trees, and you’ve never seen anything like the food. All the Black folks came to the feast, and Marse George had a drink for everyone. That was some wedding. I wore a white dress, white shoes, and long white gloves that came to my elbows, and Mis' Betsy made me a wedding veil out of a white net window curtain. When she played the wedding march on the piano, Exter and I walked down the path and up onto the porch to the altar that Mis' Betsy had set up. That was the prettiest altar I ever saw. Back against the rose vine that was full of red roses, Mis' Betsy had placed tables filled with flowers and white candles. She spread out a real linen sheet for us to stand on, and there was a white pillow to kneel on. Exter made me a wedding ring. He crafted it from a big red button using his pocket knife. He shaped it so round and polished it so smooth that it looked like a red satin ribbon tied around my finger. That was sure a pretty ring. I wore it for about fifty years, then it got so thin that I lost it one day in the wash tub while I was doing laundry.

Uncle Edmond Kirby married us. He was de nigger preacher dat preached at de plantation church. After Uncle Edmond said de las' words over me an' Exter, Marse George got to have his little fun: He say, 'Come on, Exter, you an' Tempie got to jump over de broom stick backwards; you got to do dat to see which one gwine be boss of your househol'.' Everybody come stan' 'roun to watch. Marse George hold de broom 'bout a foot high off de floor. De one dat jump over it backwards an' never touch de handle, gwine boss de house, an' if bof of dem jump over widout touchin' it, dey won't gwine be no bossin', dey jus'[Pg 288] gwine be 'genial. I jumped fus', an' you ought to seed me. I sailed right over dat broom stick same as a cricket, but when Exter jump he done had a big dram an' his feets was so big an' clumsy dat dey got all tangled up in dat broom an' he fell head long. Marse George he laugh an' laugh, an' tole Exter he gwine be bossed 'twell he skeered to speak less'n I tole him to speak. After de weddin' we went down to de cabin Mis' Betsy done all dressed up, but Exter couldn' stay no longer den dat night kaze he belonged to Marse Snipes Durham an' he had to back home. He lef' de nex day for his plantation, but he come back every Saturday night an' stay 'twell Sunday night. We had eleven chillun. Nine was bawn befo' surrender an' two after we was set free. So I had two chillun dat wuzn' bawn in bondage. I was worth a heap to Marse George kaze I had so manny chillun. De more chillun a slave had de more dey was worth. Lucy Carter was de only nigger on de plantation dat had more chillun den I had. She had twelve, but her chillun was sickly an' mine was muley strong an' healthy. Dey never was sick.

Uncle Edmond Kirby married us. He was the Black preacher who preached at the plantation church. After Uncle Edmond said the last words over me and Exter, Marse George had his little fun: He said, "Come on, Exter, you and Tempie have to jump over the broomstick backward; you have to do that to see who will be in charge of your household." Everyone gathered around to watch. Marse George held the broom about a foot off the floor. The one who jumped over it backward and didn’t touch the handle would be in charge of the house, and if both of them jumped over without touching it, there wouldn't be any bossing; they would just be friendly. I jumped first, and you should have seen me. I sailed right over that broomstick like a cricket, but when Exter jumped, he had a big drink and his feet were so big and clumsy that they got all tangled up in that broom and he fell headlong. Marse George laughed and laughed and told Exter he would be bossed until he was scared to speak unless I told him to. After the wedding, we went down to the cabin where Miss Betsy had everything all dressed up, but Exter couldn’t stay longer than that night because he belonged to Marse Snipes Durham and he had to go back home. He left the next day for his plantation, but he came back every Saturday night and stayed until Sunday night. We had eleven kids. Nine were born before surrender and two after we were set free. So I had two kids who weren't born in bondage. I was worth a lot to Marse George because I had so many children. The more children a slave had, the more they were worth. Lucy Carter was the only Black person on the plantation who had more children than I did. She had twelve, but her children were sickly and mine were strong and healthy. They were never sick.

When de war come Marse George was too ole to go, but young Marse Bill went. He went an' took my brother Sim wid him. Marse Bill took Sim along to look after his hoss an' everything. Dey didn' neither one get shot, but Mis' Betsy was skeered near 'bout to death all de time, skeered dey was gwine be brung home shot all to pieces like some of de sojers was.

When the war started, Mr. George was too old to go, but young Mr. Bill went. He took my brother Sim with him. Mr. Bill brought Sim along to take care of his horse and everything. Neither of them got shot, but Mrs. Betsy was scared nearly to death the whole time, worried they would come home all shot up like some of the soldiers did.

De Yankees wuzn' so bad. De mos' dey wanted was sumpin' to[Pg 289] eat. Dey was all de time hungry, de fus' thing dey ax for when dey came was sumpin' to put in dey stomach. An' chicken! I ain' never seed even a preacher eat chicken like dem Yankees. I believes to my soul dey ain' never seed no chicken 'twell dey come down here. An' hot biscuit too. I seed a passel of dem eat up a whole sack of flour one night for supper. Georgianna sif' flour 'twell she look white an' dusty as a miller. Dem sojers didn' turn down no ham neither. Dat de onlies' thing dey took from Marse George. Dey went in de smoke house an' toted off de hams an' shoulders. Marse George say he come off mighty light if dat all dey want, 'sides he got plenty of shoats anyhow.

The Yankees weren’t so bad. All they wanted was something to[Pg 289] eat. They were always hungry; the first thing they asked for when they showed up was something to fill their stomachs. And chicken! I’ve never seen anyone eat chicken like those Yankees, not even a preacher. I believe to my core they had never seen chicken until they came down here. And hot biscuits too. I saw a whole bunch of them devour a whole sack of flour one night for dinner. Georgianna sifted flour until she looked as white and dusty as a miller. Those soldiers didn’t turn down any ham either. That was the only thing they took from Marse George. They went into the smokehouse and carried off the hams and shoulders. Marse George said he came out pretty light if that’s all they wanted, besides, he had plenty of shoats anyway.

We had all de eats we wanted while de war was shootin' dem guns, kaze Marse George was home an' he kep' de niggers workin'. We had chickens, gooses, meat, peas, flour, meal, potatoes an' things like dat all de time, an' milk an' butter too, but we didn' have no sugar an' coffee. We used groun' pa'ched cawn for coffee an' cane 'lasses for sweetnin'. Dat wuzn' so bad wid a heap of thick cream. Anyhow, we had enough to eat to 'vide wid de neighbors dat didn' have none when surrender come.

We had all the food we wanted while the war was going on because Marse George was home and kept the Black people working. We had chickens, geese, meat, peas, flour, cornmeal, potatoes, and things like that all the time, plus milk and butter too, but we didn't have any sugar or coffee. We used ground roasted corn for coffee and molasses for sweetness. That wasn’t so bad with a lot of thick cream. Anyway, we had enough to eat to share with the neighbors who didn’t have any when the surrender came.

I was glad when de war stopped kaze den me an' Exter could be together all de time 'stead of Saturday an' Sunday. After we was free we lived right on at Marse George's plantation a long time. We rented de lan' for a fo'th of what we made, den after while be bought a farm. We paid three hundred dollars we done saved. We had a hoss, a steer, a cow an' two pigs, 'sides some[Pg 290] chickens an' fo' geese. Mis' Betsy went up in de attic an' give us a bed an' bed tick; she give us enough goose feathers to make two pillows, den she give us a table an' some chairs. She give us some dishes too. Marse George give Exter a bushel of seed cawn an some seed wheat, den he tole him to go down to de barn an' get a bag of cotton seed. We got all dis den we hitched up de wagon an' th'owed in de passel of chillun an' moved to our new farm, an' de chillun was put to work in de fiel'; dey growed up in de fiel' kaze dey was put to work time dey could walk good.

I was happy when the war ended because then Exter and I could be together all the time instead of just on Saturdays and Sundays. After we were free, we stayed at Marse George's plantation for a long time. We rented the land for a quarter of what we made, and then after a while, we bought a farm. We paid three hundred dollars that we had saved. We had a horse, a steer, a cow, and two pigs, along with some[Pg 290] chickens and four geese. Miss Betsy went up to the attic and gave us a bed and mattress; she gave us enough goose feathers to make two pillows, and then she gave us a table and some chairs. She also gave us some dishes. Marse George gave Exter a bushel of cornseed and some wheat seed, then he told him to go down to the barn and get a bag of cottonseed. We got all this and then hitched up the wagon, loaded in the bunch of kids, and moved to our new farm. The kids were put to work in the fields; they grew up in the fields because they started working as soon as they could walk well.

Freedom is all right, but de niggers was better off befo' surrender, kaze den dey was looked after an' dey didn' get in no trouble fightin' an' killin' like dey do dese days. If a nigger cut up an' got sassy in slavery times, his Ole Marse give him a good whippin' an' he went way back an' set down an' 'haved hese'f. If he was sick, Marse an' Mistis looked after him, an' if he needed store medicine, it was bought an' give to him; he didn' have to pay nothin'. Dey didn' even have to think' bout clothes nor nothin' like dat, dey was wove an' made an' give to dem. Maybe everybody's Marse an' Mistis wuzn' good as Marse George an' Mis' Betsy, but dey was de same as a mammy an' pappy to us niggers.

Freedom is fine, but black people were better off before surrender, because back then they were taken care of and didn't get into trouble fighting and killing like they do these days. If a black person acted out and got rude during slavery, their master would give them a good whipping, and they would go back and behave themselves. If they were sick, the master and mistress would take care of them, and if they needed medicine from the store, it was bought and given to them; they didn’t have to pay anything. They didn’t even have to worry about clothes or anything like that; they were made and given to them. Maybe everyone’s master and mistress weren’t as good as Master George and Mistress Betsy, but they were like a mother and father to us black people.


[320160]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:466
Subject:EX-SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:George Eatman
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

EX-SLAVE STORY

An Interview on May 18, 1937 with George Eatman, 93, of Cary, R. #1.

I belonged ter Mr. Gus Eatman who lived at de ole Templeton place on de Durham highway back as fer as I can 'member. I doan r'member my mammy an' pappy case dey wuz sold 'fore I knowed anything. I raised myself an' I reckon dat I done a fair job uv it. De marster an' missus wuz good to dere twenty-five slaves an' we ain't neber got no bad whuppin's.

I belonged to Mr. Gus Eatman, who lived at the old Templeton place on the Durham highway for as long as I can remember. I don't remember my mom and dad because they were sold before I knew anything. I raised myself, and I guess I did a decent job of it. The master and mistress were good to their twenty-five slaves, and we never got any harsh beatings.

I doan 'member much playin' an' such like, but I de 'members dat I wuz de handy boy 'round de house.

I don't remember much about playing and stuff like that, but I remember that I was the handy boy around the house.

De Confederate soldiers camp at Ephesus Church one night, an' de nex' day de marster sent me ter de mill on Crabtree. Yo' 'members where ole Company mill is, I reckon? Well, as I rode de mule down de hill, out comes Wheeler's Calvalry, which am as mean as de Yankees, an' dey ax me lots uv questions. Atter awhile dey rides on an' leaves me 'lone.

De Confederate soldiers camp at Ephesus Church one night, and the next day the master sent me to the mill on Crabtree. You remember where the old Company mill is, right? Well, as I rode the mule down the hill, out comes Wheeler's Cavalry, who are as tough as the Yankees, and they ask me a lot of questions. After a while, they ride on and leave me alone.

While I am at de mill one uv Wheeler's men takes my mule an' my co'n, an' I takes de ole saddle an' starts[Pg 293] ter walkin' back home. All de way, most, I walks in de woods, case Wheeler's men am still passin'.

While I'm at the mill, one of Wheeler's men takes my mule and my corn, so I grab the old saddle and start walking back home. Most of the way, I walk through the woods since Wheeler's men are still passing by.

When I gits ter de Morgan place I hyars de cannons a-boomin', ahh—h I ain't neber hyar sich a noise, an' when I gits so dat I can see dar dey goes, as thick as de hairs on a man's haid. I circles round an' gits behin' dem an' goes inter de back uv de-house. Well, dar stan's a Yankee, an' he axes Missus Mary fer de smokehouse key. She gibes it ter him an' dey gits all uv de meat.

When I get to the Morgan place, I hear the cannons booming, and wow—I’ve never heard such a noise. When I get close enough to see, they’re as thick as the hairs on a man’s head. I circle around, get behind them, and go into the back of the house. Well, there stands a Union soldier, and he asks Mrs. Mary for the smokehouse key. She hands it to him, and they take all the meat.

One big can uv grease am all dat wuz saved, an' dat wuz burried in de broom straw down in de fiel'.

One big can of grease was all that was saved, and that was buried in the broom straw down in the field.

Dey camps roun' dar dat night an' dey shoots ever chicken, pig, an' calf dey sees. De nex' day de marster goes ter Raleigh, an' gits a gyard, but dey has done stole all our stuff an' we am liven' mostly on parched co'n.

Dey camp around there that night and they shoot every chicken, pig, and calf they see. The next day the master goes to Raleigh and gets a guard, but they have already stolen all our stuff and we are mostly living on parched corn.

De only patterollers I knowed wuz Kenyan Jones an' Billy Pump an' dey wuz called po' white trash. Dey owned blood houn's, an' chased de niggers an' whupped dem shamful, I hyars. I neber seed but one Ku Klux an' he wuz sceered o' dem.[Pg 294]

The only patrollers I knew were Kenyan Jones and Billy Pump, and they were called poor white trash. They owned bloodhounds, chased the Black people, and beat them shamefully, I hear. I only saw one Ku Klux member, and he was scared of them.[Pg 294]

Atter de war we stayed on five or six years case we ain't had no place else ter go.

Atter the war we stayed on for five or six years because we didn't have anywhere else to go.

We ain't liked Abraham Lincoln, case he wuz a fool ter think dat we could live widout de white folkses, an' Jeff Davis wuz tryin' ter keep us, case he wuz greedy an' he wanted ter be de boss dog in politics.

We didn't like Abraham Lincoln because he was foolish to think that we could live without white people, and Jeff Davis was trying to keep us because he was greedy and wanted to be the top dog in politics.


[320121]
N.C. District:No. 32
Worker:Daisy Whaley
Subject:Ex-slave Story.
Interviewed:Doc Edwards
Ex-slave. 84 Yrs
Staggville, N.C.
Date Stamp:"AUG 6 1937"
A circled capital A

DOC EDWARDS

EX-SLAVE, 84 Yrs.

I was bawn at Staggville, N.C., in 1853. I belonged to Marse Paul Cameron. My pappy was Murphy McCullers. Mammy's name was Judy. Dat would make me a McCullers, but I was always knowed as Doc Edwards an' dat is what I am called to dis day.

I was born in Staggville, N.C., in 1853. I belonged to Marse Paul Cameron. My dad was Murphy McCullers. My mom's name was Judy. That makes me a McCullers, but I’ve always been known as Doc Edwards, and that’s what I’m called to this day.

I growed up to be de houseman an' I cooked for Marse Benehan,—Marse Paul's son. Marse Benehan was good to me. My health failed from doing so much work in de house an' so I would go for a couple of hours each day an' work in de fiel' to be out doors an' get well again.

I grew up to be the houseman and I cooked for Master Benehan—Master Paul's son. Master Benehan was good to me. My health declined from doing so much work in the house, so I would go out for a couple of hours each day and work in the field to be outdoors and get better again.

Marse Paul had so many niggers dat he never counted dem. When we opened de gate for him or met him in de road he would say, "Who is you? Whare you belong?" We would say, "We belong to Marse Paul." "Alright, run along" he'd say den, an' he would trow us a nickel or so.

Marse Paul had so many black people that he never counted them. When we opened the gate for him or met him on the road, he would say, "Who are you? Where do you belong?" We would say, "We belong to Marse Paul." "Alright, go on then," he'd say, and he would throw us a nickel or so.

We had big work shops whare we made all de tools, an' even de shovels was made at home. Dey was made out of wood, so was de rakes, pitchforks an' some of de hoes. Our nails was made in de blacksmith shop by han' an' de picks an' grubbin' hoes, too.

We had large workshops where we made all the tools, and even the shovels were made at home. They were made out of wood, as were the rakes, pitchforks, and some of the hoes. Our nails were made by hand in the blacksmith shop, along with the picks and grub hoes, too.

We had a han' thrashing machine. It was roun' like a stove pipe, only bigger. We fed de wheat to it an' shook it' til de wheat was loose from de straw an' when it come out at de other end it fell on a big cloth, bigger den de sheets. We had big curtains all roun' de cloth on de floor, like a tent, so de wheat wouldn' get scattered. Den we took de pitchfork an' lifted de straw up an' down so de wheat would go on de cloth. Den we moved de straw when de wheat was all loose[Pg 297] Den we fanned de wheat wid big pieces of cloth to get de dust an' dirt outen it, so it could be taken to de mill an' groun' when it was wanted.

We had a hand-operated threshing machine. It was round like a stovepipe, but bigger. We fed the wheat into it and shook it until the wheat was separated from the straw, and when it came out the other end, it fell on a large cloth, bigger than bedsheets. We had big curtains all around the cloth on the floor, like a tent, so the wheat wouldn't get scattered. Then we took a pitchfork and lifted the straw up and down so the wheat would fall onto the cloth. After all the wheat was loose, we moved the straw aside. Then we fanned the wheat with large pieces of cloth to remove the dust and dirt, so it could be taken to the mill and ground when needed.[Pg 297]

When de fall come we had a regular place to do different work. We had han' looms an' wove our cotton an' yarn an' made de cloth what was to make de clothes for us to wear.

When fall came, we had a regular spot to do different kinds of work. We had hand looms and wove our cotton and yarn and made the cloth that would become the clothes for us to wear.

We had a shop whare our shoes was made. De cobbler would make our shoes wid wooden soles. After de soles was cut out dey would be taken down to de blacksmiyh an' he would put a thin rim of iron aroun' de soles to keep dem from splitting. Dese soles was made from maple an' ash wood.

We had a shop where our shoes were made. The cobbler would make our shoes with wooden soles. After the soles were cut out, they would be taken down to the blacksmith, and he would put a thin rim of iron around the soles to keep them from splitting. These soles were made from maple and ash wood.

We didn' have any horses to haul wid. We used oxen an' ox-carts. De horse and mules was used to do de plowin'.

We didn't have any horses to haul with. We used oxen and ox-carts. The horses and mules were used for plowing.

When de Yankees come dey didn' do so much harm, only dey tole us we was free niggers. But I always feel like I belong to Marse Paul, an' i still live at Staggville on de ole plantation. I has a little garden an' does what I can to earn a little somethin'. De law done fixed it so now dat I will get a little pension, an' I'll stay right on in dat little house 'til de good Lawd calls me home, den I will see Marse Paul once more.

When the Yankees came, they didn't do much harm; they just told us we were free blacks. But I always feel like I belong to Marse Paul, and I still live at Staggville on the old plantation. I have a little garden and do what I can to earn a little something. The law has arranged it so that now I will receive a small pension, and I'll stay right in that little house until the good Lord calls me home; then I will see Marse Paul once more.


[320001]
N.C. District:No. 11
Worker:Mrs. W. N. Harriss
No. Words:658
Subject:John Evans
Born in Slavery
Editor:Mrs. W. N. Harriss
Date Stamp:"SEP—1937"
Interviewed
John Evans on the street and in this Office. Residence changes frequently.

Story of John Evans Born in Slavery.

I was born August 15th, 1859. I am 78 years old. Dat comes out right, don't it? My mother's name was Hattie Newbury. I don't never remember seein' my Pa. We lived on Middle Sound an' dat's where I was born. I knows de room, 'twas upstairs, an' when I knowed it, underneath, downstairs dat is, was bags of seed an' horse feed, harness an' things, but it was slave quarters when I come heah.

I was born on August 15, 1859. I'm 78 years old. That adds up, doesn’t it? My mother’s name was Hattie Newbury. I don’t ever remember seeing my dad. We lived on Middle Sound, and that’s where I was born. I know the room; it was upstairs, and when I knew it, downstairs was filled with bags of seed, horse feed, harnesses, and things, but it was slave quarters when I got here.

Me an' my mother stayed right on with Mis' Newberry after freedom, an' never knowed no diffunce. They was jus' like sisters an' I never knowed nothin' but takin' keer of Mistus Newberry. She taught me my letters an' the Bible, an' was mighty perticler 'bout my manners. An' I'm tellin' you my manners is brought me a heap more money than my readin'—or de Bible. I'm gwine tell you how dat is, but fust I want to say the most I learned on Middle Sound was' bout fishin' an' huntin'. An' dawgs.

Me and my mom stayed right with Miss Newberry after we were freed, and I never knew any difference. They were just like sisters, and I only knew how to take care of Miss Newberry. She taught me my letters and the Bible, and she was very particular about my manners. And I’m telling you, my manners have brought me a lot more money than my reading or the Bible. I’m going to share how that is, but first I want to say that the most I learned on Middle Sound was about fishing and hunting. And dogs.

My! But there sho' was birds an' possums on de Sound in dem days. Pa'tridges all over de place. Why, even me an' my Mammy et pa'tridges fer bre'kfust. Think of dat now! But when I growed up my job was fishin'. I made enough sellin' fish to the summer folks all along Wrightsville and Greenville Sounds to keep me all winter.

Wow! There sure were a lot of birds and possums in the Sound back then. Partridges everywhere. You know, my mom and I even had partridges for breakfast. Can you believe that? But when I grew up, my job was fishing. I made enough selling fish to the summer visitors along Wrightsville and Greenville Sounds to take care of me all winter.

My Mammy cooked fer Mis' Newberry. After a while they both died. I never did'nt git married.

My mom cooked for Mrs. Newberry. Eventually, they both passed away. I never got married.

I don't know nothin' 'bout all the mean things I hear tell[Pg 300] about slaves an' sich. We was just one fam'ly an' had all we needed. We never paid no 'tention to freedom or not freedom. I remember eve'ybody had work to do in slavery an' dey gone right on doin' it sence. An' nobody don't git nowheres settin' down holdin' their han's. It do'n make so much diffunce anyhow what you does jes so's you does it.

I don't know anything about all the cruel things I've heard about slaves and stuff. We were just one family and had everything we needed. We never paid any attention to freedom or not being free. I remember everyone had work to do in slavery and they just kept on doing it since then. And nobody gets anywhere just sitting around with their hands empty. It doesn't really matter what you do as long as you do something.

One time when I was carryin' in my fish to "Airlie" Mr. Pem Jones heard me laff, an' after I opened dis here mouf of mine an' laffed fer him I didn't have to bother 'bout fish no mo'. Lordy, dose rich folks he used to bring down fum New Yo'k is paid me as much as sixty dollars a week to laff fer 'em. One of 'em was named Mr. Fish. Now you know dat tickled me. I could jes laff an' laff 'bout dat. Mr. Pem give me fine clo'es an' a tall silk hat. I'd eat a big dinner in de kitchen an' den go in' mongst de quality an' laff fer' em an' make my noise like a wood saw in my th'oat. Dey was crazy 'bout dat. An' then's when I began to be thankful 'bout my manners. I's noticed if you has nice manners wid eve'ybody people gwine to be nice to you.

One time when I was bringing in my fish to "Airlie", Mr. Pem Jones heard me laugh, and after I opened my mouth and laughed for him, I didn’t have to worry about fish anymore. Those rich folks he used to bring down from New York paid me as much as sixty dollars a week to laugh for them. One of them was named Mr. Fish. Now you know that made me laugh. I could just laugh and laugh about that. Mr. Pem gave me nice clothes and a tall silk hat. I’d have a big dinner in the kitchen and then go mingle with the high society and laugh for them, making a noise like a saw in my throat. They loved that. And that’s when I started to be grateful for my manners. I noticed that if you have nice manners with everyone, people will be nice to you.

Well, (with a long sigh) I don't pick up no sich money nowadays; but my manners gives me many a chance to laff, an' I never don't go hungry.

Well, (with a long sigh) I don't make that kind of money these days; but my manners give me plenty of opportunities to laugh, and I never go hungry.

John has been a well known character for fifty years among the summer residents along the sounds and on Wrightsville Beach. He was a fisherman and huckster in his palmy days, but now John's vigor is on the wane, and he has little left with which to gain a livelihood except his unusually contagious laugh, and a truly remarkable flow of words. "Old John" could give Walter Winchel a handicap of twenty words a minute and then beat him at his own game.[Pg 301] His mouth is enormous and his voice deep and resonant. He can make a noise like a wood saw which he maintains for 2 or 3 minutes without apparent effort, the sound buzzing on and on from some mysterious depths of his being with amazing perfection of imitation.

John has been a well-known figure for fifty years among the summer residents along the sounds and at Wrightsville Beach. He used to be a fisherman and a hustler in his heyday, but now John's energy is fading, and he has little left to earn a living except for his incredibly infectious laugh and a truly remarkable way with words. "Old John" could give Walter Winchell a twenty-word-per-minute advantage and still outshine him at his own game.[Pg 301] His mouth is huge, and his voice is deep and resonant. He can make a noise like a wood saw, maintaining it for 2 or 3 minutes effortlessly, the sound buzzing on and on from some mysterious depths within him with amazing precision.

Any day during the baseball season John may be seen sandwiched between his announcement boards, a large bell in one hand, crying the ball game of the day. "Old John" to the youngsters; but finding many a quarter dropped in his hand by the older men with memories of gay hours and hearty laughter.

Any day during the baseball season, you can find John squeezed between his announcement boards, a big bell in one hand, announcing the ball game of the day. To the kids, he’s known as "Old John," while the older men, reminiscing about fun times and hearty laughter, often drop a quarter into his hand.


[320198]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Daisy Whaley
Subject:EX-SLAVE
Story Teller:Lindsay Faucette
Ex-Slave
Church Street,
Durham, N.C.
Date Stamp:"JUL 2 1937"

LINDSEY FAUCETTE, 86 Yrs.

Ex-slave.

Yes, Mis', I wuz bawn in 1851, de 16th of November, on de Occoneechee Plantation, owned by Marse John Norwood an' his good wife, Mis' Annie. An' when I say 'good' I mean jus dat, for no better people ever lived den my Marse John an' Mis' Annie.

Yes, ma'am, I was born in 1851, on November 16th, on the Occoneechee Plantation, owned by Mr. John Norwood and his wonderful wife, Mrs. Annie. And when I say 'wonderful,' I mean just that, for no better people ever lived than my Mr. John and Mrs. Annie.

One thing dat made our Marse an' Mistis so good wuz de way dey brought up us niggers. We wuz called to de big house an' taught de Bible an' dey wuz Bible readin's every day. We wuz taught to be good men an' women an' to be hones'. Marse never sold any of us niggers. But when his boys and girls got married he would give dem some of us to take with dem.

One thing that made our Master and Mistress so good was the way they raised us Black people. We were called to the big house and taught the Bible, and there were Bible readings every day. We were taught to be good men and women and to be honest. Master never sold any of us. But when his sons and daughters got married, he would give them some of us to take with them.

Marse never allowed us to be whipped. One time we had a white overseer an' he whipped a fiel' han' called Sam Norwood, til de blood come. He beat him so bad dat de other niggers had to take him down to de river an' wash de blood off. When Marse come an' foun' dat out he sent dat white man off an' wouldn' let him stay on de plantation over night. He jus' wouldn' have him roun' de place no longer. He made Uncle Whitted de overseer kase he wuz one of de oldest slaves he had an' a good nigger.

Marse never let us get whipped. Once, we had a white overseer who beat a field hand named Sam Norwood until he bled. He hurt him so badly that the other black workers had to take him to the river to wash the blood off. When Marse found out, he sent that white man away and wouldn’t let him stay on the plantation overnight. He just wouldn’t allow him around anymore. He made Uncle Whitted the overseer because he was one of the oldest slaves he had and a good man.

When any of us niggers got sick Mis' Annie would come down to de cabin to see us. She brung de best wine, good chicken an' chicken soup an' everything else she had at de big house dat she thought we would like, an' she done everything she could to get us well again.[Pg 304]

When any of us Black folks got sick, Miss Annie would come down to the cabin to check on us. She brought the best wine, good chicken, chicken soup, and everything else she had at the big house that she thought we'd like, and she did everything she could to help us get better again.[Pg 304]

Marse John never worked us after dark. We worked in de day an' had de nights to play games an' have singin's. We never cooked on a Sunday. Everything we ett on dat day was cooked on Saturday. Dey wuzn' lighted in de cook stoves or fire places in de big house or cabins neither. Everybody rested on Sunday. De tables wuz set an' de food put on to eat, but nobody cut any wood an' dey wuzn' no other work don' on dat day. Mammy Beckie wuz my gran'mammy an' she toted de keys to de pantry an' smoke house, an' her word went wid Marse John an' Mis' Annie.

Marse John never made us work after dark. We worked during the day and had the nights to play games and sing. We never cooked on a Sunday. Everything we ate that day was cooked on Saturday. There wasn't any cooking done in the stoves or fireplaces in the big house or cabins either. Everyone rested on Sundays. The tables were set and the food was laid out, but no one chopped any wood and there wasn't any other work done that day. Mammy Beckie was my grandmother, and she carried the keys to the pantry and smokehouse, and her word held weight with Marse John and Mis' Annie.

Marse John wuz a great lawyer an' when he went to Pittsboro an' other places to practice, if he wuz to stay all night, Mis' Annie had my mammy sleep right in bed wid her, so she wouldn' be 'fraid.

Marse John was a great lawyer, and when he went to Pittsboro and other places to practice, if he had to stay overnight, Miss Annie would have my mom sleep right in bed with her so she wouldn’t be afraid.

Marse an Mistis had three sons an' three daughters,—De oldest son wuz not able to go to war. He had studied so hard dat it had 'fected his mind, so he stayed at home. De secon' son, named Albert, went to war an' wuz brought back dead with a bullet hole through his head. Dat liked to have killed Marse John an' Mis' Annie. Dey wuz three girls, named, Mis' Maggie, Mis' Ella Bella and Mis' Rebena.

Marse and Mistis had three sons and three daughters. The oldest son wasn’t able to go to war. He had studied so hard that it affected his mind, so he stayed at home. The second son, named Albert, went to war and was brought back dead with a bullet hole through his head. That nearly killed Marse John and Mis' Annie. There were three girls named Mis' Maggie, Mis' Ella Bella, and Mis' Rebena.

I wuz de cow-tender. I took care of de cows an' de calves. I would have to hold de calf up to de mother cow 'til de milk would come down an' den I would have to hold it away 'til somebody done de milkin'. I tended de horses, too, an' anything else dat I wuz told to do.

I was the cow herder. I took care of the cows and the calves. I would have to hold the calf up to the mother cow until the milk would come down, and then I would have to hold it away until someone finished milking. I also took care of the horses and anything else I was told to do.

When de war started an' de Yankees come, dey didn' do much harm to our place. Marse had all de silver an' money an' other things of value hid under a big rock be de river an' de Yankees never did fine anything dat we hid.[Pg 305]

When the war started and the Yankees came, they didn't really damage our place. Master had all the silver and money and other valuables hidden under a big rock by the river, and the Yankees never found anything we hid.[Pg 305]

Our own sojers did more harm on our plantation den de Yankees. Dey camped in de woods an' never did have nuff to eat an' took what dey wanted. An' lice! I ain't never seed de like. It took fifteen years for us to get shed of de lice dat de sojers lef' behind. You jus' couldn' get dem out of your clothes les' you burned dem up. Dey wuz hard to get shed of.

Our own soldiers caused more damage to our farm than the Yankees did. They set up camp in the woods, never had enough to eat, and took whatever they wanted. And the lice! I've never seen anything like it. It took us fifteen years to get rid of the lice that the soldiers left behind. You just couldn’t get them out of your clothes unless you burned them. They were really hard to get rid of.

After de war wuz over Marse John let Pappy have eighteen acres of land for de use of two of his boys for a year. My pappy made a good crop of corn, wheat an' other food on dis land. Dey wuz a time when you couldn' find a crust of bread or piece of meat in my mammy's pantry for us to eat, an' when she did get a little meat or bread she would divide it between us chillun, so each would have a share an' go without herself an' never conplained.

After the war was over, Marse John gave Pappy eighteen acres of land for two of his sons to use for a year. My dad produced a good harvest of corn, wheat, and other food on that land. There was a time when you couldn't find a crust of bread or a piece of meat in my mom's pantry for us to eat, and when she did manage to get a little meat or bread, she would split it among us kids so each would get a share while she went without herself and never complained.

When pappy wuz makin' his crop some of de others would ask him why he didn' take up some of his crop and get somethin' to eat. He would answer an' say dat when he left dat place he intended to take his crop with him an' he did. He took plenty of corn, wheat, potatoes an' other food, a cow, her calf, mule an' hogs an' he moved to a farm dat he bought.

When Dad was harvesting his crops, some of the others would ask him why he didn’t take some of his produce to eat. He would respond by saying that when he left that place, he planned to take his crops with him, and he did. He took plenty of corn, wheat, potatoes, and other food, along with a cow, her calf, a mule, and hogs, and he moved to a farm that he bought.

Later on in years my pappy an mammy come here in Durham an' bought a home. I worked for dem' til I wuz thirty-two years old an' give dem what money I earned. I worked for as little as twenty-five cents a day. Den I got a dray an' hauled for fifteen cents a load from de Durham depo' to West Durham for fifteen years. Little did I think at dat time dat I would ever have big trucks an' a payroll of $6,000.00 a year. De good Lawd has blest me all de way, an' all I have is His'n, even to my own breath.[Pg 306]

Later in life, my dad and mom came here to Durham and bought a home. I worked for them until I was thirty-two years old and gave them all the money I earned. I worked for as little as twenty-five cents a day. Then I got a cart and hauled for fifteen cents a load from the Durham depot to West Durham for fifteen years. Little did I know at that time that I would ever have big trucks and a payroll of $6,000 a year. The good Lord has blessed me all the way, and everything I have is His, even my own breath.[Pg 306]

Den one day I went back home to see my old Marse an' I foun' him sittin' in a big chair on de po'ch an' his health wuzn' so good. He sed, "Lindsey, why don' you stop runnin' roun' wid de girls an' stop you cou't 'n? You never will get nowhere makin' all de girls love you an' den you walk away an' make up with some other girl. Go get yourself a good girl an' get married an' raise a family an' be somebody." An' I did. I quit all de girls an' I foun' a fine girl and we wuz married. I sho got a good wife; I got one of de best women dat could be foun' an' we lived together for over forty-five years. Den she died six years ago now, an' I sho miss her for she wuz a real help-mate all through dese years. We raised five chillun an' educated dem to be school teachers an' other trades.

One day I went back home to see my old boss, and I found him sitting in a big chair on the porch, and he wasn't in great health. He said, "Lindsey, why don’t you stop messing around with all the girls and get serious? You’ll never get anywhere making all the girls love you and then just walking away to chase after someone else. Find yourself a good girl, get married, have a family, and become someone." And I did. I stopped seeing all the girls, found a wonderful woman, and we got married. I really got lucky; I married one of the best women you could find, and we lived together for over forty-five years. Then she passed away six years ago, and I really miss her since she was a true partner all those years. We raised five kids and helped them become teachers and pursue other careers.

I have tried to live de way I wuz raised to. My wife never worked a day away from home all de years we wuz married. It wuz my raisin an' my strong faith in my Lawd an' Marster dat helped me to get along as well as I have, an' I bless Him every day for de strength He has given me to bring up my family as well as I have. Der is only one way to live an' dat is de right way. Educate your chillun, if you can, but be sho you give dem de proper moral training at home. De right way to raise your chillun is to larn dem to have manners and proper respect for their parents, be good citizens an' God fearin' men an' women. When you have done dat you will not be ashamed of dem in your old age. I bless my Maker dat I have lived so clos' to Him as I have all dese years an' when de time comes to go to Him I will have no regrets an' no fears.

I have tried to live the way I was raised. My wife never worked a day outside the home during all the years we were married. It was my upbringing and my strong faith in my Lord and Master that helped me to get along as well as I have, and I thank Him every day for the strength He has given me to raise my family well. There is only one way to live, and that is the right way. Educate your children if you can, but make sure to give them the proper moral training at home. The right way to raise your children is to teach them to have manners and proper respect for their parents, to be good citizens, and to be God-fearing men and women. When you have done that, you will not be ashamed of them in your old age. I thank my Maker that I have lived so close to Him all these years, and when the time comes to go to Him, I will have no regrets and no fears.


[320223]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:567
Subject:A SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:Ora M. Flagg
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

ORA M. FLAGG

811 Oberlin Road

My name is Ora M. Flagg. I wus born in Raleigh near the Professional Building, in the year 1860, October 16. My mother wus named Jane Busbee. Her marster wus Quent Busbee, a lawyer. Her missus wus Julia Busbee. She wus a Taylor before she married Mr. Busbee. Now I tell you, I can't tell you exactly, but the old heads died. The old heads were the Scurlocks who lived in Chatham County. I heard their names but I don't remember them. Their children when they died drawed for the slaves and my mother wus brought to Raleigh when she wus eight years old. She came from the Scurlocks to the Busbees. The Taylors were relatives of the Scurlocks, and were allowed to draw, and Julia Taylor drawed my mother. It wus fixed so the slaves on this estate could not be sold, but could be drawed for by the family and relatives. She got along just middlin' after her missus died. When her missus died, mother said she had to look after herself. Mr. Busbee would not allow anyone to whip mother. He married Miss Lizzie Bledsoe the second time.

My name is Ora M. Flagg. I was born in Raleigh near the Professional Building on October 16, 1860. My mother was named Jane Busbee. Her master was Quent Busbee, a lawyer. Her mistress was Julia Busbee. She was a Taylor before she married Mr. Busbee. I can’t say for sure, but the old folks passed away. The old folks were the Scurlocks who lived in Chatham County. I’ve heard their names, but I don’t remember them. When they died, their children inherited the slaves, and my mother was brought to Raleigh when she was eight years old. She came from the Scurlocks to the Busbees. The Taylors were relatives of the Scurlocks, and they were allowed to inherit; Julia Taylor inherited my mother. It was arranged so the slaves on this estate couldn’t be sold but could be inherited by family and relatives. She managed okay after her mistress died. When her mistress died, my mother said she had to take care of herself. Mr. Busbee wouldn’t let anyone whip my mother. He married Miss Lizzie Bledsoe the second time.

I wus only a child and, of course, I thought as I could get a little something to eat everything wus all right, but we had few comforts. We had prayer meeting and we[Pg 309] went to the white people's church. I heard mother say that they had to be very careful what they said in their worship. Lots of time dey put us children to bed and went off.

I was only a child and, of course, I thought that as long as I could get a little something to eat, everything was fine, but we had few comforts. We had prayer meetings and we went to the white people's church. I heard my mother say that they had to be very careful about what they said in their worship. Many times, they put us kids to bed and then left.

About the time of the surrender, I heard a lot about the patterollers, but I did not know what they were. Children wus not as wise then as they are now. They didn't know as much about things.

About the time of the surrender, I heard a lot about the patterollers, but I didn't know what they were. Kids weren't as wise back then as they are now. They didn't know as much about things.

Yes sir, I remember the Yankees coming to Raleigh, we had been taken out to Moses Bledsoe's place on Holleman's Road to protect Mr. Bledsoe's things. They said if they put the things out there, and put a family of Negroes there the Yankees would not bother the things. So they stored a lot of stuff there, and put my mother an' a slave man by the name o' Tom Gillmore there. Two Negro families were there. We children watched the Yankees march by.

Yes, I remember the Yankees coming to Raleigh. We were taken out to Moses Bledsoe's place on Holleman's Road to protect Mr. Bledsoe's belongings. They said that if they put everything there and stationed a Black family to stay on the property, the Yankees wouldn’t touch the stuff. So, they stored a lot of items there and put my mother and a man named Tom Gillmore, who was enslaved, there as well. Two Black families were there. We kids watched the Yankees march by.

The Yankees went through everything, and when mother wouldn't tell them where the silver wus hid they threw her things in the well. Mother cried, an' when the Yankee officers heard of it they sent a guard there to protect us. The colored man, Tom Gillmore, wus so scared, he and his family moved out at night leaving my mother alone with her family. The Yankees ate the preserves and all the meat and other things. They destroyed a lot they could not eat.

The Yankees went through everything, and when Mom refused to tell them where the silver was hidden, they tossed her belongings into the well. Mom cried, and when the Yankee officers found out, they sent a guard to protect us. The Black man, Tom Gillmore, was so frightened that he and his family moved out at night, leaving my mom alone with her family. The Yankees ate the preserves and all the meat and other food. They destroyed a lot of stuff they couldn't eat.

Mother and me stayed on with marster after the[Pg 310] surrender, and stayed on his place till he died. After that we moved to Peck's Place, called Peck's Place because the property wus sold by Louis Peck. It wus also called the 'Save-rent' section, then in later years Oberlin Road.

Mother and I stayed on with the master after the[Pg 310] surrender and continued on his place until he died. After that, we moved to Peck's Place, which was named after Louis Peck, who sold the property. It was also known as the 'Save-rent' section and later became known as Oberlin Road.

I think slavery wus a bad thing, while it had its good points in building good strong men. In some cases where marsters were bad it wus a bad thing.

I think slavery was a terrible thing, even though it had some positives in creating strong men. In cases where masters were abusive, it was definitely a bad thing.

Abraham Lincoln wus our friend, he set us free. I don't know much about Booker T. Washington. Mr Roosevelt is all right. Jim Young seemed to be all right. Jeff Davis didn't bother me. I guess he wus all right.

Abraham Lincoln was our friend; he set us free. I don't know much about Booker T. Washington. Mr. Roosevelt is okay. Jim Young seemed to be okay. Jeff Davis didn't bother me. I guess he was okay.

EH

EH


[320214]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary Hicks
No. Words:361
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Story Teller:Analiza Foster.
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

EX-SLAVE STORY

An interview with Analiza Foster, 68 of 1120 South Blount Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I wuz borned in Person County ter Tom Line an' Harriet Cash. My mammy belonged ter a Mr. Cash an' pappy belonged ter Miss Betsy Woods. Both of dese owners wuz mean ter dere slaves an' dey ain't carin' much if'en dey kills one, case dey's got plenty. Dar wuz one woman dat I hyard mammy tell of bein' beat clean ter death.

I was born in Person County to Tom Line and Harriet Cash. My mom belonged to a Mr. Cash and my dad belonged to Miss Betsy Woods. Both of these owners were cruel to their slaves and didn’t care much if they killed one, since they had plenty. There was one woman that I heard my mom talk about who was beaten to death.

De 'oman wuz pregnant an' she fainted in de fiel' at de plow. De driver said dat she wuz puttin' on, an' dat she ort ter be beat. De master said dat she can be beat but don't ter hurt de baby. De driver says dat he won't, den he digs a hole in de sand an' he puts de 'oman in de hole, which am nigh 'bout ter her arm pits, den he kivers her up an' straps her han's over her haid.

De woman was pregnant and she fainted in the field at the plow. The driver said that she was faking it, and that she should be punished. The master said that she could be punished, but not to hurt the baby. The driver said he wouldn't, then he dug a hole in the sand and put the woman in the hole, which was almost up to her armpits, then he covered her up and strapped her hands over her head.

He takes de long bull whup an' he cuts long gashes all over her shoulders an' raised arms, den he walks off an' leabes her dar fer a hour in de hot sun. De flies an' de gnats dey worry her, an' de sun hurts too an' she cries[Pg 313] a little, den de driver comes out wid a pan full of vinegar, salt an' red pepper an' he washes de gashes. De 'oman faints an' he digs her up, but in a few minutes she am stone dead.

He takes the long bull whip and cuts deep gashes all over her shoulders and raised arms, then he walks off and leaves her there for an hour in the hot sun. The flies and gnats bother her, the sun hurts too, and she cries[Pg 313] a little. Then the driver comes out with a pan full of vinegar, salt, and red pepper and washes the gashes. The woman faints, and he digs her up, but in a few minutes, she is stone dead.

Dat's de wust case dat I'se eber hyard of but I reckon dar wuz plenty more of dem.

Dat's the worst case that I've ever heard of, but I guess there were plenty more of them.

Ter show yo' de value of slaves I'll tell yo' 'bout my gran'ma. She wuz sold on de block four times, an' eber time she brung a thousand dollars. She wuz valuable case she wuz strong an' could plow day by day, den too she could have twenty chilluns an' wuck right on.

Ter show you the value of slaves, I'll tell you about my grandma. She was sold on the block four times, and each time she brought a thousand dollars. She was valuable because she was strong and could plow day after day; plus, she could have twenty children and keep working.

De Yankees come through our country an' dey makes de slaves draw water fer de horses all night. Course dey stold eber'thing dey got dere han's on but dat wuz what ole Abraham Lincoln tol' dem ter do.

De Yankees come through our country and they make the slaves draw water for the horses all night. Of course, they stole everything they could get their hands on, but that was what old Abraham Lincoln told them to do.

MH:EH

MH:EH


[320088]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:570
Subject:A SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:Georginna Foster
Editor:George L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 23 1937"

GEORGIANNA FOSTER

1308 Poole Road, Route # 2. Raleigh, North Carolina.

I wus born in 1861. I jes' can 'member de Yankees comin' through, but I 'members dere wus a lot of 'em wearin' blue clothes. I wus born at Kerney Upchurch's plantation twelve miles from Raleigh. He wus my marster an' Missus Enny wus his wife. My father wus named Axiom Wilder and my mother wus Mancy Wilder. De most I know 'bout slavery dey tole it to me. I 'members I run when de Yankees come close to me. I wus 'fraid of 'em.

I was born in 1861. I can just remember the Yankees coming through, but I remember there were a lot of them wearing blue clothes. I was born at Kerney Upchurch's plantation, twelve miles from Raleigh. He was my master and Missus Enny was his wife. My father was named Axiom Wilder and my mother was Mancy Wilder. The most I know about slavery, they told it to me. I remember I ran when the Yankees came close to me. I was afraid of them.

We lived in a little log houses at marsters. De food wus short an' things in general wus bad, so mother tole me. She said dey wus a whole lot meaner den dey had any business bein'. Dey allowed de patterollers to snoop around an' whup de slaves, mother said dey stripped some of de slaves naked an' whupped 'em. She said women had to work all day in de fields an' come home an' do de house work at night while de white folks hardly done a han's turn of work.

We lived in a small log cabin at the master's place. Food was scarce, and overall things were tough, or so my mother told me. She said the masters were a lot meaner than they had any right to be. They let the patrollers come around and beat the slaves; my mother said they stripped some slaves naked and whipped them. She said women had to work all day in the fields and then come home to do housework at night while the white folks hardly did any work at all.

Marse Kerney had a sluice of chilluns. I can't think of 'em all, but I 'members Calvin, James, Allen, Emily, Helen, an' I jest can't think of de rest of de chilluns names.

Marse Kerney had a ton of kids. I can't remember them all, but I remember Calvin, James, Allen, Emily, Helen, and I just can't recall the names of the other kids.

Mother said dey gathered slaves together like dey did[Pg 316] horses an' sold 'em on de block. Mother said dey carried some to Rolesville in Wake County an' sold 'em. Dey sold Henry Temples an' Lucinda Upchurch from marster's plantation, but dey carried 'em to Raleigh to sell 'em.

Mother said they gathered slaves together like they did[Pg 316] horses and sold them on the block. Mother said they took some to Rolesville in Wake County and sold them. They sold Henry Temples and Lucinda Upchurch from the master's plantation, but they took them to Raleigh to sell them.

We wore homemade clothes an' shoes wid wooden bottoms. Dey would not allow us to sing an' pray but dey turned pots down at de door an' sung an' prayed enyhow an' de Lord heard dere prayers. Dat dey did sing an' pray.

We wore homemade clothes and shoes with wooden soles. They wouldn't let us sing and pray, but they turned pots upside down at the door and sang and prayed anyway, and the Lord heard their prayers. Yes, they did sing and pray.

Mother said dey whupped a slave if dey caught him wid a book in his hand. You wus not 'lowed no books. Larnin' among de slaves wus a forbidden thing. Dey wus not allowed to cook anything for demselves at de cabins no time 'cept night. Dere wus a cook who cooked fur all durin' de day. Sometimes de field han's had to work 'round de place at night after comin' in from de fields. Mother said livin' at marster's wus hard an' when dey set us free we left as quick as we could an' went to Mr. Bob Perry's plantation an' stayed there many years. He wus a good man an' give us all a chance. Mother wus free born at Upchurch's but when de war ended, she had been bound to Wilder by her mother, an' had married my father who wus a slave belongin' to Bob Wilder. Dey did not like de fare at Marster Upchurch's or Marster Wilder's, so when dey wus set free dey lef' an' went to Mrs. Perry's place.[Pg 317]

Mother said they whipped a slave if they caught him with a book in his hand. You weren’t allowed to have any books. Learning among the slaves was a forbidden thing. They weren’t allowed to cook anything for themselves at the cabins unless it was at night. There was a cook who prepared meals for everyone during the day. Sometimes the field hands had to work around the place at night after coming in from the fields. Mother said living at Master’s was hard, and when they set us free, we left as quickly as we could and went to Mr. Bob Perry’s plantation and stayed there many years. He was a good man and gave us all a chance. Mother was born free at Upchurch’s, but when the war ended, she had been bound to Wilder by her mother and had married my father, who was a slave belonging to Bob Wilder. They didn’t like the food at Master Upchurch's or Master Wilder's, so when they were set free, they left and went to Mrs. Perry's place.[Pg 317]

Dey had overseers on both plantations in slavery time but some of de niggers would run away before dey would take a whuppin'. Fred Perry run away to keep from bein' sold. He come back do' an' tole his marster to do what he wanted to wid him. His marster told him to go to work an' he stayed dere till he wus set free. God heard his prayer 'cause he said he axed God not to let him be sold.

They had overseers on both plantations during slavery, but some of the Black people would run away rather than face punishment. Fred Perry ran away to avoid being sold. He came back to the door and told his master that he could do what he wanted with him. His master told him to go to work, and he stayed there until he was set free. God heard his prayer because he said he asked God not to let him be sold.

Mother an' father said Abraham Lincoln come through there on his way to Jeff Davis. Jeff Davis wus de Southern President. Lincoln say, 'Turn dem slaves loose, Jeff Davis,' an' Jeff Davis said nuthin'. Den he come de second time an' say, 'Is you gwine to turn dem slaves loose?' an' Jeff Davis wouldn't do it. Den Lincoln come a third time an' had a cannon shootin' man wid him an' he axed, 'Is you gwine to set dem slaves free Jeff Davis?' An' Jeff Davis he say, 'Abraham Lincoln, you knows I is not goin' to give up my property, an' den Lincoln said, 'I jest as well go back an' git up my crowd den.' Dey talked down in South Carolina an' when Jeff Davis 'fused to set us free, Lincoln went home to the North and got up his crowd, one hundred an' forty thousand men, dey said, an' de war begun. Dey fighted an' fighted an' de Yankees whupped. Dey set us free an' dey say dat dey hung Jeff Davis on a ole apple tree.

My parents said Abraham Lincoln passed through there on his way to see Jeff Davis. Jeff Davis was the Southern President. Lincoln said, "Turn those slaves loose, Jeff Davis," and Jeff Davis didn't say anything. Then he came a second time and asked, "Are you going to turn those slaves loose?" and Jeff Davis still wouldn't do it. Then Lincoln came a third time with a cannon-shooting man beside him and asked, "Are you going to set those slaves free, Jeff Davis?" And Jeff Davis replied, "Abraham Lincoln, you know I am not going to give up my property." Then Lincoln said, "I might as well go back and gather my people then." They talked in South Carolina, and when Jeff Davis refused to set us free, Lincoln went back North and gathered his people, one hundred and forty thousand men, they said, and the war began. They fought and fought, and the Yankees won. They set us free, and they say they hung Jeff Davis on an old apple tree.

EH HW

EH HW


[320247]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:815
Subject:FRANK FREEMAN
Story Teller:Frank Freeman
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

FRANK FREEMAN

216 Tappers Lane

I was born near Rolesville in Wake County Christmas Eve, 24 of December 1857. I am 76 years old. My name is Frank Freeman and my wife's name is Mary Freeman. She is 78 years old. We live at 216 Tuppers Lane, Raleigh, Wake County, North Carolina. I belonged to ole man Jim Wiggins jus' this side o' Roseville, fourteen miles from Raleigh. The great house is standin' there now, and a family by the name o' Gill, a colored man's family, lives there. The place is owned by ole man Jim Wiggins's grandson, whose name is O. B. Wiggins. My wife belonged to the Terrells before the surrender. I married after the war. I was forty years ole when I was married.

I was born near Rolesville in Wake County on Christmas Eve, December 24, 1857. I am 76 years old. My name is Frank Freeman, and my wife's name is Mary Freeman. She is 78 years old. We live at 216 Tuppers Lane, Raleigh, Wake County, North Carolina. I used to belong to old man Jim Wiggins, just this side of Roseville, fourteen miles from Raleigh. The big house is still standing there now, and a family named Gill, a Black family, lives there. The place is owned by old man Jim Wiggins's grandson, whose name is O. B. Wiggins. My wife belonged to the Terrells before the surrender. I got married after the war. I was forty years old when I got married.

Old man Jim Wiggins was good to his niggers, and when the slave children were taken off by his children they treated us good. Missus dressed mother up in her clothes and let her go to church. We had good, well cooked food, good clothes, and good places to sleep. Some of the chimneys which were once attached to the slave houses are standing on the plantation. The home plantation in Wake County was 3000 acres.

Old man Jim Wiggins treated his Black workers well, and when his children took the slave children away, they were kind to us. The lady of the house would dress my mother in her clothes and let her go to church. We had delicious, well-cooked meals, nice clothes, and good places to sleep. Some of the chimneys that used to belong to the slave houses are still standing on the plantation. The main plantation in Wake County was 3,000 acres.

Marster also owned three and a quarter plantations in[Pg 320] Franklin County. He kept about ten men at home and would not let his slave boys work until they were 18 years old, except tend to horses and do light jobs around the house. He had slaves on all his plantations but they were under colored overseers who were slaves themselves. Marster had three boys and five girls, eight children of his own.

Marster also owned three and a quarter plantations in[Pg 320] Franklin County. He kept about ten men at home and wouldn’t let his slave boys work until they turned 18, except to take care of the horses and do light chores around the house. He had slaves on all his plantations, but they were supervised by colored overseers who were slaves themselves. Marster had three boys and five girls, totaling eight children of his own.

One of the girls was Siddie Wiggins. When she married Alfred Holland, and they went to Smithfield to live she took me with her, when I was two years old. She thought so much o' me mother was willing to let me go. Mother loved Miss Siddie, and it was agreeable in the family. I stayed right on with her after the surrender three years until 1868. My father decided to take me home then and went after me.

One of the girls was Siddie Wiggins. When she married Alfred Holland and they moved to Smithfield, she took me with her when I was two years old. She thought so highly of my mother that she was willing to let me go. My mother loved Miss Siddie, and it was fine with the family. I stayed with her for three years after the surrender until 1868. My father decided to bring me home then and came to get me.

They never taught us books of any kind. I was about 8 years old when I began to study books. When I was 21 Christmas Eve 1880, father told me I was my own man and that was all he had to give me.

They never taught us about any kind of books. I was around 8 years old when I started studying books. On Christmas Eve in 1880, when I was 21, my father told me I was my own person, and that was everything he had to give me.

I had decided many years before to save all my nickles. I kept them in a bag. I did not drink, chew, smoke or use tobacco in any way during this time. When he told me I was free I counted up my money and found I had $47.75. I had never up to this tasted liquor or tobacco. I don't know anything about it yet. I have never used it. With that money I entered Shaw University. I[Pg 321] worked eight hours a week in order to help pay my way.

I decided many years ago to save all my nickels. I kept them in a bag. I didn’t drink, chew, smoke, or use tobacco at all during that time. When he told me I was free, I counted my money and found I had $47.75. I had never tasted liquor or tobacco up until then. I still don’t know anything about it. I have never used either. With that money, I enrolled in Shaw University. I[Pg 321] worked eight hours a week to help pay my way.

Later I went into public service, teaching four months a year in the public schools. My salary was $25.00 per month. I kept going to school at Shaw until I could get a first grade teacher's certificate. I never graduated. I taught in the public schools for 43 years. I would be teaching now, but I have high blood pressure.

Later, I went into public service, teaching four months a year in the public schools. My salary was $25.00 a month. I continued attending Shaw until I could get a first-grade teacher's certificate. I never graduated. I taught in public schools for 43 years. I would still be teaching now, but I have high blood pressure.

I was at Master Hollands at Smithfield when the Yankees came through. They went into my Marster's store and began breaking up things and taking what they wanted. They were dressed in blue and I did not know who they were. I asked and someone told me they were the Yankees.

I was at Master Hollands’ place in Smithfield when the Yankees showed up. They went into my master’s store, started breaking things, and taking whatever they wanted. They were wearing blue, and I had no idea who they were. I asked someone, and they told me they were the Yankees.

My father was named Burton, and my mother was named Queen Anne. Father was a Freeman and mother was a Wiggins.

My dad was named Burton, and my mom was named Queen Anne. Dad was a Freeman and mom was a Wiggins.

There were no churches on the plantation. My father told me a story about his young master, Joe Freeman and my father's brother Soloman. Marster got Soloman to help whip him. My father went in to see young Missus and told her about it, and let her know he was going away. He had got the cradle blade and said he would kill either of them if they bothered him. Father had so much Indian blood in him that he would fight. He ran away and stayed four years and passed for a free nigger. He stayed in the Bancomb Settlement in Johnson County. When he came home before the war ended, Old Marster said, 'Soloman why didn't you stay?' father said, 'I have been off long enough'.[Pg 322] Marster said 'Go to work', and there was no more to it. Father helped build the breastworks in the Eastern part of the State down at Ft. Fisher. He worked on the forts at New Bern too.

There were no churches on the plantation. My father told me a story about his young master, Joe Freeman, and my father's brother, Solomon. The master had Solomon help him with a beating. My father went to see the young mistress and told her about it, letting her know that he was leaving. He had taken the cradle blade and said he would kill either of them if they messed with him. My father had so much Native American blood in him that he was ready to fight. He ran away and stayed for four years, passing as a free black man. He lived in the Bancomb Settlement in Johnson County. When he came home before the war ended, Old Master asked, 'Solomon, why didn't you stay?' My father replied, 'I have been gone long enough.' [Pg 322] The master said, 'Go to work,' and that was the end of it. My father helped build the breastworks in the eastern part of the state down at Ft. Fisher. He also worked on the forts at New Bern.

I think Abraham Lincoln worked hard for our freedom. He was a great man. I think Mr. Roosevelt is a good man and is doing all he can for the good of all.

I believe Abraham Lincoln worked tirelessly for our freedom. He was an incredible man. I think Mr. Roosevelt is a good person and is doing everything he can for the benefit of everyone.

LE

LE


[320010]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:976
Subject:ADDY GILL
Story Teller:Addy Gill
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"SEP 10 1937"

ADDY GILL

1614 "B" St. Lincoln Park Raleigh, North Carolina.

I am seventy four years of age. I wus born a slave Jan. 6, 1863 on a plantation near Millburnie, Wake County, owned by Major Wilder, who hired my father's time. His wife wus named Sarah Wilder. I don't know anything 'bout slavery 'cept what wus tole me by father and mother but I do know that if it had not been for what de southern white folks done for us niggers we'd have perished to death. De north turned us out wid out anything to make a livin' wid.

I am seventy-four years old. I was born a slave on January 6, 1863, on a plantation near Millburnie, Wake County, owned by Major Wilder, who employed my father. His wife's name was Sarah Wilder. I don't know much about slavery except what my father and mother told me, but I do know that if it hadn't been for what the Southern white folks did for us Black people, we would have starved to death. The North left us with nothing to make a living with.

My father wus David Gill and, my mother wus Emily Gill. My father wus a blacksmith an he moved from place to place where dey hired his time. Dats why I wus born on Major Wilders place. Marster Gill who owned us hired father to Major Wilder and mother moved wid him. For a longtime atter de war, nine years, we stayed on wid Major Wilder, de place we wus at when dey set us free.

My father was David Gill and my mother was Emily Gill. My father was a blacksmith and he moved from place to place where they hired him. That's why I was born on Major Wilder's property. Master Gill, who owned us, hired my father to Major Wilder and my mother moved with him. For a long time after the war, nine years, we stayed on with Major Wilder, the place we were at when they set us free.

Mr. Wilder had a large plantation and owned a large number of slaves before de surrender. I only 'members fourteen of de ones I know belonged to him. Mr. Wilder wus a mighty good man. We had plenty to eat an plenty work to do. Dere wus seven in the Major's family. Three boys, two girls, he an his wife. His boys wus named Sam, Will and Crockett.[Pg 325] De girls wus named Florence and Flora. Dey are all dead, every one of 'em. De whole set. I don't know nary one of 'em dats livin. If dey wus livin I could go to 'em an' git a meal any time. Yes Sir! any time, day or night.

Mr. Wilder had a large plantation and owned many slaves before the surrender. I only remember fourteen of the ones I know belonged to him. Mr. Wilder was a really good man. We had plenty to eat and plenty of work to do. There were seven in the Major's family: three boys, two girls, him, and his wife. His boys were named Sam, Will, and Crockett.[Pg 325] The girls were named Florence and Flora. They're all dead, every single one of them. The whole bunch. I don't know a single one that's alive. If they were living, I could go to them and get a meal anytime. Yes, sir! Anytime, day or night.

I farmed for a long time for myself atter I wus free from my father at 21 years of age. Den 'bout twelve years ago I come to Raleigh and got a job as butler at St. Augustine Episcopal College for Colored. I worked dere eight years, wus taken sick while workin dere an has been unable to work much since. Dat wus four years ago. Since den sometimes I ain't able to git up outen my cheer when I is settin down. I tells you, mister, when a nigger leaves de farm an comes to town to live he sho is takin a mighty big chance wid de wolf. He is just a riskin parishin, dats what he is a doin.

I farmed for a long time for myself after I was free from my father at 21 years old. Then about twelve years ago, I came to Raleigh and got a job as a butler at St. Augustine Episcopal College for Colored. I worked there for eight years, but I got sick while working there and have been unable to work much since. That was four years ago. Since then, sometimes I can't even get up out of my chair when I'm sitting down. I tell you, mister, when a Black person leaves the farm and comes to town to live, they are really taking a huge risk with danger. They are just risking everything, that's what they are doing.

I married forty five years ago this past November. I wus married on de second Thursday night in November to Millie Ruffin of Wake County, North Carolina. We had leben chilluns, six boys an five gals. Four of the boys an one of de gals is livin now. Some of my chilluns went north but dey didn't stay dere but two months. De one dat went north wus Sam, dat wus de oldest one. He took a notion to marry so he went up to Pennsylvania and worked. Just as soon as he got enough money to marry on he come back an got married. He never went back north no more.

I got married forty-five years ago this past November. I married on the second Thursday night in November to Millie Ruffin from Wake County, North Carolina. We had eleven children—six boys and five girls. Four of the boys and one of the girls are still living. Some of my children went north, but they didn't stay there for more than two months. The one who went north was Sam, the oldest. He decided he wanted to get married, so he went up to Pennsylvania and worked. As soon as he saved enough money to get married, he came back and tied the knot. He never returned to the north after that.

Mother belonged to Sam Krenshaw before she wus bought[Pg 326] by Marster Gill. Her missus when she was a girl growin up wus Mrs. Louise Krenshaw. De missus done de whuppin on Mr. Krenshaw's plantation an she wus mighty rough at times. She whupped mother an cut her back to pieces so bad dat de scars wus on her when she died. Father died in Raleigh an mother died out on Miss Annie Ball's farm 'bout seven miles from Raleigh. Mother an father wus livin there when mother died. Father den come to Raleigh an died here.

Mother belonged to Sam Krenshaw before she was bought[Pg 326] by Master Gill. Her mistress when she was a girl growing up was Mrs. Louise Krenshaw. The mistress did the whipping on Mr. Krenshaw's plantation and she was really harsh at times. She whipped mother and cut her back to the point that the scars were with her when she died. Father died in Raleigh and mother died on Miss Annie Ball's farm about seven miles from Raleigh. Mother and father were living there when mother died. Father then came to Raleigh and died here.

I caint read an write but all my chilluns can read and write. Mother and father could not read or write. I haint had no chance. I had no larnin. I had to depend on white folks I farmed wid to look atter my business. Some of em cheated me out of what I made. I am tellin you de truth 'bout some of de landlords, dey got mighty nigh all I made. Mr. Richard Taylor who owned a farm near Raleigh whur I stayed two years wus one of em. He charged de same thing three times an I had it to pay. I stayed two years an made nothin'. Dis is de truth from my heart, from here to glory. I members payin' fur a middlin of meat twice. Some of de white folks looked out fur me an prospered. Mr. Dave Faulk wus one of 'em. I stayed wid him six years and I prospered. Mr. John Bushnell wus a man who took up no time wid niggers. I rented from him a long time.

I can't read or write, but all my kids can. My mom and dad couldn't read or write either. I never had a chance. I didn't get any education. I had to rely on the white folks I farmed with to take care of my business. Some of them cheated me out of what I earned. I'm telling you the truth about some of the landlords; they took almost everything I made. Mr. Richard Taylor, who owned a farm near Raleigh where I stayed for two years, was one of them. He charged me the same amount three times, and I had to pay it. I stayed for two years and made nothing. This is the truth from my heart, from here to glory. I remember paying for a medium piece of meat twice. Some of the white folks looked out for me, and I did well. Mr. Dave Faulk was one of them. I stayed with him for six years, and I prospered. Mr. John Bushnell was a man who didn't waste time with Black people. I rented from him for a long time.

He furnished a nigger cash to run his crap on. De nigger made de crap sold it an carried him his part. He figgered 'bout what he should have an de nigger paid in cash. He wus[Pg 327] a mighty good man to his nigger tenants. I never owned a farm, I never owned horses or mules to farm with. I worked de landlords stock and farmed his land on shares. Farmin' has been my happiest life and I wushes I wus able to farm agin cause I am happiest when on de farm.

He provided cash to run his gambling operations. The person running the game sold it and gave him his cut. He thought about what he should get, and the guy paid him in cash. He was[Pg 327] a really good man to his black tenants. I never owned a farm; I never had horses or mules to farm with. I worked the landlord's stock and farmed his land for a share. Farming has been the happiest part of my life, and I wish I could farm again because I'm happiest when I'm on the farm.

I had a quiet home weddin' an I wus married by a white magistrate. I got up one night an' wus married at 1 o'clock.

I had a simple home wedding and I was married by a white magistrate. I got up one night and was married at 1 o'clock.

Atter de weddin she went back home wid me. We have had our ups and downs in life. Sometimes de livin' has been mighty hard, but dere has never been a time since I been free when I could not git a handout from de white folks back yard.

At the wedding, she came back home with me. We've had our ups and downs in life. Sometimes living has been really tough, but there's never been a time since I became free when I couldn't get a handout from the white folks' backyard.

LE

LE


[320020]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:2,118
Subject:A SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:Robert Glenn
Editor:George L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"SEP 10 1937"

ROBERT GLENN

207 Idlewild Avenue Raleigh, North Carolina.

I was a slave before and during the Civil War. I am 87 years old. I was born Sept. 16, 1850. I was born in Orange County, North Carolina near Hillsboro. At that time Durham was just a platform at the station and no house there whatever. The platform was lighted with a contraption shaped like a basket and burning coal that gave off a blaze. There were holes in this metal basket for the cinders to fall through.

I was a slave before and during the Civil War. I'm 87 years old. I was born on September 16, 1850, in Orange County, North Carolina, near Hillsboro. Back then, Durham was just a platform at the train station and had no buildings at all. The platform was lit by a device shaped like a basket that burned coal and produced a bright fire. There were holes in this metal basket for the cinders to drop through.

I belonged to a man named Bob Hall, he was a widower. He had three sons, Thomas, Nelson, and Lambert. He died when I was eight years old and I was put on the block and sold in Nelson Hall's yard by the son of Bob Hall. I saw my brother and sister sold on this same plantation. My mother belonged to the Halls, and father belonged to the Glenns. They sold me away from my father and mother and I was carried to the state of Kentucky. I was bought by a Negro speculator by the name of Henry long who lived not far from Hurdles Mill in Person County. I was not allowed to tell my mother and father goodbye. I was bought and sold three times in one day.

I belonged to a man named Bob Hall, who was a widower. He had three sons: Thomas, Nelson, and Lambert. He died when I was eight, and I was put on the auction block and sold in Nelson Hall's yard by Bob Hall's son. I saw my brother and sister sold on the same plantation. My mother belonged to the Halls, and my father belonged to the Glenns. They separated me from my parents, and I was taken to the state of Kentucky. I was bought by a Black speculator named Henry Long, who lived not far from Hurdles Mill in Person County. I wasn't allowed to say goodbye to my mother and father. I was bought and sold three times in one day.

My father's time was hired out and as he knew a trade he had by working overtime saved up a considerable amount of[Pg 330] money. After the speculator, Henry Long, bought me, mother went to father and pled with him to buy me from him and let the white folks hire me out. No slave could own a slave. Father got the consent and help of his owners to buy me and they asked Long to put me on the block again. Long did so and named his price but when he learned who had bid me off he backed down. Later in the day he put me on the block and named another price much higher than the price formerly set. He was asked by the white folks to name his price for his bargain and he did so. I was again put on the auction block and father bought me in, putting up the cash. Long then flew into a rage and cursed my father saying, 'you damn black son of a bitch, you think you are white do you? Now just to show you are black, I will not let you have your son at any price.' Father knew it was all off, mother was frantic but there was nothing they could do about it. They had to stand and see the speculator put me on his horse behind him and ride away without allowing either of them to tell me goodbye. I figure I was sold three times in one day, as the price asked was offered in each instance. Mother was told under threat of a whupping not to make any outcry when I was carried away. He took me to his home, but on the way he stopped for refreshments, at a plantation, and while he was eating and drinking, he put me into a room where two white women were spinning flax. I was given a seat across the[Pg 331] room from where they were working. After I had sat there awhile wondering where I was going and thinking about mother and home, I went to one of the women and asked, 'Missus when will I see my mother again?' She replied, I don't know child, go and sit down. I went back to my seat and as I did so both the women stopped spinning for a moment, looked at each other, and one of them remarked. "Almighty God, this slavery business is a horrible thing. Chances are this boy will never see his mother again." This remark nearly killed me, as I began to fully realize my situation. Long, the Negro trader, soon came back, put me on his horse and finished the trip to his home. He kept me at his home awhile and then traded me to a man named William Moore who lived in Person County. Moore at this time was planning to move to Kentucky which he soon did, taking me with him. My mother found out by the "Grapevine telegraph" that I was going to be carried to Kentucky. She got permission and came to see me before they carried me off. When she started home I was allowed to go part of the way with her but they sent two Negro girls with us to insure my return. We were allowed to talk privately, but while we were doing so, the two girls stood a short distance away and watched as the marster told them when they left that if I escaped they would be whipped every day until I was caught. When the time of parting came and I had to turn back, I burst out crying loud. I was so weak from[Pg 332] sorrow I could not walk, and the two girls who were with me took me by each arm and led me along half carrying me.

My father was hired out for work, and since he knew a trade, he saved up a decent amount of[Pg 330] money by working overtime. After the speculator, Henry Long, bought me, my mother went to my father and begged him to buy me back and let the white folks hire me out. No slave could own another slave. My father got permission and help from his owners to buy me back, and they asked Long to put me up for sale again. Long agreed and set a price, but when he realized who had bid for me, he changed his mind. Later that day, he put me back on the auction block and set a much higher price than before. The white folks asked him to set his price for the deal, and he did. I was put up for auction again, and my father bought me, paying in cash. Long then flew into a rage, cursing my father and saying, “You damn black son of a bitch, you think you’re white, do you? Just to show you’re black, I won’t let you have your son at any price.” My father knew it was hopeless, and my mother was frantic, but there was nothing they could do. They had to watch as the speculator put me on his horse behind him and rode away without letting either of them say goodbye. I figure I was sold three times in one day, as the asking price was offered each time. My mother was told not to make a sound when I was taken away, or she’d be whipped. He took me to his home, but on the way, he stopped for refreshments at a plantation. While he was eating and drinking, he put me into a room where two white women were spinning flax. I sat across the[Pg 331] room from where they were working. After sitting there for a while, wondering where I was going and thinking about my mother and home, I approached one of the women and asked, “Miss, when will I see my mother again?” She replied, “I don’t know, child. Go sit down.” I returned to my seat, and as I did, both women paused their spinning, looked at each other, and one said, “Almighty God, this slavery business is a terrible thing. Chances are this boy will never see his mother again.” That remark nearly crushed me, as I started to fully grasp my situation. Long, the slave trader, soon returned, put me back on his horse, and continued the ride to his home. He kept me there for a while before trading me to a man named William Moore, who lived in Person County. Moore was planning to move to Kentucky, which he did soon after, taking me with him. My mother found out through the "grapevine" that I was being taken to Kentucky. She got permission and came to see me before I was taken away. When she started to head home, I was allowed to go part of the way with her, but they sent two Black girls with us to ensure I would return. We could talk privately, but while we were, the two girls stood a short distance away, listening as the master told them that if I escaped, they would be whipped every day until I was caught. When it was time to part, and I had to turn back, I burst into tears. I was so overwhelmed with sorrow that I could barely walk, and the two girls each took one of my arms and half-carried me along.

This man Moore carried me and several other slaves to Kentucky. We traveled by train by way of Nashville, Tenn. My thoughts are not familiar with the happenings of this trip but I remember that we walked a long distance at one place on the trip from one depot to another.

This man Moore took me and several other enslaved people to Kentucky. We traveled by train through Nashville, Tennessee. I don’t clearly remember what happened during the trip, but I recall that we walked a long way at one point from one depot to another.

We finally reached Kentucky and Moore stopped at his brother's plantation until he could buy one, then we moved on it. My marster was named William Moore and my missus was named Martha Whitfield Moore. It was a big plantation and he hired a lot of help and had white tenants besides the land he worked with slaves. There were only six slaves used as regular field hands during his first year in Kentucky.

We finally arrived in Kentucky, and Moore stayed at his brother's plantation until he could buy one, then we moved on it. My master was named William Moore, and my missus was named Martha Whitfield Moore. It was a large plantation, and he hired a lot of help, plus had white tenants along with the land he worked with slaves. Only six slaves were used as regular field hands during his first year in Kentucky.

The food was generally common. Hog meat and cornbread most all the time. Slaves got biscuits only on Sunday morning. Our clothes were poor and I worked barefooted most of the time, winter and summer. No books, papers or anything concerning education was allowed the slaves by his rules and the customs of these times.

The food was pretty basic. Most of the time, it was pork and cornbread. Slaves only got biscuits on Sunday morning. Our clothes were in bad condition, and I often worked barefoot, whether it was winter or summer. No books, papers, or anything related to education were allowed for the slaves because of the rules and customs of that time.

Marster Moore had four children among whom was one boy about my age. The girls were named Atona, Beulah, and Minnie, and the boy was named Crosby. He was mighty brilliant. We played together. He was the only white boy there, and he took a great liking to me, and we loved each devotedly. Once in an undertone he asked me how would I[Pg 333] like to have an education. I was overjoyed at the suggestion and he at once began to teach me secretly. I studied hard and he soon had me so I could read and write well. I continued studying and he continued teaching me. He furnished me books and slipped all the papers he could get to me and I was the best educated Negro in the community without anyone except the slaves knowing what was going on.

Marster Moore had four kids, and one of them was a boy about my age. The girls were named Atona, Beulah, and Minnie, and the boy was named Crosby. He was really smart. We played together. He was the only white boy around, and he grew really fond of me, and we loved each other deeply. One time, he quietly asked me how I would like to get an education. I was thrilled by the idea, and he immediately started teaching me in secret. I studied hard, and before long, I was able to read and write well. I kept studying, and he kept teaching me. He gave me books and snuck me all the papers he could find, and I became the most educated Black person in the community without anyone except the slaves knowing what was happening.

All the slaves on marster's plantation lived the first year we spent in Kentucky in a one room house with one fireplace. There was a dozen or more who all lived in this one room house. Marster built himself a large house having seven rooms. He worked his slaves himself and never had any overseers. We worked from sun to sun in the fields and then worked at the house after getting in from the fields as long as we could see. I have never seen a patteroller but when I left the plantation in slavery time I got a pass. I have never seen a jail for slaves but I have seen slaves whipped and I was whipped myself. I was whipped particularly about a saddle I left out in the night after using it during the day. My flesh was cut up so bad that the scars are on me to this day.

All the enslaved people on the master's plantation lived the first year we spent in Kentucky in a one-room house with one fireplace. There were a dozen or more of us all living in this one room. The master built himself a large house with seven rooms. He worked his slaves himself and never hired any overseers. We worked from sunrise to sunset in the fields and then continued working at the house until we couldn't see anymore. I’ve never seen a patroller, but when I left the plantation during slavery, I got a pass. I’ve never seen a jail for enslaved people, but I have seen enslaved people whipped, and I was whipped myself. I got whipped especially for a saddle I left out overnight after using it during the day. My skin was cut up so badly that the scars are still on me to this day.

We were not allowed to have prayer meetings, but we went to the white folks church to services sometimes. There were no looms, mills, or shops on the plantation at Marster Moore's. I kept the name of Glenn through all the years as[Pg 334] Marster Moore did not change his slaves names to his family name. My mother was named Martha Glenn and father was named Bob Glenn.

We weren't allowed to have prayer meetings, but we sometimes attended the white folks' church services. There were no looms, mills, or shops on Marster Moore's plantation. I kept the name Glenn all these years because Marster Moore didn't change his slaves' names to his family name. My mother was named Martha Glenn and my father was named Bob Glenn.

I was in the field when I first heard of the Civil War. The woman who looked after Henry Hall and myself (both slaves) told me she heard marster say old Abraham Lincoln was trying to free the niggers. Marster finally pulled me up and went and joined the Confederate Army. Kentucky split and part joined the North and part the South. The war news kept slipping through of success for first one side then the other. Sometimes marster would come home, spend a few days and then go again to the war. It seemed he influenced a lot of men to join the southern army, among them was a man named Enoch Moorehead. Moorehead was killed in a few days after he joined the southern army.

I was in the field when I first heard about the Civil War. The woman who took care of Henry Hall and me (both enslaved) told me she heard our master say that old Abraham Lincoln was trying to free Black people. Our master eventually took me along and joined the Confederate Army. Kentucky was divided, with part supporting the North and part the South. News of the war kept coming in, with each side experiencing victories at different times. Sometimes our master would come home, stay for a few days, and then head back to the front. It seemed he encouraged many men to enlist in the Confederate Army, including a man named Enoch Moorehead. Moorehead was killed just a few days after he enlisted.

Marster Moore fell out with a lot of his associates in the army and some of them who were from the same community became his bitter enemies. Tom Foushee was one of them. Marster became so alarmed over the threats on his life made by Foushee and others that he was afraid to stay in his own home at night, and he built a little camp one and one half miles from his home and he and missus spent their nights there on his visits home. Foushee finally came to the great house one night heavily armed, came right on into the house and inquired for marster. We told him marster was away.[Pg 335] Foushee lay down on the floor and waited a long time for him. Marster was at the little camp but we would not tell where he was.

Marster Moore had a falling out with many of his army associates, and some from his own community turned into his fierce enemies. Tom Foushee was one of them. Marster became so worried about the threats to his life made by Foushee and others that he was scared to stay at his own home at night, so he built a small camp one and a half miles away, where he and his wife spent their nights whenever he visited home. One night, Foushee showed up at the big house heavily armed, walked right in, and asked for Marster. We told him Marster was away.[Pg 335] Foushee lay down on the floor and waited a long time for him. Marster was at the little camp, but we wouldn’t reveal his location.

Foushee left after spending most of the night at marster's. As he went out into the yard, when leaving, marster's bull dog grawled at him and he shot him dead.

Foushee left after spending most of the night at the master's place. As he stepped out into the yard to leave, the master's bulldog growled at him, and he shot it dead.

Marster went to Henderson, Kentucky, the County seat of Henderson County, and surrendered to the Federal Army and took the Oath of Allegiance. Up to that time I had seen a few Yankees. They stopped now and then at marster's and got their breakfast. They always asked about buttermilk, they seemed to be very fond of it. They were also fond of ham, but we had the ham meat buried in the ground, this was about the close of the war. A big army of Yankees came through a few months later and soon we heard of the surrender. A few days after this marster told me to catch two horses that we had to go to Dickenson which was the County seat of Webster County. On the way to Dickenson he said to me, 'Bob, did you know you are free and Lincoln has freed you? You are as free as I am.' We went to the Freedmen's Bureau and went into the office. A Yankee officer looked me over and asked marster my name, and informed me I was free, and asked me whether or not I wanted to keep living with Moore. I did not know what to do, so I told him yes. A fixed price of seventy-five dollars and board was then set as the salary I[Pg 336] should receive per year for my work. The Yankees told me to let him know if I was not paid as agreed.

Marster went to Henderson, Kentucky, the county seat of Henderson County, and surrendered to the Federal Army, taking the Oath of Allegiance. Up to that point, I had only seen a few Yankees. They would stop by Marster's place occasionally for breakfast and always asked about buttermilk; they seemed to really like it. They also enjoyed ham, but we had the ham buried in the ground as this was near the end of the war. A large group of Yankees came through a few months later, and soon we heard about the surrender. A few days after that, Marster told me to catch two horses so we could head to Dickenson, which is the county seat of Webster County. On the way to Dickenson, he said to me, "Bob, did you know you’re free, and Lincoln has freed you? You are as free as I am." We went to the Freedmen's Bureau and entered the office. A Yankee officer looked me over and asked Marster for my name. He informed me that I was free and asked whether I wanted to continue living with Moore. I didn’t know what to say, so I replied yes. A fixed salary of seventy-five dollars and board was then set for my work per year. The Yankees told me to inform him if I wasn’t paid as agreed.

I went back home and stayed a year. During the year I hunted a lot at night and thoroughly enjoyed being free. I took my freedom by degrees and remained obedient and respectful, but still wondering and thinking of what the future held for me. After I retired at night I made plan after plan and built aircastles as to what I would do. At this time I formed a great attachment for the white man, Mr. Atlas Chandler, with whom I hunted. He bought my part of the game we caught and favored me in other ways. Mr. Chandler had a friend, Mr. Dewitt Yarborough, who was an adventurer, and trader, and half brother to my ex-marster, Mr. Moore, with whom I was then staying. He is responsible for me taking myself into my own hands and getting out of feeling I was still under obligations to ask my marster or missus when I desired to leave the premises. Mr. Yarborough's son was off at school at a place called Kiloh, Kentucky, and he wanted to carry a horse to him and also take along some other animals for trading purposes. He offered me a new pair of pants to make the trip for him and I accepted the job. I delivered the horse to his son and started for home. On the way back I ran into Uncle Squire Yarborough who once belonged to Dewitt Yarborough. He persuaded me to go home with him and go with him to a wedding in Union County, Kentucky. The[Pg 337] wedding was twenty miles away and we walked the entire distance. It was a double wedding, two couples were married. Georgianna Hawkins was married to George Ross and Steve Carter married a woman whose name I do not remember. This was in the winter during the Christmas Holidays and I stayed in the community until about the first of January, then I went back home. I had been thinking for several days before I went back home as to just what I must tell Mr. Moore and as to how he felt about the matter, and what I would get when I got home. In my dilema I almost forgot I was free.

I went back home and stayed for a year. During that time, I did a lot of night hunting and really enjoyed my freedom. I took my freedom slowly and stayed obedient and respectful, but I was still curious about what the future had in store for me. After dusk, I made plan after plan and dreamed about what I would do. At this point, I formed a strong bond with the white man, Mr. Atlas Chandler, with whom I hunted. He bought my share of the game we caught and supported me in other ways. Mr. Chandler had a friend, Mr. Dewitt Yarborough, who was an adventurer, trader, and half-brother to my former master, Mr. Moore, with whom I was then staying. He was the reason I took control of my life and stopped feeling obligated to ask my master or mistress whenever I wanted to leave. Mr. Yarborough’s son was away at school in a place called Kiloh, Kentucky, and he wanted to take a horse to him, along with some other animals for trading. He offered me a new pair of pants to make the trip for him, and I took the job. I delivered the horse to his son and started my way back home. On the way, I ran into Uncle Squire Yarborough, who used to belong to Dewitt Yarborough. He convinced me to go home with him and attend a wedding in Union County, Kentucky. The wedding was twenty miles away, and we walked the whole way. It was a double wedding; two couples were married. Georgianna Hawkins married George Ross, and Steve Carter married a woman whose name I can’t remember. This happened in the winter during the Christmas holidays, and I stayed in the community until about early January before heading back home. I had been thinking for several days before returning about what I should tell Mr. Moore, how he’d feel about it, and what I would find when I got home. In my dilemma, I almost forgot that I was free.

I got home at night and my mind and heart was full but I was surprised at the way he treated me. He acted kind and asked me if I was going to stay with him next year. I was pleased. I told him, yes sir! and then I lay down and went to sleep. He had a boss man on his plantation then and next morning he called me, but I just couldn't wake. I seemed to be in a trance or something, I had recently lost so much sleep. He called me the second time and still I did not get up. Then he came in and spanked my head. I jumped up and went to work feeding the stock and splitting wood for the day's cooking and fires. I then went in and ate my breakfast. Mr. Moore told me to hitch a team of horses to a wagon and go to a neighbors five miles away for a load of hogs. I refused to do so. They called me into the house and asked me what I was going to do about it. I said I do[Pg 338] not know. As I said that I stepped out of the door and left. I went straight to the county seat and hired to Dr. George Rasby in Webster County for one hundred dollars per year. I stayed there one year. I got uneasy in Kentucky. The whites treated the blacks awful bad so I decided to go to Illinois as I thought a Negro might have a better chance there, it being a northern state. I was kindly treated and soon began to save money, but all through the years there was a thought that haunted me in my dreams and in my waking hours, and this thought was of my mother, whom I had not seen or heard of in many years. Finally one cold morning in early December I made a vow that I was going to North Carolina and see my mother if she was still living. I had plenty of money for the trip. I wrote the postmaster in Roxboro, North Carolina, asking him to inform my mother I was still living, and telling him the circumstances, mailing a letter at the same time telling her I was still alive but saying nothing of my intended visit to her. I left Illinois bound for North Carolina on December 15th and in a few days I was at my mother's home. I tried to fool them. There were two men with me and they called me by a ficticious name, but when I shook my mother's hand I held it a little too long and she suspicioned something still she held herself until she was more sure. When she got a chance she came to me and said ain't you my child? Tell me[Pg 339] ain't you my child whom I left on the road near Mr. Moore's before the war? I broke down and began to cry. Mother nor father did not know me, but mother suspicioned I was her child. Father had a few days previously remarked that he did not want to die without seeing his son once more. I could not find language to express my feeling. I did not know before I came home whether my parents were dead or alive. This Christmas I spent in the county and state of my birth and childhood; with mother, father and freedom was the happiest period of my entire life, because those who were torn apart in bondage and sorrow several years previous were now united in freedom and happiness.

I got home at night, and my mind and heart were full, but I was surprised by how he treated me. He was nice and asked if I was going to stay with him next year. I was happy and told him, “Yes, sir!” Then I lay down and went to sleep. He had a boss man on his plantation at the time, and the next morning he called me, but I just couldn't wake up. I felt like I was in a trance or something; I had recently lost a lot of sleep. He called me a second time, and still, I didn’t get up. Then he came in and spanked my head. I jumped up and got to work feeding the animals and splitting wood for cooking and fires. After that, I went in and had my breakfast. Mr. Moore told me to hitch a team of horses to a wagon and go to a neighbor five miles away for a load of hogs. I refused to do it. They called me into the house and asked what I was going to do about it. I said, “I don’t know.” As I said that, I stepped out of the door and left. I went straight to the county seat and got a job with Dr. George Rasby in Webster County for a hundred dollars a year. I stayed there for one year. I started feeling uneasy in Kentucky. The white people treated the black people really badly, so I decided to go to Illinois, thinking a black person might have a better chance there since it was a northern state. I was treated kindly and soon started to save money, but throughout the years, there was a thought that haunted me in my dreams and waking hours, and that thought was of my mother, whom I hadn’t seen or heard from in many years. Finally, one cold morning in early December, I vowed that I was going to North Carolina to see my mother if she was still alive. I had enough money for the trip. I wrote to the postmaster in Roxboro, North Carolina, asking him to let my mother know I was alive and telling him the circumstances, and I mailed a letter to her at the same time saying I was still alive but didn’t mention my intended visit. I left Illinois for North Carolina on December 15th, and in a few days, I was at my mother’s home. I tried to play it cool. There were two men with me who called me by a fake name, but when I shook my mother’s hand, I held it a little too long, and she got suspicious; still, she held herself together until she was more sure. When she had a chance, she came to me and asked, “Aren’t you my child? Tell me, aren’t you my child whom I left on the road near Mr. Moore’s before the war?” I broke down and started to cry. Neither my mother nor father recognized me, but my mother suspected I was her child. A few days earlier, my father had said he didn’t want to die without seeing his son one more time. I couldn’t find the words to express my feelings. I didn’t know before I came home whether my parents were dead or alive. I spent this Christmas in the county and state of my birth and childhood; being with my mother, father, and experiencing my freedom was the happiest time of my life, because those who had been torn apart by bondage and sorrow several years earlier were now united in freedom and happiness.

EH

EH


[ ]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
Subject:SARAH ANNE GREEN
Ex-Slave, 78 Years
Durham County

SARAH ANNE GREEN

EX-SLAVE 78 YEARS

My mammy an' pappy wuz Anderson an' Hannah Watson. We fus' belonged to Marse Billy an' Mis Roby Watson, but when Marse Billy's daughter, Mis' Susie ma'ied young Marse Billy Headen, Ole Marse give her me, an' my mammy an' my pappy for er weddin' gif'. So, I growed up as Sarah Anne Headen.

My mom and dad were Anderson and Hannah Watson. We first belonged to Mr. Billy and Mrs. Roby Watson, but when Mr. Billy's daughter, Miss Susie, married young Mr. Billy Headen, old Mr. gave her me, along with my mom and dad, as a wedding gift. So, I grew up as Sarah Anne Headen.

My pappy had blue eyes. Dey wuz jus' like Marse Billy's eyes, kaze Ole Marse wuz pappy's marster an' his pappy too. Ole Marse wuz called Hickory Billy, dey called him dat kaze he chewed hickory bark. He wouldn' touch 'bacca, but he kept er twis' of dis bark in his pocket mos' all de time. He would make us chillun go down whare de niggers wuz splittin' rails an' peel dis bark off de logs befo' dey wuz split. De stuff he chewed come off de log right under de bark. After dey'd skin de logs we'd peel off dis hickory 'bacca in long strips an' make it up in twis's for Ole Marse. It wuz yellah an' tas' sweet an' sappy, an' he'd chew an' spit, an' chew an' spit. Mis' Roby wouldn' 'low no chewin' in de house, but Ole Marse sho done some spittin' outside. He could stan' in de barn door an' spit clear up in de lof'.

My dad had blue eyes. They were just like Mr. Billy's eyes because Old Man was my dad's master and his dad's too. Old Man was nicknamed Hickory Billy; they called him that because he chewed hickory bark. He wouldn’t touch tobacco, but he kept a twist of this bark in his pocket most of the time. He would make us kids go down where the Black people were splitting logs and peel this bark off the logs before they were split. The stuff he chewed came from the log right under the bark. After they skinned the logs, we’d peel off this hickory tobacco in long strips and twist it up for Old Man. It was yellow and tasted sweet and sappy, and he’d chew and spit, and chew and spit. Miss Roby wouldn’t allow any chewing in the house, but Old Man sure did some spitting outside. He could stand in the barn door and spit clear up into the loft.

Ole Marse an' Mis Roby lived on er big plantation near Goldston an' dey had 'bout three hundred slaves. Hannah, my mammy, wuz de head seamstress. She had to 'ten' to de makin' of all de slaves clothes. De niggers had good clothes. De cloth wuz home woven in de weavin' room. Ten niggers didn' do nothin'[Pg 342] but weave, but every slave had one Sunday dress a year made out of store bought cloth. Ole Marse seed to dat. Ole Marse made de niggers go to chu'ch too. He had er meetin' house on plantation an' every Sunday we wuz ma'ched to meetin'. Dey wuz preachin' every other Sunday an' Sunday School every Sunday. Marse Billy an' Mis' Roby teached de Sunday School, but dey didn' teach us to read an' write, no suh, dey sho didn'. If dey'd see us wid er book dey'd whip us. Dey said niggers didn' need no knowledge; dat dey mus' do what dey wuz tole to do. Marse Billy wuz er doctor too. He doctored de slaves when dey got sick, an' if dey got bad off he sen' for er sho nuff doctor an' paid de bills.

Ole Master and Miss Roby lived on a large plantation near Goldston and they had about three hundred slaves. Hannah, my mom, was the head seamstress. She had to make all the slaves’ clothes. The Black people had good clothes. The fabric was hand-woven in the weaving room. Ten Black people only wove, but every slave had one Sunday dress a year made out of store-bought fabric. Ole Master made sure of that. Ole Master also made the slaves go to church. He had a meeting house on the plantation and every Sunday we were marched to the meeting. There was preaching every other Sunday and Sunday School every Sunday. Master Billy and Miss Roby taught the Sunday School, but they didn’t teach us to read and write, no sir, they definitely didn’t. If they saw us with a book, they would whip us. They said Black people didn’t need any knowledge; that they must do what they were told to do. Master Billy was a doctor too. He treated the slaves when they got sick, and if they got really ill, he would send for a real doctor and pay the bills.

Every Chris'mas Marse Billy give de niggers er big time. He called dem up to de big house an' give dem er bag of candy, niggertoes, an' sugar plums, den he say: 'Who wants er egg nog, boys?' All dem dat wants er dram hol' up dey han's.' Yo' never seed such holdin' up of han's. I would hol' up mine too, an' Ole Marse would look at me an say, 'Go 'way from hear, Sarah Anne, yo' too little to be callin' for nog.' But he fill up de glass jus' de same an' put in er extra spoon of sugar an' give it to me. Dat sho wuz good nog. 'Twuz all foamy wid whipped cream an' rich wid eggs. Marse Billy an' Mis' Roby served it demselves from dey Sunday cut glass nog bowl, an' it kept Estella an' Rosette busy fillin' it up. Marse Billy wuz er good man.[Pg 343]

Every Christmas, Master Billy treats the Black folks really well. He calls them up to the big house and gives them a bag of candy, blacktoes, and sugar plums, then he says, "Who wants some eggnog, boys?" All the ones who want a drink raise their hands. You’ve never seen so many hands go up. I would raise mine too, and Master would look at me and say, "Go away from here, Sarah Anne, you’re too little to be asking for nog." But he still filled up the glass anyway, added an extra spoon of sugar, and gave it to me. That was really good nog. It was all frothy with whipped cream and rich with eggs. Master Billy and Miss Roby served it themselves from their Sunday cut glass nog bowl, and it kept Estella and Rosette busy refilling it. Master Billy was a good man.[Pg 343]

When de war come on Marse Billy was too ole to go, but young Marse Billy an' Marse Gaston went. Dey wuz Ole Marse's two boys. Young Marse Billy Headen, Mis' Susie's husban' went too.

When the war started, old Marse Billy was too old to go, but young Marse Billy and Marse Gaston went. They were old Marse's two boys. Young Marse Billy Headen, Miss Susie's husband, went too.

De day Ole Marse heard dat de Yankees wuz comin' he took all de meat 'cept two or three pieces out of de smoke house, den he got de silver an' things an' toted dem to de wood pile. He dug er hole an' buried dem, den he covered de place wid chips, but wid dat he wuzn' satisfied, so he made pappy bring er load of wood an' throw it on top of it, so when de Yankees come dey didn' fin' it.

The day old man heard that the Yankees were coming, he took all the meat except for two or three pieces out of the smokehouse. Then he got the silver and other valuables and carried them to the woodpile. He dug a hole and buried them, then covered the spot with chips. Still not satisfied, he had dad bring a load of wood and throw it on top, so when the Yankees came, they wouldn’t find it.

When de Yankees come up in de yard Marse Billy took Mis' Roby an' locked her up in dey room, den he walk 'roun' an' watched de Yankees, but dey toted off what dey wanted. I wuzn' skeered of de Yankees; I thought dey wuz pretty mens in dey blue coats an' brass buttons. I followed dem all 'roun' beggin' for dey coat buttons. I ain't never seed nothin' as pretty as dem buttons. When dey lef' I followed dem way down de road still beggin', 'twell one of dem Yankees pull off er button an' give it to me. 'Hear, Nigger,' he say, 'take dis button. I's givin' it to you kaze yo's got blue eyes. I ain't never seed blue eyes in er black face befo'.' I had blue eyes like pappy an' Marse Billy, an' I kept dat Yankee button 'twell I wuz ma'ied, den I los' it.

When the Yankees came into the yard, Marse Billy took Miss Roby and locked her in their room, then he walked around and watched the Yankees, but they carried off what they wanted. I wasn't scared of the Yankees; I thought they were really handsome men in their blue coats and brass buttons. I followed them around, begging for their coat buttons. I had never seen anything as pretty as those buttons. When they left, I followed them down the road still begging, until one of the Yankees pulled off a button and gave it to me. "Here, Black," he said, "take this button. I'm giving it to you because you've got blue eyes. I’ve never seen blue eyes in a black face before." I had blue eyes like my dad and Marse Billy, and I kept that Yankee button until I got married, then I lost it.

De wus' thing I know dat happened, in de war wuz when Mis' Roby foun' de Yankee sojer in de ladies back house.[Pg 344]

De wus' thing I know that happened in the war was when Miss Roby found the Yankee soldier in the ladies' restroom.[Pg 344]

Down at de back of de garden behin' de row of lilac bushes wuz de two back houses, one for de mens an' one for de ladies. Mis' Roby went down to dis house one day, an' when she opened de door, dare lay er Yankee sojer on de floor. His head wuz tied up wid er bloody rag an' he look like he wuz dead.

Down at the back of the garden behind the row of lilac bushes were the two outbuildings, one for men and one for women. Miss Roby went down to this building one day, and when she opened the door, there lay a Yankee soldier on the floor. His head was wrapped in a bloody rag and he looked like he was dead.

Mammy say she seed Mis' Roby when she come out. She looked skeered but she didn' scream nor nothin'. When she seed mammy she motioned to her. She tole her 'bout de Yankee. 'He's jus' er boy, Hannah,' she say, 'he ain't no older den Marse Gaston, an' he's hurt. We got to do somethin' an' we can't tell nobody.' Den she sen' mammy to de house for er pan of hot water, de scissors an' er ole sheet. Mis' Roby cut off de bloody ran an' wash dat sojer boy's head den she tied up de cut places. Den she went to de house an' made mammy slip him er big milk toddy. 'Bout dat time she seed some ho'seman comin' down de road. When dey got closer she seed dey wuz 'Federate sojers. Dey rode up in de yard an' Marse Billy went out to meet dem. Dey tole him dat dey wuz lookin' for er Yankee prisoner dat done got away from dey camp.

Mammy said she saw Miss Roby when she came out. She looked scared but didn’t scream or anything. When she saw Mammy, she waved her over. She told her about the Yankee. "He's just a boy, Hannah," she said, "he's no older than Marse Gaston, and he's hurt. We have to do something and we can’t tell anyone." Then she sent Mammy to the house for a pan of hot water, the scissors, and an old sheet. Miss Roby cut off the bloody rag and washed that soldier boy's head, then she bandaged his injuries. After that, she went to the house and had Mammy give him a big milk toddy. Around that time, she saw some horsemen coming down the road. When they got closer, she saw they were Confederate soldiers. They rode up to the yard, and Marse Billy went out to meet them. They told him they were looking for a Yankee prisoner who had escaped from their camp.

After Ole Marse tole dem dat he ain't seed no Yankee sojer, dey tole him dat dey got to search de place kaze dat wuz orders.

After Ole Marse told them that he hadn't seen any Yankee soldier, they told him that they had to search the place because that was the order.

When Mis Roby heard dem say dat she turned an' went through de house to do back yard. She walk 'roun' 'mong de flowers, but all de time she watchin' dem 'Federates search de barns, stables, an' everywhare. But, when dey start to de lilac bushes, Mis'[Pg 345] Roby lif' her head an' walk right down de paf to de ladies back house, an' right befo' all dem mens, wid dem lookin' at her, she opened de door an' walk in. She sholy did.

When Mrs. Roby heard them say that, she turned and went through the house to the backyard. She walked around among the flowers, but the whole time she was watching those Confederates search the barns, stables, and everywhere. But when they started to the lilac bushes, Mrs.[Pg 345] Roby lifted her head and walked straight down the path to the ladies' restroom, and right in front of all those men, while they were looking at her, she opened the door and walked in. She really did.

Dat night when 'twuz dark Mis' Roby wrap' up er passel of food an' er bottle of brandy an' give it to dat sojer Yankee boy. She tole him dey wuz ho'ses in de paster an' dat de Yankee camp wuz over near Laurinburg or somewhare like dat.

That night when it got dark, Miss Roby wrapped up a bunch of food and a bottle of brandy and gave it to that Yankee soldier boy. She told him there were horses in the pasture and that the Yankee camp was somewhere near Laurinburg or something like that.

Nobody ain't seed dat boy since, but somehow dat ho'se come back an' in his mane wuz er piece of paper. Marse Billy foun' it an' brung it to Mis' Roby an' ax her what it meant.

Nobody has seen that boy since, but somehow that horse came back and in its mane was a piece of paper. Master Billy found it and brought it to Miss Roby and asked her what it meant.

Mis' Roby took it an' 'twuz er letter dat sojer boy done wrote tellin' her dat he wuz safe an' thankin' her for what she done for him.

Mis' Roby took it and it was a letter that the soldier boy wrote telling her that he was safe and thanking her for what she did for him.

Mis' Roby tole Marse Billy she couldn' help savin' dat Yankee, he too much of er boy.

Mis' Roby told Marse Billy she couldn't help saving that Yankee, he's too much of her boy.

Marse Billy he look at Mis' Roby, den he say: 'Roby, honey, yo's braver den any sojer I ever seed.'

Marse Billy looked at Miss Roby, then he said: 'Roby, sweetheart, you’re braver than any soldier I’ve ever seen.'


[320356]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:624
Subject:DORCAS GRIFFETH
Person Interviewed:Dorcas Griffeth
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 26 1937"

DORCAS GRIFFETH

602 E. South Street

You know me every time you sees me don't you? Who tole you I wus Dorcas Griffith? I seed you up town de other day. Yes, yes, I is old. I is 80 years old. I remember all about dem Yankees. The first biscuit I ever et dey give it to me. I wus big enough to nus de babies when de Yankees came through. Dey carried biscuits on dere horses, I wus jist thinkin' of my young missus de other day. I belonged to Doctor Clark in Chatham County near Pittsboro. My father wus named Billy Dismith, and my mother wus named Peggy Council. She belonged to the Councils. Father, belonged to the Dismiths and I belonged to the Clarks. Missus wus named Winnie. Dey had tolerable fine food for de white folks, but I did not get any of it. De food dey give us wus mighty nigh nuthin'. Our clothes wus bad and our sleepin' places wus not nuthin' at all. We had a hard time. We had a hard time then and we are havin' a hard time now. We have a house to live in now, and de chinches eat us up almos, and we have nuthin' to live on now, jist a little from charity. I fares mighty bad. Dey gives me a half peck of meal and a pound o' meat, a little oat meal, and canned grape juice, a half[Pg 348] pound o' coffee and no sugar or lard and no flour. Dey gives us dat for a week's eatin'.

You recognize me every time you see me, don’t you? Who told you I was Dorcas Griffith? I saw you uptown the other day. Yes, yes, I’m old. I’m 80 years old. I remember all about the Yankees. The first biscuit I ever ate, they gave it to me. I was big enough to nurse the babies when the Yankees came through. They carried biscuits on their horses. I was just thinking of my young missus the other day. I belonged to Doctor Clark in Chatham County near Pittsboro. My father was named Billy Dismith, and my mother was named Peggy Council. She belonged to the Councils. My father belonged to the Dismiths and I belonged to the Clarks. My missus was named Winnie. They had pretty decent food for the white folks, but I didn’t get any of it. The food they gave us was barely anything. Our clothes were in bad shape, and our sleeping arrangements were terrible. We had a tough time. We had a tough time back then and we’re having a tough time now. We have a house to live in now, but the bedbugs are almost eating us alive, and we have nothing to live on now—just a little help from charity. I’m doing really poorly. They give me a half peck of meal, a pound of meat, a little oatmeal, canned grape juice, a half[Pg 348] pound of coffee, and no sugar or lard and no flour. They give us that for a week’s worth of food.

De Yankees called de niggers who wus plowin' de mules when dey came through an' made 'em bring 'em to 'em an' dey carried de mules on wid em. De niggers called de Yankees Blue Jackets.

De Yankees called the black folks who were plowing the mules when they came through and made them bring the mules to them, and they took the mules along with them. The black folks called the Yankees Blue Jackets.

I had two brothers, both older dan me. George de oldest and Jack. Let me see I had four sisters 1, 2, 3, 4; one wus named Annie, one named Rosa, Annie, and Francis and myself Dorcas. All de games I played wus de wurk in de field wid a hoe. Dere wus no playgrounds like we has now. No, no, if you got your work done you done enough. If I could see how to write like you I could do a lot o' work but I can't see. I kin write. I got a good education acording to readin', spellin, and writin'. I kin say de 2nd chapter of Matthey by heart, the 27 chapter of Ezelial by heart, or most of Ezekial by heart.

I had two brothers, both older than me: George, the oldest, and Jack. Let me think, I had four sisters: one was named Annie, another Rosa, and then there was Francis and myself, Dorcas. All the games I played were working in the fields with a hoe. There weren't any playgrounds like we have now. Nope, if you finished your work, that was enough. If I could figure out how to write like you, I could get a lot of work done, but I can’t see. I can write. I got a good education when it comes to reading, spelling, and writing. I can recite the 2nd chapter of Matthew from memory, the 27th chapter of Ezekiel from memory, or most of Ezekiel from memory.

I learned it since I got free. I went to school in Raleigh to de Washington School. Dey wouldn't let us have books when I wus a slave. I wus afraid ter be caught wid a book. De patterollers scared us so bad in slavery time and beat so many uv de slaves dat we lef' de plantation jus' as soon as we wus free. Dat's de reason father lef' de plantation so quick. I also remember de Ku Klux. I wus afraid o' dem, and I did not think much of 'em. I saw slaves whupped till de blood run down dere backs. Once dey whupped[Pg 349] some on de plantation and den put salt on de places and pepper on 'em. I didn't think nuthin in de world o' slavery. I think de it wus wrong. I didn't think a thing o' slavery.

I learned it as soon as I was free. I went to school in Raleigh at the Washington School. They wouldn't let us have books when I was a slave. I was afraid to be caught with a book. The patrollers scared us so much during slavery and beat so many of the slaves that we left the plantation as soon as we were free. That's why my father left the plantation so quickly. I also remember the Ku Klux Klan. I was afraid of them, and I didn't think much of them. I saw slaves beaten until the blood ran down their backs. Once they whipped[Pg 349] someone on the plantation and then put salt and pepper on their wounds. I didn't think anything of slavery. I believed it was wrong. I didn't think anything of slavery.

All my people are dead, and I am unable to work. I haven't been able to work in six years. I thought Abraham Lincoln wus a good man. He had a good name.

All my people are dead, and I can’t work. I haven’t been able to work for six years. I thought Abraham Lincoln was a good man. He had a good reputation.

I don't know much about Mr. Roosevelt but I hopes he will help me, cause I need it mighty bad.

I don't know much about Mr. Roosevelt, but I hope he will help me because I really need it.


[320005]
Subject:Sarah Gudger
Person Interviewed:Sarah Gudger
TR: Added Header Page

SARAH GUDGER

Ex-slave, 121 years

Investigation of the almost incredible claim of Aunt Sarah Gudger, ex-slave living in Asheville, that she was born on Sept. 15, 1816, discloses some factual information corroborating her statements.

Investigation of the almost unbelievable claim of Aunt Sarah Gudger, a former slave living in Asheville, that she was born on September 15, 1816, reveals some factual information supporting her statements.

Aunt Sarah's father, Smart Gudger, belonged to and took his family name from Joe Gudger, who lived near Oteen, about six miles east of Asheville in the Swannanoa valley, prior to the War Between the States. Family records show that Joe Gudger married a Miss McRae in 1817, and that while in a despondent mood he ended his own life by hanging, as vividly recounted by the former slave.

Aunt Sarah's father, Smart Gudger, was part of and got his last name from Joe Gudger, who lived near Oteen, about six miles east of Asheville in the Swannanoa Valley, before the Civil War. Family records indicate that Joe Gudger married a Miss McRae in 1817, and during a time of deep sadness, he took his own life by hanging, as vividly recounted by a former slave.

John Hemphill, member of the family served by Aunt Sarah until "freedom," is recalled as being "a few y'ars younge' as me," and indeed his birth is recorded for 1822. Alexander Hemphill, mentioned by Aunt Sarah as having left to join the Confederate army when about 25 years of age, is authentic and his approximate age in 1861 tallies with that recalled by the ex-slave. When Alexander went off to the war Aunt Sarah was "gettin' t' be an ol' woman."

John Hemphill, a member of the family served by Aunt Sarah until "freedom," is remembered as being "a few years younger than me," and his birth is indeed recorded for 1822. Alexander Hemphill, mentioned by Aunt Sarah as having left to join the Confederate army when he was around 25 years old, is real, and his approximate age in 1861 matches what the ex-slave recalls. When Alexander went off to war, Aunt Sarah was "getting to be an old woman."

Aunt Sarah lives with distant cousins in a two-story frame house, comfortably furnished, at 8 Dalton street in South Asheville (the Negro section lying north of Kenilworth). A distant male relative, 72 years of age, said he has known Aunt Sarah all his life and that she was an old woman when he was a small boy.[Pg 351] Small in stature, about five feet tall, Aunt Sarah is rathered rounded in face and body. Her milk-chocolate face is surmounted by short, sparse hair, almost milk white. She is somewhat deaf but understands questions asked her, responding with animation. She walks with one crutch, being lame in the right leg. On events of the long ago her mind is quite clear. Recalling the Confederate "sojers, marchin', marchin'" to the drums, she beat a tempo on the floor with her crutch. As she described how the hands of slaves were tied before they were whipped for infractions she crossed her wrists.

Aunt Sarah lives with distant cousins in a two-story wooden house, comfortably furnished, at 8 Dalton Street in South Asheville (the Black neighborhood north of Kenilworth). A distant male relative, 72 years old, said he has known Aunt Sarah his whole life and that she was already elderly when he was a small boy.[Pg 351] Small in stature, about five feet tall, Aunt Sarah has a rounded face and body. Her milk-chocolate skin is topped by short, sparse hair, which is almost white. She is somewhat hard of hearing but understands questions directed at her, responding with enthusiasm. She walks with one crutch because she has a limp in her right leg. Her memory of events from long ago is quite sharp. As she recalled the Confederate "soldiers, marching, marching" to the drums, she tapped a rhythm on the floor with her crutch. When she described how the hands of slaves were tied before they were whipped for offenses, she crossed her wrists.

Owen Gudger, Asheville postmaster (1913-21), member of the Buncombe County Historical Association, now engaged in the real estate business, says he has been acquainted with Aunt Sarah all his life; that he has, on several occasions, talked to her about her age and early associations, and that her responses concerning members of the Gudger and Hemphill families coincide with known facts of the two families.

Owen Gudger, Asheville postmaster (1913-21), a member of the Buncombe County Historical Association, now working in real estate, says he has known Aunt Sarah his whole life. He mentions that he has spoken to her several times about her age and her early connections, and that her answers regarding members of the Gudger and Hemphill families match up with known facts about both families.

Interviewed by a member of the Federal Writers' Project, Aunt Sarah seemed eager to talk, and needed but little prompting.

Interviewed by a member of the Federal Writers' Project, Aunt Sarah appeared eager to chat and needed very little encouragement.

SARAH GUDGER

(born September 15, 1816)
Interview with Mrs. Marjorie Jones, May 5, 1937

I wah bo'n 'bout two mile fum Ole Fo't on de Ole Mo'ganton Road. I sho' has had a ha'd life. Jes wok, an' wok, an' wok. I nebbah know nothin' but wok. Mah boss he wah Ole Man Andy Hemphill. He had a la'ge plantation in de valley. Plenty ob ebbathin'. All kine ob stock: hawgs, cows, mules, an' hosses. When Marse Andy die I go lib wif he son, William Hemphill.

I was born about two miles from Old Fort on the Old Morganton Road. I’ve definitely had a hard life. Just work, and work, and work. I never knew anything but work. My boss was Old Man Andy Hemphill. He had a large plantation in the valley. A lot of everything. All kinds of livestock: pigs, cows, mules, and horses. When Marse Andy died, I lived with his son, William Hemphill.

I nebbah fo'git when Marse Andy die. He wah a good ole man, and de Missie she wah good, too. She usta read de Bible t' us chillun afoah she pass away.

I never forgot when Marse Andy died. He was a good old man, and Missie was good too. She used to read the Bible to us kids before she passed away.

Mah pappy, he lib wif Joe Gudgah (Gudger). He ole an' feeble, I 'membahs. He 'pend on mah pappy t' see aftah ebbathin' foah him. He allus trust mah pappy. One mo'nin' he follah pappy to de field. Pappy he stop hes wok and ole Marse Joe, he say: "Well, Smart (pappy, he name Smart), I's tard, wurried, an' trubble'. All dese yeahs I wok foah mah chillun. Dey nevah do de right thing. Dey wurries me, Smart. I tell yo', Smart, I's a good mind t' put mahself away. I's good mind t' drown mahself right heah. I tebble wurried, Smart."

My dad lived with Joe Gudgah (Gudger). He was old and weak, I remember. He depended on my dad to take care of everything for him. He always trusted my dad. One morning, he followed my dad to the field. Dad stopped his work, and old Mr. Joe said: "Well, Smart (my dad's name is Smart), I'm tired, worried, and troubled. All these years I've worked for my children. They never do the right thing. They worry me, Smart. I tell you, Smart, I'm really thinking about ending it all. I'm really thinking about drowning myself right here. I'm terribly worried, Smart."

Pappy he take hole Ole Marse Joe an' lead him t' de house. "Now Marse Joe, I wudden talk sich talk effen I's yo'. Yo' ben good t' yo' fambly. Jest yo' content yo'self an' rest."

Pappy takes old Master Joe and leads him to the house. "Now Master Joe, I wouldn’t say such things if I were you. You've been good to your family. Just keep yourself calm and rest."

But a few days aftah dat, Ole Marse Joe wah found ahangin' in de ba'n by de bridle. Ole Marse had put heself away.[Pg 353]

But a few days after that, Old Master Joe was found hanging in the barn by the bridle. Old Master had taken himself away.[Pg 353]

No'm, I nebbah knowed whut it wah t' rest. I jes wok all de time f'om mawnin' till late at night. I had t' do ebbathin' dey wah t' do on de outside. Wok in de field, chop wood, hoe cawn, till sometime I feels lak mah back sholy break. I done ebbathin' 'cept split rails. Yo' know, dey split rails back in dem days. Well, I nevah did split no rails.

No, I never really knew what it was like to rest. I just worked all the time from morning until late at night. I had to do everything that needed to be done outside. Work in the field, chop wood, hoe corn, until sometimes I feel like my back is definitely going to break. I did everything except split rails. You know, they split rails back in those days. Well, I never did split any rails.

Ole Marse strop us good effen we did anythin' he didn' lak. Sometime he get hes dandah up an' den we dassent look roun' at him. Else he tie yo' hands afoah yo' body an' whup yo', jes lak yo' a mule. Lawdy, honey, I's tuk a thousand lashins in mah day. Sometimes mah poah ole body be soah foah a week.

Ole Marse would whip us good if we did anything he didn't like. Sometimes he would get his temper up and then we wouldn't dare look at him. Otherwise, he would tie your hands behind your back and beat you, just like you were a mule. Lord, honey, I've taken a thousand lashes in my day. Sometimes my poor old body would be sore for a week.

Ole Boss he send us niggahs out in any kine ob weathah, rain o' snow, it nebbah mattah. We had t' go t' de mountings, cut wood an' drag it down t' de house. Many de time we come in wif ouh cloes stuck t' ouh poah ole cold bodies, but 'twarn't no use t' try t' git 'em dry. Ef de Ole Boss o' de Ole Missie see us dey yell: "Git on out ob heah yo' black thin', an' git yo' wok outen de way!" An' Lawdy, honey, we knowed t' git, else we git de lash. Dey did'n cah how ole o' how young yo' wah, yo' nebbah too big t' git de lash.

Ole Boss sent us out in any kind of weather, rain or snow, it didn’t matter. We had to go to the mountains, cut wood, and drag it back to the house. Many times we came in with our clothes stuck to our poor cold bodies, but it was no use trying to get them dry. If Ole Boss or the Ole Missie saw us, they would yell: "Get out of here, you black thing, and move your work out of the way!" And, Lord, honey, we knew to get moving, or else we would get the lash. They didn’t care how old or how young you were, you were never too big to get the lash.

De rich white folks nebbah did no wok; dey had da'kies t' do it foah dem. In de summah we had t' wok outdoo's, in de wintah in de house. I had t' ceard an' spin till ten o'clock. Nebbah git much rest, had t' git up at foah de nex' mawnin' an' sta't agin. Didn' get much t' eat, nuthah, jes a lil' cawn bread an' 'lasses. Lawdy, honey, yo' caint know whut a time I had. All cold n' hungry. No'm, I aint tellin' no lies. It de gospel truf. It sho is.[Pg 354]

The wealthy white folks never did any work; they had slaves to do it for them. In the summer, we had to work outside, and in the winter, in the house. I had to card and spin until ten o'clock. Never got much rest, had to get up at four the next morning and start again. Didn’t get much to eat either, just a little corn bread and molasses. Lord, honey, you can’t know what a time I had. All cold and hungry. No, I’m not telling any lies. It’s the gospel truth. It really is.[Pg 354]

I 'membah well how I use t' lie 'wake till all de folks wah sleepin', den creep outen de do' and walk barfoot in de snow, 'bout two mile t' mah ole Auntie's house. I knowed when I git dar she fix hot cawn pone wif slice o' meat an' some milk foah me t' eat. Auntie wah good t' us da'kies.

I remember well how I used to stay up until everyone else was asleep, then sneak out the door and walk barefoot in the snow for about two miles to my old Auntie's house. I knew when I got there she would have hot cornbread with a slice of meat and some milk for me to eat. Auntie was good to us kids.

I nebbah sleep on a bedstead till aftah freedom, no'm till aftah freedom. Jes' an ole pile o' rags in de conah. Ha'dly 'nuf t' keep us from freezin'. Law, chile, nobuddy knows how mean da'kies wah treated. Wy, dey wah bettah t' de animals den t' us'ns. Mah fust Ole Marse wah a good ole man, but de las'n, he wah rapid—- he sho wah rapid. Wy, chile, times aint no mo' lak dey usta be den de day an' night am lak. In mah day an' time all de folks woked. Effen dey had no niggahs dey woked demselves. Effen de chillun wah too small tuh hoe, dey pull weeds. Now de big bottom ob de Swannano (Swannanoa) dat usta grow hunners bushels ob grain am jest a playgroun'. I lak t' see de chillun in de field. Wy, now dey fight yo' lak wilecat effen it ebben talked 'bout. Dat's de reason times so ha'd. No fahmin'. Wy, I c'n 'membah Ole Missie she say: "Dis gene'ation'll pass away an' a new gene'ation'll cum 'long." Dat's jes' it—ebbah gene'ation gits weakah an' weakah. Den dey talk 'bout goin' back t' ole times. Dat time done gone, dey nebbah meet dat time agin.

I never slept on a bed until after freedom, not until after freedom. Just an old pile of rags in the corner. Hardly enough to keep us from freezing. Law, child, nobody knows how badly people were treated. Why, they were treated better than animals. My first old master was a good old man, but the last one was cruel—he really was cruel. Why, child, times aren’t like they used to be, and day and night are different too. In my day, everyone worked. If they didn't have any black workers, they worked themselves. If the kids were too small to hoe, they pulled weeds. Now the big bottom of the Swannanoa that used to grow hundreds of bushels of grain is just a playground. I like to see the kids in the field. Why, now they fight you like a wildcat if you even mention it. That’s why times are so hard. No farming. Why, I remember old Missy saying: "This generation will pass away and a new generation will come along." That’s just it—every generation gets weaker and weaker. Then they talk about going back to the old times. That time is gone, they'll never see that time again.

Wahn't none o' de slaves offen ouh plantation ebbah sold, but de ones on de othah plantation ob Marse William wah. Oh, dat wah a tebble time! All de slaves be in de field, plowin', hoein', singin' in de boilin' sun. Ole Marse he cum t'ru de field wif a man call de specalater. Day walk round jes' lookin', jes'lookin',[Pg 355] All de da'kies know whut dis mean. Dey didn' dare look up, jes' wok right on. Den de specalater he see who he want. He talk to Ole Marse, den dey slaps de han'cuffs on him an' tak him away to de cotton country. Oh, dem wah awful times! When de specalater wah ready to go wif de slaves, effen dey wha enny whu didn' wanta go, he thrash em, den tie em 'hind de waggin an' mek em run till dey fall on de groun', den he thrash em till dey say dey go 'thout no trubble. Sometime some of dem run 'way an cum back t' de plantation, den it wah hardah on dem den befoah. When de da'kies wen' t' dinnah de ole niggah mammy she say whar am sich an' sich. None ob de othahs wanna tell huh. But when she see dem look down to de groun' she jes' say: "De specalater, de specalater." Den de teahs roll down huh cheeks, cause mebbe it huh son o' husban' an' she know she nebbah see 'em agin. Mebbe dey leaves babies t' home, mebbe jes' pappy an' mammy. Oh, mah Lawdy, mah ole Boss wah mean, but he nebbah sen' us to de cotton country.

There weren't any slaves from our plantation ever sold, but the ones from the other plantation of Marse William were. Oh, that was a terrible time! All the slaves were in the fields, plowing, hoeing, and singing in the blazing sun. Old Marse came through the field with a man called the speculator. They walked around just looking, just looking, [Pg 355] All the Black folks knew what this meant. They didn’t dare look up, just kept working. Then the speculator spotted who he wanted. He talked to Old Marse, then they slapped the handcuffs on him and took him away to the cotton country. Oh, those were awful times! When the speculator was ready to leave with the slaves, even if there were any who didn’t want to go, he would beat them, then tie them behind the wagon and make them run until they fell on the ground, then he beat them until they said they would go without any trouble. Sometimes some of them would run away and come back to the plantation, but then it was harder on them than before. When the Black folks went to dinner, the old mammy would ask where such and such was. None of the others wanted to tell her. But when she saw them looking down at the ground, she would just say: "The speculator, the speculator." Then the tears would roll down her cheeks, because maybe it was her son or husband and she knew she would never see them again. Maybe they left babies at home, maybe just their dad and mom. Oh, my Lord, my old boss was mean, but he never sent us to the cotton country.

Dey wah ve'y few skules back in day day an time, ve'y few. We da'kies didn' dah look at no book, not ebben t' pick it up. Ole Missie, dat is, mah firs' Ole Missie, she wah a good ole woman. She read to de niggahs and t' de white chillun. She cum fum cross de watah. She wahn't lak de sma't white folks livin' heah now. When she come ovah heah she brung darky boy wif huh. He wah huh pussonal su'vant. Co'se, dey got diffent names foah dem now, but in dat day dey calls 'em ginney niggahs. She wah good ole woman, not lak othah white folks. Niggahs lak Ole Missie.

Dey had very few schools back in the day, very few. We Black people didn't look at any books, not even to pick them up. Old Missie, that is, my first Old Missie, she was a really nice woman. She read to the Black people and to the white children. She came from across the water. She wasn't like the smart white folks living here now. When she came over here, she brought a Black boy with her. He was her personal servant. Of course, they have different names for them now, but back then they called them "ginnies." She was a good woman, not like other white folks. Black people liked Old Missie.

When de da'kies git sick, dey wah put in a lil' ole house close t' de big house, an' one of the othah da'kies waited on 'em.[Pg 356] Dey wah ve'y few doctahs den. Ony three in de whole section. When dey wanted med'cine dey went t' de woods an' gathahed hoahhound, slipperelm foah poltices an' all kinds ba'k foah teas. All dis yarbs bring yo' round. Dey wah ve'y few lawyers den too, but lawsy me, yo' cain't turn round fer dem now.

When the enslaved people got sick, they would be put in a little old house near the big house, and one of the other enslaved people would take care of them.[Pg 356] There were very few doctors then. Only three in the whole area. When they needed medicine, they went to the woods and gathered horehound, slippery elm for poultices, and all kinds of bark for teas. All these herbs would help you recover. There were very few lawyers then too, but goodness, you can’t turn around without running into them now.

I 'membahs when mah ole mammy die. She live on Rims (Reems) Crick with othah Hemphills. She sick long time. One day white man cum t' see me. He say: "Sarah, did yo' know yo' manmy wah daid?" "No," I say, "but I wants t' see mah mothah afoah dey puts huh away."

I'm remembering when my old mom died. She lived on Rims Creek with other Hemphills. She was sick for a long time. One day a white man came to see me. He said, "Sarah, did you know your mom is dead?" "No," I said, "but I want to see my mother before they bury her."

I went t' de house and say t' Ole Missie: "Mah mothah she die tofay. I wants t' see mah mothah afoah dey puts huh away," but she look at me mean an' say: "Git on outen heah, an' git back to yo' wok afoah I wallup yo' good." So I went back t' mah wok, with the tears streamin' down mah face, jest awringin' mah hands, I wanted t' see mah manmy so. 'Bout two weeks latah, Ole Missie she git tebble sick, she jes' lingah 'long foah long time, but she nebbah gits up no mo'. Wa'nt long afoah dey puts huh away too, jes' lak mah mammy.

I went to the house and said to Missy: "My mother died today. I want to see my mother before they bury her," but she looked at me harshly and said: "Get out of here, and get back to your work before I really give you a beating." So I went back to my work, with tears streaming down my face, just wringing my hands; I wanted to see my mommy so much. About two weeks later, Missy got really sick, she just lingered for a long time, but she never got up again. It wasn't long before they buried her too, just like my mommy.

I 'membahs de time when mah mammy wah alive, I wah a small chile, afoah dey tuk huh t' Rims Crick. All us chilluns wah playin' in de ya'd one night. Jes' arunnin' an' aplayin' lak chillun will. All a sudden mammy cum to de do' all a'sited. "Cum in heah dis minnit," she say. "Jes look up at what is ahappenin'", and bless yo' life, honey, de sta's wah fallin' jes' lak rain.[7] Mammy wah tebble skeered, but we [Pg 357]chillun wa'nt afeard, no, we wa'nt afeard. But mammy she say evah time a sta' fall, somebuddy gonna die. Look lak lotta folks gonna die f'om de looks ob dem sta's. Ebbathin' wah jes' as bright as day. Yo' cudda pick a pin up. Yo' know de sta's don' shine as bright as dey did back den. I wondah wy dey don'. Dey jes' don' shine as bright. Wa'nt long afoah dey took mah mammy away, and I wah lef' alone.

I remember the time when my mom was alive. I was just a small child before they took her to Rims Creek. All of us kids were playing in the yard one night, just running around and playing like kids do. Suddenly, my mom came to the door all excited. "Come in here this minute," she said. "Just look up at what's happening," and bless your heart, honey, the stars were falling just like rain.[7] My mom was really scared, but we kids weren’t afraid, no, we weren’t afraid. But my mom said every time a star falls, someone is going to die. It looked like a lot of folks were going to die from the way those stars looked. Everything was as bright as day. You could have picked up a pin. You know the stars don't shine as bright as they did back then. I wonder why they don't. They just don’t shine as bright. It wasn’t long before they took my mom away, and I was left all alone.

On de plantation wah an ole woman whut de boss bought f'om a drovah up in Virginny. De boss he bought huh f'om one ob de specalaters. She laff an' tell us: "Some ob dese days yo'all gwine be free, jes' lak de white folks," but we all laff at huh. No, we jes' slaves, we allus hafta wok and nevah be free. Den when freedom cum, she say: "I tole yo'all, now yo' got no larnin', yo' got no nothin', got no home; whut yo' gwine do? Didn' I tell yo'?"

On the plantation where an old woman was bought by the boss from a drover up in Virginia. The boss bought her from one of the speculators. She laughed and told us: "One of these days you all are going to be free, just like the white folks," but we all laughed at her. No, we were just slaves; we always had to work and would never be free. Then when freedom came, she said: "I told you all, now you have no education, you have nothing, no home; what are you going to do? Didn't I tell you?"

I wah gittin along smartly in yeahs when de wah cum. Ah 'membah jes' lak yestiddy jes' afoah de wah. Marse William wah atalkin' t' hes brothah. I wah standin' off a piece. Marse's brothah, he say: "William, how ole Aunt Sarah now?" Marse William look at me an' he say: "She gittin' nigh onta fifty." Dat wah jes' a lil while afoah de wah.

I was doing pretty well for years when the war started. I remember it just like yesterday, right before the war. Mr. William was talking to his brother. I was standing a little ways off. Mr. William's brother said, "William, how old is Aunt Sarah now?" Mr. William looked at me and said, "She's almost fifty." That was just a little while before the war.

Dat wah awful time. Us da'kies didn' know whut it wah all bout. Ony one of de boys f'om de plantation go. He Alexander, he 'bout twenty-five den. Many de time we git word de Yankees comin'. We take ouh food an' stock an' hide it till we sho' dey's gone. We wan't bothahed much. One day, I nebbah fo'git, we look out an' see sojers ma'chin'; look lak de whole valley full ob dem. I thought: "Poah helpless crittahs, jes' goin' away t' git kilt." De drums wah[Pg 358] beatin' an' de fifes aplayin'. Dey wah de foot comp'ny. Oh, glory, it wah a sight. Sometime dey cum home on furlough. Sometime dey git kilt afoah dey gits th'ough. Alexander, he cum home a few time afoah freedom.

That was an awful time. We Black folks didn’t really know what it was all about. Only one of the boys from the plantation went. His name was Alexander, and he was about twenty-five then. Many times we got word that the Yankees were coming. We would take our food and supplies and hide them until we were sure they were gone. We weren't bothered much. One day, I’ll never forget, we looked out and saw soldiers marching; it looked like the whole valley was full of them. I thought, "Poor helpless creatures, just going away to get killed." The drums were[Pg 358] beating, and the fifes were playing. They were part of the foot company. Oh, glory, it was a sight. Sometimes they would come home on furlough. Sometimes they would get killed before they made it back. Alexander came home a few times before freedom.

When de wah was ovah, Marse William he say: "Did yo'all know yo'all's free, Yo' free now." I chuckle, 'membahin' whut ole woman tell us 'bout freedom, an' no larnin. Lotta men want me t' go t' foreign land, but I tell 'em I go live wif mah pappy, long as he live. I stay wif de white folks 'bout twelve months, den I stay wif mah pappy, long as he live.

When the war was over, Master William said, "Did you all know you’re free? You’re free now." I chuckled, remembering what the old woman told us about freedom and not learning. A lot of men wanted me to go to foreign lands, but I told them I would live with my dad as long as he was alive. I stayed with the white folks for about twelve months, then I stayed with my dad for as long as he lived.

I had two brothahs, dey went t' Califonny, nebbah seed 'em no mo', no' mah sistah, nuther. I cain't 'membah sech a lot 'bout it all. I jes' knows I'se bo'n and bred heah in dese pa'ts, nebbah been outten it. I'se well; nebbah take no doctah med'cine. Jes' ben sick once; dat aftah freedom.

I had two brothers; they went to California, never saw them again, nor my sister either. I can’t remember much about it all. I just know I was born and raised here in these parts, never been outside of it. I’m well; never took any doctor medicine. Just been sick once, that was after freedom.

[7] (One of the most spectacular meteoric showers on record, visible all over North America, occurred in 1833.)

[7] (One of the most impressive meteor showers ever recorded, seen all across North America, took place in 1833.)


[320007]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:734
Subject:THOMAS HALL
Person Interviewed:Thomas Hall
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"SEP 10 1937"

THOMAS HALL

Age 81 years
316 Tarboro Road, Raleigh, N.C.

My name is Thomas Hall and I was born in Orange County, N. C. on a plantation belonging to Jim Woods whose wife, our missus, was named Polly. I am eighty one years of age as I was born Feb. 14, 1856. My father Daniel Hall and my mother Becke Hall and me all belonged to the same man but it was often the case that this wus not true as one man, perhaps a Johnson, would own a husband and a Smith own the wife, each slave goin' by the name of the slave owners, family. In such cases the children went by the name of the family to which the mother belonged.

My name is Thomas Hall, and I was born in Orange County, N.C., on a plantation owned by Jim Woods, whose wife, our missus, was named Polly. I’m eighty-one years old, having been born on February 14, 1856. My father, Daniel Hall, my mother, Becke Hall, and I all belonged to the same person, but it often wasn't the case; one man, maybe a Johnson, would own a husband, and a Smith would own the wife, with each slave taking on the name of their owner's family. In those situations, the children took the name of the family to which their mother belonged.

Gettin married an' having a family was a joke in the days of slavery, as the main thing in allowing any form of matrimony among the slaves was to raise more slaves in the same sense and for the same purpose as stock raisers raise horses and mules, that is for work. A woman who could produce fast was in great demand and brought a good price on the auction block in Richmond, Va., Charleston, S. C., and other places.

Getting married and having a family was a joke during the time of slavery because the only reason any form of marriage was allowed among slaves was to produce more slaves, just like stock breeders raise horses and mules for labor. A woman who could reproduce quickly was highly sought after and fetched a good price on the auction block in Richmond, VA, Charleston, SC, and other locations.

The food in many cases that was given the slaves was not given them for their pleasure or by a cheerful giver, but for the simple and practical reason that children would not grow into a large healthy slave unless they were well fed and clothed; and given good warm places in which to live.

The food that was often provided to the slaves wasn't given for their enjoyment or by someone generous, but simply because children wouldn’t grow into strong, healthy slaves if they weren’t well-fed, clothed, and given warm places to live.

Conditions and rules were bad and the punishments were severe and barbarous. Some marsters acted like savages. In[Pg 361] some instances slaves were burned at the stake. Families were torn apart by selling. Mothers were sold from their children. Children were sold from their mothers, and the father was not considered in anyway as a family part. These conditions were here before the Civil War and the conditions in a changed sense have been here ever since. The whites have always held the slaves in part slavery and are still practicing the same things on them in a different manner. Whites lynch, burn, and persecute the Negro race in America yet; and there is little they are doing to help them in anyway.

Conditions and rules were harsh, and the punishments were severe and cruel. Some masters acted like savages. In[Pg 361] some cases, slaves were burned at the stake. Families were ripped apart through selling. Mothers were sold away from their children. Children were sold away from their mothers, and fathers were not considered part of the family at all. These conditions existed before the Civil War and have remained, in a changed sense, ever since. Whites have always maintained a system of partial slavery over Black people and continue to practice similar oppression in different forms. Whites still lynch, burn, and persecute the Black community in America, and there is little being done to support them in any way.

Lincoln got the praise for freeing us, but did he do it? He give us freedom without giving us any chance to live to ourselves and we still had to depend on the southern white man for work, food and clothing, and he held us through our necessity and want in a state of servitude but little better than slavery. Lincoln done but little for the Negro race and from living standpoint nothing. White folks are not going to do nothing for Negroes except keep them down.

Lincoln received credit for freeing us, but did he really? He gave us freedom without providing us any opportunity to live for ourselves, and we still had to rely on the white people in the South for work, food, and clothing. They kept us in a state of servitude that was barely better than slavery. Lincoln didn’t do much for the Black community, and from a living standpoint, nothing at all. White people aren’t going to do anything for Black people except try to keep them down.

Harriet Beecher Stowe, the writer of Uncle Tom's Cabin, did that for her own good. She had her own interests at heart and I don't like her, Lincoln, or none of the crowd. The Yankees helped free us, so they say, but they let us be put back in slavery again.

Harriet Beecher Stowe, the author of Uncle Tom's Cabin, did that for her own benefit. She was looking out for her own interests, and I don't like her, Lincoln, or any of the others. The Yankees claimed to have helped free us, but they allowed us to be put back into slavery.

When I think of slavery it makes me mad. I do not believe in giving you my story 'cause with all the promises that have been made the Negro is still in a bad way in the United States,[Pg 362] no matter in what part he lives it's all the same. Now you may be all right; there are a few white men who are but the pressure is such from your white friends that you will be compelled to talk against us and give us the cold shoulder when you are around them, even if your heart is right towards us.

When I think about slavery, it makes me angry. I don’t want to share my story because despite all the promises made, Black people are still in a terrible situation in the United States,[Pg 362] no matter where they live. You might be a decent person; there are a few good white individuals out there, but the pressure from your white peers is so strong that you’ll feel forced to speak negatively about us and ignore us when you’re around them, even if you truly care about us.

You are going around to get a story of slavery conditions and the persecusions of Negroes before the civil war and the economic conditions concerning them since that war. You should have known before this late day all about that. Are you going to help us? No! you are only helping yourself. You say that my story may be put into a book, that you are from the Federal Writer's Project. Well, the Negro will not get anything out of it, no matter where you are from. Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote Uncle Tom's Cabin. I didn't like her book and I hate her. No matter where you are from I don't want you to write my story cause the white folks have been and are now and always will be against the negro.

You’re going around to gather stories about the conditions of slavery and the persecution of Black people before the Civil War, as well as their economic situation since then. You should have known all of that by now. Are you going to help us? No! You’re just helping yourself. You say my story might go into a book and that you’re with the Federal Writer's Project. Well, the Black community won’t benefit from it, no matter where you come from. Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote Uncle Tom’s Cabin. I didn’t like her book, and I dislike her. No matter who you are, I don’t want you to write my story because white people have always been against Black people, and they still are.

LE

LE


[320016]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Travis Jordan
Subject:Hector Hamilton
Ex-slave 90 Years.
Date Stamp:"JUN 30 1937"

HECTER HAMILTON

EX-SLAVE 90 YEARS

Dey wuz two General Lee's, in de 'Federate War. One los' his fight, but de other won his.

There were two General Lees in the Civil War. One lost his fight, but the other won his.

One of dese Generals wuz a white man dat rode a white hoss, an' de other wuz a mean fightin' gander dat I named General Lee, though I didn' know den dat he wuz goin' to live up to his name. But when de time come dat long neck gander out fit de whole 'Federate army.

One of these generals was a white man who rode a white horse, and the other was a tough fighting gander that I named General Lee, even though I didn’t know then that he was going to live up to his name. But when the time came, that long-necked gander outfitted the whole Confederate army.

My white fo'ks lived in Virginia. Dey wuz Marse Peter an' Mis' Laura Hamilton. Dey lived on de big Hamilton plantation dat wuz so big dat wid all de niggers dey had dey couldn' 'ten' half of it. Dis lan' done been handed down to Marse Peter from more den six gran'pappys. Dey wuz cotton an' 'bacca fields a mile wide; de wheat fields as far as yo' could see wuz like a big sheet of green water, an' it took half hour to plow one row of cawn, but dey wuz plenty of slaves to do de work. Mistah Sidney Effort, Marse Peter's overseer, rode all over de fields every day, cussin' an' crackin' his long blacksnake whip. He drove dem niggers like dey wuz cattle, but Marse Peter wouldn' 'low no beatin' of his niggers.

My white folks lived in Virginia. They were Mr. Peter and Mrs. Laura Hamilton. They lived on the large Hamilton plantation that was so big that even with all the Black people they had, they couldn't tend to half of it. This land had been passed down to Mr. Peter from more than six grandfathers. There were cotton and tobacco fields a mile wide; the wheat fields as far as you could see looked like a big sheet of green water, and it took half an hour to plow one row of corn, but there were plenty of slaves to do the work. Mr. Sidney Effort, Mr. Peter's overseer, rode all over the fields every day, cursing and cracking his long blacksnake whip. He drove the Black people like they were cattle, but Mr. Peter wouldn’t allow any beating of his Black workers.

Marse Peter had acres an' acres of woods dat wuz his huntin' 'zerve. Dey wuz every kind of bird an' animal in dem woods in shootin' season. Dey wuz snipes, pheasants, patridges, squirrels, rabbits, deers, an' foxes; dey wuz even bears, an' dey wuz[Pg 365] wolfs too dat would come an' catch de sheeps at night.

Marse Peter had lots and lots of woods that were his hunting ground. There were all kinds of birds and animals in those woods during hunting season. There were snipes, pheasants, partridges, squirrels, rabbits, deer, and foxes; there were even bears, and there were[Pg 365] wolves too that would come and catch the sheep at night.

Dey wuz always a crowd at Easy Acres huntin' ridin' dancin' an' havin' a good time. Marse Peter's stables wuz full of hunters an' saddlers for mens an' ladies. De ladies in dem days rode side saddles. Mis' Laura's saddle wuz all studded wid sho nuff gol' tacks. De fringe wuz tipped wid gol', an' de buckles on de bridle wuz solid gol'. When de ladies went to ride dey wore long skirts of red, blue, an' green velvet, an' dey had plumes on dey hats dat blew in de win'. Dey wouldn' be caught wearin' britches an' ridin' straddle like de womens do dese days. In dem times de women wuz ladies.

There was always a crowd at Easy Acres hunting, riding, dancing, and having a good time. Mr. Peter's stables were full of horses for hunters and saddlers for men and women. The women back then rode side saddles. Mrs. Laura's saddle was all studded with real gold tacks. The fringe was tipped with gold, and the buckles on the bridle were solid gold. When the women went to ride, they wore long skirts of red, blue, and green velvet, and they had plumes on their hats that blew in the wind. They wouldn't be caught wearing pants and riding astride like women do these days. Back then, women were ladies.

Marse Peter kept de bes' sideboa'd in Princess Anne County. His cut glass decanters cos' near 'bout as much as Mis' Laura's diamon' ear rings I's goin' tell yo' 'bout. De decanters wuz all set out on de sideboard wid de glasses, an' de wine an' brandy wuz so ole dat one good size dram would make yo' willin' to go to de jail house for sixty days. Some of dat wine an' likker done been in dat cellar ever since Ole Marse Caleb Hamilton's time, an' de done built Easy Acres befo' Mistah George Washington done cut down his pappy's cherry tree. Dat likker done been down in dat cellar so long dat yo' had to scrape de dus' off wid a knife.

Marse Peter kept the best sideboard in Princess Anne County. His cut glass decanters cost about as much as Miss Laura's diamond earrings I'm going to tell you about. The decanters were all set out on the sideboard with the glasses, and the wine and brandy were so old that just a small drink would make you willing to go to jail for sixty days. Some of that wine and liquor had been in that cellar ever since Old Marse Caleb Hamilton's time, and they built Easy Acres before Mr. George Washington chopped down his father's cherry tree. That liquor had been down in that cellar so long that you had to scrape the dust off with a knife.

I wuz Marse Peter's main sideboa'd man. When he had shootin' company I didn' do nothin' but shake drams. De mens would come in from de huntin' field col' an' tired, an' Marse Peter would say: 'Hustle up, Hecter, fix us a dram of so an' so.' Dat mean dat I[Pg 366] wuz to mix de special dram dat I done learned from my gran'pappy. So, I pours in a little of dis an' a little of dat, den I shakes it 'twell it foams, den I fills de glasses an' draps in de ice an' de mint. Time de mens drink dat so an' so dey done forgot dey's tired; dey 'lax, an' when de ladies come down de stairs all dredd up, dey thinks dey's angels walkin' in gol' shoes. Dem wuz good times befo' de war an' befo' Marse Peter got shot. From de day Marse Peter rode his big grey hoss off to fight, we never seed him no more. Mis' Laura never even know if dey buried him or not.

I was Marse Peter's main assistant. When he had guests over, I didn't do anything but serve drinks. The men would come in from the hunting fields cold and tired, and Marse Peter would say, "Hustle up, Hecter, fix us a drink of so-and-so." That meant I was to mix the special drink that I learned from my grandpa. So, I poured in a little of this and a little of that, then I shook it until it froths, then I filled the glasses and dropped in the ice and mint. By the time the men drank that so-and-so, they forgot they were tired; they relaxed, and when the ladies came down the stairs all dressed up, they thought they were angels walking in golden shoes. Those were good times before the war and before Marse Peter got shot. From the day Marse Peter rode his big gray horse off to fight, we never saw him again. Miss Laura never even knew if they buried him or not.

After de mens all went to de war dey won't no use for no more drams, so Mis' Laura took me away from de sideboa'd an' made me a watchman. Dat is, I wuz set to watch de commissary to see dat de niggers wuzn' give no more den dey share of eats, den I looked after de chickens an' things, kaze de patter-rollers wuz all 'roun' de country an' dey'd steal everythin' from chickens to sweet taters an cawn, den dey'd sell it to de Yankees. Dat's when I named dat ole mean fightin' gander General Lee.

After the men all went to war, there was no need for any more drams, so Miss Laura took me away from the sideboard and made me a watchman. Basically, I was assigned to keep an eye on the commissary to make sure that the Black folks weren't getting more than their fair share of food. Then I also looked after the chickens and things because the patrollers were all around the country, stealing everything from chickens to sweet potatoes and corn, and then selling it to the Yankees. That's when I decided to name that old, mean fighting gander General Lee.

Everywhare I went 'roun' de place dat gander wuz right at my heels. He wuz de bigges' gander I ever seed. He weighed near 'bout forty pounds, an' his wings from tip to tip wuz 'bout two yards. He wuz smart too. I teached him to drive de cows an' sheeps, an' I sic'd him on de dogs when dey got 'streperous. I'd say, Sic him, General Lee, an' dat gander would cha'ge. He wuz a better fighter den de dogs kaze he fit wid his wings, his bill, an wid his feets. I seed him skeer a bull near 'bout to death one[Pg 367] day. Dat bull got mad an' jump de fence an' run all de niggers in de cabins, so I called General Lee an' sic'd him on dat bull. Dat bird give one squawk an' lit on dat bull's back, an' yo' never seed such carryin's on. De bull reared an' snorted an' kicked, but dat gander held on. He whipped dat bull wid his wings 'twell he wuz glad to go back in de lot an' 'have hese'f. After dat all I had to do to dat bull wuz show him General Lee an' he'd quiet down.

Everywhere I went around the place, that gander was right at my heels. He was the biggest gander I ever saw. He weighed about forty pounds, and his wingspan was about two yards. He was smart too. I taught him to drive the cows and sheep, and I sent him after the dogs when they got too noisy. I'd say, "Sic him, General Lee," and that gander would charge. He was a better fighter than the dogs because he fought with his wings, his beak, and his feet. I saw him scare a bull nearly to death one day. That bull got mad, jumped the fence, and made all the black folks in the cabins run, so I called General Lee and sent him after that bull. That bird let out one squawk and landed on that bull's back, and you never saw such a scene. The bull reared, snorted, and kicked, but that gander held on. He whipped that bull with his wings until he was glad to go back in the lot and be by himself. After that, all I had to do was show that bull General Lee, and he'd calm down.

Now I's goin' to tell yo' 'bout Mis' Laura's diamon' ear rings.

Now I'm going to tell you about Miss Laura's diamond earrings.

De fus' Yankees dat come to de house wuz gentlemens, 'cept dey made us niggers cook dey supper an' shine dey muddy boots, den dey stole everythin' dey foun' to tote away, but de nex ones dat come wuz mean. Dey got made kaze de fus' Yankees done got de pickin's of what Mis' Laura hadn' hid. Dey cut open de feather beds lookin' for silver; dey ripped open de chair cushings lookin' for money, dey even tore up de carpets, but dey didn' fin' nothin' kaze all de valuables done been buried. Even mos' of de wine done been hid, 'twuz' all buried in de ole graves down in de family grave yard wid de tombstones at de head an' foots. No Yankee ain't goin' be diggin' in no grave for nothin'.

The first Yankees who came to the house were gentlemen, except they made us blacks cook their supper and shine their muddy boots, then they stole everything they found to take away. But the next ones who came were mean. They got mad because the first Yankees took the best stuff that Miss Laura hadn’t hidden. They cut open the feather beds looking for silver; they ripped open the chair cushions looking for money, they even tore up the carpets, but they didn’t find anything because all the valuables had already been buried. Even most of the wine had been hidden; it was all buried in the old graves down in the family graveyard with tombstones at the head and feet. No Yankee is going to dig in any grave for anything.

Dey wuz one Yankee in dis las' bunch dat wuz big an' bustin'. He strut bigoty wid his chist stuck out. He walk 'roun' stickin' his sword in de chair cushions, de pictures on de walls an' things like dat. He got powerful mad kaze he couldn' fin' nothin', den he look out de window an' seed Mis' Laura. She wuz standin' on de[Pg 368] po'ch an' de sun wuz shinin' on de diamon' ear rings in her ears. Dey wuz de ear rings dat belonged to Marse Peter's great-great-gran'mammy. When de sojer seed dem diamon's his eyes 'gun to shine. He went out on de po'ch an' went up to Mis' Laura. 'Gim me dem ear rings,' he say jus' like dat.

There was one Yankee in this last group who was big and full of himself. He strutted around with his chest out. He walked around poking his sword into the chair cushions, the pictures on the walls, and things like that. He got really angry because he couldn't find anything, then he looked out the window and saw Miss Laura. She was standing on the[Pg 368] porch and the sun was shining on the diamond earrings in her ears. Those earrings belonged to Marse Peter's great-great-grandma. When the soldier saw those diamonds, his eyes started to shine. He went out on the porch and approached Miss Laura. "Give me those earrings," he said just like that.

Mis' Laura flung her han's up to her ears an' run out in de yard. De sojer followed her, an' all de other sojers come too. Dat big Yankee tole Mis' Laura again to give him de ear rings, but she shook her head. I wuz standin' 'side de house near 'bout bustin' wid madness when dat Yankee reach up an' snatch Mis' Laura's hands down an' hold dem in his, den he laugh, an' all de other sojers 'gun to laugh too jus' like dey thought 'twuz funny. 'Bout dat time Ole General Lee done smell a fight. He come waddlin' 'roun' de house, his tail feathers bristled out an' tawkin' to he'sef. I point to dem sojers an say, "Sic him, General Lee, sic him."

Miss Laura threw her hands up to her ears and ran out into the yard. The soldier followed her, and all the other soldiers came too. That big Yankee told Miss Laura again to give him the earrings, but she shook her head. I was standing by the house nearly bursting with anger when that Yankee reached up and grabbed Miss Laura's hands, holding them in his, then he laughed, and all the other soldiers started to laugh too as if they thought it was funny. About that time, Old General Lee caught the scent of a fight. He came waddling around the house, his tail feathers all ruffled up and talking to himself. I pointed to those soldiers and said, "Sic him, General Lee, sic him."

Dat gander ain't waste no time. He let out his wings an' cha'ged dem Yankees an' dey scatter like flies. Den he lit on dat big sojer's back an' 'gun to beat him wid his wings. Dat man let out a yell an' drap Mis' Laura's hands; he try to shake dat goose, but General bit into his neck an' held on like a leech. When de other sojers come up an' try to pull him off, dat gander let out a wing an' near about slap dem down. I ain't never seed such fightin! Every time I holler, Sic him, General Lee start 'nother 'tack.

That gander didn't waste any time. He spread his wings and charged at those Yankees, and they scattered like flies. Then he landed on that big soldier's back and started beating him with his wings. The man yelled and dropped Miss Laura's hands; he tried to shake that goose off, but General bit into his neck and held on like a leech. When the other soldiers came over and tried to pull him off, that gander flapped a wing and nearly knocked them down. I’ve never seen such fighting! Every time I yelled, "Get him, General," Lee would start another attack.

'Bout dat time dem Yankees took a runnin' nothin. Dey forgot de ear rings an' lit out down de road, but dat gander beat dat bigoty yellin'[Pg 369] sojer clear down to de branch befo' he turned him loose, den he jump in de water an' wash hese'f off. Yes, suh, dat wuz sho some fightin' goose; he near 'bout out fit de sho nuff Marse General Lee.

'About that time, the Yankees took off without a care. They left behind their earrings and took off down the road, but that goose outran that loud yelling soldier all the way down to the creek before he let him go. Then he jumped in the water and cleaned himself off. Yes, sir, that was definitely a fighting goose; he nearly gave the real General Lee a run for his money.[Pg 369]


[320230]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:942
Subject:GEORGE W. HARRIS
Story Teller:George W. Harris
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

GEORGE W. HARRIS

604 E. Cabarrus Street, Raleigh, N.C.

Hey, don't go 'roun' dat post gitting it 'tween you and me, it's bad luck. Don't you know it's bad luck? Don't want no more bad luck den what I'se already got. My name is George Harris. I wuz born November 25, 82 years ago. I have been living in the City of Raleigh onto 52 years. I belonged to John Andrews. He died about de time I wuz born. His wife Betsy wuz my missus and his son John wuz my marster.

Hey, don't go around that post getting it between you and me, it's bad luck. Don't you know it's bad luck? I don't want any more bad luck than what I already have. My name is George Harris. I was born on November 25, 82 years ago. I've been living in the City of Raleigh for 52 years. I belonged to John Andrews. He died around the time I was born. His wife Betsy was my mistress, and his son John was my master.

Deir plantation wuz in Jones County. Dere were about er dozen slaves on de plantation. We had plenty o' food in slavery days during my boyhood days, plenty of good sound food. We didn't have 'xactly plenty o' clothes, and our places ter sleep needed things, we were in need often in these things. We were treated kindly, and no one abused us. We had as good owners as there were in Jones County; they looked out for us. They let us have patches to tend and gave us what we made. We did not have much money. We had no church on the plantation, but there wuz one on Marster's brother's plantation next ter his plantation.

The plantation was in Jones County. There were about a dozen slaves on the plantation. We had plenty of food during my childhood in slavery, really good food. We didn’t have a lot of clothes, and our sleeping arrangements needed improvement; we often lacked in those areas. We were treated kindly, and no one abused us. We had some of the best owners in Jones County; they looked after us. They allowed us to have patches to tend and shared what we produced. We didn’t have much money. There wasn’t a church on the plantation, but there was one on the plantation of Master’s brother next to ours.

We had suppers an' socials, generally gatherings for eatin', socials jist to git together an' eat. We had[Pg 372] a lot o' game ter eat, such as possums, coons, rabbits and birds.

We had dinners and get-togethers, mostly gatherings to eat, and socials just to come together and enjoy food. We had[Pg 372] plenty of game to eat, like possums, raccoons, rabbits, and birds.

De plantation wuz fenced in wid rails about 10 ft. in length split from pine trees. De cattle, hogs an' hosses run out on de free range. The hosses ran on free range when de crap wuz laid by. There wuz an ole mare dat led de hosses. She led 'em an' when she come home at night dey followed her.

The plantation was enclosed with rails about 10 feet long, split from pine trees. The cattle, pigs, and horses roamed freely. The horses ran free after the crops were planted. There was an old mare that led the horses. She guided them, and when she returned home at night, they followed her.

De first work I done wuz drappin' tater sprouts, drappin' corn, thinnin' out corn and roundin' up corn an' mindin' the crows out of de field. Dey did not teach us to read an' write, but my father could read, and he read de hymn book and Testament to us sometimes. I do not remember ever goin' to church durin' slavery days.

The first work I did was planting potato sprouts, planting corn, thinning out the corn, harvesting corn, and keeping the crows out of the field. They didn’t teach us to read and write, but my father could read, and he would read the hymn book and the Testament to us sometimes. I don’t remember ever going to church during the time of slavery.

I have never seen a slave whipped and none ever ran away to the North from our plantation.

I have never seen a slave get whipped, and none ever escaped to the North from our plantation.

When I wuz a boy we chillun played marbles, prison base, blind fold and tag, hide an' seek. Dey gave us Christmas holidays, an' 4th of July, an' lay-by time. Dey also called dis time "crap hillin' time." Most o' de time when we got sick our mother doctored us with herbs which she had in de garden. When we had side plurisy, what dey calls pneumonia now, dey sent fer a doctor. Doctor Hines treated us.[Pg 373]

When I was a kid, we played marbles, prison base, blindfold, tag, and hide and seek. They gave us Christmas holidays, the 4th of July, and break time. They also called this time "crap hillin' time." Most of the time when we got sick, our mom treated us with herbs from the garden. When we had side pleurisy, what they now call pneumonia, they called a doctor. Doctor Hines took care of us.[Pg 373]

We lived near Trenton. When de Yankees took New Bern, our marster had us out in de woods in Jones County mindin' hosses an' takin' care o' things he had hid there. We got afraid and ran away to New Bern in Craven County. We all went in a gang and walked. De Yankees took us at Deep Gully ten miles dis side o' New Bern an' carried us inside de lines. Dey asked us questions and put us all in jail. Dey put my father ter cookin' at de jail and give us boys work 'roun' de yard. Dey put de others at work at de horse stables and houses.

We lived near Trenton. When the Yankees took New Bern, our master had us out in the woods in Jones County taking care of horses and looking after things he had hidden there. We got scared and ran away to New Bern in Craven County. We all went together and walked. The Yankees caught us at Deep Gully, ten miles this side of New Bern, and took us inside the lines. They asked us questions and put us all in jail. They had my father cooking at the jail and gave us boys work around the yard. They assigned the others to work at the horse stables and houses.

De smallpox and yaller fever caught us dere and killed us by de hundreds. Thirteen doctors died dere in one day. Jist 'fore Gen. Lee surrendered dey carried us to Petersburg, Va., and I waited on Major Emory and de others worked fer de Yankees. When de surrender came we went back home to Craven County, next to Jones County, and went to farmin'. Sumpin' to eat could not hardly be found. De second year atter de war we went back to old marster's plantation. He wuz glad ter see us, we all et dinner wid him. We looked over de place. I looked over de little log cabin where I wuz born. Some of de boys who had been slaves, farmed wid old marster, but I worked at my trade. I wuz a brick moulder. Yes, a brick maker.

The smallpox and yellow fever hit us there and killed us by the hundreds. Thirteen doctors died there in one day. Just before General Lee surrendered, they took us to Petersburg, Virginia, and I attended to Major Emory while the others worked for the Yankees. When the surrender happened, we went back home to Craven County, next to Jones County, and started farming. It was hard to find something to eat. The second year after the war, we returned to our old master's plantation. He was happy to see us, and we all had dinner with him. We looked over the place. I checked out the little log cabin where I was born. Some of the boys who had been slaves worked with our old master, but I worked at my trade. I was a brick molder. Yes, a brick maker.

My mother was named Jennie Andrews and my father[Pg 374] was Quash Harris. My father belonged to de Harris family on de nex' plantation in Jones County. Atter de surrender we all went in his name. We changed from Andrews to Harris. I do not recollect my grandmother and grandfather. I can't recollect them.

My mother was named Jennie Andrews and my father[Pg 374] was Quash Harris. My father belonged to the Harris family on the next plantation in Jones County. After the surrender, we all took his name. We changed from Andrews to Harris. I don't remember my grandmother and grandfather. I can't remember them.

Marster told us directly after dey declared war dat he expected we would all soon be free. De majority of de slaves did not want to be free. Dey were stirred up. Dey didn't want it to be. Dey didn't want no fightin'. Dey didn't know.

Marster told us right after they declared war that he expected we would all be free soon. Most of the slaves didn't want to be free. They were agitated. They didn't want it to happen. They didn't want any fighting. They just didn't know.

I married Mary Boylan first, of Johnston County, at Wilsons Mills, Jan. 4, 1878. Here is de family record. Ole marster made me copies after de war, and I copied dis. 'George Harris was married the year 1878, January the 4th. George Harris was born the year 1855 November the 25th.'

I married Mary Boylan first, from Johnston County, at Wilson's Mills, on January 4, 1878. Here is the family record. My old master made me copies after the war, and I copied this. 'George Harris was married on January 4, 1878. George Harris was born on November 25, 1855.'

I had five brothers, but they are all dead, fur as I know: John Nathan, Louis, David, Jefferson, Donald and my name George. My sisters, Mary Ann, Sara, Lucy, Penny, Emaline, Lizzie, Nancy, Leah and one I can't remember. Dats all.

I had five brothers, but as far as I know, they’re all gone: John, Nathan, Louis, David, Jefferson, Donald, and my name is George. My sisters are Mary Ann, Sara, Lucy, Penny, Emaline, Lizzie, Nancy, Leah, and one I can’t remember. That’s all.

I thought Abraham Lincoln wuz a great man. I remember him well. I think he done de best he knowed how to settle de country. Mr. Roosevelt is a smart man. He is doing de best he can. I think he is goin' to help de country.

I thought Abraham Lincoln was a great man. I remember him well. I think he did the best he could to bring the country together. Mr. Roosevelt is a smart man. He is doing the best he can. I believe he is going to help the country.


[320183]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:660
Subject:AN EX-SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:Sarah Harris
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 11 1937"
Pros

SARAH HARRIS

Interviewed May 19, 1937.

Sarah Harris is my name. I wuz borned April 1861, on the plantation of Master John William Walton. My father wuz name Frank Walton and my mother wuz name Flora Walton. My brothers wuz name Lang and Johnny. My sisters: Hannah, Mary, Ellen, Violet and Annie. My grandmother wuz name Ellen Walton. She wuz 104 years old when she died. My mother wuz 103 years old when she died; she has been dead 3 years. She died in October, 3 years this pas' October.

Sarah Harris is my name. I was born in April 1861, on the plantation of Master John William Walton. My father's name was Frank Walton and my mother's name was Flora Walton. My brothers were named Lang and Johnny. My sisters are Hannah, Mary, Ellen, Violet, and Annie. My grandmother's name was Ellen Walton. She was 104 years old when she died. My mother was 103 years old when she died; she has been gone for 3 years. She died in October, 3 years ago this past October.

I 'member seeing the Yankees. I wuz not afraid of 'em, I thought dey were the prettiest blue mens I had ever seed. I can see how de chickens and guineas flew and run from 'em. De Yankees killed 'em and give part of 'em to the colored folks. Most of de white folks had run off and hid.

I remember seeing the Yankees. I wasn't afraid of them; I thought they were the prettiest blue men I had ever seen. I can see how the chickens and guineas flew and ran from them. The Yankees killed them and gave parts of them to the Black folks. Most of the white folks had run off and hidden.

I can't read and write. I nebber had no chance.

I can't read or write. I never had any chance.

De Yankees had their camps along the Fayetteville road.

De Yankees had their camps along the Fayetteville road.

Dey called us Dinah, Sam, and other names.

Dey called us Dinah, Sam, and other names.

Dey later had de place dey call de bureau. When we[Pg 377] left de white folks we had nothing to eat. De niggers wait there at de bureau and they give 'em hard tack, white potatoes, and saltpeter meat. Our white folks give us good things to eat, and I cried every day at 12 o'clock to go home. Yes, I wanted to go back to my white folks; they were good to us. I would say, 'papa le's go home, I want to go home. I don't like this sumptin' to eat.' He would say, 'Don't cry, honey, le's stay here, dey will sen' you to school.'

They later had the place they call the bureau. When we[Pg 377] left the white folks, we had nothing to eat. The Black people waited there at the bureau and they gave them hardtack, white potatoes, and saltpeter meat. Our white folks fed us good things, and I cried every day at 12 o'clock to go home. Yes, I wanted to go back to my white folks; they treated us well. I would say, 'Papa, let’s go home, I want to go home. I don’t like this food.' He would say, 'Don’t cry, honey, let’s stay here, they will send you to school.'

We had nothing to eat 'cept what de Yankees give us. But Mr. Bill Crawford give my father and mother work. Yes, he wuz a Southern man, one o' our white folks. Daddy wuz his butcher. My mother wuz his cook. We were turned out when dey freed us with no homes and nuthin'. Master said he wuz sorry he didn't give us niggers part of his lan'.

We had nothing to eat except what the Yankees gave us. But Mr. Bill Crawford gave my father and mother work. Yes, he was a Southern man, one of our white folks. Dad was his butcher. My mom was his cook. We were left without homes and anything when they freed us. The master said he was sorry he didn't give us blacks part of his land.

While I wuz big enough to work I worked for Porter Steadman. I got 25 cent a week and board. We had a good home then. I just shouted when I got dat 25 cent, and I just run. I couldn't run fas' anuff to git to my mother to give dat money to her. My father died, and my mother bought a home. She got her first money to buy de home by working for de man who give her work after de surrender. The first money she saved to put on de home wuz a dime.[Pg 378] Some weeks she only saved 5 cents. Lan' sold fur $10 a acre den.

While I was old enough to work, I worked for Porter Steadman. I earned 25 cents a week plus board. We had a nice home back then. I shouted when I got that 25 cents, and I ran. I couldn't run fast enough to get to my mother to give her that money. My father passed away, and my mother bought a home. She got her initial funds to purchase the house by working for the man who employed her after the surrender. The first money she saved to put towards the home was a dime.[Pg 378] Some weeks she only saved 5 cents. Land sold for $10 an acre then.

Just after de war de white and colored children played together. Dey had a tent in our neighborhood. I wuz de cook for de white chilluns parties. We played together fer a long time after de war.

Just after the war, the white and Black children played together. They had a tent in our neighborhood. I was the cook for the white children's parties. We played together for a long time after the war.

I married Silas Cooper of Norfolk Va. He worked in the Navy yard. I wuz married in Raleigh. I had a church wedding.

I married Silas Cooper from Norfolk, VA. He worked at the Navy yard. I got married in Raleigh. I had a church wedding.

I think Abraham Lincoln wuz a great man. He would cure or kill. But I like my ole master. The Lord put it into Abraham Lincoln to do as he done. The Lord knowed he would be killed.

I think Abraham Lincoln was a great man. He could either heal or destroy. But I have affection for my old master. God guided Abraham Lincoln to do what he did. God knew he would be assassinated.

I think slavery wuz wrong. I have a horror of being a slave. You see all dis lan' aroun' here. It belongs to colored folks. Dey were cut off wid nothin', but dey is strugglin' an' dey are comin' on fast. De Bible say dat de bottom rail will be on top, and it is comin' to pass. Sometime de colored race will git up. De Bible say so.

I think slavery was wrong. I have a deep fear of being a slave. You see all this land around here. It belongs to Black people. They started with nothing, but they are struggling and making progress. The Bible says that the oppressed will rise up, and it's happening. One day the Black community will succeed. The Bible says so.

I think Mr. Roosevelt is one of the greatest mans in de world. He wants to help everybody.

I think Mr. Roosevelt is one of the greatest men in the world. He wants to help everyone.

I doan think much of Mr. Jeff Davis. Dey used to sing songs uv hanging him to a apple tree. Dey say he libed a long time atter de war dressed like a 'oman, he wuz so skeered.

I don’t think much of Mr. Jeff Davis. They used to sing songs about hanging him from an apple tree. They say he lived a long time after the war dressed like a woman because he was so scared.

TPM:EH

TPM:EH


[320122]
N.C. District:No. 3
Worker:Daisy Whaley
Subject:Cy Hart
Ex-slave, 78 years.
Durham, N.C.
Date Stamp:"AUG 6 1937"
48

CY HART, 78 Yrs.

Ex-Slave.

Ephram Hart was my pappy and my mammy's name was Nellie. He belonged to Marse Ephram Hart. One day Marse Hart took some of his niggers to de slave market an' my pappy was took along too. When he was put on de block an' sold Marse Paul Cameron bought him. Den Marse Hart felt so sorry to think he done let my pappy be sold dat he tried to buy him back from Marse Paul, an' offered him more den Marse Paul paid for him. But Marse Paul said, "No, Suh. I done bought him an' I want det nigger myself an' I am goin' take him home wid me to Snow Hill farm."

Ephram Hart was my dad, and my mom's name was Nellie. He belonged to Mr. Ephram Hart. One day, Mr. Hart took some of his slaves to the slave market, and my dad was taken along too. When he was put on the auction block and sold, Mr. Paul Cameron bought him. Then, Mr. Hart felt really sorry for letting my dad be sold, so he tried to buy him back from Mr. Paul and offered him more than what Mr. Paul paid for him. But Mr. Paul said, "No, sir. I bought him, and I want that man for myself, and I'm going to take him home with me to Snow Hill farm."

Pappy married my mammy an' raised a family on Marse Paul's plantation. We had to be eight years ole before we 'gun to work. I tended de chickens an' turkeys an' sech. I helped tend de other stock too as I growed older, an' do anythin' else dat I was tole to do. When I got bigger I helped den wid de thrashin' de wheat an' I helped dem push de straw to de stack.

Pappy married my mom and raised a family on Marse Paul's plantation. We had to be eight years old before we started working. I took care of the chickens and turkeys and such. I also helped take care of the other animals as I got older, doing anything else I was told to do. When I got bigger, I helped with the threshing of the wheat and helped them push the straw to the stack.

We had what wuz den called a 'groun' hog. It wuz a cylinder shaped contraption. We put de wheat straw an all in it an' knock de grain loose from de straw. Den we took de pitchforks an' tossed de straw up an' about, an' dat let de wheat go to de bottom on a big cloth. Den we fan de wheat, to get de dust an' dirt out, an' we had big curtains hung 'roun' de cloth whar de wheat lay, so de wheat wouldn' get all scattered, on de groun'. Dis wheat was sacked an' when wanted 'twus took to de mill an' groun' into flour. De flour wuz made into white bread an' de corn wuz groun' into meal an' grits.

We had what was then called a 'groundhog.' It was a cylindrical machine. We put the wheat straw in it and knocked the grain loose from the straw. Then we took pitchforks and tossed the straw up and around, which allowed the wheat to fall to the bottom onto a large cloth. Then we fanned the wheat to get the dust and dirt out, and we had big curtains hung around the cloth where the wheat lay, so the wheat wouldn't get scattered on the ground. This wheat was bagged, and when needed, it was taken to the mill and ground into flour. The flour was made into white bread, and the corn was ground into meal and grits.

When de war started der wuz some bad times. One day some of Wheeler's men come an' dey tried to take what dey wanted, but Marge Paul had de silver money another things hid. Dey wanted us niggers to tell dem whar everythin'[Pg 381] wuz, but we said we didn' know nuthin'. Marse Paul wuz hid in de woods wid de horses an' some of de other stock.

When the war started, there were some tough times. One day, some of Wheeler's men came and tried to take what they wanted, but Marge Paul had hidden the silver and other valuables. They wanted us Black people to tell them where everything was, but we said we didn't know anything. Master Paul was hiding in the woods with the horses and some of the other livestock.[Pg 381]

Den Wheeler's men saw de Yankees comin' an' dey run away. De Yankees chased dem to de bridge an' dey done some fightin' an' one or two of Wheeler's men wuz killed an' de rest got away.

Den Wheeler's men saw the Yankees coming and they ran away. The Yankees chased them to the bridge and there was some fighting, and one or two of Wheeler's men were killed while the rest got away.

Den de captain of de Yankees come to Mammy's cabin an' axed her whar de meat house an' flour an' sech at. She tole him dat Pappy had de keys to go an' ax him. "Ax him nothin'", de captain said. He called some of his mens an' dey broke down de door to de meat house. Den dey trowed out plenty of dose hams an' dey tole Mammy to cook dem somethin' to eat and plenty of it. Mammy fried plenty of dat ham an' made lots of bread an' fixed dem coffee. How dey did eat! Dey wuz jus' as nice as dey could be to Mammy an' when dey wuz through, dey tole Mammy dat she could have de rest, an' de captain gave her some money an' he tole her dat she wuz free, dat we didn' belong to Marse Paul no longer. Dey didn' do any harm to de place. Dey wuz jus' looking for somethin' to eat. Den dey left.

Then the captain of the Yankees came to Mammy's cabin and asked her where the meat house and flour and stuff were. She told him that Pappy had the keys and to ask him. "Don't ask him anything," the captain said. He called some of his men and they broke down the door to the meat house. Then they threw out plenty of those hams and told Mammy to cook them something to eat and plenty of it. Mammy fried a lot of that ham and made lots of bread and fixed them coffee. How they did eat! They were as nice as they could be to Mammy and when they were done, they told Mammy that she could keep the rest, and the captain gave her some money and told her that she was free, that we didn't belong to Marse Paul anymore. They didn't do any harm to the place. They were just looking for something to eat. Then they left.

We didn' leave Marse Paul but stayed on an' lived wid him for many years. I lived wid Marse Paul 'til he died an' he done selected eight of us niggers to tote his coffin to de chapel, an' de buryin' groun'. He said, "I want dese niggers to carry my body to de chapel an' de grave when I die." We did. It wuz a lood I would have been glad had der been two or four more to help tote Marse Paul for he sho wuz heavy. After everythin' wuz ready we lifted him up an' toted him to de chapel an' we sat down on de floor, on each side of de coffin, while de preacher preached de funeral sermon. We didn' make any fuss while sittin' dere on de floor, but we sho wuz full of grief to see our dear ole Marse Paul lying dere dead.

We didn't leave Mr. Paul but stayed on and lived with him for many years. I lived with Mr. Paul until he died, and he chose eight of us Black people to carry his coffin to the chapel and the burial ground. He said, "I want these Black people to carry my body to the chapel and the grave when I die." We did. It was a load I would have been glad to have two or four more to help carry Mr. Paul because he was really heavy. After everything was ready, we lifted him up and carried him to the chapel, and we sat down on the floor, on each side of the coffin, while the preacher delivered the funeral sermon. We didn't make any fuss while sitting there on the floor, but we were really filled with grief to see our dear old Mr. Paul lying there dead.


[320130]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:381
Subject:THE BLACKSMITH
Person Interviewed:Alonzo Haywood
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG—1937"

THE BLACKSMITH

An interview with Alonzo Haywood, 67 years old of 1217 Oberlin Road.

On East Cabarrus Street is a blacksmith shop which is a survival of horse and buggy days, and the smiling blacksmith, a Negro, although he has hazel eyes, recounts the story of his father's life and his own.

On East Cabarrus Street is a blacksmith shop that still exists from the horse and buggy days, and the cheerful blacksmith, who is Black, shares the story of his father's life and his own, even though he has hazel eyes.

My father was Willis Haywood and in slavery days he belonged to Mr. William R. Pool. Mr. Pool liked father because he was quick and obedient so he determined to give him a trade.

My father was Willis Haywood, and during the era of slavery, he was owned by Mr. William R. Pool. Mr. Pool appreciated my father because he was fast and obedient, so he decided to teach him a trade.

Wilson Morgan run the blacksmith shop at Falls of Neuse and it was him that taught my father the trade at Mr. Pool's insistence.

Wilson Morgan ran the blacksmith shop at Falls of Neuse, and it was he who taught my father the trade at Mr. Pool's insistence.

While father, a young blade, worked and lived at Falls of Neuse, he fell in love with my mother, Mirana Denson, who lived in Raleigh. He come to see her ever' chance he got and then they were married.

While my father, a young man, worked and lived at Falls of Neuse, he fell in love with my mother, Mirana Denson, who lived in Raleigh. He came to see her every chance he got and then they got married.

When the Yankees were crossing the Neuse Bridge at the falls, near the old paper mill, the bridge broke in. They were carrying the heavy artillery over and a great many men followed, in fact the line extended to Raleigh, because when the bridge fell word passed by word of mouth from man to man back to Raleigh.

When the Yankees were crossing the Neuse Bridge at the falls, near the old paper mill, the bridge collapsed. They were transporting heavy artillery, and many soldiers followed; in fact, the line stretched all the way to Raleigh, because when the bridge fell, the news traveled from person to person back to Raleigh.

Father said that the Yankees stopped in the shop to[Pg 384] make some hoss shoes and nails and that the Yankees could do it faster than anybody he ever saw.

Father said that the Yankees stopped in the shop to[Pg 384] make some horse shoes and nails, and that the Yankees could do it faster than anyone he had ever seen.

Father told me a story once 'bout de devil traveling and he got sore feet and was awful lame but he went in a blacksmith shop and the blacksmith shoed him.

Father once told me a story about the devil traveling. He had sore feet and was pretty lame, but he went into a blacksmith shop, and the blacksmith gave him shoes.

The devil traveled longer and the shoes hurt his feet and made him lamer than ever so he went back and asked the blacksmith to take off de shoes.

The devil walked for a long time, and the shoes hurt his feet, making him lamer than ever, so he went back and asked the blacksmith to take off the shoes.

The blacksmith took them off under the condition that wherever the devil saw a horse shoe over a door he would not enter. That's the reason that people hang up horseshoes over their door.

The blacksmith took them down with the agreement that wherever the devil spotted a horseshoe over a door, he wouldn’t go in. That's why people hang horseshoes over their doors.

Mother died near twenty years ago and father died four years later. He had not cared to live since mother left him.

Mother died almost twenty years ago, and Dad passed away four years later. He hadn’t wanted to live since Mom was gone.

I've heard some of the young people laugh about slave love, but they should envy the love which kept mother and father so close together in life and even held them in death.

I've heard some young people make jokes about slave love, but they should actually envy the kind of love that kept my parents so close together in life and even united them in death.


[320127]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:547
Subject:AUNT BARBARA'S LOVE STORY
Story Teller:Barbara Haywood
Editor:Geo. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 4 1937"

AUNT BARBARA'S LOVE STORY

An interview with Barbara Haywood, 85 years old.
Address 1111 Mark Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

Anything dat I tells you will near 'bout all be 'bout Frank Haywood, my husban'.

Anything that I tell you will mostly be about Frank Haywood, my husband.

I wus borned on de John Walton place seben miles southeast of Raleigh. My father, Handy Sturdivant, belonged to somebody in Johnston County but mother an' her chilluns 'longed ter Marse John Walton.

I was born on the John Walton place seven miles southeast of Raleigh. My father, Handy Sturdivant, belonged to someone in Johnston County, but my mother and her children belonged to Marse John Walton.

Marse John had a corn shuckin' onct an' at dat corn shuckin' I fust saw Frank. I wus a little girl, cryin' an' bawlin' an' Frank, who wus a big boy said dat he neber wanted ter spank a youngin' so bad, an' I ain't liked him no better dan he did me.

Marse John had a corn shucking once, and that’s where I first saw Frank. I was a little girl, crying and upset, and Frank, who was a big boy, said that he had never wanted to spank a kid so much. I didn't like him any better than he liked me.

He 'longed ter Mr. Yarborough, what runned de hotel in Raleigh, but he wus boun' out ter anybody what'ud hire him, an' I doan know whar he got his name.

He longed for Mr. Yarborough, who ran the hotel in Raleigh, but he was bound to anyone who would hire him, and I don't know where he got his name.

I seed Frank a few times at de Holland's Methodist Church whar we went ter church wid our white folks.

I saw Frank a few times at the Holland's Methodist Church where we went to church with our white families.

You axes iffen our white folks wus good ter us, an' I sez ter yo' dat none of de white folks wus good ter[Pg 387] none of de niggers. We done our weavin' at night an' we wurked hard. We had enough ter eat but we was whupped some.

You asked if our white people were good to us, and I told you that none of the white folks were good to none of the blacks. We did our weaving at night and we worked hard. We had enough to eat, but we were pretty worn out.

Jest 'fore de war wus ober we wus sent ter Mr. William Turner's place down clost ter Smithfield an' dats whar we wus when de Yankees come.

Jest before the war was over, we were sent to Mr. William Turner's place near Smithfield, and that's where we were when the Yankees showed up.

One day I wus settin' on de porch restin' atter my days wurk wus done when I sees de hoss-lot full of men an' I sez ter Marse William, who am talkin' ter a soldier named Cole, 'De lot am full of men.'

One day I was sitting on the porch resting after my day's work was done when I saw the horse lot full of men, and I said to Marse William, who was talking to a soldier named Cole, 'The lot is full of men.'

Marse Cole looks up an' he 'lows, 'Hits dem damned Yankees,' an' wid dat he buckles on his sword an' he ain't been seen since.

Marse Cole looks up and says, "It's those damned Yankees," and with that, he straps on his sword and hasn't been seen since.

De Yankees takes all de meat outen de smokehouse an' goes 'roun' ter de slave cabins an' takes de meat what de white folkses has put dar. Dat wus de fust hams dat has eber been in de nigger house. Anyhow de Yankees takes all de hams, but dey gibes us de shoulders.

De Yankees take all the meat out of the smokehouse and go around to the slave cabins to take the meat that the white folks put there. That was the first hams that had ever been in the black house. Anyway, the Yankees take all the hams, but they give us the shoulders.

Atter de war we moved ter Raleigh, on Davie Street an' I went ter school a little at Saint Paul's. Frank wus wurkin' at de City Market on Fayetteville Street an' I'd go seberal blocks out of my way mornin' an' night on my way ter school ter look at him. You see I has been in love with him fer a long time den.[Pg 388]

After the war, we moved to Raleigh, on Davie Street, and I attended school for a little while at Saint Paul's. Frank was working at the City Market on Fayetteville Street, and I would go several blocks out of my way morning and night on my way to school just to see him. You see, I had been in love with him for a long time then.[Pg 388]

Atter awhile Frank becomes a butcher an' he am makin' pretty good. I is thirteen so he comes ter see me an' fer a year we cou'ts. We wus settin' in de kitchen at de house on Davie Street when he axes me ter have him an' I has him.

Atter a while Frank becomes a butcher and he's doing pretty well. I'm thirteen, so he comes to see me and for a year we hang out. We were sitting in the kitchen at the house on Davie Street when he asks me to be with him and I agree.

I knows dat he tol' me dat he warn't worthy but dat he loved me an' dat he'd do anything he could ter please me, an' dat he'd always be good ter me.

I know that he told me that he wasn’t worthy but that he loved me and that he’d do anything he could to please me, and that he’d always be good to me.

When I wus fourteen I got married an' when I wus fifteen my oldes' daughter, Eleanor, wus borned. I had three atter her, an' Frank wus proud of dem as could be. We wus happy. We libed together fifty-four years an' we wus always happy, havin' a mighty little bit of argument. I hopes young lady, dat you'll be as lucky as I wus wid Frank.

When I was fourteen, I got married, and by the time I was fifteen, my oldest daughter, Eleanor, was born. I had three more after her, and Frank was as proud of them as could be. We were happy. We lived together for fifty-four years, and we were always happy, having very few arguments. I hope, young lady, that you'll be as lucky as I was with Frank.


[320210]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mrs. Edith S. Hibbs
No. Words:550
Subject:Story of Isabell Henderson, Negro
Interviewed:Isabell Henderson
1121 Rankin St., Wilmington, N.C.
Editor:Mrs. W. N. Harriss

STORY OF ISABELL HENDERSON, NEGRO

1121 Rankin St.,
Wilmington, N.C.

I'll be 84 years old come August 9. My gran'-daughter can tell you what year it was I was born I don' 'member but we has it down in the Bible.

I'll be 84 years old on August 9. My granddaughter can tell you what year I was born; I don't remember, but we have it recorded in the Bible.

I lived near the "Clock Church" (Jewish Synagogue)[8], 4th and Market. We had a big place there. My gran'mother did the cookin'. My mother did the sewin'. I was jus five years old when the men went away. I guess to the war, I don' know. Some men came by and conscip' dem. I don' know where they went but I guess dey went to war. I was such a little girl I don't 'member much. But I does know my Missus was good to me. I used to play with her little boy. I was jes' one of the family. I played with the little boy around the house' cause I was never 'lowed to run the streets. They was good to me. They kept me in clothes, pretty clothes, and good things to eat. Yes'm we was slaves but we had good times.

I lived near the "Clock Church" (Jewish Synagogue)[8], at 4th and Market. We had a big place there. My grandma did the cooking, and my mom did the sewing. I was only five years old when the men left. I guess it was for the war, but I'm not sure. Some men came by and drafted them. I don't know where they went, but I figure it was to war. I was such a little girl that I don't remember much, but I do know my Missus was good to me. I used to play with her little boy. I was just part of the family. I played with the little boy around the house because I wasn't allowed to run in the streets. They were good to me. They kept me in clothes, nice clothes, and gave me good things to eat. Yes, we were slaves, but we had good times.

Interviewer: "What did you eat?"

Interviewer: "What did you have?"

Isabell: "Oh I don't 'member 'special but I et jes what the family et."

Isabell: "Oh, I don't remember anything special, but I just ate what the family ate."

[Pg 391]Maybe my father was killed in the war maybe he run away I don' know, he jus' neber come back no mo'.

[Pg 391]Maybe my dad was killed in the war, or maybe he just left. I don't know; he just never came back.

Yes'm I remember when the soldiers came along and freed us. They went through breakin' down peoples shops and everything.

Yes, I remember when the soldiers came and freed us. They went around breaking down people's shops and everything.

My mother married again. She married Edward Robertson. He was good to me. Yes'm he was better to me than my father was. He was a preacher and a painter. My mother died. When my father, (step-father) went off to preach, me and my sister stayed in the house.

My mom got married again. She married Edward Robertson. He treated me well. Yeah, he was better to me than my dad was. He was a preacher and a painter. My mom passed away. When my stepdad went off to preach, my sister and I stayed at home.

I stayed home all my life. I just wasn't 'llowed to run around like most girls. I never been out of Wilmington but one year in my life. That year I went to Augusta. No'm I don't likes to go away. I don't like the trains, nor the automobiles. But I rides in 'em (meaning the latter).

I stayed home my whole life. I just wasn’t allowed to run around like most girls. I’ve only been out of Wilmington once in my life. That year I went to Augusta. No, I don’t like to go away. I don’t like trains or cars. But I do ride in them (meaning cars).

I remember when the 4th Street bridge was built. I was married over there in St. Stephen's Church, 5th and Red Cross. Yes M'am my auntie she gib me a big weddin'. I was 22 and my husband was 22 too not quite 23. Not a year older than I was. He was a cooper. Yes Ma'm I had a big weddin'. The church was all decorated with flowers. I had six attendants. Four big ones and two little ones. My husband he had the same number I did four big ones and two little ones. I had on a white dress. Carried flowers. Had carriages and everything. My husband was good to me. I didn't stay home with my father but about a month. We wanted to go to ourselves.[Pg 392]

I remember when they built the 4th Street bridge. I got married at St. Stephen's Church, at 5th and Red Cross. Yeah, my aunt threw me a huge wedding. I was 22, and my husband was also 22, just about to turn 23—not a year older than me. He worked as a cooper. Yes, I had a big wedding. The church was filled with flowers. I had six attendants, four adults and two kids. My husband had the same, four adults and two kids. I wore a white dress and carried flowers. We even had carriages and everything. My husband treated me well. I only stayed at my dad's for about a month. We just wanted to be on our own.[Pg 392]

We went in our own home and stayed there until I got a "sickness." (She looked shy) I didn't know what was the matter with me. My father told me I better come home. So I went home to my father and stayed there about two years.

We went into our own home and stayed there until I got "sick." (She looked shy.) I didn't know what was wrong with me. My dad told me I should come home. So I went back to my dad's and stayed there for about two years.

I have had five children. Three are livin'. Two are dead.

I have five kids. Three are alive. Two have passed away.

I never worked until after he died. He left me with five little children to raise.

I never worked until after he passed away. He left me with five young kids to take care of.

He was the only man I ever 'knowed' in all my life from girlhood up.

He was the only guy I ever knew in my entire life from childhood on.

[8] The Synagogue has no clock on the exterior, but Isabell persisted with her name of "Clock Church."

[8] The Synagogue doesn’t have a clock on the outside, but Isabell kept calling it "Clock Church."


[320017]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:738
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Story Teller:Essex Henry
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 26 1937"

ESSEX HENRY

Ex-Slave Story
An interview with Essex Henry 83 of 713 S. East Street, Raleigh, N.C.

I wus borned five miles north of Raleigh on de Wendell Road, 83 years ago. My mammy wus Nancy an' my pappy wus Louis. I had one sister, Mary, an' one bruder, Louis.

I was born five miles north of Raleigh on Wendell Road, 83 years ago. My mom was Nancy and my dad was Louis. I had one sister, Mary, and one brother, Louis.

We 'longed ter Mr. Jake Mordecai, an' we lived on his six hundert acres plantation 'bout a mile from Millbrook. Right atter de war he sold dis lan' ter Doctor Miller an' bought de Betsy Hinton tract at Milburnie. Mr. Jake had four or five hundert niggers hyar an' I doan know how many at de Edgecombe County place.

We longed for Mr. Jake Mordecai, and we lived on his six hundred-acre plantation about a mile from Millbrook. Right after the war, he sold this land to Dr. Miller and bought the Betsy Hinton tract at Milburnie. Mr. Jake had four or five hundred Black people here, and I don’t know how many were at the Edgecombe County place.

De wuck wus hard den, I knows case I'se seed my little mammy dig ditches wid de best of 'em. I'se seed her split 350 rails a day many's de time. Dat wus her po'tion you knows, an' de mens had ter split 500. I wus too little ter do much but min' de chickens outen de gyarden, an' so I fared better dan most of 'em. You see Miss Tempie 'ud see me out at de gate mornin's as dey wus eatin' breakfas' on de ferander, an' she'ud call me ter her an' give me butter toasted lightbread or biscuits. She'd give me a heap in dat way, an' do de rest of de slaves got hungry, I doan think dat I eber did.[Pg 395] I know dat Miss Jenny Perry, on a neighborin' plantation, 'ud give my mammy food, fer us chilluns.

The work was tough back then; I know because I saw my little mom digging ditches with the best of them. I saw her split 350 rails a day many times. That was her share, you know, and the men had to split 500. I was too young to do much except watch the chickens in the garden, so I fared better than most of them. You see, Miss Tempie would see me at the gate in the mornings while they were eating breakfast on the porch, and she’d call me over and give me buttered toasted light bread or biscuits. She’d give me a lot that way, and while the other slaves got hungry, I don’t think I ever did.[Pg 395] I know that Miss Jenny Perry, on a neighboring plantation, would give my mom food for us kids.

Mo'nin's we sometimes ain't had nothin' ter eat. At dinner time de cook at de big house cooked nuff turnip salet, beans, 'taters, er peas fer all de han's an' long wid a little piece of meat an' a little hunk of co'nbread de dinner wus sont ter de slaves out in de fiel' on a cart.

Mo'nin's, we sometimes didn't have anything to eat. At dinner time, the cook at the big house made enough turnip salad, beans, potatoes, or peas for all the hands, along with a small piece of meat and a little chunk of cornbread. The dinner was sent to the slaves out in the field on a cart.

De slaves 'ud set roun' under de trees an' eat an' laugh an' talk till de oberseer, Bob Gravie, yells at 'em ter git back ter wuck. Iffen dey doan git back right den he starts ter frailin' lef' an' right.

De slaves would sit around under the trees and eat, laugh, and talk until the overseer, Bob Gravie, yells at them to get back to work. If they don’t get back right away, then he starts to whip left and right.

Dar wus a few spirited slaves what won't be whupped an' my uncle wus one. He wus finally sold fer dis.

Dar was a few spirited slaves who wouldn't be whipped, and my uncle was one of them. He was eventually sold for this.

Hit wus different wid my gran'mother do'. De oberseer tried ter whup her an' he can't, so he hollers fer Mr. Jake. Mr. Jake comes an' he can't, so he hauls off an' kicks granny, mashin' her stomick in. He has her carried ter her cabin an' three days atterward she dies wid nothin' done fer her an' nobody wid her.

Hit was different with my grandmother, though. The overseer tried to whip her and he couldn’t, so he called for Mr. Jake. Mr. Jake comes and he can’t handle it, so he just kicks Granny, crushing her stomach in. He has her carried to her cabin and three days later she dies with nothing done for her and nobody with her.

Mr. Jake orders de coffinmaker ter make de pine box, an' den he fergits hit. De slaves puts de coffin on de cyart hin' de two black hosses an' wid six or maybe seben hundert niggers follerin' dey goes ter de Simms' graveyard an' buries her. All de way ter de graveyard dey[Pg 396] sings, 'Swing Low Sweet Chariot,' 'De Promised Lan', 'De Road ter Jordan,' an' 'Ole Time Religion.'

Mr. Jake orders the coffin maker to make the pine box, and then he forgets about it. The slaves put the coffin on the cart behind the two black horses and with six or maybe seven hundred blacks following, they head to the Simms' graveyard and bury her. All the way to the graveyard they[Pg 396] sing, 'Swing Low Sweet Chariot,' 'The Promised Land,' 'The Road to Jordan,' and 'Old Time Religion.'

Hit's a good thing dat none of de white folkses ain't went to de funerals case iffen dey had de niggers can't sing deir hymns. Does you know dat dey warn't no 'ligion 'lowed on dat plantation. Ole lady Betsy Holmes wus whupped time an' ag'in fer talkin' 'ligion er fer singin' hymns. We sometimes had prayermeetin' anyhow in de cabins but we'd turn down de big pot front o' de door ter ketch de noise.

It’s a good thing that none of the white people went to the funerals because if they had, the Black folks couldn’t sing their hymns. Do you know that there wasn’t any religion allowed on that plantation? Old lady Betsy Holmes got beaten time and again for talking about religion or for singing hymns. We sometimes held prayer meetings anyway in the cabins, but we’d put a big pot in front of the door to catch the noise.

Dey won't gib us no pass hardly, an' iffen we runs 'way de patterollers will git us. Dey did let us have some dances do' now an' den, but not offen. Dey let us go possum huntin' too case dat wus gittin' something ter eat widout Mr. Jake payin' fer hit.

They won't give us a pass hardly, and if we run away, the patrollers will catch us. They did let us have some dances now and then, but not often. They let us go possum hunting too since that was a way to get something to eat without Mr. Jake paying for it.

Mr. Henry, Mr. Jake's bruder an' his Uncle Moses uster come a-visitin' ter de house fer de day. Mr. Henry wus little wid a short leg an' a long one, an' he had de wust temper dat eber wus in de worl'; an' he loved ter see slaves suffer, near 'bout much as he loved his brandy. We knowed when we seed him comin' dat dar wus gwine ter be a whuppin' frolic 'fore de day wus gone.

Mr. Henry, Mr. Jake's brother and his Uncle Moses used to come and visit the house for the day. Mr. Henry was short with one leg longer than the other, and he had the worst temper that ever existed; he loved to see slaves suffer almost as much as he loved his brandy. We knew when we saw him coming that there was going to be a whipping party before the day was over.

Dar wus three niggers, John Lane, Ananias Ruffin an' Dick Rogers what got de blame fer eber'thing what happens on de place. Fer instance Mr. Henry 'ud look in de hawg pen an'[Pg 397] 'low dat hit 'peared dat he bruder's stock wus growin' less all de time. Den Mr. Jake sez dat dey done been stold.

Dar were three Black men, John Lane, Ananias Ruffin, and Dick Rogers, who got the blame for everything that happened on the place. For instance, Mr. Henry would look in the hog pen and [Pg 397] say it seemed like his brother's stock was getting smaller all the time. Then Mr. Jake said they had been stolen.

'Why doan you punish dem thievin' niggers, Jake'?

'Why don't you punish those thieving blacks, Jake?'

Jake gits mad an' has dese three niggers brung out, deir shirts am pulled off an' dey am staked down on deir stomichs, an' de oberseer gits wored out, an' leavin' de niggers tied, dar in de sun, dey goes ter de house ter git some brandy.

Jake gets angry and has these three Black men brought out, their shirts are taken off and they are staked down on their stomachs, and the overseer gets worn out, and leaving the men tied there in the sun, he goes to the house to get some brandy.

Dey more dey drinks from de white crock de better humor dey gits in. Dey laughs an' talks an' atter awhile dey think o' de niggers, an' back dey goes an' beats 'em some more. Dis usually lasts all de day, case hit am fun ter dem.

Dey more they drink from the white jug, the better mood they get in. They laugh and talk, and after a while, they think of the black folks, and back they go and beat them some more. This usually lasts all day because it's fun for them.

Atter so long dey ketched Jack Ashe, a Free Issue, wid one of de pigs, an' dey whups him twixt drinks all de day, an' at night dey carried him ter de Raleigh jail. He wus convicted an' sent ter Bald Head Island ter wuck on de breastworks durin' de war an' he ain't neber come back.

Atter so long they caught Jack Ashe, a Free Issue, with one of the pigs, and they beat him between drinks all day, and at night they took him to the Raleigh jail. He was convicted and sent to Bald Head Island to work on the breastworks during the war and he never came back.

Dar wus a man in Raleigh what had two blood houn's an' he made his livin' by ketchin' runaway niggers. His name wus Beaver an' he ain't missed but onct. Pat Norwood took a long grass sythe when he runned away, an' as de fust dog come he clipped off its tail, de second one he clipped off its ear an' dem dawgs ain't run him no more.[Pg 398]

Dar was a man in Raleigh who had two bloodhounds, and he made his living by capturing runaway Black people. His name was Beaver, and he only missed once. Pat Norwood took a long grass scythe when he ran away, and as the first dog came at him, he clipped off its tail; the second one he clipped off its ear, and those dogs didn't chase him anymore.[Pg 398]

De war lasted a long time, an' hit wus a mess. Some of Marster Jake's slaves lef' him an' when de Yankees got ter Raleigh dey come an' tol' 'em 'bout de way Mr. Jake done. Well in a few days hyar comes de Yankees a-ridin', an' dey sez dat dey had tentions o' hangin' Mr. Jake on de big oak in de yard iffen he 'uv been dar, but he ain't. He an' his family had flewed de coop.

The war lasted a long time, and it was a mess. Some of Master Jake's slaves left him, and when the Yankees got to Raleigh, they came and told them about what Mr. Jake had done. Well, a few days later, here come the Yankees riding in, and they said that they intended to hang Mr. Jake on the big oak in the yard if he had been there, but he wasn't. He and his family had flown the coop.

Dem Yankees went in de big house an' dey tored an' busted up all dey pleased, dey eben throwed de clothes all ober de yard.

Dem Yankees went into the big house and they tore up and broke whatever they wanted, they even threw the clothes all over the yard.

Dey took two big barns o' corn an' haul hit off an' down Devil's Jump on Morris Creek dey buried ever so much molasses an' all.

Dey took two big barns of corn and hauled it off down Devil's Jump on Morris Creek where they buried a lot of molasses and everything.

At Rattlesnake Spring de Yankees fin's whar Marster Jake's still had been, an' dar buried, dey fin's five barrels o' brandy.

At Rattlesnake Spring, the Yankees find where Master Jake's still had been, and there buried, they find five barrels of brandy.

Atter de war we stayed on as servants o' Doctor Miller fer seberal years. I 'members de only time dat I eber got drunk wus long den. De doctor an' his frien's wus splurgin', an' I went wid another nigger ter git de brandy from de cellar fer de guests. When I tasted hit, hit drunk so good, an' so much lak sweetin water dat I drunk de pitcher full. I wus drunk three days.

After the war, we worked as servants for Doctor Miller for several years. I remember the only time I ever got drunk was back then. The doctor and his friends were celebrating, and I went with another Black person to get the brandy from the cellar for the guests. When I tasted it, it was so good, and tasted so much like sweet water that I drank the entire pitcher. I was drunk for three days.

I married Milly, an' sixty years ago we moved ter town. We scuffled along till twenty-eight years ago we buyed dis shack. I hopes dat we can git de ole age pension, case we shore need hit.

I married Milly, and sixty years ago we moved to town. We struggled along until twenty-eight years ago when we bought this shack. I hope that we can get the old age pension because we really need it.


[320015]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
Subject:Ex-Slave Story
Story Teller:Milly Henry
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 26 1937"

EX-SLAVE STORY

An interview with Milly Henry 82 of 713 South East Street, Raleigh, N.C.

I wus borned a slave ter Mr. Buck Boylan in Yazoo City, Mississippi. I doan know nothin' 'bout my family 'cept my gran'maw an' she died in Mississippi durin' de war.

I was born a slave to Mr. Buck Boylan in Yazoo City, Mississippi. I don’t know anything about my family except my grandma, and she died in Mississippi during the war.

Marster Buck owned three plantations dar, de Mosley place, Middle place, an' de Hill place. Me an' gran'maw lived at de Mosley place. One day Marster Buck comes in, an' we sees dat he am worried stiff; atter awhile he gangs us up, an' sez ter us:

Marster Buck owned three plantations there, the Mosley place, Middle place, and the Hill place. My grandmother and I lived at the Mosley place. One day, Marster Buck came in, and we could see that he was really worried; after a while, he gathered us up and said to us:

De Yankees am a-comin' to take my slaves 'way from me an' I don't 'pose dat dey am gwine ter do dat. Fer dem reasons we leaves fer No'th Carolina day atter termorror an' I ain't gwine ter hyar no jaw 'bout hit.'

De Yankees are coming to take my slaves away from me, and I don't think they're going to do that. For those reasons, we're leaving for North Carolina the day after tomorrow, and I don't want to hear any talk about it.

Dat day he goes over de slaves an' picks out 'roun' five hundret ter go. He picks me out, but my gran'maw he sez dat he will leave case she am so old an' feeble. I hates dat, but I don't say nothin' at all.

That day he goes through the slaves and chooses around five hundred to go. He picks me, but my grandmother says that he will leave me here because she is so old and weak. I hate that, but I don't say anything at all.

We leaves home in kivered wagons, wid a heap walkin' an' in 'bout three weeks, I reckon, we gits ter Raleigh.[Pg 401] You should have been 'long on dat trip, honey; When we camps side of de road an' sleeps on de groun' an' cooks our rations at de camp fires. I think dat dat wus one spring 'fore de surrender wus de nex'.

We left home in covered wagons, with a lot of walking, and in about three weeks, I guess, we got to Raleigh.[Pg 401] You should have been on that trip, honey; when we camped by the road and slept on the ground and cooked our meals over the campfires. I think that was one spring before the surrender was the next.

Marster Buck carries us ter Boylan Avenue dar whar de bridge am now an' we camps fer a few days, but den he sen's us out ter de Crabtree plantation. He also buys a place sommers east o' Raleigh an' sen's some dar.

Marster Buck takes us to Boylan Avenue where the bridge is now, and we camp there for a few days, but then he sends us out to the Crabtree plantation. He also buys a place somewhere east of Raleigh and sends some people there.

I misses my gran'maw fer awhile, but at last Uncle Green comes from Mississippi an' he sez dat gran'maw am daid, so I pretty quick stops worrin' over hit.

I missed my grandma for a while, but finally Uncle Green came from Mississippi and he said that grandma was dead, so I quickly stopped worrying about it.

Marster' cides ter hire some o' us out, an' so I gits hired out ter Miss Mary Lee, who I wucks fer till she got so pore she can't feed me, den I is hired out ter Miss Sue Blake an' sent ter de Company Shop up above Durham.

Marster decided to hire some of us out, so I got hired out to Miss Mary Lee, and I worked for her until she got so poor she couldn't feed me. Then I got hired out to Miss Sue Blake and was sent to the Company Shop up above Durham.

Miss Mary wus good, but Miss Sue she whup me, so I runs away. I went barefooted an' bareheaded ter de train, an' I gits on. Atter awhile de conductor comes fer a ticket an' I ain't got none. He axes me whar I'se gwine an' I tells him home, so he brung me on ter Raleigh.

Miss Mary was nice, but Miss Sue hit me, so I ran away. I went to the train barefoot and without a hat, and I got on. After a while, the conductor came for a ticket, but I didn't have one. He asked me where I was going, and I told him home, so he took me to Raleigh.

I went right home an' tol' Mr. Buck dat Miss Sue whupped me, an' dat I runned away. He said dat hit wus all right, an' he hired me out ter Mis' Lee Hamilton who lived dar on de Fayetteville Street.

I went straight home and told Mr. Buck that Miss Sue beat me, and that I ran away. He said it was fine, and he hired me out to Mrs. Lee Hamilton who lived there on Fayetteville Street.

She wus a widder an' run a boardin' house an' dar's[Pg 406] whar I seed de first drunk man dat eber I seed. He put de back o' his knife ginst my neck an' said dat he wus gwine ter cut my throat. I tell you dat I is knowed a drunk eber since dat time.

She was a widow and ran a boarding house, and that's[Pg 406] where I saw the first drunk man I ever saw. He pressed the back of his knife against my neck and said he was going to cut my throat. I tell you, I've known a drunk ever since that time.

I wus drawin' water at de well at de end of Fayetteville Street when de Yankees comed. I seed 'em ridin' up de street wid deir blue coats shinin' an' deir hosses steppin' high. I knowed dat I ought ter be skeered but I ain't, an' so I stands dar an' watches.

I was drawing water at the well at the end of Fayetteville Street when the Yankees came. I saw them riding up the street with their blue coats shining and their horses stepping high. I knew that I should be scared, but I wasn't, so I stood there and watched.

Suddenly as dey passes de bank out rides two mens frum Wheeler's calvary an' dey gits in de middle o' de street one of de hosses wheels back an' de man shot right at de Yankees, den he flewed frum dar.

Suddenly, as they pass the bank, two men from Wheeler's cavalry ride out, and they end up in the middle of the street. One of the horses rears back, and the man shoots right at the Yankees, then he takes off from there.

Two of de Yankees retracts frum de army an' dey flies atter de Rebs. When de Rebs git ter de Capitol one o' dem flies down Morgan Street an' one goes out Hillsboro Street wid de Yankees hot in behin' him.

Two of the Yankees pull back from the army and they chase after the Rebels. When the Rebels get to the Capitol, one of them heads down Morgan Street and one goes out Hillsboro Street with the Yankees hot on their tail.

Dey ketched him out dar at de Hillsboro Bridge when his hoss what wus already tired, stumbles an' he falls an' hurts his leg.

Dey caught him out there at the Hillsboro Bridge when his horse, which was already tired, stumbled and he fell and hurt his leg.

Durin' dat time de big man wid de red hair what dey calls Kilpatrick brung his men up on de square an' sets under de trees an' a gang o' people comes up.

Durin' that time the big guy with the red hair they call Kilpatrick brought his men to the square and sat under the trees, and a crowd of people gathered around.

When dey brung de young good lookin' Reb up ter de redheaded Gen'l he sez 'What you name Reb?'

When they brought the young good-looking Rebel up to the redheaded General, he said, "What's your name, Rebel?"

De boy sez, 'Robert Walsh, sir.[Pg 403]

De boy says, 'Robert Walsh, sir.[Pg 403]

What for did you done go an' shoot at my army?

What did you go and shoot at my army for?

"Case I hates de Yankees an' I wush dat dey wus daid in a pile," de Reb sez, an' laughs.

"Case I hates the Yankees and I wish they were dead in a pile," the Reb says, and laughs.

"De Gen'l done got his dander up now, an' he yells," 'Carry de Reb sommers out'r sight o' de ladies an' hang him.'

"General has really lost his temper now, and he shouts, 'Take the Rebel out of sight of the ladies and hang him.'"

De Reb laughs an' sez, 'kin' o' you sir,' an' he waves goodbye ter de crowd an' dey carried him off a laughin' fit ter kill.

De Reb laughs and says, 'kind of you, sir,' and he waves goodbye to the crowd, and they carried him off laughing like crazy.

Dey hanged him on a ole oak tree in de Lovejoy grove, whar de Governor's mansion am now standin' an' dey buried him under de tree.

Dey hanged him on an old oak tree in the Lovejoy grove, where the Governor's mansion is now standing, and they buried him under the tree.

Way atter de war dey moved his skileton ter Oakwood Cemetery an' put him up a monument. His grave wus kivered wid flowers, an' de young ladies cry.

Way after the war, they moved his skeleton to Oakwood Cemetery and put up a monument for him. His grave was covered with flowers, and the young ladies cried.

He died brave do', an' he kep' laughin' till his neck broke. I wus dar an' seed hit, furdermore dar wus a gang of white ladies dar, so dey might as well a hanged him on de Capitol Square.

He died bravely, and he kept laughing until his neck broke. I was there and saw it; besides, there was a group of white ladies there, so they might as well have hanged him in Capitol Square.

De Yankees wus good ter me, but hit shore wus hard ter git a job do', an' so I ain't fared as good as I did' fore de war.

De Yankees were good to me, but it sure was hard to find a job, and I haven't done as well as I did before the war.

Mr. Buck wus good ter us. Sometimes he'd lose his temper an' cuss, den he'd say right quick, 'God forgive me, I pray.' Dat man believed in 'ligion. When de oberseer, George Harris, 'ud start ter beat a slave dey larned ter yell[Pg 404] fer Mr. Buck an' make lak dey wus gittin' kilt.

Mr. Buck was good to us. Sometimes he'd lose his temper and curse, then he'd quickly say, 'God forgive me, I pray.' That man believed in religion. When the overseer, George Harris, would start to beat a slave, they learned to yell[Pg 404] for Mr. Buck and pretend like they were getting killed.

Mr. Buck'd come stompin' an' yellin' 'stop beatin' dat nigger.

Mr. Buck came stomping and yelling, "Stop beating that black."

Course dis ruint de slaves, case dey could talk lak dey pleased ter Mr. Harris, an' iffen dey could yell loud nuff dey ain't got no whuppin'.

Course dis ruined the slaves, 'cause they could talk like they pleased to Mr. Harris, and if they could yell loud enough, they didn't get any beating.

Yessum, I'se glad slavery am over; we owns dis home an' some chickens, but we shore does need de ole age pension. I'se got two fine gran'sons, but let me tell you dey needs ter wuck harder, eat less, an' drink less.

Yessum, I'm glad slavery is over; we own this home and some chickens, but we really need the old age pension. I have two great grandsons, but let me tell you, they need to work harder, eat less, and drink less.

On de count o' dem boys I wants de ABC Stores so's dey won't drink box lye.

On account of those boys, I want the ABC Stores so they won't drink that box lye.

EH

EH


[320047]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:737
Subject:CHANEY HEWS
Person Interviewed:Chaney Hews
Editor:G. L. Andrews

CHANEY HEWS

80 years old. 104 Cotton Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

My age, best of my recollection, is about eighty years. I was 'bout eight years ole when de Yankees come through. Chillun in dem days wus not paid much mind like dey is now. White chillun nor nigger chillun wus not spiled by tenshun.

My age, as far as I remember, is about eighty years. I was about eight years old when the Yankees came through. Children back then weren't paid much attention like they are now. Neither white children nor black children were spoiled by attention.

I got enough to eat to live on an' dat wus 'bout all I keered 'bout. Des so I could git a little to eat and could play all de time. I stayed outen de way of de grown folks. No, chillun wus not noticed like dey is now.

I had enough to eat to get by, and that was about all I cared about. Just so I could get a little food and play all the time. I stayed out of the way of the adults. No, kids weren't noticed like they are now.

I heard de grown folks talkin' 'bout de Yankees. De niggers called 'em blue jackets. Den one mornin', almost 'fore I knowed it, de yard wus full of 'em. Dey tried to ride de hosses in de house, dey caught de chickens, killed de shoats and took de horses an' anything else dey wanted. Dey give de nigger hardtack an' pickled meat. I 'members eating some of de meat, I didn't like.

I heard the grown folks talking about the Yankees. The black people called them blue jackets. Then one morning, almost before I knew it, the yard was full of them. They tried to ride the horses into the house, they caught the chickens, killed the pigs, and took the horses and anything else they wanted. They gave the black people hardtack and pickled meat. I remember eating some of the meat, and I didn’t like it.

We had reasonably good food, clothin', and warm log houses wid stick an' dirt chimleys. De houses wus warm enough all de time in winter, and dey didn't leak in rainy weather neither.

We had pretty good food, clothing, and warm log houses with stick and dirt chimneys. The houses were warm enough all the time in winter, and they didn't leak in rainy weather either.

Dere wus a lot of slaves an' marster an' missus wus good to father an' mother. When dey had a cornshuckin' we slaves had a good time, plenty to eat, whiskey for de grown folks and a rastlin' match after de corn wus shucked.[Pg 407] A nigger dat shucked a red ear of corn got a extra drink of whiskey. Dat wus de custom in dem days.

There were a lot of slaves, and the master and mistress were good to my father and mother. When they had a corn shucking, we slaves had a great time, with plenty to eat, whiskey for the adults, and a wrestling match after the corn was shucked.[Pg 407] A black person who shucked a red ear of corn got an extra drink of whiskey. That was the custom back then.

No prayermeetings wus allowed on de plantation but we went to Salem to white folks church and also to white folks church at Cary.

No prayer meetings were allowed on the plantation, but we went to Salem to the white folks' church and also to the white folks' church in Cary.

Dey whupped mother 'cause she tried to learn to read, no books wus allowed. Mother said dat if de blue jackets had not come sooner or later I would have got de lash.

Dey whipped mom because she tried to learn to read; no books were allowed. Mom said that if the blue jackets hadn’t shown up, eventually I would have gotten the whip.

Mother belonged to Sam Atkins who owned a plantation about ten miles down de Ramkatte Road in Wake County. Father belonged to Turner Utley and father wus named Jacob Utley and mother wus named Lucy Utley. My maiden name wus Chaney Utley. Dey wurked from sun to sun on de plantation.

Mother belonged to Sam Atkins, who owned a plantation about ten miles down the Ramkatte Road in Wake County. Father belonged to Turner Utley; his name was Jacob Utley, and mother’s name was Lucy Utley. My maiden name was Chaney Utley. They worked from sunup to sundown on the plantation.

When de surrender come father an' mother come to town an' stayed about a year an' den went back to ole marster's plantation. Dey wus fed a long time on hardtack and pickled meat, by de Yankees, while in town. Dey stayed a long time wid ole marster when dey got back. Mother wus his cook. Rats got after mother in town an' she went back to marsters an' tole him 'bout it an' tole him she had come back home, dat she wus fraid to stay in town an' marster jes' laughted an' tole us all to come right in. He tole mother to go an' cook us all sumptin to eat an' she did. We wus all glad to git back home.

When the surrender happened, my parents came to town and stayed for about a year before going back to the old master's plantation. They were given hardtack and pickled meat by the Yankees while they were in town. They spent a long time with the old master when they returned. My mother was his cook. While they were in town, rats were bothering my mother, so she went back to the master and told him about it, saying she had returned home because she was scared to stay in town. The master just laughed and told us all to come right in. He told my mother to go and cook us something to eat, and she did. We were all happy to be back home.

I wus too little to wurk much but I played a lot an'[Pg 408] swept yards. We drank water outen gourds an' marster would tell me to bring him a gourd full of cool water when he wus settin' in his arm chair on de porch. I thought big of waitin' on marster, yes, dat I did.

I was too young to work much, but I played a lot and [Pg 408] swept the yards. We drank water from gourds, and my master would tell me to bring him a gourd full of cool water when he was sitting in his armchair on the porch. I felt proud to wait on my master, yes, I did.

Dere wus fourteen of us in family, father, mother an' twelve chilluns. Dere is three of us livin', two of de boys an' me.

There were fourteen of us in the family: dad, mom, and twelve kids. There are three of us left now, two of the boys and me.

Slavery wus a good thing from what I knows 'bout it. While I liked de Yankees wid dere purty clothes, I didn't like de way dey took marster's stuff an' I tole 'em so. Mother made me hush. Dey took chickens, meat, hogs an' horses.

Slavery was a good thing from what I know about it. While I liked the Yankees with their pretty clothes, I didn't like how they took our master's things, and I told them so. Mother made me be quiet. They took chickens, meat, pigs, and horses.

We finally left ole marster's plantation an' moved Jes' a little way over on another plantation. Mother an' father died there.

We finally left our old master's plantation and moved just a little ways over to another plantation. Mother and father died there.

I married Sam Hews in Wake County when I wus fifteen years old. I had no children. After we wus married we stayed on de farm a year or two den we moved to Raleigh. We have wurked for white folks ever since, an' I am still wurkin' for 'em now all I am able. I washes an' irons clothes. Sometimes I can't wash, I ain't able, but I does de bes' I can. De white folks is still good to me an' I likes' em.

I married Sam Hews in Wake County when I was fifteen years old. I had no children. After we got married, we lived on the farm for a year or two, then we moved to Raleigh. We've worked for white people ever since, and I’m still working for them as long as I can. I wash and iron clothes. Sometimes I can't wash because I'm not able to, but I do the best I can. The white people are still good to me, and I like them.

LE

LE


[320158]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:1554
Subject:Joe High
Person Interviewed:Joe High
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

interesting first & last paragraph
glad slavery ended but loved Missus

Interesting first and last paragraph. I'm glad slavery ended, but I loved the Missus.

JOE HIGH

HW:—80 years

Joe High interviewed May 18, 1937 has long been one of the best independent gardners in Raleigh, working variously by the hour or day.

Joe High, interviewed on May 18, 1937, has long been one of the best independent gardeners in Raleigh, working either by the hour or by the day.

My name is Joe High. I lives at 527 So. Haywood. St. Raleigh, N.C. Now dere is one thing I want to know, is dis thing goin' to cost me anything. Hold on a minute, and le' me see. I want to be square, and I must be square. Now le' me see, le' me see sumpin'. Sometimes folks come here and dey writes and writes; den dey asts me, is you goin' to pay dis now? What will it cost? Well, if it costs nothin' I'll gib you what I knows.

My name is Joe High. I live at 527 S. Haywood St., Raleigh, N.C. Now there’s one thing I want to know: is this going to cost me anything? Hold on a minute, let me think. I want to be fair, and I have to be fair. Now let me see, let me see something. Sometimes people come here and they write and write; then they ask me, are you going to pay for this now? What will it cost? Well, if it doesn’t cost anything, I’ll share what I know.

Let me git my Bible. I wants to be on de square, because I got to leave here some of dese days. Dis is a record from de slave books. I've been tryin' to git my direct age for 35 years. My cousin got my age. I wuz born April 10, 1857. My mother's name wuz Sarah High. Put down when she wuz born, Oct. 24, 1824. This is from the old slave books. We both belonged to Green High, the young master. The old master, I nebber seed him; but I saw old missus, Mis' Laney High. The old master died before I wuz born. We lived two miles north uv Zebulon. You know where Zebulon is in Wake County? I had two[Pg 411] brothers, one brother named Taylor High, 'nother named Ruffin High. My sister died mighty young. She come here wrong; she died. I' member seeing my uncle take her to the grave yard. I don't know whe're there's enny rec'ord o' her or not.

Let me get my Bible. I want to be honest because I have to leave here eventually. This is a record from the slave books. I've been trying to find out my exact age for 35 years. My cousin knows my age. I was born on April 10, 1857. My mother’s name was Sarah High. Write down that she was born on October 24, 1824. This is from the old slave books. We both belonged to Green High, the young master. I never saw the old master, but I did see the old missus, Mrs. Laney High. The old master died before I was born. We lived two miles north of Zebulon. Do you know where Zebulon is in Wake County? I had two[Pg 411] brothers, one named Taylor High and the other named Ruffin High. My sister died very young. She came here wrong; she died. I remember seeing my uncle take her to the graveyard. I don’t know if there are any records of her or not.

My work in slavery times wuz ridin' behin' my Missus, Clara Griffin, who wuz my old missus' sister's daughter. She came to be our missus. When she went visiting I rode behind her. I also looked atter de garden, kept chickens out uv de garden, and minded de table, fanned flies off de table. They were good to us. Dey whupped us sometime. I wuz not old enough to do no fiel' work.

My work during slavery times was riding behind my Missus, Clara Griffin, who was my old mistress's sister's daughter. She became our mistress. When she went visiting, I rode behind her. I also took care of the garden, kept the chickens out of the garden, and tended to the table, fanning flies away from it. They were good to us. They whipped us sometimes. I wasn’t old enough to do any field work.

One time I slep' late. It wuz in the fall uv the year. The other chilluns had lef' when I got up. I went out to look for 'em. When I crossed the tater patch I seen the ground cracked and I dug in to see what cracked it. I found a tater and kept diggin' till I dug it up. I carried it to the house. They had a white woman for a cook that year. I carried the tater and showed it to her. She took me and the tater and told me to come on. We went from the kitchen to the great house and she showed the tater to the old missus sayin', 'Look here missus, Joe has been stealin' taters. Here is the tater he stole'. Old missus said, 'Joe belongs to me, the tater belongs to[Pg 412] me, take it back and cook it for him. When the cook cooked the tater she asked me for half uv it. I gave it to her. If I had known den lak I knows now, she wuz tryin' to git me to git a whoppin' I wouldn't 'er give her none uv dat tater.

One time I slept in late. It was in the fall of the year. The other kids had left by the time I got up. I went out to look for them. When I crossed the potato patch, I saw the ground cracked, so I dug in to see what caused it. I found a potato and kept digging until I unearthed it. I carried it to the house. They had a white woman as a cook that year. I took the potato and showed it to her. She took me and the potato and told me to come along. We went from the kitchen to the main house, and she showed the potato to the old lady saying, 'Look here, ma'am, Joe has been stealing potatoes. Here is the potato he stole.' The old lady replied, 'Joe belongs to me, and the potato belongs to me as well. Take it back and cook it for him.' When the cook prepared the potato, she asked me for half of it. I gave it to her. If I had known back then what I know now, I wouldn't have given her any of that potato to avoid getting in trouble.

There were some frame houses, an part log houses, we called 'em the darkey houses. The master's house wuz called 'the great house'. We had very good places to sleep and plenty to eat. I got plenty uv potlicker, peas, and pumpkins. All us little darkies et out uv one bowl. We used mussel shells, got on the branch, for spoons. Dey must not er had no spoons or sumpin. The pea fowls roosted on de great house evey night. I didn't know whut money nor matches wuz neither.

There were some frame houses and some log houses, which we called the darky houses. The master's house was called the great house. We had really good places to sleep and plenty to eat. I had plenty of potlikker, peas, and pumpkins. All of us kids ate out of one bowl. We used mussel shells, found by the creek, for spoons. They must not have had any spoons or something. The peafowls roosted on the great house every night. I didn't know what money or matches were either.

I 'member seein' Henry High, my first cousin, ketch a pike once, but I never done no fishin' or huntin'. I 'member seein' the grown folks start off possum huntin' at night, but I did not go.

I remember seeing Henry High, my first cousin, catch a pike once, but I never went fishing or hunting. I remember seeing the adults head out for possum hunting at night, but I didn’t go.

I wore wooden bottom shoes and I wore only a shirt. I went in my shirt tail until I wuz a great big boy, many years atter slavery. There were 50 or more slaves on the plantation. Old women wove cloth on looms. We made syrup, cane syrup, with a cane mill. We carried our corn to Foster's Mill down on Little River to have it[Pg 413] ground. It wuz called Little River den; I don't know whut it is called in dis day.

I wore wooden clogs and just a shirt. I walked around in my shirt until I was a big kid, many years after slavery. There were 50 or more slaves on the plantation. Older women wove cloth on looms. We made syrup, cane syrup, using a cane mill. We took our corn to Foster's Mill down on Little River to have it[Pg 413] ground. It was called Little River back then; I don't know what it's called these days.

There wuz a block in de yard, where missus got up on her horse. There were two steps to it. Slaves were sold from this block. I 'member seein' them sold from this block. George High wuz one, but they got him back.

There was a block in the yard where the missus got on her horse. There were two steps to it. Slaves were sold from this block. I remember seeing them sold from this block. George High was one, but they got him back.

Dey did not teach us anything about books; dey did not teach us anything about readin' and writin'. I went to church at the Eppsby Church near Buffalo, not far from Wakefield. We sat in a corner to ourselves.

Dey didn’t teach us anything about books; dey didn’t teach us anything about reading and writing. I went to church at Eppsby Church near Buffalo, not far from Wakefield. We sat in a corner by ourselves.

My brother Taylor ran away. Young master sent him word to come on back home; he won't goin' to whup him, and he come back. Yes, he come back.

My brother Taylor ran away. The young master sent him a message to come back home; he said he wouldn't punish him, and he came back. Yes, he came back.

We played the games uv marbles, blind fold, jumpin', and racin', and jumpin' the rope. The doctor looked atter us when we were sick, sometimes, but it wuz mostly done by old women. Dey got erbs and dey gib us wormfuge. Dey worked us out. I wuz not old enough to pay much attention to de doctor's name.

We played games like marbles, blindfold, jumping, and racing, and jumping rope. The doctor checked on us when we were sick sometimes, but it was mostly done by older women. They had herbs and gave us worm medicine. They worked us hard. I wasn't old enough to pay much attention to the doctor's name.

I 'members one day my young master, Green High, and me wuz standin' in de front yard when two men come down the avenue from de main road to the house. Dey wanted to know how fer it wuz to Green High's. Master told 'em it wuz about 2 miles away and gave 'em the direction. Dey were Yankees. Dey got on their horses and left. Dey didn't know dey wuz talking to Green High then. When dey left,[Pg 414] master left. I didn't see him no more in a long time. Soon next day the yard wuz full uv Yankee soldiers. I 'members how de buttons on dere uniforms shined. Dey got corn, meat, chickens, and eveything they wanted. Day didn't burn the house.

I remember one day my young master, Green High, and I were standing in the front yard when two men came down the avenue from the main road to the house. They asked how far it was to Green High's. Master told them it was about 2 miles away and gave them directions. They were Yankees. They got on their horses and left. They didn't realize they were talking to Green High then. When they left, [Pg 414] master left. I didn't see him again for a long time. Soon the next day, the yard was full of Yankee soldiers. I remember how the buttons on their uniforms shined. They took corn, meat, chickens, and everything they wanted. They didn't burn the house.

Old man Bert Doub or Domb kept nigger hounds. When a nigger run away he would ketch him for de master. De master would send atter him and his dogs when a nigger run away. I 'member one overseer, a Negro, Hamp High and another Coff High. Nobody told me nothin' about being free and I knowed nothin' 'bout whut it meant.

Old man Bert Doub or Domb had black hounds. When one of the blacks ran away, he would catch them for the master. The master would send for him and his dogs whenever a black ran away. I remember one overseer, a Black man, Hamp High, and another named Coff High. Nobody told me anything about being free, and I didn't know anything about what it meant.

I married Rosetta Hinton. She belonged to the Hintons during slavery. She is dead; she's been dead fourteen years. We were married at her mother's home; the river plantation belonging to the Hintons. I wuz married by a preacher at this home. Atter the wedding we had good things to eat and we played games. All stayed there that night and next day we went back to whar I wuz workin' on de Gen. Cox's farm. I wuz workin' dere. We had 6 chillun. Two died at birth. All are dead except one in Durham named Tommie High and one in New York City. Tommie High works in a wheat mill. Eddie High is a cashermiser, (calciminer) works on walls.

I married Rosetta Hinton. She was part of the Hinton family during the time of slavery. She has been gone for fourteen years now. We got married at her mother's house, the river plantation owned by the Hintons. A preacher officiated our wedding there. After the ceremony, we enjoyed a delicious meal and played games. Everyone stayed overnight, and the next day we returned to where I was working on General Cox's farm. I was working there. We had six children, but two of them died at birth. All of them have passed away except for one in Durham named Tommie High and another in New York City. Tommie High works in a wheat mill. Eddie High is a cashermiser, working on walls.

I thought slavery wuz right. I felt that this wuz the[Pg 415] way things had to go, the way they were fixed to go. I wuz satisfied. The white folks treated me all right. My young missus loved me and I loved her. She whupped me sometimes. I think just for fun sometimes, when I wuz ridin' behind her, she would tell me to put my arms around her and hold to her apron strings. One day she wuz sittin' on the side saddle; I wuz sittin' behind her. She wud try to git old Dave, the horse she wuz a ridin to walk; she would say, 'Ho Dave', den I wud kick de horse in de side and she wud keep walkin' on. She asked me, 'Joe, why does Dave not want to stop?'

I thought slavery was right. I felt that this was the[Pg 415] way things had to be, the way they were meant to be. I was satisfied. The white folks treated me well. My young mistress cared for me, and I cared for her. She punished me sometimes. I think sometimes she did it just for fun; when I was riding behind her, she'd tell me to put my arms around her and hold onto her apron strings. One day, she was sitting sideways on the saddle, and I was sitting behind her. She would try to get old Dave, the horse she was riding, to walk; she would say, "Ho Dave," then I would kick the horse in the side, and he would keep walking. She asked me, "Joe, why doesn’t Dave want to stop?"

I saw a lot of Yankees, I wuz afraid of 'em. They called us Johnnie, Susie, and tole us they wouldn't hurt us.

I saw a lot of Yankees, and I was scared of them. They called us Johnny, Susie, and told us they wouldn't hurt us.

I think Abraham Lincoln is all right, I guess, the way he saw it. I think he was like I wuz as a boy from what I read, and understand; he wuz like me jest the way he saw things. I liked the rules, and ways o' my old master and missus, while the Yankees and Abraham Lincoln gave me more rest.

I think Abraham Lincoln is fine, I suppose, from his perspective. I feel he was similar to how I was as a boy based on what I've read and understood; he viewed things like I do. I appreciated the rules and the ways of my old master and mistress, while the Yankees and Abraham Lincoln allowed me more freedom.

How did I learn to read? Atter de war I studies. I wonts ter read de hymms an' songs. I jis picks up de readin' myself.[Pg 416]

How did I learn to read? After the war, I studied. I wanted to read the hymns and songs. I just taught myself how to read.[Pg 416]

It's quare to me, I cannot remember one word my mother ever said to me, not nary a word she said can I remember. I remember she brought me hot potlicker and bread down to the house of mornings when I wuz small; but I'se been tryin to 'member some words she spoke to me an' I cain't.

It's strange to me; I can't recall a single word my mother ever said to me, not one word can I remember. I remember she used to bring me hot potlicker and bread in the mornings when I was little; but I've been trying to remember some of the words she spoke to me, and I can't.


[320246]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:936
Subject:SUSAN HIGH
Story Teller:Susan High
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

SUSAN HIGH

519 Haywood Street
Raleigh, N.C.

My name is Susan High. I wus born in June. I am 70 years old. My mother wus named Piety an' she belonged to de ole man Giles Underhill before de surrender. My father he wus George Merritt an' he belonged to Ben Merritt, Ivan Proctor's grandfather. Dey lived on a plantation near Eagle Rock, Wake County. Dey called de creek near by Mark's Creek.

My name is Susan High. I was born in June. I'm 70 years old. My mother was named Piety and she belonged to the old man Giles Underhill before the surrender. My father was George Merritt and he belonged to Ben Merritt, Ivan Proctor's grandfather. They lived on a plantation near Eagle Rock, Wake County. They called the nearby creek Mark's Creek.

My parents said dat dey had a mighty hard time, an' dat durin' slavery time, de rules wus mighty strict. De hours of work on de farm wus from sun to sun wid no time 'cept at Christmas and at lay-by time, 4th of July for anything but work. Dey were not 'lowed no edication, and very little time to go to church. Sometimes de went to de white folks church. Mother said dey whupped de slaves if dey broke de rules.

My parents said they had a really tough time, and that during slavery, the rules were very strict. The work hours on the farm were from sunrise to sunset with no breaks except at Christmas and during harvest time, and on the 4th of July for anything other than work. They weren’t allowed any education, and had very little time to go to church. Sometimes they attended the white people's church. My mother said they whipped the slaves if they broke the rules.

Dey said de overseers were worse den de slave owners. De overseers were ginerally white men hired by de marster. My father said dey had poor white men to overseer, and de slave owner would go on about his business and sometimes didn't know an' didn't eben care how mean de overseer wus to de slaves.

Dey said the overseers were worse than the slave owners. The overseers were generally white men hired by the master. My father said they had poor white men as overseers, and the slave owner would go about his business, sometimes not knowing and not even caring how cruel the overseer was to the slaves.

Dere wus a lot o' things to drink, dey said, cider, made from apples, whiskey, an' brandy. Dey said people didn't notice it lak dey do now, not many got drunk, cause dere wus plenty of it. Father said it wus ten cents a quart, dat is de[Pg 419] whiskey made outen corn, and de brandy wus cheap too.

There were a lot of drinks available, they said: cider made from apples, whiskey, and brandy. They said people didn’t pay attention to it like they do now; not many got drunk because there was plenty of it. Dad said it was ten cents a quart, that is the[Pg 419] whiskey made from corn, and the brandy was cheap too.

Dey said de clothes were wove, an' dat mos' chillun went barefooted, an' in dere shirt tails; great big boys, goin' after de cows, and feedin' de horses, an' doin' work around de house in deir shirt tails. Grown slaves got one pair o' shoes a year an' went barefooted de res' o' de time. Biscuit wus a thing dey seldom got.

Dey said the clothes were made from fabric, and that most kids went barefoot and in their shirt tails; big boys herding the cows, feeding the horses, and doing chores around the house in their shirt tails. Adult slaves got one pair of shoes a year and went barefoot the rest of the time. Biscuits were something they seldom had.

Women cleared land by rollin' logs into piles and pilin' brush in de new grounds. Dey were 'lowed patches, but dey used what dey made to eat. Daddy said dey didn't have time to fish and hunt any. Dey were too tired for dat. Dey had to work so hard.

Women cleared land by rolling logs into piles and stacking brush in the new fields. They were allowed to have small plots, but they used what they grew for food. Dad said they didn't have time to fish or hunt. They were too exhausted for that. They had to work really hard.

Daddy said he wus proud o' freedom, but wus afraid to own it. Dey prayed fer freedom secretly. When de Yankees come daddy saved a two horse wagon load of meat for marster by takin' it off in de swamp and hidin' it, an' den marster wouldn't give him nary bit uv it. After de surrender, dey turned him out wid a crowd o' little chillun wid out a thing. Dey give him nothin'. My mother saved her marster's life, Charles Underhill.

Daddy said he was proud of freedom, but was afraid to claim it. They prayed for freedom in secret. When the Yankees came, Daddy saved a two-horse wagon full of meat for the master by taking it into the swamp and hiding it, but then the master wouldn't give him any of it. After the surrender, they turned him out with a crowd of little kids without a thing. They gave him nothing. My mother saved her master's life, Charles Underhill.

Well you see he wus takin' care uv a lot o' meat and whiskey for Dick Jordon, an' de Yankees come an' he treated 'em from whiskey he had in a bottle, an' tole 'em he had no more. Dey searched his home an' found it in a shed room, an' den dey said dey were goin' to kill him for tellin' 'em a lie.[Pg 420] She herd 'em talkin' and she busted through de crowd and told 'em dat de stuff belonged to anudder man and dat her marster was not lyin', an' not to hurt 'im. De Yankees said, 'You have saved dis ole son of a bitch, we won't kill' em den.' Dey took all de meat, whiskey, an' everything dey wanted. Marster promised mother a cow, and calf, a sow, and pigs for what she had done for him an' to stay on an' finish de crop. When de fall o' de year come he did not give her de wrappin's o' her finger. Dat's what my mudder tole me. We wus teached to call 'em mammie and pappie. I is gwine to tell you just zackly like it is we were taught dese things. I wants to be pasidefily right in what I tell you.

Well, you see, he was taking care of a lot of meat and whiskey for Dick Jordon, and then the Yankees showed up. He served them whiskey from a bottle and told them he had no more. They searched his house and found it in a shed, and then they said they were going to kill him for lying. She heard them talking and broke through the crowd, telling them that the stuff belonged to another man and that her master wasn’t lying, and not to hurt him. The Yankees said, "You’ve saved this old guy, we won’t kill him then." They took all the meat, whiskey, and everything they wanted. Master promised Mother a cow and calf, a sow, and pigs for what she had done for him and to stay on and finish the crop. When fall came, he didn’t give her anything. That’s what my mother told me. We were taught to call them mammy and pappy. I’m going to tell you exactly how it is because we were taught these things. I want to be completely honest in what I tell you.[Pg 420]

We lef' dat place an' mammie an' pappie farmed wid Solomon Morgan a Free Issue for several years. De family had typhoid fever an' five were down with it at one time. But de Lawd will provide. Sich as dat makes me say people wont die till deir time comes. Dere is some mighty good white people in dis place in America, and also bad. If it hadn't been for 'em we colored folks would have ben in a mighty bad fix. We got our jobs and help from 'em to git us to de place we are at. Dr. Henry Montague doctored us and none died. It wusn't dere time to go. No, no, hit wasn't deir time to go. We then moved back to Marster's for a year, and then we moved to Rolesville in Wake County.[Pg 421]

We left that place and Mom and Dad farmed with Solomon Morgan under a Free Issue for several years. The family had typhoid fever, and five of them were sick at the same time. But the Lord will provide. That makes me believe people won’t die until their time comes. There are some really good white people in this part of America, and some bad ones too. If it weren't for them, we Black folks would have been in a really bad situation. We've gotten our jobs and help from them to get us to where we are now. Dr. Henry Montague treated us, and none of us died. It just wasn’t their time to go. No, no, it wasn’t their time to go. We then moved back to Master’s for a year, and after that, we moved to Rolesville in Wake County.[Pg 421]

I married den and moved to Raleigh. I married Robert High. He is dead. He been dead 'bout 30 years. I don't know much 'bout Abraham Lincoln I think he wus a fine man. Mr. Roosevelt's ideas is fine if he can carry 'em out.

I married Dan and moved to Raleigh. I married Robert High. He’s dead. He’s been dead for about 30 years. I don’t know much about Abraham Lincoln, but I think he was a fine man. Mr. Roosevelt's ideas are good if he can make them happen.

AC

AC


[320084]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:878
Subject:KITTY HILL
Person Interviewed:Kitty Hill
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 17 1937"

KITTY HILL

329 West South Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I tole you yisterday dat my age wus 76 years old, but my daughter come home, an' I axed her' bout it an' she say I is 77 years old. I don't know exactly the date but I wus born in April. I wus a little girl 'bout five years ole when de surrender come, but I don't' member anything much' bout de Yankees.

I told you yesterday that I am 76 years old, but my daughter came home, and I asked her about it, and she said I am 77 years old. I don't know the exact date, but I was born in April. I was a little girl about five years old when the surrender happened, but I don't remember much about the Yankees.

I wus born in Virginia, near Petersburg, an' mother said de Yankees had been hanging' round dere so long dat a soldier wus no sight to nobody.

I was born in Virginia, near Petersburg, and my mother said the Yankees had been hanging around there for so long that a soldier was no surprise to anyone.

'Bout de time de Yankees come I' member hearin' dem talk 'bout de surrender. Den a Jew man by the name of Isaac Long come to Petersburg, bought us an' brought us to Chatham County to a little country town, named Pittsboro. Ole man Isaac Long run a store an' kept a boarding house. We stayed on de lot. My mother cooked. We stayed there a long time atter de war. Father wus sent to Manassas Gap at the beginning of de war and I do not 'member ever seein' him.

'Bout time the Yankees showed up, I remember hearing them talk about the surrender. Then a Jewish man named Isaac Long came to Petersburg, bought us, and brought us to Chatham County to a small town called Pittsboro. Old man Isaac Long ran a store and kept a boarding house. We stayed on the lot. My mother cooked. We were there for a long time after the war. My father was sent to Manassas Gap at the beginning of the war, and I don’t remember ever seeing him.

My mother wus named Viney Jefferson an' my father wus named Thomas Jefferson. We 'longed to the Jeffersons there and we went by the name of Jefferson when we wus sold and brought to N.C. I do not 'member my grandparents on my mother's[Pg 424] or father's side. Mother had one boy an' three girls. The boy wus named Robert, an' the girls were Kate, Rosa and Kitty. Marster Long bought mother an' all de chilluns, but mother never seed father anymore atter he wus sent off to de war.

My mother was named Viney Jefferson and my father was named Thomas Jefferson. We belonged to the Jeffersons there, and we went by the name of Jefferson when we were sold and brought to North Carolina. I don't remember my grandparents on my mother's[Pg 424] or father's side. Mother had one son and three daughters. The boy was named Robert, and the girls were Kate, Rosa, and Kitty. Master Long bought mother and all the children, but mother never saw father again after he was sent off to the war.

I married Green Hill in Chatham County. I married him at Moncure about nine miles from Pittsboro. We lived at Moncure and mother moved there an' we lived together for a long time. When we left Moncure we come ter Raleigh. Mother had died long time 'fore we left Moncure, Chatham County. We moved ter Raleigh atter de World War.

I married Green Hill in Chatham County. I married him in Moncure, about nine miles from Pittsboro. We lived in Moncure and my mother moved there, and we lived together for a long time. When we left Moncure, we came to Raleigh. My mother had passed away a long time before we left Moncure, Chatham County. We moved to Raleigh after World War II.

Mother used ter tell we chilluns stories of patterollers ketchin' niggers an' whuppin' 'em an' of how some of de men outrun de patterollers an' got away. Dere wus a song dey used to sing, it went like dis. Yes sir, ha! ha! I wants ter tell you dat song, here it is:

Mother used to tell us kids stories about patrols catching Black people and beating them, and how some men managed to outrun the patrols and escape. There was a song they used to sing, and it went like this. Yes sir, ha! ha! I want to tell you that song, here it is:

'Somefolks say dat a nigger wont steal, I caught two in my corn field, one had a bushel, one had a peck, an' one had rosenears, strung 'round his neck. 'Run nigger run, Patteroller ketch you, run nigger run like you did de udder day.'

'Some people say that a black person won't steal; I caught two in my cornfield, one had a bushel, one had a peck, and one had ears of corn strung around his neck. 'Run, Black, run; the patroller will catch you, run, Black, run like you did the other day.'

My mother said she wus treated good. Yes she said dey wus good ter her in Virginia. Mother said de slave men on de Jefferson plantation in Virginia would steal de hosses ter ride ter dances at night. One time a hoss dey stole an' rode ter a dance fell dead an' dey tried ter tote him home. Mother laughted a lot about dat. I heard my mother say dat de cavalry[Pg 425] southern folks was bout de meanest in de war. She talked a lot about Wheeler's cavalry.

My mother said she was treated well. Yes, she said they were good to her in Virginia. Mother mentioned that the enslaved men on the Jefferson plantation in Virginia would steal the horses to ride to dances at night. One time, a horse they stole and rode to a dance fell dead, and they tried to carry him home. Mother laughed a lot about that. I heard my mother say that the cavalry[Pg 425] from the southern folks was some of the meanest in the war. She talked a lot about Wheeler's cavalry.

Dere wus a lot of stealin' an' takin' meat, silver, stock an' anything. Hosses, cows an' chickens jist didn't have no chance if a Yankee laid his eyes on 'em. A Yankee wus pisen to a yard full of fowls. Dey killed turkeys, chickens and geese. Now dats de truth. Mother said de Yankees skinned turkeys, chickens and geese 'fore dey cooked 'em. Sometimes dey would shoot a hog an' jist take de hams an' leave de rest dere to spile. Dey would kill a cow, cut off de quarters an' leave de rest ter rot.

There was a lot of stealing and taking of meat, silver, livestock, and anything else. Horses, cows, and chickens just didn't stand a chance if a Yankee had their eye on them. A Yankee was poison to a yard full of chickens. They killed turkeys, chickens, and geese. That's the truth. Mother said the Yankees skinned turkeys, chickens, and geese before they cooked them. Sometimes they would shoot a hog and just take the hams, leaving the rest to spoil. They would kill a cow, cut off the quarters, and leave the rest to rot.

Mother said no prayer meetings wus allowed de slaves in Virginia where she stayed. Dey turned pots down ter kill de noise an' held meetings at night. Dey had niggers ter watch an' give de alarm if dey saw de white folks comin'. Dey always looked out for patterollers. Dey were not allowed any edication an' mother could not read and write nuther.

Mother said no prayer meetings were allowed for the slaves in Virginia where she lived. They turned pots upside down to muffle the noise and held meetings at night. They had others watch and sound the alarm if they saw the white folks coming. They always kept an eye out for patrollers. They weren’t allowed any education, and Mother couldn’t read or write either.

I 'member de Ku Klux an' how dey beat people. One night a man got away from 'em near whar we lived in Chatham County. He lived out in de edge of de woods; and when dey knocked on de door he jumped out at a back window in his night clothes wid his pants in his hands an' outrun 'em. Dere wus rocks in de woods whar he run an' dat nigger jist tore his feet up. Dey went ter one nigger's house up dere an' de door' wus barred up. Dey got a ax an' cut a hole in de door.[Pg 426] When de hole got big enough de nigger blammed down on 'em wid a gun an' shot one of dere eyes out. You know de Ku Klux went disguised an' when dey got ter your house dey would say in a fine voice, Ku Klux, Ku Klux, Ku Klux, Ku Klux.

I remember the Ku Klux and how they attacked people. One night, a man escaped from them near where we lived in Chatham County. He lived at the edge of the woods; when they knocked on his door, he jumped out of a back window in his nightclothes with his pants in his hands and outran them. There were rocks in the woods where he ran, and that ground really hurt his feet. They went to one black person's house up there, and the door was barred. They got an ax and cut a hole in the door.[Pg 426] When the hole got big enough, the man inside fired a gun at them and shot one of their eyes out. You know the Ku Klux would come disguised, and when they got to your house, they'd say in a smooth voice, "Ku Klux, Ku Klux, Ku Klux, Ku Klux."

Some people say dey are in slavery now an' dat de niggers never been in nothin' else; but de way some of it wus I believe it wus a bad thing. Some slaves fared all right though an' had a good time an' liked slavery.

Some people say they are in slavery now and that black people have never experienced anything else; but given how some of it was, I believe it was a bad thing. However, some slaves were treated well and had a good time and enjoyed slavery.

LE

LE


[320218]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:997
Subject:JERRY HINTON
Person Interviewed:Jerry Hinton
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

JERRY HINTON

My full name is Jerry Hinton. I wus borned in February, 1855. I am not able ter work. I work all I can. I am trying ter do de best I can ter help myself. Yes, just tryin' ter do sumpin, ain't able ter work much. I am ruptured, an' old. My old house looks 'bout old as I do, it's 'bout to fall down, ain't able ter fix it up. It needs repairing. I ain't able ter make no repairs.

My full name is Jerry Hinton. I was born in February 1855. I can’t work. I work as much as I can. I’m just trying to do my best to help myself. Yes, just trying to do something, but I can’t work much. I have a hernia, and I’m old. My old house looks about as old as I do; it’s about to fall down, and I can’t fix it up. It needs repairs. I can’t make any repairs.

I wus born on a plantation in Wake County. My master wus Richard Seawell, an' Missus wus named Adelaide. His plantation wus on Neuse River. He had two plantations, but I wus a little boy, an' don't remember how many acres in de plantation or how many slaves. There wus a lot of 'em tho'. I would follow master 'round an' look up in his face so he would give me biscuit an' good things ter eat.

I was born on a plantation in Wake County. My master was Richard Seawell, and my mistress was named Adelaide. His plantation was by the Neuse River. He owned two plantations, but I was a little boy and don’t remember how many acres the plantation had or how many slaves there were. There were a lot of them, though. I would follow my master around and look up at his face so he would give me biscuits and good things to eat.

My mother, before marriage, wus named Silvia Seawell, an' father wus named Andrew Hinton. Atter they wus married mother went by the name of Hinton, my father's family name. I had—I don't know—mos' anything wus good ter me. Master brought me biscuit an' I thought that wus the greatest thing at all. Yes, I got purty good food.[Pg 429] Our clothes wus not fine, but warm. I went barefooted mos' o' the time, an' in summer I went in my shirt tail.

My mother, before she got married, was named Silvia Seawell, and my father was named Andrew Hinton. After they got married, my mother took on the name Hinton, my father's family name. I had—I don't know—most things were good to me. The master brought me biscuits, and I thought that was the greatest thing ever. Yes, I got pretty good food.[Pg 429] Our clothes weren't fancy, but they were warm. I went barefoot most of the time, and in the summer, I wore just my shirt.

Dey called de slave houses 'quarters', de house where de overseer lived wus de 'Overseer's House'. Master had a overseer to look atter his men; De overseer wus named Bridgers. De house where Master lived wus de 'Great House'.

They called the slave houses 'quarters', and the house where the overseer lived was the 'Overseer's House'. The master had an overseer to look after his men; the overseer was named Bridgers. The house where the master lived was the 'Great House'.

Dey would not allow us any books. I cannot read an' write. I have seen de patterollers, but I neber saw' em whip nobody; but I saw' em lookin' fer somebody ter whup. I've neber seen a slave sold. I've neber seen a jail fer slaves or slaves in chains. I have seen master whup slaves though. I wus neber whupped. Dey wrung my ears an' pulled my nose to punish me.

They wouldn't let us have any books. I can't read or write. I've seen the patrollers, but I never saw them whip anyone; I just saw them looking for someone to beat. I've never seen a slave sold. I've never seen a jail for slaves or slaves in chains. I have seen the master whip slaves, though. I was never whipped. They twisted my ears and pulled my nose to punish me.

Dere wus no churches on de plantation, but we had prayer meetin's in our homes. We went to de white folks church. My father used to take me by de hand an' carry me ter church. Daddy belonged ter de Iron Side Baptist Church. We called our fathers 'daddy' in slavery time. Dey would not let slaves call deir fathers 'father'. Dey called 'em 'daddy', an' white children called deir father, 'Pa'. I didn't work any in slavery time, 'cept feed pigs, an' do things fer my master; waited on him. I went 'round wid him a lot, an' I had rather see him[Pg 430] come on de plantation any time dan to see my daddy. I do not remember any possums or other game being eaten at our house. I do not remember eber goin' a-fishin durin' slavery time.

There were no churches on the plantation, but we had prayer meetings in our homes. We went to the white folks' church. My father used to take me by the hand and take me to church. Daddy belonged to the Iron Side Baptist Church. We called our fathers 'daddy' during slavery. They wouldn't let slaves call their fathers 'father.' We called them 'daddy,' and white children called their fathers 'Pa.' I didn't work much during slavery, except to feed pigs and do things for my master; I waited on him. I spent a lot of time with him, and I would rather see him[Pg 430] come onto the plantation any time than to see my daddy. I don’t remember ever having possums or other game at our house. I don’t recall ever going fishing during slavery.

Master had two boys ter go off ter de war. Dey carried 'em off ter de war. I don't know how many children dey had, but I remember two of 'em goin' off ter de war. Don't know what became of 'em.

Master had two boys who went off to the war. They took them away to the war. I don’t know how many children they had, but I remember two of them going off to the war. I don’t know what happened to them.

I shore remember de Yankees. Yes sir, Ha! ha! I shore remember dem. Dem Yankees tore down an' drug out ever'thing, dey come across. Dey killed hogs, an' chickens. Dey took only part of a hog an' lef' de rest. Dey shot cows, an' sometimes jest cut off de hind quarters an' lef de rest. Dey knocked de heads out o' de barrels o' molasses. Dey took horses, cows an' eber'thing, but they did not hurt any o' de children. Dey wus folks dat would tear down things.

I definitely remember the Yankees. Yes sir, ha! ha! I really remember them. Those Yankees destroyed and dragged out everything they found. They killed pigs and chickens. They took only part of a pig and left the rest. They shot cows and sometimes just cut off the hindquarters and left the rest. They knocked the tops off the barrels of molasses. They took horses, cows, and everything else, but they didn’t hurt any of the children. They were people who would tear things apart.

Atter de surrender my mother moved over on de plantation where my father stayed. We stayed dere a long time, an' den we moved back to Richard Seawell's, old master's plantation, stayin' dere a long time. Den we moved to Jessie Taylor's place below Raleigh between Crabtree Creek an' Neuse River. When we lef' Taylor's we moved ter Banner Dam northeast of Raleigh near Boone's Pond. Mother an' father both died dere. Atter leaving dere I come here.[Pg 431] I have lived in Oberlin ebery since. Guess I'll die here; if I can git de money to pay my taxes, I know I will die here.

After the surrender, my mother moved to the plantation where my father was. We stayed there for a long time, and then we moved back to Richard Seawell's, my old master's plantation, where we stayed for a long time. Then we moved to Jessie Taylor's place, located below Raleigh between Crabtree Creek and Neuse River. When we left Taylor's, we moved to Banner Dam northeast of Raleigh near Boone's Pond. Both my mother and father died there. After leaving there, I came here.[Pg 431] I have lived in Oberlin ever since. I guess I'll die here; if I can get the money to pay my taxes, I know I will die here.

I think slavery wus good because I wus treated all right. I think I am 'bout as much a slave now as ever.

I think slavery was okay because I was treated well. I feel like I’m just as much a slave now as I ever was.

I don't think any too much o' Abraham Lincoln, Jeff Davis or any o' dem men. Don't know much 'bout 'em. Guess Mr. Roosevelt is all right. 'Bout half the folks both black an' white is slaves an' don't know it. When I wus a slave I had nothin' on me, no responsibility on any of us, only to work. Didn't have no taxes to pay, neber had to think whur de next meal wus comin' from.

I don't think much of Abraham Lincoln, Jeff Davis, or any of those guys. I don't know a lot about them. I guess Mr. Roosevelt is okay. About half the people, both Black and white, are slaves and don't even realize it. When I was a slave, I had nothing to worry about, no responsibilities on any of us, just to work. I didn't have to pay taxes or think about where the next meal was coming from.

Dis country is in a bad fix. Looks like sumptin got to be done someway or people, a lot of 'em, are goin' to parish to death. Times are hard, an' dey is gettin' worse. Don't know how I am goin' to make it, if I don't git some help. We been prayin' fer rain. Crops are done injured, but maybe de Lawd will help us. Yes, I trust in de Lawd.

This country is in really bad shape. It seems like something needs to be done, or many people will end up dying. Times are tough, and they’re getting worse. I don’t know how I’m going to make it if I don’t get some help. We’ve been praying for rain. The crops are damaged, but maybe God will help us. Yes, I trust in God.

I been married twice. I married Henritta Nunn first, an' den Henritta Jones. I had three children by first marriage, an' none bi second marriage. My wife is over seventy years old. We have a hard time making enough to git a little sumptin to eat. I wus mighty glad to see[Pg 432] you when you come up dis mornin', an' I hopes what I have told you will help some one to know how bad we need help. I feels de Lawd will open up de way. Yes sir, I do.

I've been married twice. I first married Henritta Nunn, and then Henritta Jones. I had three children with my first wife, and none with my second. My wife is over seventy years old. We struggle to make enough to get a little something to eat. I was really glad to see[Pg 432] you when you came by this morning, and I hope what I've told you will help someone understand how badly we need assistance. I believe the Lord will find a way. Yes, I do.

LE

LE


[320179]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:568
Subject:MARTHA ADELINE HINTON
Person Interviewed:Martha Adeline Hinton
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:HW Date "8/31/37"

MARTHA ADELINE HINTON

#2—Star St., Route 2, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I wus born May 3, 1861 at Willis Thompson's plantation in Wake County about fifteen miles from Raleigh. He wus my marster an' his wife Muriel wus my missus. My father's name wus Jack Emery an' mother's name was Minerva Emery. My mother belonged to Willis Thompson and my father belonged to Ephriam Emery. Mother stayed with my marster's married daughter. She married Johnny K. Moore.

I was born on May 3, 1861, at Willis Thompson's plantation in Wake County, about fifteen miles from Raleigh. He was my master, and his wife Muriel was my mistress. My father's name was Jack Emery, and my mother's name was Minerva Emery. My mother belonged to Willis Thompson, and my father belonged to Ephriam Emery. My mother stayed with my master’s married daughter, who married Johnny K. Moore.

Marster had three children, all girls; dere names wus Margaret, Caroline and Nancy. There wus only one slave house dere 'cause dey only had one slave whur my mother stayed. Marster Thompson had five slaves on his plantation. He wus good to slaves but his wife wus rough. We had a resonably good place to sleep an' fair sumptin to eat. You sees I wus mighty young an' I members very little 'bout some things in slavery but from what my mother an father tole me since de war it wus just 'bout middlin' livin' at marster's. Slaves wore homemade clothes an' shoes. De shoes had wooden bottoms but most slave chilluns went barefooted winter an' summer till dey wus ole 'nough to go to work. De first pair of shoes I wore my daddy made 'em. I 'member it well. I will never furgit it, I wus so pleased wid 'em. All slave chillun I knows anything 'bout wore homemade clothes an' went barefooted[Pg 435] most of the time an' bareheaded too.

The master had three children, all girls; their names were Margaret, Caroline, and Nancy. There was only one slave house there because they only had one slave where my mother stayed. Master Thompson had five slaves on his plantation. He was good to the slaves, but his wife was harsh. We had a reasonable place to sleep and fair food to eat. You see, I was very young, and I remember very little about some things in slavery, but from what my mother and father told me since the war, it was just about average living at the master's. Slaves wore homemade clothes and shoes. The shoes had wooden bottoms, but most slave children went barefoot winter and summer until they were old enough to work. The first pair of shoes I wore, my daddy made them. I remember it well. I will never forget it; I was so pleased with them. All the slave children I knew wore homemade clothes and went barefoot most of the time and bareheaded too.[Pg 435]

I member de Yankees an' how dey had rods searchin' for money an' took things. I members a Yankee goin' to mother an' sayin' we was free. When he lef' missus come an' axed her what he say to her an' mother tole missus what he said an' missus says 'No he didn't tell you you is free, you jes axed him wus you free.' Father wus hired out to Frank Page of Gary. He wus cuttin cord wood for him, when he heard de Yankees wus coming he come home. When he got dere de Yankees had done been to de house an' gone.

I remember the Yankees and how they were searching for money and taking things. I remember a Yankee going to my mother and telling her we were free. When he left, the missus came and asked her what he said, and my mother told her what he said. The missus said, "No, he didn't tell you that you were free; you just asked him if you were free." My father was hired out to Frank Page in Gary. He was cutting cordwood for him when he heard the Yankees were coming, so he came home. When he got there, the Yankees had already been to the house and left.

Durin' slavery dey tried to sell daddy. De speculator wus dere an 'daddy suspicion sumpin. His marster tole him to go an' shuck some corn. Dey aimed to git him in de corn crib an' den tie him an' sell him but when he got to the crib he kept on goin'. He went to Mr. Henry Buffaloe's an' stayed two weeks den he went back home. Dere wus nuthin' else said 'bout sellin him. Dey wanted to sell him an buy a 'oman so dey could have a lot of slave chilluns cause de 'oman could multiply. Dey hired men out by the year to contractors to cut cord wood an' build railroads. Father wus hired out dat way. Ole man Rome Harp wus hired out day way. He belonged to John Harp.

During slavery, they tried to sell my dad. The buyer was there, and my dad had a feeling something was off. His master told him to go shuck some corn. They planned to get him in the corn crib and then tie him up and sell him, but when he got to the crib, he just kept going. He went to Mr. Henry Buffaloe's and stayed for two weeks, then he went back home. There wasn’t anything else said about selling him. They wanted to sell him and buy a woman so they could have a lot of slave children because the woman could have more kids. They hired men out by the year to contractors to cut firewood and build railroads. My father was hired out that way. Old man Rome Harp was hired out that way too. He belonged to John Harp.

Daddy said his marster never did hit him but one blow. Daddy said he wurked hard everyday, an' done as near right as he knowed how to do in everything. His marster got mad ah' hit him wid a long switch. Den daddy tole him he wus workin' bes' he could for him an' dat he wus not goin' to take a whuppin. His marster walked off an' dat wus de last of it, an' he never tried to whup him again.

Daddy said his master only hit him once. Daddy said he worked hard every day and did his best to do everything right. His master got angry and hit him with a long switch. Then Daddy told him he was working as hard as he could for him and that he wasn’t going to take a beating. His master walked away, and that was the end of it; he never tried to hit him again.


[320225]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:775
Subject:ROBERT HINTON
Person Interviewed:Robert Hinton
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt

ROBERT HINTON

420 Smith Street, Raleigh, N.C.

My name is Robert Hinton. I ain't able to work, ain't been able to do any work in five years. My wife, Mary Hinton, supports me by workin' with the WPA. She was cut off las' May. Since she has had no job, we have to live on what she makes with what little washin' she gets from de white folks; an' a little help from charity; dis ain't much. Dey give you for one week, one half peck meal, one pound meat, one pound powdered milk, one half pound o' coffee. Dis is what we git for one week.

My name is Robert Hinton. I haven't been able to work for the last five years. My wife, Mary Hinton, supports me by working with the WPA. She lost her job last May. Since then, we've had to rely on her earnings from the little bit of laundry she does for the white folks, along with a bit of help from charity, which isn't much. They provide us with half a peck of food, one pound of meat, one pound of powdered milk, and half a pound of coffee for one week. This is what we get for the entire week.

I wus borned in 1856 on de Fayetteville Road three miles from Raleigh, south. I belonged to Lawrence Hinton. My missus wus named Jane Hinton. De Hintons had 'bout twenty slaves on de plantation out dere. Dey had four chillun, de boy Ransom an' three girls: Belle, Annie an' Miss Mary. All are dead but one, Miss Mary is livin' yit. My mother wus named Liza Hinton an' my father wus named Bob Hinton. My gran'mother wus named Mary Hinton an' gran'father Harry Hinton.

I was born in 1856 on Fayetteville Road, three miles south of Raleigh. I belonged to Lawrence Hinton. My mistress was named Jane Hinton. The Hintons had about twenty slaves on the plantation there. They had four children: the boy Ransom and three girls: Belle, Annie, and Miss Mary. All are dead except for one; Miss Mary is still alive. My mother was named Liza Hinton and my father was named Bob Hinton. My grandmother was named Mary Hinton and my grandfather was Harry Hinton.

We had common food in slavery time, but it wus well fixed up, an' we were well clothed. We had a good place to sleep, yes sir, a good place to sleep. We worked[Pg 438] from sunrise to sunset under overseers. Dey were good to us. I wus small at dat time. I picked up sticks in de yard an' done some work around de house, but when dey turned deir backs I would be playin' most o' de time. We played shootin' marbles, an' runnin', an' jumpin'. We called de big house de dwelling house an' de slave quarters de slave houses. Some of 'em were in marster's yard and some were outside. Dey give all de families patches and gardens, but dey did not sell anything.

We had shared meals during slavery, but they were well prepared, and we were dressed nicely. We had a good place to sleep, yes, a really good place to sleep. We worked from sunrise to sunset under overseers. They treated us well. I was young at that time. I picked up sticks in the yard and did some chores around the house, but when they weren't watching, I spent most of my time playing. We played marbles, ran around, and jumped. We referred to the big house as the main house and the slave quarters as the slave houses. Some of them were in the master's yard, and some were outside. They gave all the families patches for gardens, but they didn’t sell anything.

We had prayer meetin' in our houses when we got ready, but dere were no churches for niggers on de plantation. We had dances and other socials durin' Christmas times. Dey give us de Christmas holidays.

We had prayer meetings in our homes when we got ready, but there were no churches for Black people on the plantation. We had dances and other social gatherings during Christmas. They gave us the Christmas holidays.

No sir, dey did not whup me. I wus mighty young. Dey didn't work chillun much. I have seen 'em whup de grown ones do'. I never saw a slave sold and never saw any in chains. Dey run away from our plantation but dey come back again. William Brickell, Sidney Cook, Willis Hinton all run away. I don't know why dey all run away but some run away to keep from being whupped.

No, they didn't beat me. I was very young. They didn't make children work much. I've seen them beat the adults, though. I never saw a slave being sold and never saw anyone in chains. They would run away from our plantation, but they'd come back again. William Brickell, Sidney Cook, and Willis Hinton all ran away. I don't know why they all ran away, but some did it to avoid being beaten.

I have lived in North Carolina all my life, right here in Wake County. We used to set gums and catch rabbits, set traps and caught patridges and doves.[Pg 439]

I’ve lived in North Carolina my whole life, right here in Wake County. We used to set gumballs and catch rabbits, set traps, and catch partridges and doves.[Pg 439]

Yes sir, I went blindin'. I 'members gittin' a big light an' jumpin' 'round de bresh heaps, an' when a bird come out we frailed him down. We went gigging fish too. We found 'em lying on de bottom o' de creeks an' ponds at night, an' stuck de gig in 'em an' pulled 'em out.

Yes, I went blindin'. I remember getting a big light and jumping around the brush piles, and when a bird came out, we took it down. We also went gigging for fish. We found them lying on the bottom of the creeks and ponds at night, stabbed the gig into them, and pulled them out.

De white folks, ole missus, teached us de catechism, but dey didn't want you to learn to read and write. I can read and write now; learned since de surrender. Sometimes we went to de white folks church. I don't know any songs.

De white folks, old missus, taught us the catechism, but they didn't want you to learn to read and write. I can read and write now; I learned since the surrender. Sometimes we went to the white folks' church. I don't know any songs.

When we got sick our boss man sent for a doctor, Dr. Burke Haywood, Dr. Johnson, or Dr. Hill.

When we got sick, our boss sent for a doctor: Dr. Burke Haywood, Dr. Johnson, or Dr. Hill.

I 'members when de North folks and de Southern folks wus fightin'. De Northern soldiers come in here on de Fayetteville Road. I saw 'em by de hundreds. Dey had colored folks soldiers in blue clothes too. In de mornin' white soldiers, in de evenin' colored soldiers; dats de way dey come to town.

I remember when the Northerners and Southerners were fighting. The Northern soldiers came in here on the Fayetteville Road. I saw them by the hundreds. They had Black soldiers in blue uniforms too. In the morning, there were white soldiers, and in the evening, there were Black soldiers; that’s how they came to town.

I married first Almeta Harris. I had six children by her. Second, I married Mary Jones. She is my wife now. We had six children. My wife is now 65 years old and she has to support me. I am done give out too much to work any more.

I first married Almeta Harris and had six children with her. Then, I married Mary Jones, who is my wife now. We also had six children together. My wife is now 65 years old, and she has to support me since I can't work anymore.

Yes sir, that I have seen de patterollers, but my old boss didn't 'low 'em to whup his niggers. Marster give his men passes.[Pg 440]

Yes, sir, I have seen the patterollers, but my old boss didn't allow them to beat his Black workers. The master gave his men passes.[Pg 440]

I know when de Ku Klux was here, but I don't know much about 'em.

I know when the Ku Klux Klan was around, but I don't know much about them.

I thought slavery wus a bad thing' cause all slaves did not fare alike. It wus all right for some, but bad for some, so it wus a bad thing.

I thought slavery was a bad thing because not all slaves had the same experience. It was okay for some, but terrible for others, so it was a bad thing.

I joined the church because I got religion and thought the church might help me keep it.

I joined the church because I found faith and thought the church might help me maintain it.

I think Abraham Lincoln wus a good man, but I likes Mr. Roosevelt; he is a good man, a good man.

I think Abraham Lincoln was a good man, but I like Mr. Roosevelt; he is a good man, a good man.

AC

AC


[320048]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:922
Subject:WILLIAM GEORGE HINTON
Person Interviewed:William George Hinton
Editor:G. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:HW Date: "8/31/37"

WILLIAM GEORGE HINTON

Star Street, R. F. D. #2, Box 171

I was born in Wake County in de year 1859. August 28th. I 'members seeing de Yankees, it seems like a dream. One come along ridin' a mule. Dey sed he wus a Yankee bummer, a man dat went out raging on peoples things. He found out whur the things wus located an' carried the rest there. The bummers stole for de army, chickens, hogs, an' anything they could take. Atter de bummer come along in a few minutes de whole place wus crowded wid Yankees. De blue coats wus everywhere I could look.

I was born in Wake County in 1859, on August 28th. I remember seeing the Yankees; it feels like a dream. One came along riding a mule. They said he was a Yankee bummer, a guy who went around taking people’s stuff. He found out where everything was and took the rest there. The bummers stole for the army—chickens, hogs, and anything they could grab. After the bummer passed through, in just a few minutes, the whole place was packed with Yankees. The blue coats were everywhere I could see.

Marster didn't have but five slaves, an' when de Yankees come dere wus only me an' my oldest sister dere. All de white folks had left except missus and her chillun. Her baby wus only three weeks ole then.

Marster only had five slaves, and when the Yankees came, it was just me and my oldest sister there. All the white folks had left except for the missus and her kids. Her baby was only three weeks old at that time.

A Yankee come to my oldest sister an' said, 'Whur is dem horses?' He pulled out a large pistol an' sed, 'Tell me whur dem horses is or I will take your damn sweet life.' Marster hid de horses an' sister didn't know, she stuck to it she didn't know an' de Yankees didn't shoot.

A Yankee came to my oldest sister and said, 'Where are those horses?' He pulled out a big pistol and said, 'Tell me where those horses are or I will take your damn life.' Master hid the horses and my sister didn't know; she insisted she didn’t know and the Yankees didn’t shoot.

Dey come back, de whole crowd, de next day an' made marster bring in his horses. Bey took de horses an' bought some chickens an' paid for 'em, den dey killed an' took de[Pg 443] rest. Ha! ha! dey shore done dat. Paid for some an' took de rest.

They came back, the whole crowd, the next day and made the master bring in his horses. They took the horses and bought some chickens and paid for them, then they killed and took the[Pg 443] rest. Ha! ha! they definitely did that. Paid for some and took the rest.

I seed de Yankees atter de surrender. Dey wus staying at de ole Soldiers Home on New Bern Avenue. One day mother carried me there to sell to 'em. One time she went there an' she had a rooster who wus a game. His eyes wus out from fighting another game rooster belonging to another person near our home, Mr. Emory Sewell. She carried de rooster in where dere wus a sick Yankee. De Yankee took him in his hands an' de rooster crowed. He give mother thirty-five cents for him. De Yankee said if he could crow an' his eyes out he wanted him. He said, he called dat spunk.

I saw the Yankees after they surrendered. They were staying at the old Soldiers Home on New Bern Avenue. One day, my mother took me there to sell something to them. One time she went there with a rooster that was a gamecock. His eyes were injured from fighting another gamecock that belonged to a neighbor, Mr. Emory Sewell. She brought the rooster in to where there was a sick Yankee. The Yankee took the rooster in his hands, and the rooster crowed. He gave my mother thirty-five cents for him. The Yankee said if the rooster could crow with his eyes messed up, he wanted him. He called that spirit.

Dere wus a man who wus a slave dat belonged to Mr. Kerney Upchurch come along riding a mule. My oldest sister, de one de Yankees threatened, tole him de Yankees are up yonder. He said, 'Dad lim de Yankees.' He went on, when he got near de Yankees dey tole him to halt.' Instead of haltin' he sold out runnin' the mule fur de ole field. Der wus a gang of young fox hounds dere. When he lit out on de mule, dey thought he wus goin' huntin' so dey took out atter him, jest like dey wus atter a fox. Some of de Yankees shot at him, de others just almost died a laughin'.

There was a man who was a slave that belonged to Mr. Kerney Upchurch, riding on a mule. My oldest sister, the one the Yankees threatened, told him the Yankees were up ahead. He said, "Dang the Yankees." He continued on, and when he got near the Yankees, they told him to stop. Instead of stopping, he took off running the mule toward the old field. There was a pack of young foxhounds there. When he took off on the mule, they thought he was going hunting, so they chased after him, just like they would a fox. Some of the Yankees shot at him, while the others almost died laughing.

We didn't git much to eat. Mother said it wus missus fault, she was so stingy.[Pg 444]

We didn't get much to eat. Mom said it was Mrs. fault; she was just so stingy.[Pg 444]

We had homemade clothes an' wooden bottom shoes for de grown folks, but chillun did not wear shoes den, dey went barefooted.

We had homemade clothes and wooden-soled shoes for the adults, but kids didn't wear shoes back then; they went barefoot.

All de slaves lived in one house built about one hundred yards from the great house, marsters house wus called the great house.

All the slaves lived in one house built about one hundred yards from the main house, which was called the great house.

My father wus named Robin Hinton an' my mother wus named Dafney Hinton. My father belonged to Betsy Ransom Hinton an' mother belonged first to Reddin Cromb in Lenoir County an' then to James Thompson of Wake County. I wus borned after mother wus brought to Wake County. Marster had one boy named Beuregard, four girls, Caroline, Alice, Lena and Nellie. I do not remember my grandparents.

My father's name was Robin Hinton and my mother's name was Dafney Hinton. My father was married to Betsy Ransom Hinton and my mother was first married to Reddin Cromb in Lenoir County and then to James Thompson of Wake County. I was born after my mother was brought to Wake County. My master had one son named Beuregard and four daughters: Caroline, Alice, Lena, and Nellie. I don’t remember my grandparents.

I saw a slave named Lucinda, sold to ole man Askew, a speculator, by Kerney Upchurch. I seed 'em carry her off.

I saw a slave named Lucinda being sold to old man Askew, a speculator, by Kerney Upchurch. I saw them take her away.

One of de slave men who belonged to ole man Burl Temples wus sent to wurk for Mr. Temples' son who had married. His missus put him to totin' water before goin' to wurk in de mornin'. Three other slaves toted water also. He refused to tote water an' ran. She set de blood hounds atter him an' caught him near his home, which wus his ole marster's house. Ole marster's son come out, an' wouldn't let 'em whup him, an' they wouldn't make him go back.

One of the enslaved men who belonged to old man Burl Temples was sent to work for Mr. Temples' son, who had just gotten married. His wife made him carry water before going to work in the morning. Three other enslaved people also carried water. He refused to carry water and ran away. She set the bloodhounds after him and caught him near his home, which was his old master's house. The old master's son came out and wouldn't let them beat him, and they wouldn't make him go back.

Missus Harriet Temples wus a terrible 'oman, a slave jest couldn't suit her. De slave dat run away from young[Pg 445] marster wus finally sent back. His marster give him a shoulder of meat before he left. He hung it in a tree. Missus tole him to put it in the smoke house. He refused, sayin' he would see it no more.

Missus Harriet Temples was a terrible woman, a slave just couldn't suit her. The slave who ran away from young[Pg 445] master was finally sent back. His master gave him a shoulder of meat before he left. He hung it in a tree. Missus told him to put it in the smokehouse. He refused, saying he would see it no more.

A slave by the name of Sallie Temples run away 'cause her missus, Mary Temples, wus so mean to her. She stuck hot irons to her. Made 'em drink milk an' things for punishment is what my mother an' father said. Sallie never did come back. Nobody never did know what become of her.

A slave named Sallie Temples ran away because her mistress, Mary Temples, was so cruel to her. She burned her with hot irons and forced her to drink milk and other punishments, according to what my parents said. Sallie never came back. No one ever knew what happened to her.

Soon as de war wus over father an' mother left dere marsters. Dey went to Mr. Tom Bridgers. We lived on de farm atter dis. Mother cooked, sister an' I worked on de farm. Sister plowed like a man. De first help my mammy got wus from de Yankees, it wus pickle meat an' hardtack. I wus wid her an' dey took me in an' give me some clothes. Mother drawed from 'em a long time. We have farmed most our lives. Sometimes we worked as hirelings and den as share croppers. I think slavery wus a bad thing.

As soon as the war was over, my parents left their masters. They went to Mr. Tom Bridgers. We lived on the farm after that. My mother cooked, and my sister and I worked on the farm. My sister plowed like a man. The first help my mom received was from the Yankees; it was pickled meat and hardtack. I was with her, and they took me in and gave me some clothes. My mother got support from them for a long time. We have farmed most of our lives. Sometimes we worked as hired hands and then as sharecroppers. I think slavery was a terrible thing.


[320116]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:465
Subject:Eustace Hodges
Story Teller:Eustace Hodges
Editor:Geo. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 6 1937"

EUSTACE HODGES

An interview with Eustace Hodges, 76 years old, of 625 W. Lenoir Street, Raleigh, North Carolina.

I doan know when I wus borned, ner where but at fust my mammy an' me 'longed ter a McGee here in Wake County. My mammy wurked in de fiel's den, ditchin' an' such, even plowin' while we 'longed ter McGee, but he sold us ter Mr. Rufus Jones. My daddy still 'longed ter him but at de close of de war he comed ter Mr. Jones' plantation an' he tuck de name of Jones 'long wid us.

I don't know when I was born or where, but at first, my mom and I belonged to a McGee here in Wake County. My mom worked in the fields, doing things like ditching and even plowing while we were with McGee, but he sold us to Mr. Rufus Jones. My dad still belonged to him, but at the end of the war, he came to Mr. Jones' plantation, and he took the name of Jones along with us.

Marse Rufus wus gooder dan Marse McGee, dey said. He give us more ter eat an' wear an' he ain't make us wurk so hard nother. We had our wurk ter do, of course, but mammy ain't had ter ditch ner plow no mo'. She wurked in de house den, an' none of de wimmen done men's wurk. Course she can't wurk so hard an' have 'leben chilluns too. She had a baby one day an' went ter wurk de nex' while she 'longed ter McGee, but at Marse Rufus' she stayed in de bed seberal days an' had a doctor.

Marse Rufus was better than Marse McGee, they said. He gave us more to eat and wear, and he didn't make us work so hard either. We had our chores to do, of course, but Mom didn't have to ditch or plow anymore. She worked in the house then, and none of the women did men's work. Of course, she couldn't work so hard and have eleven children too. She had a baby one day and went to work the next while she belonged to McGee, but at Marse Rufus's, she stayed in bed several days and had a doctor.

Marse Rufus uster let us take Sadday evenin' off an' go swimmin' er fishin' er go ter Raleigh. I 'members[Pg 448] dat somebody in town had a fuss wid Marse Rufus 'bout lettin' his niggers run loose in town. Marse Rufus atter dat had a oberseer in town ter see 'bout his niggers.

Marse Rufus used to let us take Saturday evenings off and go swimming or fishing or go to Raleigh. I remember that somebody in town had a disagreement with Marse Rufus about letting his Black people run loose in town. After that, Marse Rufus had an overseer in town to look after his Black people.

I got a whuppin' once fer punchin' out a frog's eyes. Miss Sally giv' hit ter me long wid a lecture 'bout bein' kin' ter dumb brutes, but I ain't neber seed whar a frog am a brute yit.

I got a beating once for poking a frog in the eyes. Miss Sally gave it to me along with a lecture about being kind to dumb animals, but I’ve never seen a frog as an animal yet.

Yes'um I heard a heap 'bout de Yankees but I ain't prepared fer dere takin' eben our bread. Miss Sally ain't prepared nother an' she tells' em whar ter go, den she goes ter bed sick. I wus sorry fer Miss Sally, dat I wus.

Yeah, I heard a lot about the Yankees, but I wasn't ready for them to take even our bread. Miss Sally wasn't ready either, and she tells them where to go, then she goes to bed feeling sick. I felt sorry for Miss Sally, I really did.

De day dat news of de surrender come Miss Sally cried some more an' she ain't wanted mammy ter go, so Marse Rufus said dat we can stay on. Dey said dat Mister McGee runned his niggers offen his place wid a bresh broom dat day.

The day the news of the surrender came, Miss Sally cried even more and didn’t want Mom to leave, so Marse Rufus said that we could stay. They said that Mister McGee drove his workers off his property with a broom that day.

Atter de war we stayed on Marse Rufus' place till 1898 when pa died. I had married a feller by de name of Charlie Hodges, what lived on a nearby plantation an' we wus livin' on Marse Rufus' place wid pa an' ma. We moved ter Raleigh den an' atter seberal years mammy moved hear too. You can fin' her on Cannon Street, but I'll tell you dat she's pretty puny now, since her stroke.

After the war, we stayed on Marse Rufus' property until 1898 when my dad died. I had married a guy named Charlie Hodges, who lived on a nearby plantation, and we were living on Marse Rufus' place with my parents. Then we moved to Raleigh, and after several years, my mom moved here too. You can find her on Cannon Street, but I’ll tell you that she’s pretty weak now since her stroke.


[320195]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mrs. Edith S. Hibbs and Mrs. W. N. Harriss
No. Words:795
Subject:Alex Huggins' Story
Interviewed:Alex Huggins
920 Dawson St, Wilmington, N.C.
Editor:Mrs W. N. Harriss

STORY OF ALEX HUGGINS, EX-SLAVE

920 Dawson Street, Wilmington, N.C.

I was born in New Bern on July 9, 1850. My father and mother belonged to Mr. L. B. Huggins. My father was a carpenter and ship builder an' the first things I remember was down on Myrtle Grove Sound, where Mr. Huggins had a place. I was a sort of bad boy an' liked to roam 'round. When I was about twelve years old I ran away. It was in 1863 when the war was goin' on.

I was born in New Bern on July 9, 1850. My parents worked for Mr. L. B. Huggins. My dad was a carpenter and shipbuilder, and the first things I remember are down at Myrtle Grove Sound, where Mr. Huggins had a property. I was kind of a troublemaker and loved to wander around. When I was about twelve years old, I ran away. It was in 1863 during the war.

Nobody was bein' mean to me. No, I was'nt bein' whipped. Don't you know all that story 'bout slaves bein' whipped is all Bunk, (with scornful emphasis). What pusson with any sense is goin' to take his horse or his cow an' beat it up. It's prope'ty. We was prope'ty. Val'able prope'ty. No, indeed, Mr. Luke give the bes' of attention to his colored people, an' Mis' Huggins was like a mother to my mother. Twa'nt anythin' wrong about home that made me run away. I'd heard so much talk 'bout freedom I reckon I jus' wanted to try it, an' I thought I had to get away from home to have it.

Nobody was being mean to me. No, I wasn't being whipped. Don't you know that story about slaves being whipped is all bunk bed? What person with any sense would take their horse or cow and beat it up? It's property. We were property. Valuable property. No, indeed, Mr. Luke gave the best of attention to his Black people, and Miss Huggins was like a mother to my mother. There wasn't anything wrong at home that made me run away. I had heard so much talk about freedom that I guess I just wanted to try it, and I thought I had to leave home to have it.

Well, I coaxed two other boys to go with me, an' a grown man he got the boat an' we slipped off to the beach an' put out to sea. Yes'm, we sho' was after adventure. But, we did'n get very far out from sho', an' I saw the lan' get dimmer an' dimmer, when I got skeered, an' then I got seasick,[Pg 451] an' we was havin' more kinds of adventure than we wanted, an' then we saw some ships. There was two of 'em, an' they took us on board.

Well, I convinced two other boys to join me, and a grown man got the boat for us. We slipped off to the beach and set out to sea. Yeah, we were definitely looking for adventure. But we didn’t get very far from shore, and I saw the land getting dimmer and dimmer, which made me scared, and then I got seasick, [Pg 451] and we were having way more types of adventure than we wanted. Then we saw some ships. There were two of them, and they took us on board.

They was the North Star an' the Eastern Star of the Aspinwal Line, a mail an' freighter runnin' between Aspinwal near the Isthmus of Panama and New York. We used to put in off Charleston.

They were the North Star and the Eastern Star of the Aspinwal Line, a mail and freighter service running between Aspinwal near the Isthmus of Panama and New York. We used to stop in Charleston.

Then, in 1864 I joined the Union Navy. Went on board our convoy, the Nereus. We convoyed to keep the Alabama, a Confederate privateer, away. The Commander of the Nereus asked me how's I like to be his cabin boy. So I was 2nd class cabin boy an' waited on the Captain. He was Five Stripe Commander J. C. Howell. He was Commander of the whole fleet off Fort Fisher. When the Captain wanted somethin' good to eat he used to send me ashore for provisions. He liked me. He was an old man. He didn't take much stock in fun, but he was a real man. I was young an' was'nt serious. I jus' wanted a good time. I don't know much about the war, but I do know two men of our boat was killed on shore while we was at Fort Fisher.

Then, in 1864, I joined the Union Navy and boarded our convoy, the Nereus. We were convoying to keep the Alabama, a Confederate privateer, at bay. The Commander of the Nereus asked me if I’d like to be his cabin boy. So, I became a second-class cabin boy and attended to the Captain. His name was Five Stripe Commander J. C. Howell, and he was in charge of the entire fleet off Fort Fisher. Whenever the Captain wanted something good to eat, he would send me ashore for provisions. He liked me. He was an old man who didn’t really believe in having fun, but he was a solid man. I was young and carefree, just looking for a good time. I don’t know much about the war, but I do know that two men from our boat were killed onshore while we were at Fort Fisher.

After the battle of Fort Fisher, we was on our way to Aspinwal. Layin' off one day at Navassa Island, the Mast Head reported a strange sail. 'Where away?' 'Just ahead'. 'She seems to be a three mast steamer!' 'Which way headed?' We decided it was the Alabama going to St. Nicholas Mole, West Indies.[Pg 452]

After the battle of Fort Fisher, we were on our way to Aspinwal. Taking a break one day at Navassa Island, the Mast Head reported a strange sail. 'Where is it?' 'Just ahead.' 'It looks like a three-mast steamer!' 'Which direction is it heading?' We concluded it was the Alabama going to St. Nicholas Mole, West Indies.[Pg 452]

Our Captain called the officers together an' held a meetin'. Says he: 'We'll go under one bell (slow). Lieutenant will go ashore an' get some information.' When we got there she had a coal schooner alongside taking on coal. Our Captain prepared to capture her when she came out. But she did'n come out 'til night. She dodged. Good thing too. She'd a knocked hells pete out o' us. She was close to the water and could have fought us so much better than we could her. We didn't want to fight 'cause we knowed enough to jest natu'ally be skeered. She was a one decker man o' war. We was a two decker with six guns on berth deck, an' five guns on spar deck. I never saw her after that, but I heard she was contacted by the Kearsage which sunk her off some island.

Our Captain gathered the officers for a meeting. He said, "We'll go under one bell (slow). The Lieutenant will go ashore and gather some information." When we arrived, there was a coal schooner alongside taking on coal. Our Captain planned to capture her when she came out. But she didn’t come out until night. She dodged us. That was lucky for us. She would have really damaged us. She was lower in the water and could have fought us much better than we could have fought her. We didn’t want to fight because we knew enough to be scared. She was a single-decked warship. We were a double-decked ship with six guns on the berth deck and five guns on the spar deck. I never saw her again after that, but I heard that she came into contact with the Kearsarge, which sank her off some island.

I stayed in the navy eighteen months. Was discharged at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. Admiral Porter was Admiral of the U. S. Navy at that time.

I served in the navy for eighteen months. I was discharged at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. Admiral Porter was the Admiral of the U.S. Navy at that time.

I stayed in New York five or six years, then I cane home to my mother. I was in the crude drug business in Wilmington for twenty years.

I lived in New York for five or six years, then I came back home to my mom. I was in the raw drug trade in Wilmington for twenty years.

Yes'm I went to church and Sunday school when I was a child, when they could ketch me. Whilst I was in New York I went to church regular.

Yes, I went to church and Sunday school when I was a kid, whenever they could catch me. While I was in New York, I went to church regularly.

I married after awhile. My wife died about ten years ago. We had one son. I b'lieve he's in Baltimore, but I ain't heard from him in a long time. He don't keer nothin' about me. Of co'se I'm comfortable. I gits my pension, $75 a month. I give $10 of it to my nephew who's a cripple.

I got married eventually. My wife passed away about ten years ago. We had one son. I believe he's in Baltimore, but I haven't heard from him in a long time. He doesn't care about me at all. Of course, I'm comfortable. I get my pension, which is $75 a month. I give $10 of it to my nephew who's disabled.


[320124]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:T. Pat Matthews
No. Words:645
Subject:CHARLIE H. HUNTER
Person Interviewed:Charlie H. Hunter
Editor:Geo. L. Andrews
Date Stamp:"AUG 4 1937"

CHARLIE H. HUNTER, 80 years old,

2213 Barker Street
West Raleigh

My full name is Charlie H. Hunter. I wus borned an' reared in Wake County, N.C., born May, 1857. My mother wus Rosa Hunter an' my father wus named Jones. I never saw my father. We belonged to a family named Jones first, an' then we wus sold to a slave owner seven miles Northwest by the name Joe Hayes an' a terrible man he wus. He would get mad 'bout most anything, take my mother, chain her down to a log and whup her unmercifully while I, a little boy, could do nothing but stan' there an' cry, an' see her whupped. We had fairly good food an' common clothing. We had good sleeping places. My mother wus sold to a man named Smith. I married first Annie Hayes who lived sixteen months.

My full name is Charlie H. Hunter. I was born and raised in Wake County, N.C., in May 1857. My mother was Rosa Hunter, and my father was named Jones. I never saw my father. We first belonged to a family named Jones, and then we were sold to a slave owner named Joe Hayes, who lived seven miles northwest. He was a terrible man. He would get angry about almost anything, take my mother, chain her to a log, and whip her mercilessly while I, a small boy, could do nothing but stand there and cry as I watched her get beaten. We had decent food and basic clothing. We had good places to sleep. My mother was sold to a man named Smith. I was first married to Annie Hayes, who lived for sixteen months.

No prayer meetings wus allowed on de plantations an' no books of any kind. I can read an' write, learned in a school taught by Northern folks after the surrender, Mr. an' Mrs. Graves who taught in Raleigh in the rear of the African Methodist Episcopal church. The school house wus owned by the church. We played no games in slavery times. I saw slaves sold on the block once in Raleigh.[Pg 455]

No prayer meetings were allowed on the plantations and no books of any kind. I can read and write, learned in a school taught by Northern folks after the surrender, Mr. and Mrs. Graves, who taught in Raleigh behind the African Methodist Episcopal church. The schoolhouse was owned by the church. We didn’t play any games during slavery. I saw slaves sold on the block once in Raleigh.[Pg 455]

I wus to be sold but the surrender stopped it. When the Yankees come they asked me where wus my marster. I told them I didn't know. Marster told me not to tell where he wus. He had gone off into the woods to hide his silver. In a few minutes the ground wus covered with Yankees. The Yankees stole my pen knife. I thought a lot of it. Knives wus scarce and hard to get. I cried about they taking it. They got my marster's carriage horses, two fine gray horses. His wife had lost a brother, who had been in the army but died at home. He wus buried in the yard. The Yankees thought the grave wus a place where valuables wus buried and they had to get a guard to keep them from diggin' him up. They would shoot hogs, cut the hams and shoulders off, stick them on their bayonetts, throw them over the'r shoulders an' go on.

I was supposed to be sold, but the surrender stopped that. When the Yankees came, they asked me where my master was. I told them I didn’t know. My master told me not to say where he was. He had gone off into the woods to hide his silver. In a few minutes, the ground was covered with Yankees. They stole my pen knife, which I cared a lot about. Knives were rare and hard to get. I cried about them taking it. They took my master’s carriage horses, two fine gray horses. His wife had lost a brother who had been in the army but died at home. He was buried in the yard. The Yankees thought the grave was a place where valuables were buried, and they had to get a guard to keep them from digging him up. They would shoot pigs, cut the hams and shoulders off, stick them on their bayonets, throw them over their shoulders, and walk away.

We called our houses shanties in slavery time. I never saw any patterollers. I don't remember how many slaves on the plantation wus taken to Richmond an' sold. My mother looked after us when we wus sick. I had four brothers an' no sisters. They are all dead. I did house work an' errands in slavery time. I have seen one gang of Ku Klux. They wus under arrest at Raleigh in Governor Holden's time. I don't remember the overseer.[Pg 456]

We referred to our homes as shanties during slavery. I never saw any patrollers. I can’t recall how many slaves from the plantation were taken to Richmond and sold. My mother cared for us when we were sick. I had four brothers and no sisters. They are all gone now. I did housework and ran errands during that time. I saw one group of Ku Klux Klan members. They were under arrest in Raleigh during Governor Holden's time. I don’t remember the overseer.[Pg 456]

We moved to Raleigh at the surrender. Marster give us a old mule when we left him, an' I rode him into Raleigh. We rented a house on Wilmington Street, an' lived on hard tack the Yankees give us 'til we could git work.

We moved to Raleigh after the surrender. The master gave us an old mule when we left him, and I rode it into Raleigh. We rented a house on Wilmington Street and lived on hardtack that the Yankees gave us until we could find work.

Mother went to cooking for the white folks, but I worked for Mr. Jeff Fisher. I held a job thirty-five years driving a laundry truck for L. R. Wyatt. The laundry wus on the corner of Jones an' Salisbury Street.

Mother worked as a cook for the white folks, but I worked for Mr. Jeff Fisher. I had a job for thirty-five years driving a laundry truck for L. R. Wyatt. The laundry was on the corner of Jones and Salisbury Street.

I married Cenoro Freeman. We lived together fifty-six years. She wus a good devoted wife. We wus married Dec. 9, 1878. She died in May 1934. Booker T. Washington wus a good man. I have seen him. Abraham Lincoln wus one of my best friends. He set me free. The Lawd is my best friend. I don't know much 'bout Jefferson Davis. Jim Young an' myself wus pals.

I married Cenoro Freeman. We lived together for fifty-six years. She was a good, devoted wife. We got married on December 9, 1878. She died in May 1934. Booker T. Washington was a good man. I have met him. Abraham Lincoln was one of my best friends. He set me free. The Lord is my best friend. I don't know much about Jefferson Davis. Jim Young and I were pals.

My object in joining the church wus to help myself an' others to live a decent life, a life for good to humanity an' for God.

My reason for joining the church was to help myself and others live a decent life, a life that benefits humanity and serves God.


[320154]
N.C. District:No. 2
Worker:Mary A. Hicks
No. Words:670
Subject:EX-SLAVE STORY
Story Teller:Elbert Hunter
Editor:Daisy Bailey Waitt
Date Stamp:"JUN 1 1937"

EX-SLAVE STORY

An interview on May 19, 1937 with Elbert Hunter of Method, N.C., 93 years old.

I wuz borned eight miles from Raleigh on de plantation of Mr. Jacob Hunter in 1844. My parents were Stroud and Lucy an' my brothers wuz Tom, Jeems an' Henderson. I had three sisters who wuz named Caroline, Emiline an' Ann.

I was born eight miles from Raleigh on Mr. Jacob Hunter's plantation in 1844. My parents were Stroud and Lucy, and my brothers were Tom, Jeems, and Henderson. I had three sisters named Caroline, Emiline, and Ann.

Massa Hunter wuz good to us, an' young Massa Knox wuz good too. My mammy wuz de cook an' my pappy wuz a field hand. Massa ain't 'lowed no patterollers on his place, but one time when he wuzn't ter home my mammy sent me an' Caroline ter de nex' door house fer something an' de patterollers got us. Dey carried us home an' 'bout de time dat dey wuz axin' questions young Massa Knox rid up.

Massa Hunter was good to us, and young Massa Knox was good too. My mom was the cook and my dad was a field hand. Massa didn't allow any patrollers on his property, but one time when he wasn't home, my mom sent me and Caroline to the next-door house for something, and the patrollers caught us. They brought us back home, and about the time they were asking questions, young Massa Knox rode up.

He look dem over an' he sez, 'Git off dese premises dis minute, yo' dad-limb sorry rascals, if us needs yo' we'll call yo'. 'My pappy patterolls dis place hisself.'

He looked them over and said, "Get off this property right now, you sorry rascals. If we need you, we'll call you. My dad runs this place himself."

Dey left den, an' we ain't been bothered wid 'em no more.

They left then, and we haven't been bothered by them anymore.

I toted water 'fore de war, minded de sheeps, cows and de geese; an' I ain't had many whuppin's neither.[Pg 459] Dar wuz one thing dat massa ain't 'low an' dat wuz drinkin' 'mong his niggers.

I carried water before the war, took care of the sheep, cows, and geese; and I didn't get too many beatings either.[Pg 459] There was one thing that the master didn't allow and that was drinking among his slaves.

Dar wuz a ole free issue named Denson who digged ditches fer massa an' he always brung long his demijohn wid his whiskey. One ebenin' Missus tells me an' Caroline ter go ter de low groun's an' git up de cows an' on de way we fin' ole man Denson's demijohn half full of whiskey. Caroline sez ter lets take er drink an' so we does, an' terreckly I gits wobbly in de knees.

Dar wuz a ole free issue named Denson who dug ditches for massa an' he always brought along his demijohn with his whiskey. One evening, Missus tells me an' Caroline to go to the low grounds and round up the cows, and on the way we find ole man Denson's demijohn half full of whiskey. Caroline says let’s have a drink, and so we do, and pretty soon I start feeling wobbly in the knees.

Dis keeps on till I has ter lay down an' when I wakes up I am at home. Dey says dat Massa Jacob totes me, an' dat he fusses wid Denson fer leavin' de whiskey whar I can fin' it. He give me a talkin' to, an' I ain't neber drunk no more.

Dis keeps going until I have to lie down, and when I wake up, I'm at home. They say that Massa Jacob carried me back, and that he fussed with Denson for leaving the whiskey where I could find it. He gave me a talking to, and I’ve never drunk again.

When we hyard dat de Yankees wuz comin' ole massa an' me takes de cattle an' hosses way down in de swamp an' we stays dar wid dem fer seberal days. One day I comes ter de house an' dar dey am, shootin' chickens an' pigs an' everthing. I'se seed dem cut de hams off'n a live pig or ox an' go off leavin' de animal groanin'. De massa had 'em kilt den, but it wuz awful.

When we heard that the Yankees were coming, my old master and I took the cattle and horses way down into the swamp, and we stayed there with them for several days. One day I came back to the house, and there they were, shooting chickens, pigs, and everything. I saw them cut the hams off a live pig or ox and just leave the animal groaning. The master had them killed then, but it was terrible.

Dat night dey went away but de nex' day a bigger drove come an' my mammy cooked fer 'em all day long. Dey killed an' stold ever'thing, an' at last ole massa went to Raleigh an' axed fer a gyard. Atter we got de[Pg 460] gyard de fuss ceased. One of de officers what spent de night dar lost his pocket book an' in it wuz seven greenback dollars, de fust I eber seed.

That night they left, but the next day a larger group arrived, and my mom cooked for them all day long. They killed and took everything, and finally, old master went to Raleigh and asked for a guard. After we got the[Pg 460] guard, the trouble stopped. One of the officers who spent the night there lost his wallet, and inside it was seven greenback dollars, the first I had ever seen.

We wuz glad ter be free even do' we had good white folks. De wuck hours wuz frum daybreak till dark, an' de wimmens had ter card an' spin so much eber night. We had our own chickens an' gyarden an' little ways of makin' money, but not so much fun.

We were glad to be free even though we had good white people. The work hours were from dawn until dusk, and the women had to card and spin all night long. We had our own chickens and garden and little ways of making money, but not much fun.

We played cat, which wuz like base ball now, only different. De children played a heap but de grown folks wucked hard. De cruelest thing I eber seed wuz in Raleigh atter slavery time, an' dat wuz a nigger whuppin'.

We played cat, which was like baseball now, just different. The kids played a lot, but the adults worked hard. The cruelest thing I ever saw was in Raleigh after the slavery era, and that was a black beating.

De pillory wuz whar de co'rthouse am now an' de sheriff, Mr. Ray whupped dat nigger till he bled.

De pillory was where the courthouse is now, and the sheriff, Mr. Ray, beat that black man until he bled.

I neber seed a slave sale, an' I neber seed much whuppin's. I larned some long wid de white chilluns, 'specially how ter spell.

I never saw a slave sale, and I never saw many beatings. I learned some things alongside the white kids, especially how to spell.

No mam, I doan know nothin' 'bout witches, but I seed a ghos'. Hit wuz near hyar, an' hit wuz a animal as big as a yearlin' wid de look of a dog. I can't tell you de color of it case I done left frum dar.

No ma'am, I don't know anything about witches, but I saw a ghost. It was near here, and it was an animal as big as a yearling with the appearance of a dog. I can't tell you its color because I left from there.

B. N.

B. N.




        
        
    
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