This is a modern-English version of History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy: From the Earliest Times to the Death of Lorenzo the Magnificent, originally written by Machiavelli, Niccolò.
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.
HISTORY OF FLORENCE
AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
TO THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT
By Niccolo Machiavelli
With an Introduction by
HUGO ALBERT RENNERT, Ph.D.
Professor
of Romanic Languages and Literature,
University of Pennsylvania.
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was typed up from a Universal Classics Library edition,
published in 1901 by W. Walter Dunne, New York and London. The
translator was not named. The book contains a "photogravure" of
Niccolo Machiavelli from an engraving.
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was typed up from a Universal Classics Library edition,
published in 1901 by W. Walter Dunne, New York and London. The
translator was not named. The book contains a "photogravure" of
Niccolo Machiavelli from an engraving.INTRODUCTION
Niccolo Machiavelli, the first great Italian historian, and one of the most eminent political writers of any age or country, was born at Florence, May 3, 1469. He was of an old though not wealthy Tuscan family, his father, who was a jurist, dying when Niccolo was sixteen years old. We know nothing of Machiavelli's youth and little about his studies. He does not seem to have received the usual humanistic education of his time, as he knew no Greek.[*] The first notice of Machiavelli is in 1498 when we find him holding the office of Secretary in the second Chancery of the Signoria, which office he retained till the downfall of the Florentine Republic in 1512. His unusual ability was soon recognized, and in 1500 he was sent on a mission to Louis XII. of France, and afterward on an embassy to Cæsar Borgia, the lord of Romagna, at Urbino. Machiavelli's report and description of this and subsequent embassies to this prince, shows his undisguised admiration for the courage and cunning of Cæsar, who was a master in the application of the principles afterwards exposed in such a skillful and uncompromising manner by Machiavelli in his Prince.
Niccolo Machiavelli, the first great Italian historian and one of the most significant political writers of any time or place, was born in Florence on May 3, 1469. He came from an old but not wealthy Tuscan family, and his father, a jurist, passed away when Niccolo was sixteen. We know little about Machiavelli's childhood and even less about his education. He doesn't seem to have received the typical humanistic education of his era, as he had no knowledge of Greek.[*] The first record of Machiavelli is from 1498 when he was serving as Secretary in the second Chancery of the Signoria, a position he held until the fall of the Florentine Republic in 1512. His exceptional talent was quickly recognized, and in 1500 he was sent on a mission to Louis XII of France, followed by an embassy to Cæsar Borgia, the lord of Romagna, in Urbino. Machiavelli's report and description of this and later missions to Borgia reveal his open admiration for Borgia's bravery and cunning, as he was a master at applying the principles that Machiavelli would later articulate in such a skillful and straightforward way in his Prince.
The limits of this introduction will not permit us to follow with any detail the many important duties with which he was charged by his native state, all of which he fulfilled with the utmost fidelity and with consummate skill. When, after the battle of Ravenna in 1512 the holy league determined upon the downfall of Pier Soderini, Gonfaloniere of the Florentine Republic, and the restoration of the Medici, the efforts of Machiavelli, who was an ardent republican, were in vain; the troops he had helped to organize fled before the Spaniards and the Medici were returned to power. Machiavelli attempted to conciliate his new masters, but he was deprived of his office, and being accused in the following year of participation in the conspiracy of Boccoli and Capponi, he was imprisoned and tortured, though afterward set at liberty by Pope Leo X. He now retired to a small estate near San Casciano, seven miles from Florence. Here he devoted himself to political and historical studies, and though apparently retired from public life, his letters show the deep and passionate interest he took in the political vicissitudes through which Italy was then passing, and in all of which the singleness of purpose with which he continued to advance his native Florence, is clearly manifested. It was during his retirement upon his little estate at San Casciano that Machiavelli wrote The Prince, the most famous of all his writings, and here also he had begun a much more extensive work, his Discourses on the Decades of Livy, which continued to occupy him for several years. These Discourses, which do not form a continuous commentary on Livy, give Machiavelli an opportunity to express his own views on the government of the state, a task for which his long and varied political experience, and an assiduous study of the ancients rendered him eminently qualified. The Discourses and The Prince, written at the same time, supplement each other and are really one work. Indeed, the treatise, The Art of War, though not written till 1520 should be mentioned here because of its intimate connection with these two treatises, it being, in fact, a further development of some of the thoughts expressed in the Discorsi. The Prince, a short work, divided into twenty-six books, is the best known of all Machiavelli's writings. Herein he expresses in his own masterly way his views on the founding of a new state, taking for his type and model Cæsar Borgia, although the latter had failed in his schemes for the consolidation of his power in the Romagna. The principles here laid down were the natural outgrowth of the confused political conditions of his time. And as in the Principe, as its name indicates, Machiavelli is concerned chiefly with the government of a Prince, so the Discorsi treat principally of the Republic, and here Machiavelli's model republic was the Roman commonwealth, the most successful and most enduring example of popular government. Free Rome is the embodiment of his political idea of the state. Much that Machiavelli says in this treatise is as true to-day and holds as good as the day it was written. And to us there is much that is of especial importance. To select a chapter almost at random, let us take Book I., Chap. XV.: "Public affairs are easily managed in a city where the body of the people is not corrupt; and where equality exists, there no principality can be established; nor can a republic be established where there is no equality."
The limits of this introduction won't allow us to delve into the numerous important responsibilities he had from his home state, all of which he executed with great loyalty and skill. After the battle of Ravenna in 1512, when the holy league aimed to bring down Pier Soderini, Gonfaloniere of the Florentine Republic, and restore the Medici, Machiavelli's efforts as a passionate republican were fruitless; the troops he helped organize fled from the Spaniards, and the Medici regained control. Machiavelli tried to win over his new rulers, but he lost his position and was imprisoned and tortured the following year on accusations of being involved in the Boccoli and Capponi conspiracy, although he was later freed by Pope Leo X. He then retreated to a small estate near San Casciano, just seven miles from Florence. There, he dedicated himself to political and historical studies, and even though he seemed to be out of public life, his letters revealed his deep passion and interest in the political upheavals Italy was experiencing at the time, clearly showing his unwavering dedication to advancing his home city of Florence. During his time on his little estate in San Casciano, Machiavelli wrote The Prince, his most famous work, and he also began writing a much larger project, Discourses on the Decades of Livy, which kept him busy for several years. These Discourses, which aren't a straightforward commentary on Livy, provide Machiavelli with the chance to share his views on state governance, for which his extensive political experience and diligent study of ancient texts made him exceptionally qualified. The Discourses and The Prince, written concurrently, complement each other and essentially make up one cohesive work. Furthermore, the treatise The Art of War, although not completed until 1520, is worth mentioning due to its close relation to these two works, as it further develops some of the ideas presented in the Discorsi. The Prince, a short text divided into twenty-six chapters, is the most recognized of Machiavelli's writings. In it, he skillfully shares his views on founding a new state, using Cæsar Borgia as his example, even though Borgia's plans to consolidate power in the Romagna ultimately failed. The principles he outlines were a natural response to the chaotic political climate of his time. While The Prince focuses primarily on the governance of a prince, the Discorsi mainly discuss the Republic, with Machiavelli's model republic being the Roman commonwealth, the most successful and enduring instance of popular governance. Free Rome embodies his political vision of the state. Much of what Machiavelli wrote in this treatise remains as relevant today as it was at the time of writing. There are several points of special significance for us. To randomly select a chapter, let’s look at Book I, Chapter XV: "Public affairs are easily managed in a city where the people are not corrupt; and where there is equality, no principality can be established; nor can a republic be formed where equality is lacking."
No man has been more harshly judged than Machiavelli, especially in the two centuries following his death. But he has since found many able champions and the tide has turned. The Prince has been termed a manual for tyrants, the effect of which has been most pernicious. But were Machiavelli's doctrines really new? Did he discover them? He merely had the candor and courage to write down what everybody was thinking and what everybody knew. He merely gives us the impressions he had received from a long and intimate intercourse with princes and the affairs of state. It was Lord Bacon, I believe, who said that Machiavelli tells us what princes do, not what they ought to do. When Machiavelli takes Cæsar Borgia as a model, he in nowise extols him as a hero, but merely as a prince who was capable of attaining the end in view. The life of the State was the primary object. It must be maintained. And Machiavelli has laid down the principles, based upon his study and wide experience, by which this may be accomplished. He wrote from the view-point of the politician,—not of the moralist. What is good politics may be bad morals, and in fact, by a strange fatality, where morals and politics clash, the latter generally gets the upper hand. And will anyone contend that the principles set forth by Machiavelli in his Prince or his Discourses have entirely perished from the earth? Has diplomacy been entirely stripped of fraud and duplicity? Let anyone read the famous eighteenth chapter of The Prince: "In what Manner Princes should keep their Faith," and he will be convinced that what was true nearly four hundred years ago, is quite as true to-day.
No one has been judged more harshly than Machiavelli, especially in the two centuries after his death. But he has since found many strong supporters, and the tide has turned. The Prince has been called a guide for tyrants, with effects that have been very harmful. But were Machiavelli's ideas really new? Did he invent them? He simply had the honesty and bravery to write down what everyone was thinking and what everyone already knew. He just shares the impressions he gained from a long and close relationship with princes and state affairs. It was Lord Bacon, I think, who said that Machiavelli tells us what princes do, not what they should do. When Machiavelli uses Cæsar Borgia as an example, he doesn’t praise him as a hero but rather as a prince who was able to achieve his goals. The survival of the state was the main focus. It had to be sustained. And Machiavelli has established the principles, based on his study and extensive experience, that can accomplish this. He wrote from the perspective of a politician—not a moralist. What might be good politics can be bad morals, and, oddly enough, where morals and politics conflict, the latter usually wins out. And can anyone really argue that the principles laid out by Machiavelli in his Prince or his Discourses have completely vanished? Has diplomacy been entirely devoid of deception and trickery? Anyone can read the famous eighteenth chapter of The Prince: "In what Manner Princes should keep their Faith," and they will see that what was true nearly four hundred years ago is just as true today.
Of the remaining works of Machiavelli the most important is the History of Florence written between 1521 and 1525, and dedicated to Clement VII. The first book is merely a rapid review of the Middle Ages, the history of Florence beginning with Book II. Machiavelli's method has been censured for adhering at times too closely to the chroniclers like Villani, Cambi, and Giovanni Cavalcanti, and at others rejecting their testimony without apparent reason, while in its details the authority of his History is often questionable. It is the straightforward, logical narrative, which always holds the interest of the reader that is the greatest charm of the History. Of the other works of Machiavelli we may mention here his comedies the Mandragola and Clizia, and his novel Belfagor.
Of Machiavelli's remaining works, the most significant is the History of Florence, written between 1521 and 1525 and dedicated to Clement VII. The first book is just a quick overview of the Middle Ages, with the history of Florence starting in Book II. Machiavelli's approach has been criticized for sometimes sticking too closely to chroniclers like Villani, Cambi, and Giovanni Cavalcanti, and at other times dismissing their accounts without clear justification, while the accuracy of the details in his History is often questionable. The greatest appeal of the History lies in its straightforward, logical storytelling, which consistently engages the reader. Among Machiavelli's other works, we should also mention his comedies Mandragola and Clizia, as well as his novel Belfagor.
After the downfall of the Republic and Machiavelli's release from prison in 1513, fortune seems never again to have favoured him. It is true that in 1520 Giuliano de' Medici commissioned him to write his History of Florence, and he afterwards held a number of offices, yet these latter were entirely beneath his merits. He had been married in 1502 to Marietta Corsini, who bore him four sons and a daughter. He died on June 22, 1527, leaving his family in the greatest poverty, a sterling tribute to his honesty, when one considers the many opportunities he doubtless had to enrich himself. Machiavelli's life was not without blemish—few lives are. We must bear in mind the atmosphere of craft, hypocrisy, and poison in which he lived,—his was the age of Cæsar Borgia and of Popes like the monster Alexander VI. and Julius II. Whatever his faults may have been, Machiavelli was always an ardent patriot and an earnest supporter of popular government. It is true that he was willing to accept a prince, if one could be found courageous enough and prudent enough to unite dismembered Italy, for in the unity of his native land he saw the only hope of its salvation.
After the fall of the Republic and Machiavelli's release from prison in 1513, luck never seemed to be on his side again. It's true that in 1520, Giuliano de' Medici hired him to write his History of Florence, and he later held several positions, but these were far below his abilities. He had married Marietta Corsini in 1502, and they had four sons and a daughter. He died on June 22, 1527, leaving his family in great poverty, a testament to his integrity, especially considering the many chances he likely had to profit personally. Machiavelli's life wasn't without flaws—few lives are. We must remember the atmosphere of deceit, hypocrisy, and treachery in which he lived—his was the age of Cæsar Borgia and Popes like the notorious Alexander VI and Julius II. Despite his shortcomings, Machiavelli was always a passionate patriot and a strong advocate for popular government. It's true that he was open to the idea of a prince, if one could be found who was brave enough and wise enough to unify fragmented Italy, because he believed the unity of his homeland was the only hope for its survival.
Machiavelli is buried in the church of Santa Croce at Florence, beside the tomb of Michael Angelo. His monument bears this inscription:
Machiavelli is buried in the church of Santa Croce in Florence, next to the tomb of Michelangelo. His monument has this inscription:
"Tanto nomini nullum par eulogium."
"No epithet equals such a name."
And though this praise is doubtless exaggerated, he is a son of whom his country may be justly proud.
And even though this praise is definitely exaggerated, he is a son that his country can rightfully be proud of.
Hugo Albert Rennert.
Hugo A. Rennert.
[*] Villari, Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi tempi, 2d ed.
Milan, 1895-97, the best work on the subject. The most
complete bibliography of Machiavelli up to 1858 is to be
found in Mohl, Gesch. u. Liter. der Staatswissenshaften,
Erlangen, 1855, III., 521-91. See also La Vita e gli
scritti di Niccolo Machiavelli nella loro Relazione col
Machiavellismo, by O. Tommasini, Turin, 1883 (unfinished).
The best English translation of Machiavelli with which I am
acquainted is: The Historical, Political, and Diplomatic
writings of Niccolo Machiavelli, translated by Christian E.
Detmold. Osgood & Co., Boston, 1882, 4 vols. 8vo.
[*] Villari, Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi tempi, 2d ed. Milan, 1895-97, the best work on the subject. The most complete bibliography of Machiavelli up to 1858 can be found in Mohl, Gesch. u. Liter. der Staatswissenshaften, Erlangen, 1855, III., 521-91. See also La Vita e gli scritti di Niccolo Machiavelli nella loro Relazione col Machiavellismo, by O. Tommasini, Turin, 1883 (unfinished).
The best English translation of Machiavelli that I know of is: The Historical, Political, and Diplomatic writings of Niccolo Machiavelli, translated by Christian E. Detmold. Osgood & Co., Boston, 1882, 4 vols. 8vo.THE FLORENTINE HISTORY OF NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI
BOOK I
CHAPTER I
Irruption of Northern people upon the Roman territories—Visigoths—Barbarians called in by Stilicho—Vandals in Africa—Franks and Burgundians give their names to France and Burgundy—The Huns—Angles give the name to England—Attila, king of the Huns, in Italy—Genseric takes Rome—The Lombards.
Invasion of Northern peoples into Roman lands—Visigoths—Barbarians invited by Stilicho—Vandals in Africa—Franks and Burgundians lend their names to France and Burgundy—The Huns—Angles give their name to England—Attila, king of the Huns, in Italy—Genseric captures Rome—The Lombards.
The people who inhabit the northern parts beyond the Rhine and the Danube, living in a healthy and prolific region, frequently increase to such vast multitudes that part of them are compelled to abandon their native soil, and seek a habitation in other countries. The method adopted, when one of these provinces had to be relieved of its superabundant population, was to divide into three parts, each containing an equal number of nobles and of people, of rich and of poor. The third upon whom the lot fell, then went in search of new abodes, leaving the remaining two-thirds in possession of their native country.
The people living in the northern areas beyond the Rhine and the Danube, in a healthy and fertile region, often grow in such large numbers that some are forced to leave their homeland and find new places to live. When one of these provinces needed to reduce its overcrowding, they would split into three groups, each with an equal mix of nobles and common people, wealthy and poor. The third group chosen by lot would then seek out new homes, while the remaining two-thirds stayed in their homeland.
These migrating masses destroyed the Roman empire by the facilities for settlement which the country offered when the emperors abandoned Rome, the ancient seat of their dominion, and fixed their residence at Constantinople; for by this step they exposed the western empire to the rapine of both their ministers and their enemies, the remoteness of their position preventing them either from seeing or providing for its necessities. To suffer the overthrow of such an extensive empire, established by the blood of so many brave and virtuous men, showed no less folly in the princes themselves than infidelity in their ministers; for not one irruption alone, but many, contributed to its ruin; and these barbarians exhibited much ability and perseverance in accomplishing their object.
These migrating groups brought down the Roman Empire by taking advantage of the land's potential for settlement after the emperors left Rome, their historic capital, and made Constantinople their new home. This move left the western part of the empire vulnerable to both their own officials and enemies, as their distance made it hard for them to see or address its needs. The fall of such a vast empire, built by the efforts of many brave and honorable individuals, showed a lack of judgment in the leaders themselves and disloyalty in their advisors. It wasn’t just one invasion that caused the empire’s downfall, but many, as these barbarian groups demonstrated significant skill and determination to achieve their goals.
The first of these northern nations that invaded the empire after the Cimbrians, who were conquered by Caius Marius, was the Visigoths—which name in our language signifies "Western Goths." These, after some battles fought along its confines, long held their seat of dominion upon the Danube, with consent of the emperors; and although, moved by various causes, they often attacked the Roman provinces, were always kept in subjection by the imperial forces. The emperor Theodosius conquered them with great glory; and, being wholly reduced to his power, they no longer selected a sovereign of their own, but, satisfied with the terms which he granted them, lived and fought under his ensigns, and authority. On the death of Theodosius, his sons Arcadius and Honorius, succeeded to the empire, but not to the talents and fortune of their father; and the times became changed with the princes. Theodosius had appointed a governor to each of the three divisions of the empire, Ruffinus to the eastern, to the western Stilicho, and Gildo to the African. Each of these, after the death of Theodosius, determined not to be governors merely, but to assume sovereign dominion over their respective provinces. Gildo and Ruffinus were suppressed at their outset; but Stilicho, concealing his design, ingratiated himself with the new emperors, and at the same time so disturbed their government, as to facilitate his occupation of it afterward. To make the Visigoths their enemies, he advised that the accustomed stipend allowed to this people should be withheld; and as he thought these enemies would not be sufficient alone to disturb the empire, he contrived that the Burgundians, Franks, Vandals, and Alans (a northern people in search of new habitations), should assail the Roman provinces.
The first of the northern nations that invaded the empire after the Cimbrians, who were defeated by Caius Marius, was the Visigoths—which means "Western Goths" in our language. After fighting several battles along the borders, they maintained control over the Danube with the emperors' permission; and while they often attacked the Roman provinces for various reasons, they were always kept in check by imperial forces. Emperor Theodosius defeated them with great glory; and once they were fully under his control, they stopped choosing their own leaders and, pleased with the terms he offered, lived and fought under his banners and authority. After Theodosius died, his sons Arcadius and Honorius took over the empire, but they didn't have their father's skills or luck; and the times changed with the new rulers. Theodosius had appointed a governor for each of the three divisions of the empire: Ruffinus in the east, Stilicho in the west, and Gildo in Africa. Each of them, after Theodosius's death, chose not to just be governors but to seize control over their respective regions. Gildo and Ruffinus were dealt with quickly, but Stilicho, hiding his true intentions, won favor with the new emperors while also causing enough instability in their administration to make it easier for him to take over later. To turn the Visigoths against them, he suggested that the usual payments made to them should be stopped; and thinking that these enemies wouldn't be enough to disrupt the empire on their own, he orchestrated a way for the Burgundians, Franks, Vandals, and Alans (a northern tribe looking for new lands) to attack the Roman provinces.
That they might be better able to avenge themselves for the injury they had sustained, the Visigoths, on being deprived of their subsidy, created Alaric their king; and having assailed the empire, succeeded, after many reverses, in overrunning Italy, and finally in pillaging Rome.
To better take revenge for the injuries they had faced, the Visigoths, after losing their financial support, made Alaric their king. After facing many setbacks, they attacked the empire, eventually sweeping through Italy and finally looting Rome.
After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor, Astolphus, having married Placidia, sister of the emperors, agreed with them to go to the relief of Gaul and Spain, which provinces had been assailed by the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and Franks, from the causes before mentioned. Hence it followed, that the Vandals, who had occupied that part of Spain called Betica (now Andalusia), being pressed by the Visigoths, and unable to resist them, were invited by Boniface, who governed Africa for the empire, to occupy that province; for, being in rebellion, he was afraid his error would become known to the emperor. For these reasons the Vandals gladly undertook the enterprise, and under Genseric, their king, became lords of Africa.
After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor, Astolphus, who married Placidia, the sister of the emperors, agreed with them to provide assistance to Gaul and Spain, which had been attacked by the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and Franks, due to the previously mentioned reasons. As a result, the Vandals, who had taken over the part of Spain known as Betica (now Andalusia), were pressured by the Visigoths and unable to resist them. Boniface, who governed Africa for the empire and was in rebellion, invited them to take over that province because he feared his wrongdoing would be exposed to the emperor. For these reasons, the Vandals eagerly took on the mission, and under their king Genseric, they became rulers of Africa.
At this time Theodosius, son of Arcadius, succeeded to the empire; and, bestowing little attention on the affairs of the west, caused those who had taken possession to think of securing their acquisitions. Thus the Vandals ruled Africa; the Alans and Visigoths, Spain; while the Franks and Burgundians not only took Gaul, but each gave their name to the part they occupied; hence one is called France, the other Burgundy. The good fortune of these brought fresh people to the destruction of the empire, one of which, the Huns, occupied the province of Pannonia, situated upon the nearer shore of the Danube, and which, from their name, is still called Hungary. To these disorders it must be added, that the emperor, seeing himself attacked on so many sides, to lessen the number of his enemies, began to treat first with the Vandals, then with the Franks; a course which diminished his own power, and increased that of the barbarians. Nor was the island of Britain, which is now called England, secure from them; for the Britons, being apprehensive of those who had occupied Gaul, called the Angli, a people of Germany, to their aid; and these under Vortigern their king, first defended, and then drove them from the island, of which they took possession, and after themselves named the country England. But the inhabitants, being robbed of their home, became desperate by necessity and resolved to take possession of some other country, although they had been unable to defend their own. They therefore crossed the sea with their families, and settled in the country nearest to the beach, which from themselves is called Brittany. The Huns, who were said above to have occupied Pannonia, joining with other nations, as the Zepidi, Eurili, Turingi, and Ostro, or eastern Goths, moved in search of new countries, and not being able to enter France, which was defended by the forces of the barbarians, came into Italy under Attila their king. He, a short time previously, in order to possess the entire monarchy, had murdered his brother Bleda; and having thus become very powerful, Andaric, king of the Zepidi, and Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, became subject to him. Attila, having entered Italy, laid siege to Aquileia, where he remained without any obstacle for two years, wasting the country round, and dispersing the inhabitants. This, as will be related in its place, caused the origin of Venice. After the taking and ruin of Aquileia, he directed his course towards Rome, from the destruction of which he abstained at the entreaty of the pontiff, his respect for whom was so great that he left Italy and retired into Austria, where he died. After the death of Attila, Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, and the heads of the other nations, took arms against his sons Henry and Uric, slew the one and compelled the other, with his Huns, to repass the Danube and return to their country; while the Ostrogoths and the Zepidi established themselves in Pannonia, and the Eruli and the Turingi upon the farther bank of the Danube.
At this time, Theodosius, son of Arcadius, took over the empire. He paid little attention to the issues in the West, which led those who had taken control to focus on solidifying their gains. So, the Vandals ruled Africa, the Alans and Visigoths took Spain, while the Franks and Burgundians not only claimed Gaul but also gave their names to the areas they occupied; thus one became known as France and the other as Burgundy. Their success attracted new groups that contributed to the empire's downfall, one of which, the Huns, settled in the province of Pannonia, located on the nearer shore of the Danube, and from their name, it is still called Hungary today. Adding to this chaos, the emperor, feeling attacked from all sides, started negotiations first with the Vandals and then with the Franks to reduce the number of his enemies. This strategy weakened his own power and strengthened the barbarians. Britain, which is now called England, wasn't safe either; the Britons, afraid of the Angli from Gaul, a Germanic people, called upon them for help. Under their king Vortigern, the Angli first defended the Britons and then ultimately took over the island, subsequently naming the region England. However, the original inhabitants, losing their home, grew desperate and decided to seek out new lands, even though they couldn’t protect their own. They crossed the sea with their families and settled in the area closest to the coastline, which became known as Brittany. The Huns, who had occupied Pannonia, allied with other nations such as the Zepidi, Eurili, Turingi, and Ostrogoths, seeking new territories. Unable to invade France, protected by barbarian forces, they entered Italy under their king, Attila. Not long before, he had killed his brother Bleda to gain full control over the monarchy. After becoming powerful, he had Andaric, the king of the Zepidi, and Velamir, the king of the Ostrogoths, submit to him. Upon entering Italy, Attila besieged Aquileia, laying waste to the surrounding region and its people for two years without facing any resistance. This event will be explained further later, as it led to the founding of Venice. After taking and destroying Aquileia, he turned his attention to Rome but spared it at the request of the pontiff, whom he respected greatly, and then left Italy to retreat into Austria, where he died. Following Attila's death, Velamir, king of the Ostrogoths, along with leaders of other tribes, took up arms against Attila's sons, Henry and Uric. They killed one and forced the other and his Huns back across the Danube to their homeland, while the Ostrogoths and the Zepidi settled in Pannonia, and the Eruli and Turingi established themselves on the opposite bank of the Danube.
Attila having left Italy, Valentinian, emperor of the west, thought of restoring the country; and, that he might be more ready to defend it against the barbarians, abandoned Rome, and removed the seat of government to Ravenna. The misfortunes which befell the western empire caused the emperor, who resided at Constantinople, on many occasions to give up the possession of it to others, as a charge full of danger and expense; and sometimes, without his permission, the Romans, seeing themselves so abandoned, created an emperor for their defense, or suffered some one to usurp the dominion. This occurred at the period of which we now speak, when Maximus, a Roman, after the death of Valentinian, seized the government, and compelled Eudocia, widow of the late emperor, to take him for her husband; but she, being of imperial blood, scorned the connection of a private citizen; and being anxious to avenge herself for the insult, secretly persuaded Genseric, king of the Vandals and master of Africa to come to Italy, representing to him the advantage he would derive from the undertaking, and the facility with which it might be accomplished. Tempted by the hope of booty, he came immediately, and finding Rome abandoned, plundered the city during fourteen days. He also ravaged many other places in Italy, and then, loaded with wealth, withdrew to Africa. The Romans, having returned to their city, and Maximus being dead, elected Avitus, a Roman, as his successor. After this, several important events occurred both in Italy and in the countries beyond; and after the deaths of many emperors the empire of Constantinople devolved upon Zeno, and that of Rome upon Orestes and Augustulus his son, who obtained the sovereignty by fraud. While they were designing to hold by force what they had obtained by treachery, the Eruli and the Turingi, who, after the death of Attila, as before remarked, had established themselves upon the farther bank of the Danube, united in a league and invaded Italy under Odoacer their general. Into the districts which they left unoccupied, the Longobardi or Lombards, also a northern people, entered, led by Godogo their king. Odoacer conquered and slew Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus escaped. After this victory, that Rome might, with her change of power, also change her title, Odoacer, instead of using the imperial name, caused himself to be declared king of Rome. He was the first of those leaders who at this period overran the world and thought of settling in Italy; for the others, either from fear that they should not be able to hold the country, knowing that it might easily be relieved by the eastern emperors, or from some unknown cause, after plundering her, sought other countries wherein to establish themselves.
After Attila left Italy, Valentinian, the western emperor, considered restoring the country. To better defend it against the barbarians, he abandoned Rome and moved the capital to Ravenna. The troubles plaguing the western empire led the emperor, who lived in Constantinople, to often hand over control to others because it was too dangerous and costly; at times, the Romans, feeling abandoned, elected their own emperor for protection or let someone take over without his approval. This was happening during the time we're discussing when Maximus, a Roman, took control after Valentinian's death and forced Eudocia, the former emperor's widow, to marry him. However, she, being of royal blood, rejected the union with a commoner. Wanting to avenge the insult, she secretly encouraged Genseric, king of the Vandals and ruler of Africa, to invade Italy, highlighting the potential gains and ease of the task. Tempted by the prospect of treasure, he acted quickly and, finding Rome abandoned, plundered the city for fourteen days. He also devastated many other locations in Italy before returning to Africa with his riches. When the Romans returned to their city, Maximus was dead, and they chose Avitus, a Roman, as his successor. After this, several significant events unfolded in Italy and beyond; following the deaths of many emperors, the Constantinople empire fell to Zeno, while the Roman empire went to Orestes and his son Augustulus, who gained power through deception. As they plotted to hold onto what they had gained through trickery, the Eruli and Turingi, who had settled on the far side of the Danube after Attila's death, formed an alliance and invaded Italy under their leader Odoacer. In the territories they left vacant, the Lombards, another northern tribe led by their king Godogo, entered. Odoacer defeated and killed Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus managed to escape. Following this victory, to reflect the shift in power, Odoacer declared himself king of Rome instead of using the imperial title. He was the first of the leaders who overran the world during this time and considered settling in Italy; the others, fearing they couldn't maintain control knowing the eastern emperors could easily assist, or for some other reason, after plundering, sought other lands to settle in.
CHAPTER II
State of the Roman empire under Zeno—Theodoric king of the Ostrogoths—Character of Theodoric—Changes in the Roman empire—New languages—New names—Theodoric dies—Belisarius in Italy—Totila takes Rome—Narses destroys the Goths—New form of Government in Italy—Narses invites the Lombards into Italy—The Lombards change the form of government.
State of the Roman Empire under Zeno—Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths—Character of Theodoric—Changes in the Roman Empire—New languages—New names—Theodoric dies—Belisarius in Italy—Totila captures Rome—Narses defeats the Goths—New form of government in Italy—Narses invites the Lombards to Italy—The Lombards change the form of government.
At this time the ancient Roman empire was governed by the following princes: Zeno, reigning in Constantinople, commanded the whole of the eastern empire; the Ostrogoths ruled Mesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths, Suavi, and Alans, held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; the Franks and Burgundians, France; and the Eruli and Turingi, Italy. The kingdom of the Ostrogoths had descended to Theodoric, nephew of Velamir, who, being on terms of friendship with Zeno the eastern emperor, wrote to him that his Ostrogoths thought it an injustice that they, being superior in valor to the people thereabout, should be inferior to them in dominion, and that it was impossible for him to restrain them within the limits of Pannonia. So, seeing himself under the necessity of allowing them to take arms and go in search of new abodes, he wished first to acquaint Zeno with it, in order that he might provide for them, by granting some country in which they might establish themselves, by his good favor with greater propriety and convenience. Zeno, partly from fear and partly from a desire to drive Odoacer out of Italy, gave Theodoric permission to lead his people against him, and take possession of the country. Leaving his friends the Zepidi in Pannonia, Theodoric marched into Italy, slew Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the same reasons which had induced Valentinian to do so, established his court at Ravenna, and like Odoacer took the title of king of Italy.
At this time, the ancient Roman Empire was ruled by the following leaders: Zeno, based in Constantinople, controlled the entire eastern empire; the Ostrogoths ruled over Moesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths, Suevi, and Alans held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals were in Africa; the Franks and Burgundians governed France; and the Eruli and Turingi were in Italy. The Ostrogoth kingdom was led by Theodoric, the nephew of Velamir, who had friendly relations with Zeno, the eastern emperor. He wrote to Zeno expressing that the Ostrogoths believed it was unjust for them, being more valiant than those around them, to be lesser in power and that it was impossible for him to keep them confined to Pannonia. Therefore, feeling the need to let them take up arms and seek new lands, he wanted to inform Zeno first so that he could help by granting them a territory to settle in, which would be more suitable and convenient. Zeno, motivated partly by fear and partly by the desire to oust Odoacer from Italy, allowed Theodoric to lead his people against him and take over the area. Leaving his allies, the Zepidi, in Pannonia, Theodoric marched into Italy, killed Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the same reasons that had led Valentinian to act similarly, established his court in Ravenna, declaring himself king of Italy, just like Odoacer before him.
Theodoric possessed great talents both for war and peace; in the former he was always conqueror, and in the latter he conferred very great benefits upon the cities and people under him. He distributed the Ostrogoths over the country, each district under its leader, that he might more conveniently command them in war, and govern them in peace. He enlarged Ravenna, restored Rome, and, with the exception of military discipline, conferred upon the Romans every honor. He kept within their proper bounds, wholly by the influence of his character, all the barbarian kings who occupied the empire; he built towns and fortresses between the point of the Adriatic and the Alps, in order, with the greater facility, to impede the passage of any new hordes of barbarians who might design to assail Italy; and if, toward the latter end of his life, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts of cruelty, caused by various jealousies of his people, such as the death of Symmachus and Boethius, men of great holiness, every point of his character would have deserved the highest praise. By his virtue and goodness, not only Rome and Italy, but every part of the western empire, freed from the continual troubles which they had suffered from the frequent influx of barbarians, acquired new vigor, and began to live in an orderly and civilized manner. For surely if any times were truly miserable for Italy and the provinces overrun by the barbarians, they were those which occurred from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we only consider the evils which arise to a republic or a kingdom by a change of prince or of government; not by foreign interference, but by civil discord (in which we may see how even slight variations suffice to ruin the most powerful kingdoms or states), we may then easily imagine how much Italy and the other Roman provinces suffered, when they not only changed their forms of government and their princes, but also their laws, customs, modes of living, religion, language, and name. Any one of such changes, by itself, without being united with others, might, with thinking of it, to say nothing of the seeing and suffering, infuse terror into the strongest minds.
Theodoric had remarkable skills for both war and peace; in battle, he was always victorious, and in peacetime, he brought significant benefits to the cities and people he ruled. He distributed the Ostrogoths across the land, placing each group under its own leader to make it easier to command them in war and govern them in peace. He expanded Ravenna, rebuilt Rome, and, aside from military discipline, granted the Romans every honor. He kept all the barbarian kings within their limits, thanks to his strong character, while they occupied the empire. He constructed towns and fortifications between the Adriatic and the Alps to more easily block any new waves of barbarians that might try to invade Italy. If, toward the end of his life, many of his virtues had not been tainted by acts of cruelty stemming from various jealousies within his people, such as the deaths of Symmachus and Boethius, who were both highly virtuous, every aspect of his character would have earned the highest praise. Through his virtue and goodness, not just Rome and Italy, but every part of the western empire, freed from the constant troubles caused by the relentless influx of barbarians, gained new strength and started to live in a more organized and civilized way. If there were ever truly miserable times for Italy and the provinces invaded by barbarians, they were the years from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we think about the damage caused to a republic or a kingdom by a change of ruler or government—not through foreign interference, but through internal strife (where even minor changes can destroy the mightiest kingdoms or states)—we can easily imagine how much Italy and the other Roman provinces suffered when they not only changed their forms of government and leaders but also their laws, customs, ways of life, religion, language, and identity. Any one of these changes, on its own, could instill fear in even the strongest minds, without needing to consider the actual experience of it.
From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin and extension of many cities. Among those which were ruined were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were Venice, Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevity we omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa, Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be added, the ruin and restoration of Rome, and of many other cities not previously mentioned.
From these reasons came the downfall, as well as the rise and growth, of many cities. Among those that were destroyed were Aquileia, Luni, Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were Venice, Sienna, Ferrara, and Aquila, along with many towns and castles that we will not list for the sake of brevity. Those that grew were Florence, Genoa, Pisa, Milan, Naples, and Bologna; and we can also include the decline and revival of Rome, along with many other cities not mentioned before.
From this devastation and new population arose new languages, as we see in the different dialects of France, Spain and Italy; which, partaking of the native idiom of the new people and of the old Roman, formed a new manner of discourse. Besides, not only were the names of provinces changed, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for France, Spain, and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from the ancient; as, omitting many others, we see that the Po, the Garda, the Archipelago, are names quite different from those which the ancients used; while instead of Cæsar and Pompey we have Peter, Matthew, John, etc.
From this destruction and new population emerged new languages, as seen in the different dialects of France, Spain, and Italy. These dialects combined elements of the local speech of the new inhabitants with the old Roman language, creating a new way of communicating. Furthermore, not only were the names of regions changed, but so were those of lakes, rivers, seas, and people; because France, Spain, and Italy are filled with fresh names that are completely different from the ancient ones. For example, instead of the ancient names, we see the Po, the Garda, and the Archipelago, which are all quite different from what the ancients used; while instead of Cæsar and Pompey, we have Peter, Matthew, John, and others.
Among so many variations, that of religion was not of little importance; for, while combating the customs of the ancient faith with the miracles of the new, very serious troubles and discords were created among men. And if the Christians had been united in one faith, fewer disorders would have followed; but the contentions among themselves, of the churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those of the heretic sects with the Catholics, served in many ways to render the world miserable. Africa is a proof of this; having suffered more horrors from the Arian sect, whose doctrines were believed by the Vandals, than from any avarice or natural cruelty of the people themselves. Living amid so many persecutions, the countenances of men bore witness of the terrible impressions upon their minds; for besides the evils they suffered from the disordered state of the world, they scarcely could have recourse to the help of God, in whom the unhappy hope for relief; for the greater part of them, being uncertain what divinity they ought to address, died miserably, without help and without hope.
Among many variations, the issue of religion was quite significant; because, while fighting against the customs of the old faith with the wonders of the new, serious troubles and conflicts arose among people. If the Christians had been united in one belief, there would have been fewer disruptions; but the disagreements among the churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, combined with those of the heretical sects against the Catholics, contributed in many ways to making the world miserable. Africa is a testament to this; it suffered more horrors from the Arian sect, whose beliefs were followed by the Vandals, than from any greed or inherent cruelty of the people themselves. Living through so many persecutions, the faces of people reflected the terrible impact on their minds; for besides the troubles they endured from the chaotic state of the world, they could hardly turn to God for help, in whom the unfortunate sought relief; because most of them, being unsure which deity to appeal to, died miserably, without assistance and without hope.
Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils, Theodoric deserves the highest praise: for during the thirty-eight years he reigned in Italy, he brought the country to such a state of greatness that her previous sufferings were no longer recognizable. But at his death, the kingdom descending to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha, his daughter, and the malice of fortune not being yet exhausted, the old evils soon returned; for Atalaric died soon after his grandfather, and the kingdom coming into the possession of his mother, she was betrayed by Theodatus, whom she had called to assist her in the government. He put her to death and made himself king; and having thus become odious to the Ostrogoths, the emperor Justinian entertained the hope of driving him out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to the command of this expedition, as he had already conquered Africa, expelled the Vandals, and reduced the country to the imperial rule.
Having been the first to put a stop to so many issues, Theodoric deserves the highest praise: during his thirty-eight years of reign in Italy, he elevated the country to such greatness that its past sufferings became unrecognizable. However, after his death, the kingdom passed to Atalaric, the son of Amalasontha and his daughter, and misfortune wasn't done yet, as the old troubles quickly returned. Atalaric died soon after his grandfather, and the kingdom fell into the hands of his mother. She was betrayed by Theodatus, whom she had brought in to help her govern. He killed her and proclaimed himself king; having made himself hated by the Ostrogoths, Emperor Justinian hoped to drive him out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to lead this expedition, as he had already conquered Africa, expelled the Vandals, and restored the country to imperial rule.
Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence passing into Italy, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, seeing this, slew Theodatus their king, whom they considered the cause of their misfortune, and elected Vitiges in his stead, who, after some skirmishes, was besieged and taken by Belisarius at Ravenna; but before he had time to secure the advantages of his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justinian, and Joannes and Vitalis were appointed in his place. Their principles and practices were so different from those of Belisarius, that the Goths took courage and created Ildovadus, governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus, who was slain, came Totila, who routed the imperial forces, took Tuscany and Naples, and recovered nearly the whole of what Belisarius had taken from them. On this account Justinian determined to send him into Italy again; but, coming with only a small force, he lost the reputation which his former victories had won for him, in less time than he had taken to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces, took Rome before his eyes; but being unable to hold or to leave the city, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, and took the senators away from him. Thinking little of Belisarius, he led his people into Calabria, to attack the forces which had been sent from Greece.
Belisarius took control of Sicily and then moved into Italy, capturing Naples and Rome. In response, the Goths killed their king Theodatus, whom they blamed for their troubles, and chose Vitiges to replace him. After some skirmishes, Vitiges was besieged and captured by Belisarius in Ravenna. However, before he could secure his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justinian, who appointed Joannes and Vitalis to take his place. Their approach was so different from Belisarius's that the Goths regained their confidence and made Ildovadus, the governor of Verona, their king. After Ildovadus was killed, Totila took his place, defeating the imperial forces, capturing Tuscany and Naples, and reclaiming almost everything Belisarius had conquered. Because of this, Justinian decided to send Belisarius back to Italy; however, arriving with only a small army, he quickly lost the reputation he had built with his previous victories. While Totila was at Ostia with his forces, he captured Rome right before Belisarius's eyes, but unable to maintain control or leave the city, he destroyed much of it, expelled the citizens, and took the senators away. Underestimating Belisarius, he led his troops into Calabria to confront the forces sent from Greece.
Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to the performance of an honourable work. Viewing the ruins of Rome, he determined to rebuild her walls and recall her inhabitants with as little delay as possible. But fortune was opposed to this laudable enterprise; for Justinian, being at this time assailed by the Parthians, recalled him; and his duty to his sovereign compelled him to abandon Italy to Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her with such severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty of St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for sanctity, he endeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Justinian having arranged matters with the Parthians, again thought of sending a force to the relief of Italy; but the Sclavi, another northern people, having crossed the Danube and attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so that Totila held almost the whole country. Having conquered the Slavonians, Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military talent, who, having arrived in Italy, routed and slew Totila. The Goths who escaped sought refuge in Pavia, where they created Teias their king. On the other hand, Narses after the victory took Rome, and coming to an engagement with Teias near Nocera, slew him and routed his army. By this victory, the power of the Goths in Italy was quite annihilated, after having existed for seventy years, from the coming of Theodoric to the death of Teias.
Belisarius, seeing the city deserted, focused on doing something honorable. Looking at the ruins of Rome, he decided to rebuild her walls and bring her people back as quickly as possible. However, luck was not on his side; Justinian, who was at that time under attack from the Parthians, recalled him. His loyalty to his emperor forced him to leave Italy to Totila, who retook Rome but was not as harsh this time. At the request of St. Benedict, who was well-respected for his holiness, Totila tried to revive the city. Meanwhile, after settling things with the Parthians, Justinian considered sending troops to help Italy again, but the Slavs, another northern group, crossed the Danube and invaded Illyria and Thrace, blocking his plans, so Totila controlled almost all the territory. After defeating the Slavs, Justinian sent Narses, a talented military leader who was a eunuch. Upon arriving in Italy, Narses defeated and killed Totila. The surviving Goths sought refuge in Pavia, where they made Teias their king. In contrast, Narses, after his victory, entered Rome and engaged in battle with Teias near Nocera, killing him and defeating his army. This victory completely wiped out Gothic power in Italy, which had lasted seventy years, from Theodoric's arrival until Teias's death.
No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justinian died, and was succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the instigation of Sophia, his wife, recalled Narses, and sent Longinus in his stead. Like those who preceded him, he made his abode at Ravenna, and besides this, gave a new form to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint governors of provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every city and town of importance placed a ruler whom he called a duke. Neither in this arrangement did he respect Rome more than the other cities; for having set aside the consuls and senate, names which up to this time had been preserved, he placed her under a duke, who was sent every year from Ravenna, and called her the duchy of Rome; while to him who remained in Ravenna, and governed the whole of Italy for the emperor, was given the name of Exarch. This division of the country greatly facilitated the ruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early occasion of occupying it. Narses was greatly enraged with the emperor, for having recalled him from the government of the province, which he had won with his own valor and blood; while Sophia, not content with the injury done by withdrawing him, treated him in the most offensive manner, saying she wished him to come back that he might spin with the other eunuchs. Full of indignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of the Lombards, who then reigned in Pannonia, to invade and take possession of Italy.
As soon as Italy was freed from the Goths, Justinian died and was succeeded by his son Justin. At the urging of his wife Sophia, he recalled Narses and sent Longinus in his place. Like those before him, he settled in Ravenna and restructured the government of Italy; he didn’t appoint governors for provinces like the Goths had but instead placed a ruler called a duke in each important city and town. In this arrangement, he didn't treat Rome any more favorably than other cities; he abolished the consuls and senate, titles that had been respected until then, and put it under a duke who was sent annually from Ravenna, referring to it as the duchy of Rome. The individual who remained in Ravenna and governed the whole of Italy on behalf of the emperor was known as the Exarch. This division of the country significantly contributed to Italy's decline and gave the Lombards an early opportunity to seize it. Narses was furious with the emperor for recalling him from the province he had conquered with his own bravery and effort; furthermore, Sophia not only hurt him by pulling him back but also insulted him by suggesting he return to spin with the other eunuchs. Filled with rage, Narses convinced Alboin, the king of the Lombards, who was ruling in Pannonia at the time, to invade and take control of Italy.
The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places upon the Danube which had been vacated by the Eruli and Turingi, when Odoacer their king led them into Italy; where, having been established for some time, their dominions were held by Alboin, a man ferocious and bold, under whom they crossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with Cunimund, king of the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and slew him. Alboin finding Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, among the captives, took her to wife, and made himself sovereign of Pannonia; and, moved by his savage nature, caused the skull of Cunimund to be formed into a cup, from which, in memory of the victory, he drank. Being invited into Italy by Narses, with whom he had been in friendship during the war with the Goths, he left Pannonia to the Huns, who after the death of Attila had returned to their country. Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into so many parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, the whole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which is now called Romagna. These great and rapid acquisitions made him think the conquest of Italy already secured; he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, and having become elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to be filled, and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond, who sat opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that upon occasion of such great joy she should drink with her father. These words were like a dagger to the lady's bosom and she resolved to have revenge. Knowing that Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she arranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being acquainted with the fact, should sleep with her instead of his mistress. Having effected her design, Rosamond discovered herself to Helmichis, and gave him the choice either of killing Alboin, and taking herself and the kingdom as his reward, or of being put to death as the ravisher of the queen. Helmichis consented to destroy Alboin; but after the murder, finding they could not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the Lombards would put them to death for the love they bore to Alboin, they seized the royal treasure, and fled with it to Longinus, at Ravenna, who received them favorably.
The Lombards, as mentioned earlier, settled in the areas along the Danube that had been abandoned by the Eruli and Turingi when their king, Odoacer, led them to Italy. After some time in their new territory, they were ruled by Alboin, a fierce and bold leader. Under his command, they crossed the Danube and engaged in battle with Cunimund, the king of the Zepidi, who controlled Pannonia. They defeated and killed him. Alboin then found Rosamond, Cunimund's daughter, among the captives and took her as his wife, making himself the ruler of Pannonia. Driven by his brutal nature, he had Cunimund's skull made into a cup, from which he drank in memory of his victory. Invited to Italy by Narses, with whom he had been friendly during the war with the Goths, Alboin left Pannonia to the Huns, who had returned to their homeland after Attila's death. Upon arriving, he found the province divided into many factions and quickly took control of Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, all of Tuscany, and most of Flamminia, now known as Romagna. These swift gains made him believe that the conquest of Italy was already assured; he therefore hosted a grand feast in Verona. After indulging in wine, he had Cunimund's skull filled and presented it to Queen Rosamond, who sat across from him, saying loud enough for her to hear that in such a joyful moment, she should drink with her father. These words struck her like a dagger, and she resolved to take revenge. Knowing that Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she conspired with the young woman for Helmichis to sleep with her instead of his mistress without knowing the truth. After carrying out her plan, Rosamond revealed herself to Helmichis and offered him a choice: either kill Alboin and claim her and the kingdom as his reward, or be executed as the queen's ravisher. Helmichis agreed to kill Alboin; however, after the murder, realizing they could not take over the kingdom and fearing that the Lombards would avenge their beloved leader, they seized the royal treasure and fled to Longinus in Ravenna, who welcomed them.
During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was succeeded by Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the Parthians, could not attend to the affairs of Italy; and this seeming to Longinus to present an opportunity, by means of Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming king of the Lombards and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his design to her, persuaded her to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for her husband. To this end, having prepared poisoned wine, she with her own hand presented it to Helmichis, who complained of thirst as he came from the bath. Having drunk half of it, he suspected the truth, from the unusual sensation it occasioned and compelled her to drink the remainder; so that in a few hours both came to their end, and Longinus was deprived of the hope of becoming king.
During this turmoil, Emperor Justinus died and was succeeded by Tiberius, who, caught up in wars with the Parthians, couldn't manage the affairs of Italy. Longinus saw this as an opportunity to become king of the Lombards and all of Italy, using Rosamond and her wealth, so he shared his plan with her and convinced her to kill Helmichis and take him as her husband. To carry out this plan, she prepared poisoned wine and personally handed it to Helmichis when he complained of thirst after coming from the bath. After he drank half of it, he sensed something was off due to the strange feeling it gave him and forced her to drink the rest. Within a few hours, both met their end, and Longinus lost his chance to become king.
In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves together in Pavia, which was become the principal seat of their empire, made Clefis their king. He rebuilt Imola, destroyed by Narses, and occupied Remini and almost every place up to Rome; but he died in the course of his victories. Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only toward strangers, but to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal power, did not create another king, but appointed among themselves thirty dukes to govern the rest. This prevented the Lombards from occupying the whole of Italy, or of extending their dominion further than Benevento; for, of the cities of Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a time, and others never fell under their dominion; since, not having a king, they became less prompt for war, and when they afterward appointed one, they were, by living in freedom, become less obedient, and more apt to quarrel among themselves; which from the first prevented a fortunate issue of their military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of their being driven out of Italy. The affairs of the Lombards being in the state just described, the Romans and Longinus came to an agreement with them, that each should lay down their arms and enjoy what they already possessed.
In the meantime, the Lombards gathered in Pavia, which had become the main seat of their empire, and made Clefis their king. He rebuilt Imola, which had been destroyed by Narses, and took over Remini and almost every place down to Rome; however, he died during his victories. Clefis was so cruel, not just to outsiders but also to his fellow Lombards, that the people, tired of royal authority, didn't choose another king but decided to appoint thirty dukes among themselves to govern the rest. This stopped the Lombards from conquering all of Italy or expanding their control beyond Benevento because, among the cities of Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma, Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a while, and others never fell under their rule. Without a king, they were less ready for war, and when they eventually chose one, their experience of freedom made them less obedient and more prone to internal conflicts. This initial disunity prevented their military campaigns from succeeding and ultimately led to their expulsion from Italy. With the Lombards in this state, the Romans and Longinus reached an agreement with them that both sides would lay down their arms and keep what they already had.
CHAPTER III
Beginning of the greatness of the pontiffs in Italy—Abuse of censures and indulgences—The pope applies to Pepin, king of France, for assistance—Donation of Pepin to the pontiff—Charlemagne—End of the kingdom of the Lombards—The title of cardinal begins to be used—The empire passes to the Germans—Berengarius, duke of Fruili, created king of Italy—Pisa becomes great—Order and division of the states of Italy—Electors of the emperor created.
Beginning of the power of the popes in Italy—Misuse of censures and indulgences—The pope seeks help from Pepin, king of France—Pepin’s donation to the pope—Charlemagne—The fall of the Lombard kingdom—The title of cardinal starts to be used—The empire goes to the Germans—Berengarius, duke of Fruili, is made king of Italy—Pisa rises in prominence—Organization and division of the Italian states—Electors of the emperor are established.
In these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal authority than they had previously possessed; although the immediate successors of St. Peter were more reverenced for the holiness of their lives, and the miracles which they performed; and their example so greatly extended the Christian religion, that princes of other states embraced it, in order to obviate the confusion which prevailed at that period. The emperor having become a Christian and returned to Constantinople, it followed, as was remarked at the commencement of the book, that the Roman empire was the more easily ruined, and the church more rapidly increased her authority. Nevertheless, the whole of Italy, being subject either to the emperors or the kings till the coming of the Lombards, the popes never acquired any greater authority than what reverence for their habits and doctrine gave them. In other respects they obeyed the emperors or kings; officiated for them in their affairs, as ministers or agents, and were even sometimes put to death by them. He who caused them to become of more importance in the affairs of Italy, was Theodoric, king of the Goths, when he established the seat of his empire at Ravenna; for, Rome being without a prince, the Romans found it necessary, for their safety, to yield obedience to the pope; his authority, however, was not greatly increased thereby, the only advantage being, that the church of Rome was allowed to take precedence of that of Ravenna. But the Lombards having taken possession, and Italy being divided into many parts, the pope had an opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the head of Rome, both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lombards respected him; so that the Romans, by his means, entered into league with the Lombards, and with Longinus, not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the popes, at one time friends of the Greeks, and at another of the Lombards, increased their own power; but upon the ruin of the eastern empire, which occurred during the time of Heraclius, their influence was reduced; for the Sclavi, of whom we spoke before, again assailed Illyria, and having occupied the country, named it Sclavonia, after themselves; and the other parts were attacked by the Persians, then by the Saracens under Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria, Africa, and Egypt. These causes induced the reigning pope, in his distress, to seek new friends, and he applied to the king of France. Nearly all the wars which the northern barbarians carried on in Italy, it may be here remarked, were occasioned by the pontiffs; and the hordes, with which the country was inundated, were generally called in by them. The same mode of proceeding still continued, and kept Italy weak and unsettled. And, therefore, in relating the events which have taken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the empire will be no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the pontificate and of the other principalities which ruled Italy till the coming of Charles VIII. It will be seen how the popes, first with censures, and afterward with these and arms, mingled with indulgences, became both terrible and venerable; and how, from having abused both, they ceased to possess any influence, and were wholly dependent on the will of others for assistance in their wars.
During this period, the popes started gaining more political power than they had before; while the immediate successors of St. Peter were honored more for their holiness and the miracles they performed, their example greatly spread Christianity, prompting leaders from other states to adopt the faith to avoid the chaos of the time. When the emperor became a Christian and returned to Constantinople, it was noted at the book's beginning that the Roman Empire became more vulnerable, allowing the church to rapidly expand its authority. However, most of Italy remained under the control of emperors or kings until the arrival of the Lombards, so the popes never had more authority than the respect earned by their lifestyle and teachings. In other ways, they obeyed the emperors or kings, acted as ministers or agents for them, and were sometimes even executed by them. Theodoric, the king of the Goths, increased their significance in Italy when he set up his empire in Ravenna; since Rome was without a ruler, the Romans felt it necessary for their safety to follow the pope, although this didn't greatly boost his authority—his only benefit was that the Church of Rome was recognized as superior to that of Ravenna. However, after the Lombards took control and Italy was divided into many regions, the pope had more opportunities to exert influence. Acting as the head of Rome, both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lombards respected him, allowing the Romans to ally with the Lombards and Longinus as equals rather than subjects. Thus, the popes, at times allies of the Greeks and at others of the Lombards, grew in power, but their influence diminished with the fall of the Eastern Empire during Heraclius's reign; the Sclavi, previously mentioned, attacked Illyria again and named the region Sclavonia after themselves, while other parts faced threats from the Persians, then the Saracens under Mohammed, and finally the Turks, who took Syria, Africa, and Egypt. These events led the reigning pope, in his desperation, to seek new allies and turn to the king of France. Most of the wars waged by the northern barbarians in Italy can be attributed to the popes, who often called in hordes that flooded the region. This practice continued, keeping Italy weak and unstable. Consequently, as we recount the events from that time to the present, we will no longer highlight the fall of the empire but focus on the growth of the papacy and the other principalities that ruled Italy until the arrival of Charles VIII. It will illustrate how the popes, first through censures and later combining those with arms and indulgences, became both formidable and respected; yet, after abusing their power, they lost influence altogether and became completely reliant on others for support in their conflicts.
But to return to the order of our narration. Gregory III. occupied the papacy, and the kingdom of the Lombards was held by Astolphus, who, contrary to agreement, seized Ravenna, and made war upon the pope. On this account, Gregory no longer relying upon the emperor of Constantinople, since he, for the reasons above given, was unable to assist him, and unwilling to trust the Lombards, for they had frequently broken their faith, had recourse to Pepin II., who, from being lord of Austria and Brabant, had become king of France; not so much by his own valor as by that of Charles Martel, his father, and Pepin his grandfather; for Charles Martel, being governor of the kingdom, effected the memorable defeat of the Saracens near Tours, upon the Loire, in which two hundred thousand of them are said to have been left dead upon the field of battle. Hence, Pepin, by his father's reputation and his own abilities, became afterward king of France. To him Pope Gregory, as we have said, applied for assistance against the Lombards, which Pepin promised to grant, but desired first to see him and be honored with his presence. Gregory accordingly went to France, passing uninjured through the country of his enemies, so great was the respect they had for religion, and was treated honorably by Pepin, who sent an army into Italy, and besieged the Lombards in Pavia. King Astolphus, compelled by necessity, made proposals of peace to the French, who agreed to them at the entreaty of the pope—for he did not desire the death of his enemy, but that he should be converted and live. In this treaty, Astolphus promised to give to the church all the places he had taken from her; but the king's forces having returned to France, he did not fulfill the agreement, and the pope again had recourse to Pepin, who sent another army, conquered the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, contrary to the wishes of the Greek emperor, gave it to the pope, with all the places that belonged to the exarchate, and added to them Urbino and the Marca. But Astolphus, while fulfilling the terms of his agreement, died, and Desiderius, a Lombard, who was duke of Tuscany, took up arms to occupy the kingdom, and demanded assistance of the pope, promising him his friendship. The pope acceding to his request, the other princes assented. Desiderius kept faith at first, and proceeded to resign the districts to the pope, according to the agreement made with Pepin, so that an exarch was no longer sent from Constantinople to Ravenna, but it was governed according to the will of the pope. Pepin soon after died, and was succeeded by his son Charles, the same who, on account of the magnitude and success of his enterprises, was called Charlemagne, or Charles the Great. Theodore I. now succeeded to the papacy, and discord arising between him and Desiderius, the latter besieged him in Rome. The pope requested assistance of Charles, who, having crossed the Alps, besieged Desiderius in Pavai, where he took both him and his children, and sent them prisoners to France. He then went to visit the pontiff at Rome, where he declared, THAT THE POPE, BEING VICAR OF GOD, COULD NOT BE JUDGED BY MEN. The pope and the people of Rome made him emperor; and thus Rome began to have an emperor of the west. And whereas the popes used to be established by the emperors, the latter now began to have need of the popes at their elections; the empire continued to lose its powers, while the church acquired them; and, by these means, she constantly extended her authority over temporal princes.
But to return to the order of our story. Gregory III was the pope, and the Lombards were ruled by Astolphus, who, going against their agreement, took Ravenna and waged war on the pope. Because of this, Gregory, no longer trusting the emperor of Constantinople—who, for the reasons already mentioned, couldn't help him—and unwilling to rely on the Lombards, who had frequently broken their promises, turned to Pepin II. Pepin, who started as the lord of Austria and Brabant, became the king of France, not just because of his own courage, but also due to his father Charles Martel's and grandfather Pepin's valor; Charles Martel, serving as governor, achieved the significant victory over the Saracens near Tours, where it's said that two hundred thousand of them were left dead on the battlefield. Thus, Pepin gained the kingship of France through his father's legacy and his own skills. Pope Gregory, as we mentioned, sought help from Pepin against the Lombards. Pepin agreed to help but wanted to meet Gregory first and pay him honor. Gregory then traveled to France, safely passing through enemy territory, showcasing their great respect for religion. He was honored by Pepin, who sent an army into Italy and besieged the Lombards in Pavia. Under pressure, King Astolphus proposed peace to the French, which they accepted at the pope's urging—he wanted Astolphus to convert and live rather than die. In this agreement, Astolphus promised to return all the lands he had taken from the church; however, after Pepin's forces returned to France, he did not uphold this promise, and the pope turned to Pepin once again. Pepin dispatched another army, defeated the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, against the wishes of the Greek emperor, gave it to the pope along with all lands belonging to the exarchate, adding Urbino and the Marca. Astolphus died while trying to fulfill his agreement, and Desiderius, a Lombard duke of Tuscany, rose up to take the kingdom, asking for the pope's help and promising friendship. The pope agreed, and other princes supported him. Initially, Desiderius kept his promise and began to hand over the territories to the pope as per his deal with Pepin, meaning that an exarch was no longer sent from Constantinople to Ravenna, which was instead governed by the pope's will. Soon after, Pepin died and was succeeded by his son Charles, who later became known as Charlemagne, or Charles the Great, due to the scale and success of his endeavors. Theodore I then became pope, and when conflict arose between him and Desiderius, the latter besieged him in Rome. The pope called on Charles for help, and after crossing the Alps, he besieged Desiderius in Pavia, capturing him and his children and sending them as prisoners to France. Charles then visited the pope in Rome and declared that THE POPE, AS VICAR OF GOD, COULD NOT BE JUDGED BY MEN. The pope and the people of Rome appointed him emperor, marking the beginning of Rome having an emperor of the west. Previously, popes were established by emperors, but now emperors began to need popes in their elections; the empire gradually lost its powers while the church gained them, continually expanding its authority over worldly rulers.
The Lombards, having now been two hundred and thirty-two years in the country, were strangers only in name, and Charles, wishing to reorganize the states of Italy, consented that they should occupy the places in which they had been brought up, and call the province after their own name, Lombardy. That they might be led to respect the Roman name, he ordered all that part of Italy adjoining to them, which had been under the exarchate of Ravenna, to be called Romagna. Besides this, he created his son Pepin, king of Italy, whose dominion extended to Benevento; all the rest being possessed by the Greek emperor, with whom Charles was in league. About this time Pascal I. occupied the pontificate, and the priests of the churches of Rome, from being near to the pope, and attending the elections of the pontiff, began to dignify their own power with a title, by calling themselves cardinals, and arrogated so great authority, that having excluded the people of Rome from the election of pontiff, the appointment of a new pope was scarcely ever made except from one of their own number: thus on the death of Pascal, the cardinal of St. Sabina was created pope by the title of Eugenius II. Italy having come into the hands of the French, a change of form and order took place, the popes acquiring greater temporal power, and the new authorities adopting the titles of count and marquis, as that of duke had been introduced by Longinus, exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths of some pontiffs, Osporco, a Roman, succeeded to the papacy; but on account of his unseemly appellation, he took the name of Sergius, and this was the origin of that change of names which the popes adopt upon their election to the pontificate.
The Lombards, having been in the country for two hundred and thirty-two years, were no longer strangers, just by name. Charles, aiming to reorganize Italy, agreed that they could stay in the places where they had grown up and name the province Lombardy after themselves. To encourage respect for the Roman name, he designated the area of Italy next to them, which had been under the exarchate of Ravenna, as Romagna. Additionally, he made his son Pepin the king of Italy, with his rule extending to Benevento; the rest was controlled by the Greek emperor, who was allied with Charles. Around this time, Pascal I was pope, and the priests in Rome, being close to the papacy and involved in electing the pope, began to enhance their status by calling themselves cardinals. They gained so much power that they basically excluded the people of Rome from the election of the pope, so new popes were almost always chosen from among themselves. Thus, when Pascal died, the cardinal of St. Sabina became pope, taking the name Eugenius II. With the French now in control of Italy, there was a shift in structure and authority, with the popes gaining more temporal power and the new rulers adopting titles like count and marquis, while the title of duke had been introduced by Longinus, the exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths of several popes, Osporco, a Roman, assumed the papacy; but due to his inappropriate name, he chose the name Sergius, marking the beginning of the tradition where popes adopt new names upon their election to the papacy.
In the meantime, the Emperor Charles died and was succeeded by Lewis (the Pious), after whose death so many disputes arose among his sons, that at the time of his grandchildren, the house of France lost the empire, which then came to the Germans; the first German emperor being called Arnolfus. Nor did the Carlovingian family lose the empire only; their discords also occasioned them the loss of Italy; for the Lombards, gathering strength, offended the pope and the Romans, and Arnolfo, not knowing where to seek relief, was compelled to create Berengarius, duke of Fruili, king of Italy. These events induced the Huns, who occupied Pannonia, to assail Italy; but, in an engagement with Berengarius, they were compelled to return to Pannonia, which had from them been named Hungary.
In the meantime, Emperor Charles died and was succeeded by Lewis (the Pious). After his death, so many disputes arose among his sons that, by the time of his grandchildren, the house of France lost the empire, which then passed to the Germans, with the first German emperor being called Arnolfus. The Carlovingian family didn't just lose the empire; their internal conflicts also led to the loss of Italy. The Lombards grew stronger, angering the pope and the Romans, and Arnolfo, unsure where to turn for help, was forced to make Berengarius, the duke of Friuli, king of Italy. These events prompted the Huns, who were in Pannonia, to attack Italy; however, during a battle with Berengarius, they were forced to retreat back to Pannonia, which came to be known as Hungary.
Romano was at this time emperor of Greece, having, while prefect of the army, dethroned Constantine; and as Puglia and Calabria, which, as before observed, were parts of the Greek empire, had revolted, he gave permission to the Saracans to occupy them; and they having taken possession of these provinces, besieged Rome. The Romans, Berengarius being then engaged in defending himself against the Huns, appointed Alberic, duke of Tuscany, their leader. By his valor Rome was saved from the Saracens, who, withdrawing from the siege, erected a fortress upon Mount Gargano, by means of which they governed Puglia and Calabria, and harassed the whole country. Thus Italy was in those times very grievously afflicted, being in constant warfare with the Huns in the direction of the Alps, and, on the Neapolitan side, suffering from the inroads of the Saracens. This state of things continued many years, occupying the reigns of three Berengarii, who succeeded each other; and during this time the pope and the church were greatly disturbed; the impotence of the eastern, and the disunion which prevailed among the western princes, leaving them without defense. The city of Genoa, with all her territory upon the rivers, having been overrun by the Saracens, an impulse was thus given to the rising greatness of Pisa, in which city multitudes took refuge who had been driven out of their own country. These events occurred in the year 931, when Otho, duke of Saxony, the son of Henry and Matilda, a man of great prudence and reputation, being made emperor, the pope Agapito, begged that he would come into Italy and relieve him from the tyranny of the Berengarii.
Romano was the emperor of Greece at this time, having overthrown Constantine while he was the prefect of the army. Puglia and Calabria, which were parts of the Greek empire, had revolted, so he allowed the Saracens to take control of them. After they occupied these provinces, they laid siege to Rome. Since Berengarius was busy defending himself against the Huns, the Romans chose Alberic, the duke of Tuscany, as their leader. Thanks to his bravery, Rome was saved from the Saracens, who then withdrew from the siege and built a fortress on Mount Gargano. This allowed them to rule over Puglia and Calabria and cause trouble throughout the region. During this period, Italy was severely afflicted, constantly battling the Huns to the north and suffering attacks from the Saracens to the south. This situation persisted for many years, spanning the reigns of three successive Berengarii. Throughout this time, the pope and the church faced significant turmoil, as the weakness of the eastern rulers and the disunity among the western princes left them defenseless. The city of Genoa and its surrounding territories were invaded by the Saracens, which contributed to the rising power of Pisa, where many refugees from their own countries took shelter. These events took place in the year 931 when Otho, duke of Saxony, the son of Henry and Matilda, a man of great wisdom and reputation, was made emperor. Pope Agapito pleaded with him to come to Italy and free him from the tyranny of the Berengarii.
The States of Italy were governed in this manner: Lombardy was under Berengarius III. and Alfred his son; Tuscany and Romagna were governed by a deputy of the western emperor; Puglia and Calabria were partly under the Greek emperor, and partly under the Saracens; in Rome two consuls were annually chosen from the nobility, who governed her according to ancient custom; to these was added a prefect, who dispensed justice among the people; and there was a council of twelve, who each year appointed rectors for the places subject to them. The popes had more or less authority in Rome and the rest of Italy, in proportion as they were favorites of the emperor or of the most powerful states. The Emperor Otho came into Italy, took the kingdom from the Berengarii, in which they had reigned fifty-five years, and reinstated the pontiff in his dignity. He had a son and a nephew, each named Otho, who, one after the other, succeeded to the empire. In the reign of Otho III., Pope Gregory V. was expelled by the Romans; whereupon the emperor came into Italy and replaced him; and the pope, to revenge himself on the Romans, took from them the right to create an emperor, and gave it to three princes and three bishops of Germany; the princes of Brandenburg, Palatine, and Saxony, and the bishops of Magonza, Treveri, and Colonia. This occurred in the year 1002. After the death of Otho III. the electors created Henry, duke of Bavaria, emperor, who at the end of twelve years was crowned by Pope Stephen VIII. Henry and his wife Simeonda were persons of very holy life, as is seen by the many temples built and endowed by them, of which the church of St. Miniato, near Florence, is one. Henry died in 1024, and was succeeded by Conrad of Suabia; and the latter by Henry II., who came to Rome; and as there was a schism in the church of three popes, he set them all aside, and caused the election of Clement II., by whom he was crowned emperor.
The states of Italy were governed like this: Lombardy was ruled by Berengarius III and his son Alfred; Tuscany and Romagna had a deputy from the western emperor; Puglia and Calabria were partly controlled by the Greek emperor and partly by the Saracens; in Rome, two consuls were elected each year from the nobility to govern according to tradition, and a prefect was appointed to administer justice among the people. There was also a council of twelve that appointed rectors for the territories under their control each year. The popes had varying degrees of authority in Rome and throughout Italy, depending on their relationship with the emperor or the strongest states. Emperor Otho entered Italy, took the kingdom from the Berengarii, who had ruled for fifty-five years, and restored the pope to his position. He had a son and a nephew, both named Otho, who succeeded him one after the other. During Otho III's reign, Pope Gregory V was ousted by the Romans, and the emperor came to Italy to replace him; in retaliation, the pope stripped the Romans of their right to elect an emperor and gave that power to three princes and three bishops from Germany: the princes of Brandenburg, Palatine, and Saxony, and the bishops of Magonza, Treveri, and Colonia. This was in the year 1002. After Otho III's death, the electors chose Henry, the duke of Bavaria, as emperor, who was crowned by Pope Stephen VIII twelve years later. Henry and his wife Simeonda led very holy lives, evident by the many churches they built and funded, including the church of St. Miniato near Florence. Henry died in 1024 and was succeeded by Conrad of Suabia, who was followed by Henry II. He came to Rome during a schism involving three popes and replaced them all, leading to the election of Clement II, who crowned him emperor.
CHAPTER IV
Nicholas II. commits the election of the pope to the cardinals—First example of a prince deprived of his dominions by the pope—Guelphs and Ghibellines—Establishment of the kingdom of Naples—Pope Urban II. goes to France—The first crusade—New orders of knighthood—Saladin takes from the Christians their possessions in the east—Death of the Countess Matilda—Character of Frederick Barbarossa—Schism—Frederick creates an anti-pope—Building of Alexandria in Puglia—Disgraceful conditions imposed by the pope upon Henry, king of England—Reconciliation of Frederick with the pope—The kingdom of Naples passes to the Germans—Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis.
Nicholas II assigns the election of the pope to the cardinals—First instance of a ruler losing his territories because of the pope—Guelphs and Ghibellines—Establishment of the Kingdom of Naples—Pope Urban II travels to France—The First Crusade—New knightly orders—Saladin takes the Christians' possessions in the East—Death of Countess Matilda—Character of Frederick Barbarossa—Schism—Frederick establishes an anti-pope—Construction of Alexandria in Puglia—Disgraceful conditions imposed by the pope on Henry, King of England—Reconciliation of Frederick with the pope—The Kingdom of Naples passes to the Germans—Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis.
Italy was at this time governed partly by the people, some districts by their own princes, and others by the deputies of the emperor. The highest in authority, and to whom the others referred, was called the chancellor. Of the princes, the most powerful were Godfred and the Countess Matilda his wife, who was daughter of Beatrice, the sister of Henry II. She and her husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and the whole of what is now called THE PATRIMONY OF THE CHURCH. The ambition of the Roman people caused many wars between them and the pontiffs, whose authority had previously been used to free them from the emperors; but when they had taken the government of the city to themselves, and regulated it according to their own pleasure, they at once became at enmity with the popes, who received far more injuries from them than from any Christian potentate. And while the popes caused all the west to tremble with their censures, the people of Rome were in open rebellion against them; nor had they or the popes any other purpose, but to deprive each other of reputation and authority.
At this time, Italy was partly governed by the people, with some regions led by their own princes and others by the emperor's deputies. The highest authority, to whom everyone looked up, was called the chancellor. Among the princes, Godfred and his wife, Countess Matilda, who was the daughter of Beatrice, sister of Henry II, were the most powerful. Together, they controlled Lucca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and all of what is now known as THE PATRIMONY OF THE CHURCH. The ambition of the Roman people sparked many wars between them and the popes, whose power had once been used to liberate them from the emperors. However, once they took control of the city and regulated it as they wished, they quickly fell into conflict with the popes, who suffered more injuries from them than from any Christian ruler. While the popes made the whole west tremble with their criticisms, the people of Rome openly rebelled against them; both sides aimed solely to undermine each other's reputation and authority.
Nicholas II. now attained the papacy; and as Gregory V. had taken from the Romans the right to create an emperor, he in the same manner determined to deprive them of their share in the election of the pope; and confined the creation to the cardinals alone. Nor did this satisfy him; for, having agreed with the princes who governed Calabria and Puglia, with methods which we shall presently relate, he compelled the officers whom the Romans appointed to their different jurisdictions, to render obedience to him; and some of them he even deprived of their offices. After the death of Nicholas, there was a schism in the church; the clergy of Lombardy refused obedience to Alexander II., created at Rome, and elected Cadolo of Parma anti-pope; and Henry, who hated the power of the pontiffs, gave Alexander to understand that he must renounce the pontificate, and ordered the cardinals to go into Germany to appoint a new pope. He was the first who felt the importance of spiritual weapons; for the pope called a council at Rome, and deprived Henry of both the empire and the kingdom. Some of the people of Italy took the part of the pope, others of Henry; and hence arose the factions of the Guelphs and the Ghibellines; that Italy, relieved from the inundations of barbarians, might be distracted with intestine strife. Henry, being excommunicated, was compelled by his people to come into Italy, and fall barefooted upon his knees before the pope, and ask his pardon. This occurred in the year 1082. Nevertheless, there shortly afterward arose new discords between the pope and Henry; upon which the pope again excommunicated him, and the emperor sent his son, also named Henry, with an army to Rome, and he, with the assistance of the Romans, who hated the pope, besieged him in the fortress. Robert Guiscard them came from Puglia to his relief, but Henry had left before his arrival, and returned to Germany. The Romans stood out alone, and the city was sacked by Robert, and reduced to ruins. As from this Robert sprung the establishment of the kingdom of Naples, it seems not superfluous to relate particularly his actions and origin.
Nicholas II now became pope; and just as Gregory V had stripped the Romans of the right to create an emperor, Nicholas decided to take away their role in electing the pope and limited the election to the cardinals alone. This wasn't enough for him; after making an agreement with the princes who ruled Calabria and Puglia, and using methods we'll detail shortly, he forced the officials appointed by the Romans in their various jurisdictions to obey him, even removing some from their positions. Following Nicholas's death, a schism arose in the church; the clergy of Lombardy refused to recognize Alexander II, who had been elected in Rome, and instead chose Cadolo of Parma as an antipope. Henry, who despised the power of the popes, made it clear to Alexander that he needed to give up the papacy and instructed the cardinals to go to Germany to elect a new pope. He was the first to recognize the significance of spiritual power; the pope convened a council in Rome and stripped Henry of both the empire and the kingdom. Some Italians supported the pope, while others sided with Henry, leading to the factions of the Guelphs and the Ghibellines; thus, Italy, freed from barbarian invasions, became embroiled in internal conflict. Excommunicated, Henry was forced by his people to go to Italy and kneel barefoot before the pope, seeking forgiveness. This happened in 1082. However, soon after, new conflicts erupted between the pope and Henry; the pope excommunicated him again, and the emperor sent his son, also named Henry, with an army to Rome. With the help of Romans who opposed the pope, he besieged the pope in a fortress. Robert Guiscard then came from Puglia to aid the pope, but Henry had already left before he arrived and returned to Germany. The Romans held out alone, and the city was looted by Robert and left in ruins. Since Robert's actions eventually led to the establishment of the kingdom of Naples, it seems worthwhile to detail his story and origins.
Disunion having arisen among the descendants of Charlemagne, occasion was given to another northern people, called Normans, to assail France and occupy that portion of the country which is now named Normandy. A part of these people came into Italy at the time when the province was infested with the Berengarii, the Saracans, and the Huns, and occupied some places in Romagna, where, during the wars of that period, they conducted themselves valiantly. Tancred, one of these Norman princes, had many children; among the rest were William, surnamed Ferabac, and Robert, called Guiscard. When the principality was governed by William, the troubles of Italy were in some measure abated; but the Saracens still held Sicily, and plundered the coasts of Italy daily. On this account William arranged with the princes of Capua and Salerno, and with Melorco, a Greek, who governed Puglia and Calabria for the Greek emperor, to attack Sicily; and it was agreed that, if they were victorious, each should have a fourth part of the booty and the territory. They were fortunate in their enterprise, expelled the Saracens, and took possession of the island; but, after the victory, Melorco secretly caused forces to be brought from Greece, seized Sicily in the name of the emperor, and appropriated the booty to himself and his followers. William was much dissatisfied with this, but reserved the exhibition of his displeasure for a suitable opportunity, and left Sicily with the princes of Salerno and Capua. But when they had parted from him to return to their homes, instead of proceeding to Romagna he led his people towards Puglia, and took Melfi; and from thence, in a short time, recovered from the Greek emperor almost the whole of Puglia and Calabria, over which provinces, in the time of pope Nicholas II. his brother Robert Guiscard was sovereign. Robert having had many disputes with his nephews for the inheritance of these states, requested the influence of the pope to settle them; which his holiness was very willing to afford, being anxious to make a friend of Robert, to defend himself against the emperor of Germany and the insolence of the Roman people, which indeed shortly followed, when, at the instance of Gregory, he drove Henry from Rome, and subdued the people. Robert was succeeded by his sons Roger and William, to whose dominion not only was Naples added, but all the places interjacent as far as Rome, and afterward Sicily, of which Roger became sovereign; but, upon William going to Constantinople, to marry the daughter of the emperor, his dominions were wrested from him by his brother Roger. Inflated with so great an acquisition, Roger first took the title of king of Italy, but afterward contented himself with that of king of Puglia and Sicily. He was the first who established and gave that name to this kingdom, which still retains its ancient boundaries, although its sovereigns have been of many families and countries. Upon the failure of the Normans, it came to the Germans, after these to the French, then to the Aragonese, and it is now held by the Flemish.
Disunion arose among the descendants of Charlemagne, which allowed another northern group known as the Normans to attack France and take over what is now called Normandy. Some of these Normans entered Italy when the region was plagued by the Berengarii, the Saracens, and the Huns, and settled in Romagna, where they fought bravely during the conflicts of that time. Tancred, one of these Norman leaders, had many children, including William, nicknamed Ferabac, and Robert, known as Guiscard. During William's rule, Italy's troubles eased somewhat, but the Saracens still held Sicily and continuously raided the Italian coasts. Because of this, William allied with the princes of Capua and Salerno and with Melorco, a Greek who governed Puglia and Calabria for the Greek emperor, to attack Sicily. They agreed that if they were successful, each would receive a quarter of the spoils and territory. They succeeded in their mission, expelled the Saracens, and took control of the island. However, after their victory, Melorco secretly brought in troops from Greece, seized Sicily in the emperor's name, and kept the loot for himself and his followers. William was very unhappy about this but decided to hold back his anger for the right moment and left Sicily with the princes of Salerno and Capua. After they separated to return home, instead of heading to Romagna, he took his people toward Puglia and captured Melfi. Shortly after, he reclaimed almost all of Puglia and Calabria from the Greek emperor, over which his brother Robert Guiscard would later rule during Pope Nicholas II's time. Robert had many disagreements with his nephews over the inheritance of these regions and sought the pope's support to resolve them. The pope was eager to help, wanting to ally with Robert against the German emperor and the unruly Roman citizens, which eventually led to Gregory driving Henry out of Rome and repressing the populace. Robert was succeeded by his sons Roger and William, whose rule not only included Naples but also all the territories in between up to Rome, and later Sicily, which Roger came to govern. However, when William went to Constantinople to marry the emperor's daughter, his brother Roger took control of his lands. Proud of his gains, Roger initially claimed the title of king of Italy but later settled for king of Puglia and Sicily. He was the first to formally establish this kingdom, which has maintained its original borders, despite being ruled by various families and nations. After the Normans, it passed to the Germans, then to the French, then to the Aragonese, and is currently held by the Flemish.
About this time Urban II. became pope and excited the hatred of the Romans. As he did not think himself safe even in Italy, on account of the disunion which prevailed, he directed his thoughts to a generous enterprise. With his whole clergy he went into France, and at Anvers, having drawn together a vast multitude of people, delivered an oration against the infidels, which so excited the minds of his audience, that they determined to undertake the conquest of Asia from the Saracens; which enterprise, with all those of a similar nature, were afterward called crusades, because the people who joined in them bore upon their armor and apparel the figure of a cross. The leaders were Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin of Bouillon, counts of Boulogne, and Peter, a hermit celebrated for his prudence and sagacity. Many kings and people joined them, and contributed money; and many private persons fought under them at their own expense; so great was the influence of religion in those days upon the minds of men, excited by the example of those who were its principal ministers. The proudest successes attended the beginning of this enterprise; for the whole of Asia Minor, Syria, and part of Egypt, fell under the power of the Christians. To commemorate these events the order of the Knights of Jerusalem was created, which still continues, and holds the island of Rhodes—the only obstacle to the power of the Mohammedans. The same events gave rise to the order of the Knights Templars, which, after a short time, on account of their shameless practices, was dissolved. Various fortunes attended the crusaders in the course of their enterprises, and many nations and individuals became celebrated accordingly. The kings of France and England joined them, and, with the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, acquired great reputation, till the time of Saladin, when, by whose talents, and the disagreement of the Christians among themselves, the crusaders were robbed of all that glory which they had at first acquired; and, after ninety years, were driven from those places which they had so honorably and happily recovered.
Around this time, Urban II became pope and stirred up resentment among the Romans. Feeling unsafe even in Italy due to the widespread disunity, he turned his attention to a noble cause. Accompanied by his entire clergy, he traveled to France and, in Anvers, gathered a massive crowd to deliver a speech against the infidels. This rally fired up his audience, leading them to resolve to conquer Asia from the Saracens. This undertaking, along with others like it, later became known as crusades, named for the cross symbol the participants wore on their armor and clothing. The leaders included Godfrey, Eustace, and Baldwin of Bouillon, counts of Boulogne, as well as Peter, a hermit famed for his wisdom. Many kings and citizens joined in, providing financial support, and numerous individuals fought under them at their own expense; such was the immense influence of religion at the time, inspired by the actions of its leading figures. The campaign began with significant success, as Christians took control of all of Asia Minor, Syria, and part of Egypt. To honor these achievements, the Knights of Jerusalem were established, a group that still exists today and controls the island of Rhodes—the only remaining barrier to the power of the Muslims. These same events also led to the formation of the Knights Templars, which were disbanded after a short period due to their disgraceful behaviors. The crusaders experienced varied fortunes throughout their endeavors, and many nations and individuals gained fame because of it. The kings of France and England joined, and along with the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese, they gained considerable prestige until the rise of Saladin, whose skills, combined with the Christians’ internal conflicts, stripped the crusaders of the glory they had initially achieved. After ninety years, they were expelled from the territories they had so honorably and successfully reclaimed.
After the death of Urban, Pascal II. became pope, and the empire was under the dominion of Henry IV. who came to Rome pretending friendship for the pontiff but afterward put his holiness and all his clergy in prison; nor did he release them till it was conceded that he should dispose of the churches of Germany according to his own pleasure. About this time, the Countess Matilda died, and made the church heir to all her territories. After the deaths of Pascal and Henry IV. many popes and emperors followed, till the papacy was occupied by Alexander III. and the empire by Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa. The popes during this period had met with many difficulties from the people of Rome and the emperors; and in the time of Barbarossa they were much increased. Frederick possessed military talent, but was so full of pride that he would not submit to the pontiff. However, at his election to the empire he came to Rome to be crowned, and returned peaceably to Germany, where he did not long remain in the same mind, but came again into Italy to subdue certain places in Lombardy, which did not obey him. It happened at this time that the cardinal St. Clement, of a Roman family, separated from Alexander, and was made pope by some of the cardinals. The Emperor Frederick, being encamped at Cerma, Alexander complained to him of the anti-pope, and received for answer, that they were both to go to him, and, having heard each side, he would determine which was the true pope. This reply displeased Alexander; and, as he saw the emperor was inclined to favor the anti-pope, he excommunicated him, and then fled to Philip, king of France. Frederick, in the meantime, carrying on the war in Lombardy, destroyed Milan; which caused the union of Verona, Padua, and Vicenza against him for their common defense. About the same period the anti-pope died, and Frederick set up Guido of Cremona, in his stead.
After Urban's death, Pascal II became pope, and the empire fell under the control of Henry IV, who came to Rome pretending to be friendly with the pope but later imprisoned him and all of his clergy. He only released them after it was agreed that he could manage the churches of Germany however he wanted. Around this time, Countess Matilda passed away, leaving all her lands to the church. After the deaths of Pascal and Henry IV, many popes and emperors took their places until Alexander III became pope and Frederick, known as Barbarossa, took over the empire. During this time, the popes faced numerous challenges from the people of Rome and the emperors, and these issues intensified under Barbarossa. Frederick had military skill but was so arrogant that he refused to submit to the pope. However, upon his election as emperor, he went to Rome to be crowned and then returned to Germany peacefully, though he quickly changed his mind and came back to Italy to conquer certain areas in Lombardy that did not obey him. Meanwhile, Cardinal St. Clement, from a Roman family, broke away from Alexander and was made pope by some of the other cardinals. While Frederick was camped at Cerma, Alexander complained to him about the anti-pope, and Frederick replied that both should come to him, and after hearing both sides, he would decide who the real pope was. This response angered Alexander, and seeing that the emperor favored the anti-pope, he excommunicated him and fled to Philip, the king of France. In the meantime, Frederick continued the war in Lombardy and destroyed Milan, which led to the cities of Verona, Padua, and Vicenza uniting against him for their defense. Around the same time, the anti-pope died, and Frederick appointed Guido of Cremona to replace him.
The Romans, from the absence of the pope, and from the emperor being in Lombardy, had reacquired some authority in Rome, and proceeded to recover the obedience of those places which had been subject to them. And as the people of Tusculum refused to submit to their authority, they proceeded against them with their whole force; but these, being assisted by Frederick, routed the Roman army with such dreadful slaughter, that Rome was never after either so populous or so rich. Alexander now returned to the city, thinking he could be safe there on account of the enmity subsisting between the Romans and the emperor, and from the enemies which the latter had in Lombardy. But Frederick, setting aside every other consideration, led his forces and encamped before Rome; and Alexander fled to William, king of Puglia, who had become hair of that kingdom after the death of Roger. Frederick, however, withdrew from Rome on account of the plague which then prevailed, and returned to Germany. The cities of Lombardy in league against him, in order to command Pavia and Tortona, which adhered to the imperial party, built a city, to be their magazine in time of war, and named in Alexandria, in honor of the pope and in contempt of Frederick.
The Romans, taking advantage of the pope's absence and the emperor being in Lombardy, regained some control in Rome and started to regain the allegiance of areas that had been under their authority. When the people of Tusculum refused to accept their control, the Romans attacked with their full strength. However, with Frederick's support, the Tusculans defeated the Roman army with such devastating losses that Rome never recovered to its previous population or wealth. Alexander returned to the city, believing he would be safe due to the hostility between the Romans and the emperor, along with the enemies the emperor had in Lombardy. But Frederick, disregarding everything else, led his troops and camped outside Rome; Alexander fled to William, king of Puglia, who had become the heir to that kingdom after Roger's death. However, Frederick left Rome due to the plague that was raging at the time and returned to Germany. The cities of Lombardy, united against him, set out to control Pavia and Tortona, which supported the emperor's side. They built a city named Alexandria as their storage point for war, honoring the pope and disdaining Frederick.
Guido the anti-pope died, and Giovanni of Fermo was appointed in his stead, who, being favored by the imperialists, lived at Montefiascone. Pope Alexander being at Tusculum, whither he had been called by the inhabitants, that with his authority he might defend them from the Romans, ambassadors came to him from Henry, king of England, to signify that he was not blamable for the death of Thomas à Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, although public report had slandered him with it. On this the pope sent two cardinals to England, to inquire into the truth of the matter; and although they found no actual charge against the king, still, on account of the infamy of the crime, and for not having honored the archbishop so much as he deserved, the sentence against the king of England was, that having called together the barons of his empire, he should upon oath before them affirm his innocence; that he should immediately send two hundred soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for one year; that, before the end of three years, he should himself proceed thither with as large an army as he could draw together; that his subjects should have the power of appealing to Rome when they thought proper; and that he should annul whatever acts had been passed in his kingdom unfavorable to ecclesiastical rule. These terms were all accepted by Henry; and thus a great king submitted to a sentence that in our day a private person would have been ashamed of. But while the pope exercised so great authority over distant princes, he could not compel obedience from the Romans themselves, or obtain their consent that he should remain in Rome, even though he promised to intermeddle only with ecclesiastical affairs.
Guido, the anti-pope, died, and Giovanni of Fermo was appointed to take his place. He was supported by the imperialists and lived in Montefiascone. Pope Alexander was in Tusculum, where he had been invited by the locals to use his authority to protect them from the Romans. Ambassadors arrived from Henry, King of England, to inform him that he was not at fault for the death of Thomas à Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, despite public rumors suggesting otherwise. In response, the pope sent two cardinals to England to investigate the matter. Although they found no concrete evidence against the king, due to the disgrace of the crime and his failure to honor the archbishop properly, the judgment against the King of England was that he had to gather the barons of his kingdom and affirm his innocence under oath. He was also required to send two hundred soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for a year, and to travel there himself with as large an army as possible before three years had passed. His subjects were granted the right to appeal to Rome when they felt it necessary, and he had to revoke any laws in his kingdom that were unfavorable to ecclesiastical authority. Henry accepted all these conditions, and thus a powerful king submitted to a sentence that today a private individual would have found embarrassing. Yet, while the pope wielded such authority over distant monarchs, he could not enforce obedience from the Romans or secure their agreement to let him stay in Rome, even after promising to focus solely on church matters.
About this time Frederick returned to Italy, and while he was preparing to carry on new wars against the pope, his prelates and barons declared that they would abandon him unless he reconciled himself with the church; so that he was obliged to go and submit to the pope at Venus, where a pacification was effected, but in which the pope deprived the emperor of all authority over Rome, and named William, king of Sicily and Puglia, a coadjutor with him. Frederick, unable to exist without war, joined the crusaders in Asia, that he might exercise that ambition against Mohammed, which he could not gratify against the vicars of Christ. And being near the river Cydnus, tempted by the clearness of its waters, bathed therein, took cold, and died. Thus the river did a greater favor to the Mohammedans than the pope's excommunications had done to the Christians; for the latter only checked his pride, while the former finished his career. Frederick being dead, the pope had now only to suppress the contumacy of the Romans; and, after many disputes concerning the creation of consuls, it was agreed that they should elect them as they had been accustomed to do, but that these should not undertake the office, till they had first sworn to be faithful to the church. This agreement being made, Giovanni the anti-pope took refuge in Mount Albano, where he shortly afterward died. William, king of Naples, died about the same time, and the pope intended to occupy that kingdom on the ground that the king had left only a natural son named Tancred. But the barons would not consent, and wished that Tancred should be king. Celestine III., the then pope, anxious to snatch the kingdom from the hands of Tancred, contrived that Henry, son of Frederick should be elected emperor, and promised him the kingdom on the condition that he should restore to the church all the places that had belonged to her. To facilitate this affair, he caused Gostanza, a daughter of William, who had been placed in a monastery and was now old, to be brought from her seclusion and become the wife of Henry. Thus the kingdom of Naples passed from the Normans, who had been the founders of it, to the Germans. As soon as the affairs of Germany were arranged, the Emperor Henry came into Italy with Gostanza his wife, and a son about four years of age named Frederick; and, as Tancred was now dead, leaving only an infant named Roger, he took possession of the kingdom without much difficulty. After some years, Henry died in Sicily, and was succeeded in the kingdom by Frederick, and in the empire by Otho, duke of Saxony, who was elected through the influence of Innocent III. But as soon as he had taken the crown, contrary to the general expectation, he became an enemy of the pope, occupied Romagna, and prepared to attack the kingdom. On this account the pope excommunicated him; he was abandoned by every one, and the electors appointed Frederick, king of Naples, emperor in his stead. Frederick came to Rome for his coronation; but the pope, being afraid of his power, would not crown him, and endeavored to withdraw him from Italy as he had done Otho. Frederick returned to Germany in anger, and, after many battles with Otho, at length conquered him. Meanwhile, Innocent died, who, besides other excellent works, built the hospital of the Holy Ghost at Rome. He was succeeded by Honorius III., in whose time the religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis were founded, 1218. Honorius crowned Frederick, to whom Giovanni, descended from Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, who commanded the remainder of the Christian army in Asia and still held that title, gave a daughter in marriage; and, with her portion, conceded to him the title to that kingdom: hence it is that every king of Naples is called king of Jerusalem.
Around this time, Frederick returned to Italy, and while he was getting ready to wage new wars against the pope, his bishops and nobles declared they would abandon him unless he made peace with the church. As a result, he had no choice but to go and submit to the pope in Venice, where a settlement was reached, but in which the pope stripped the emperor of all power over Rome and appointed William, the king of Sicily and Puglia, as his coadjutor. Frederick, unable to live without conflict, joined the crusaders in Asia to channel his ambition against Mohammed instead of against the representatives of Christ. While near the river Cydnus, tempted by its clear waters, he decided to take a bath, caught a chill, and died. Thus, the river did more for the Muslims than the pope's excommunications did for the Christians; the latter merely humbled his pride, while the former ended his life. After Frederick's death, the pope only needed to deal with the defiance of the Romans, and after much debate over the election of consuls, it was agreed that they would elect them as they traditionally did, but the consuls would not take office until they had sworn loyalty to the church. Once this agreement was made, Giovanni, the antipope, fled to Mount Albano, where he soon died. William, the king of Naples, died around the same time, and the pope aimed to take over that kingdom on the grounds that the king had left behind only a natural son named Tancred. However, the barons disagreed and wanted Tancred to be king. Celestine III, the current pope, eager to seize the kingdom from Tancred, arranged for Henry, the son of Frederick, to be elected emperor, promising him the kingdom if he returned all the territories that belonged to the church. To help facilitate this, he brought Gostanza, a daughter of William, who had been living in a monastery and was now elderly, out of seclusion to become Henry's wife. Thus, the kingdom of Naples shifted from the Normans, its founders, to the Germans. Once German affairs were settled, Emperor Henry came to Italy with his wife Gostanza and their four-year-old son named Frederick; since Tancred was now dead, leaving only an infant named Roger, he easily took possession of the kingdom. After a few years, Henry died in Sicily, and Frederick succeeded him in the kingdom, while Otho, duke of Saxony, was elected his successor in the empire, thanks to the influence of Innocent III. However, once he took the crown, against everyone's expectations, he became an enemy of the pope, took control of Romagna, and prepared to attack the kingdom. For this reason, the pope excommunicated him; he was abandoned by everyone, and the electors appointed Frederick, king of Naples, as emperor instead. Frederick traveled to Rome for his coronation, but the pope, fearing his power, refused to crown him and tried to persuade him to leave Italy, just as he had done with Otho. Frederick returned to Germany in anger, and after many battles with Otho, he ultimately defeated him. Meanwhile, Innocent died, noted for many great deeds, including building the hospital of the Holy Ghost in Rome. He was succeeded by Honorius III, during whose time the religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis were founded in 1218. Honorius crowned Frederick, and a daughter of Giovanni, who was descended from Baldwin, king of Jerusalem and commanded the remaining Christian army in Asia while holding that title, was given in marriage to Frederick; with her dowry, he also gained the title to that kingdom. Consequently, every king of Naples is known as king of Jerusalem.
CHAPTER V
The state of Italy—Beginning of the greatness of the house of Este—Guelphs and Ghibellines—Death of the Emperor Frederick II.—Manfred takes possession of the kingdom of Naples—Movements of the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Lombardy—Charles of Anjou invested by the pope with the kingdom of Naples and Sicily—Restless policy of the popes—Ambitious views of pope Nicholas III.—Nephews of the popes—Sicilian vespers—The Emperor Rodolph allows many cities to purchase their independence—Institution of the jubilee—The popes at Avignon.
The state of Italy—Beginning of the rise of the house of Este—Guelphs and Ghibellines—Death of Emperor Frederick II.—Manfred takes control of the kingdom of Naples—Activities of the Guelphs and Ghibellines in Lombardy—Charles of Anjou given the kingdom of Naples and Sicily by the pope—Unsettled policies of the popes—Ambitious goals of Pope Nicholas III.—Nephews of the popes—Sicilian Vespers—Emperor Rodolph allows many cities to gain their independence—Establishment of the jubilee—The popes in Avignon.
At this time the states of Italy were governed in the following manner: the Romans no longer elected consuls, but instead of them, and with the same powers, they appointed one senator, and sometimes more. The league which the cities of Lombardy had formed against Frederick Barbarossa still continued, and comprehended Milan, Brescia, Mantua, and the greater number of the cities of Romagna, together with Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Trevisa. Those which took part with the emperor, were Cremona, Bergamo, Parma, Reggio, and Trento. The other cities and fortresses of Lombardy, Romagna, and the march of Trevisa, favored, according to their necessities, sometimes one party, sometimes the other.
At this time, the states of Italy were governed like this: the Romans no longer elected consuls; instead, they appointed a senator, and sometimes more, with the same powers. The league that the cities of Lombardy formed against Frederick Barbarossa was still intact and included Milan, Brescia, Mantua, and most of the cities in Romagna, along with Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Treviso. The cities that sided with the emperor were Cremona, Bergamo, Parma, Reggio, and Trento. The other cities and fortresses in Lombardy, Romagna, and the march of Treviso leaned towards one side or the other based on their needs.
In the time of Otho III. there had come into Italy a man called Ezelin, who, remaining in the country, had a son, and he too had a son named Ezelin. This person, being rich and powerful, took part with Frederick, who, as we have said, was at enmity with the pope; Frederick, at the instigation and with the assistance of Ezelin, took Verona and Mantua, destroyed Vicenza, occupied Padua, routed the army of the united cities, and then directed his course towards Tuscany. Ezelin, in the meantime, had subdued the whole of the Trevisian March, but could not prevail against Ferrara, which was defended by Azone da Este and the forces which the pope had in Lombardy; and, as the enemy were compelled to withdraw, the pope gave Ferrara in fee to this Azone, from whom are descended those who now govern that city. Frederick halted at Pisa, desirous of making himself lord of Tuscany; but, while endeavoring to discover what friends and foes he had in that province, he scattered so many seeds of discord as occasioned the ruin of Italy; for the factions of the Guelphs and Ghibellines multiplied,—those who supported the church taking the name of Guelphs, while the followers of the emperor were called Ghibellines, these names being first heard at Pistoia. Frederick, marching from Pisa, assailed and wasted the territories of the church in a variety of ways; so that the pope, having no other remedy, unfurled against him the banner of the cross, as his predecessor had done against the Saracens. Frederick, that he might be suddenly abandoned by his people, as Frederick Barbarossa and others had been, took into his pay a number of Saracens; and to bind them to him, and establish in Italy a firm bulwark against the church, without fear of papal maledictions, he gave them Nocera in the kingdom of Naples, that, having a refuge of their own, they might be placed in greater security. The pontificate was now occupied by Innocent IV., who, being in fear of Frederick, went to Genoa, and thence to France, where he appointed a council to be held at Lyons, where it was the intention of Frederick to attend, but he was prevented by the rebellion of Parma: and, being repulsed, he went into Tuscany, and from thence to Sicily, where he died, leaving his son Conrad in Suabia; and in Puglia, Manfred, whom he had created duke of Benevento, born of a concubine. Conrad came to take possession of the kingdom, and having arrived at Naples, died, leaving an infant son named Corradino, who was then in Germany. On this account Manfred occupied the state, first as guardian of Corradino, but afterward, causing a report to be circulated that Corradino had died, made himself king, contrary to the wishes of both the pope and the Neapolitans, who, however, were obliged to submit.
During the time of Otho III, a man named Ezelin arrived in Italy. He settled there and had a son, who also named his son Ezelin. This Ezelin, wealthy and influential, allied himself with Frederick, who, as mentioned, was in conflict with the pope. With Ezelin's instigation and support, Frederick captured Verona and Mantua, destroyed Vicenza, occupied Padua, defeated the army of the allied cities, and then headed towards Tuscany. Meanwhile, Ezelin had conquered the entire Trevisian March but couldn't take Ferrara, which was defended by Azone da Este and the forces the pope had in Lombardy. As the enemy had to retreat, the pope granted Ferrara to Azone, from whom the current rulers of that city are descended. Frederick stopped at Pisa, looking to establish himself as the lord of Tuscany; however, while trying to figure out who his allies and enemies were in the region, he sowed so much discord that it led to Italy's downfall. The factions of the Guelphs and Ghibellines multiplied—those supporting the church became known as Guelphs, while the emperor's followers were called Ghibellines; these names originated in Pistoia. As Frederick moved from Pisa, he attacked and devastated the church's territories in various ways, prompting the pope to raise the banner of the cross against him, just like his predecessor had done against the Saracens. To avoid being deserted by his followers as Frederick Barbarossa and others had been, Frederick hired a number of Saracens. To secure their loyalty and establish a stronghold in Italy against the church, free from papal curses, he gave them Nocera in the kingdom of Naples for their own refuge. At this time, the papacy was held by Innocent IV, who, fearing Frederick, fled to Genoa and then to France, where he called for a council in Lyons. Frederick planned to attend, but he was thwarted by a rebellion in Parma. Rejected, he moved into Tuscany and then to Sicily, where he died, leaving his son Conrad in Swabia, and in Puglia, Manfred, whom he had made duke of Benevento, born of a concubine. Conrad came to claim the kingdom, but after arriving in Naples, he died, leaving an infant son named Corradino who was then in Germany. Consequently, Manfred took control of the state, initially as Corradino's guardian but later spreading rumors that Corradino had died and declared himself king, against the wishes of both the pope and the Neapolitans, who had no choice but to comply.
While these things were occurring in the kingdom of Naples, many movements took place in Lombardy between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. The Guelphs were headed by a legate of the pope; and the Ghibelline party by Ezelin, who possessed nearly the whole of Lombardy beyond the Po; and, as in the course of the war Padua rebelled, he put to death twelve thousand of its citizens. But before its close he himself was slain, in the eightieth year of his age, and all the places he had held became free. Manfred, king of Naples, continued those enmities against the church which had been begun by his ancestors, and kept the pope, Urban IV., in continual alarm; so that, in order to subdue him, Urban summoned the crusaders, and went to Perugia to await their arrival. Seeing them few and slow in their approach, he found that more able assistance was necessary to conquer Manfred. He therefore sought the favor of France; created Louis of Anjou, the king's brother, sovereign of Naples and Sicily, and excited him to come into Italy to take possession of that kingdom. But before Charles came to Rome the pope died, and was succeeded by Clement IV., in whose time he arrived at Ostia, with thirty galleys, and ordered that the rest of his forces should come by land. During his abode at Rome, the citizens, in order to attach him to them, made him their senator, and the pope invested him with the kingdom, on condition that he should pay annually to the church the sum of fifty thousand ducats; and it was decreed that, from thenceforth, neither Charles nor any other person, who might be king of Naples, should be emperor also. Charles marched against Manfred, routed his army, and slew him near Benevento, and then became sovereign of Sicily and Naples. Corradino, to whom, by his father's will, the state belonged, having collected a great force in Germany, marched into Italy against Charles, with whom he came to an engagement at Tagliacozzo, was taken prisoner while endeavoring to escape, and being unknown, put to death.
While all this was happening in the kingdom of Naples, there were many conflicts in Lombardy between the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. The Guelphs were led by a papal legate, and the Ghibelline faction was led by Ezelin, who controlled almost the entire Lombardy region beyond the Po River. As the war progressed, Padua rebelled, and he executed twelve thousand of its citizens. However, he was eventually killed in his eighties, and all the territories he controlled gained their freedom. Manfred, the king of Naples, continued the hostilities against the church started by his ancestors, keeping Pope Urban IV. in a state of constant worry. To defeat him, Urban summoned the crusaders and went to Perugia to await their arrival. Noticing that they were few and arriving slowly, he realized he needed more capable help to take down Manfred. He then sought the support of France, appointed Louis of Anjou, the king's brother, as the ruler of Naples and Sicily, and encouraged him to come to Italy to seize the kingdom. However, before Charles reached Rome, the pope passed away and was succeeded by Clement IV. During this time, Charles arrived at Ostia with thirty galleys and instructed the rest of his forces to come by land. While he was in Rome, the citizens made him their senator to win his loyalty, and the pope granted him the kingdom on the condition that he would pay the church fifty thousand ducats each year. It was also decided that from then on, neither Charles nor anyone else who might be king of Naples would also be emperor. Charles marched against Manfred, defeated his army, and killed him near Benevento, becoming the ruler of Sicily and Naples. Corradino, to whom the state rightfully belonged by his father's will, gathered a large army in Germany and marched into Italy against Charles. They fought at Tagliacozzo, where he was captured while trying to escape and, not being recognized, was executed.
Italy remained in repose until the pontificate of Adrian V. Charles, being at Rome and governing the city by virtue of his office of senator, the pope, unable to endure his power, withdrew to Viterbo, and solicited the Emperor Rodolph to come into Italy and assist him. Thus the popes, sometimes in zeal for religion, at others moved by their own ambition, were continually calling in new parties and exciting new disturbances. As soon as they had made a prince powerful, they viewed him with jealousy and sought his ruin; and never allowed another to rule the country, which, from their own imbecility, they were themselves unable to govern. Princes were in fear of them; for, fighting or running away, the popes always obtained the advantage, unless it happened they were entrapped by deceit, as occurred to Boniface VIII., and some others, who under pretense of friendship, were ensnared by the emperors. Rodolph did not come into Italy, being detained by the war in which he was engaged with the king of Bohemia. At this time Adrian died, and Nicholas III., of the Orsini family, became pontiff. He was a bold, ambitious man; and being resolved at any event to diminish the power of Charles, induced the Emperor Rodolph to complain that he had a governor in Tuscany favorable to the Guelphic faction, who after the death of Manfred had been replaced by him. Charles yielded to the emperor and withdrew his governor, and the pope sent one of his nephews, a cardinal, as governor for the emperor, who, for the honor done him, restored Romagna to the church, which had been taken from her by his predecessors, and the pope made Bertoldo Orsino duke of Romagna. As Nicholas now thought himself powerful enough to oppose Charles, he deprived him of the office of senator, and made a decree that no one of royal race should ever be a senator in Rome. It was his intention to deprive Charles of Sicily, and to this end he entered into a secret negotiation with Peter, king of Aragon, which took effect in the following papacy. He also had the design of creating two kings out of his family, the one in Lombardy, the other in Tuscany, whose power would defend the church from the Germans who might design to come into Italy, and from the French, who were in the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. But with these thoughts he died. He was the first pope who openly exhibited his own ambition; and, under pretense of making the church great, conferred honors and emolument upon his own family. Previous to his time no mention is made of the nephews or families of any pontiff, but future history is full of them; nor is there now anything left for them to attempt, except the effort to make the papacy hereditary. True it is, the princes of their creating have not long sustained their honors; for the pontiffs, being generally of very limited existence, did not get their plants properly established.
Italy stayed quiet until the papacy of Adrian V. Charles, who was in Rome and running the city as senator, made the pope feel threatened by his power, prompting him to retreat to Viterbo and ask Emperor Rodolph to come to Italy and help him. Therefore, the popes, sometimes driven by religious zeal and other times by their own ambition, continuously summoned new factions and stirred up new conflicts. Whenever they elevated a prince's power, they soon became jealous and sought to bring about his downfall; they never allowed anyone else to govern the country, which they themselves couldn't manage due to their own incompetence. Princes feared them; whether fighting or fleeing, the popes always ended up on top, unless they fell prey to deceit, as happened to Boniface VIII and a few others who were trapped by emperors under the guise of friendship. Rodolph didn't come to Italy because he was tied up with a war against the king of Bohemia. At this time, Adrian died, and Nicholas III from the Orsini family became pope. He was a bold, ambitious man and was determined to reduce Charles' power by convincing Emperor Rodolph to complain that Charles had a governor in Tuscany loyal to the Guelph faction, who had been appointed after Manfred's death. Charles agreed to Rodolph’s demands and removed his governor, while the pope sent one of his nephews, a cardinal, to take over as governor for the emperor. In gratitude, the emperor restored Romagna to the Church, which had been taken by his predecessors, and the pope made Bertoldo Orsino the duke of Romagna. Believing he was now strong enough to stand up to Charles, Nicholas stripped him of the senator title and declared that no one from royal lineage could ever be a senator in Rome. He planned to take Sicily away from Charles and secretly negotiated with Peter, the king of Aragon, a plot that unfolded in the next papacy. He also intended to create two kings from his family, one in Lombardy and the other in Tuscany, whose power would protect the Church from German incursions and the French who were in Naples and Sicily. But he died with these ideas unfulfilled. He was the first pope to openly show his ambition; while pretending to elevate the Church, he bestowed titles and benefits upon his own family. Before him, there was no mention of the nephews or families of any pope, but history thereafter is filled with such references; now they had nothing left to pursue except making the papacy hereditary. It is true that the princes he created didn’t hold their positions for long, as the popes typically had very short reigns and failed to properly establish their successors.
To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV., of French origin, and consequently favorable to the party of Charles, who sent him assistance against the rebellion of Romagna; and while they were encamped at Furli, Guido Bonatto, an astrologer, contrived that at an appointed moment the people should assail the forces of the king, and the plan succeeding, all the French were taken and slain. About this period was also carried into effect the plot of Pope Nicholas and Peter, king of Aragon, by which the Sicilians murdered all the French that were in that island; and Peter made himself sovereign of it, saying, that it belonged to him in the right of his wife Gostanza, daughter of Manfred. But Charles, while making warlike preparations for the recovery of Sicily, died, leaving a son, Charles II., who was made prisoner in Sicily, and to recover his liberty promised to return to his prison, if within three years he did not obtain the pope's consent that the kings of Aragon should be invested with the kingdom of Sicily.
To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV., who was of French origin and thus supportive of Charles's side, who sent him help against the rebellion in Romagna. While they were camped at Furli, an astrologer named Guido Bonatto arranged for the local people to attack the king's forces at a set time, and the plan worked—resulting in the capture and killing of all the French forces. During this same period, Pope Nicholas and Peter, king of Aragon, executed a plot that led to the Sicilians killing all the French on the island; Peter then declared himself sovereign of Sicily, claiming it through his wife Gostanza, the daughter of Manfred. Meanwhile, Charles, who was preparing for war to take back Sicily, died, leaving his son, Charles II., a prisoner in Sicily. To regain his freedom, he promised to return to captivity if he did not receive the pope's approval within three years for the kings of Aragon to be granted the kingdom of Sicily.
The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming into Italy, gave the empire the advantage of having done so, by sending an ambassador, with authority to make all those cities free which would redeem themselves with money. Many purchased their freedom, and with liberty changed their mode of living. Adolpho of Saxony succeeded to the empire; and to the papacy, Pietro del Murrone, who took the name of Celestino; but, being a hermit and full of sanctity, after six months renounced the pontificate, and Boniface VIII. was elected.
The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming to Italy, gave the empire the benefit of doing so by sending an ambassador with the power to grant freedom to any city that could pay for it. Many cities bought their freedom and changed their way of life. Adolpho of Saxony became the emperor, while Pietro del Murrone, who took the name Celestino, was appointed to the papacy. However, being a hermit and very devout, he renounced the papacy after six months, and Boniface VIII was then elected.
After a time the French and Germans left Italy, and the country remained wholly in the hands of the Italians; but Providence ordained that the pope, when these enemies were withdrawn, should neither establish nor enjoy his authority, and raised two very powerful families in Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini, who with their arms, and the proximity of their abode, kept the pontificate weak. Boniface then determined to destroy the Colonnesi, and, besides excommunicating, endeavored to direct the weapons of the church against them. This, although it did them some injury, proved more disastrous to the pope; for those arms which from attachment to the faith performed valiantly against its enemies, as soon as they were directed against Christians for private ambition, ceased to do the will of those who wished to wield them. And thus the too eager desire to gratify themselves, caused the pontiffs by degrees to lose their military power. Besides what is just related, the pope deprived two cardinals of the Colonnesi family of their office; and Sciarra, the head of the house, escaping unknown, was taken by corsairs of Catalonia and put to the oar; but being afterward recognized at Marseilles, he was sent to Philip, king of France, who had been excommunicated and deprived of the kingdom. Philip, considering that in a war against the pontiff he would either be a loser or run great hazards, had recourse to deception, and simulating a wish to come to terms, secretly sent Sciarra into Italy, who, having arrived at Anagnia, where his holiness then resided, assembled a few friends, and in the night took him prisoner. And although the people of Anagnia set him at liberty shortly after, yet from grief at the injury he died mad. Boniface was founder of the jubilee in 1300, and fixed that it should be celebrated at each revolution of one hundred years. In those times various troubles arose between the Guelph and Ghibelline factions; and the emperors having abandoned Italy, many places became free, and many were occupied by tyrants. Pope Benedict restored the scarlet hat to the cardinals of the Colonnesi family, and reblessed Philip, king of France. He was succeeded by Clement V., who, being a Frenchman, removed the papal court to Avignon in 1305.
After a while, the French and Germans left Italy, and the country was completely in the hands of the Italians. However, fate decided that the pope, once these enemies were gone, would neither establish nor enjoy his authority. Two very powerful families in Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini, used their influence and military strength, along with their close proximity to the papacy, to keep it weak. Boniface then decided to eliminate the Colonnesi, and in addition to excommunicating them, he tried to use the church’s power against them. Although this caused some harm to the Colonnesi, it ended up being more disastrous for the pope. The forces that valiantly defended the faith against its enemies faltered when turned against fellow Christians for personal ambitions, failing to follow those who wanted to command them. Thus, in their eager desire to satisfy their own interests, the popes gradually lost their military power. Along with what has been mentioned, the pope also stripped two cardinals from the Colonnesi family of their positions. Sciarra, the head of the family, escaped initially but was captured by Catalonian pirates and forced to row on a ship. Later, when he was recognized in Marseille, he was sent to Philip, the king of France, who had been excommunicated and removed from his kingdom. Philip, realizing that a war against the pope would either lead to his defeat or significant risks, resorted to deception. He pretended to want to negotiate and secretly sent Sciarra back to Italy. Once Sciarra arrived in Anagnia, where the pope was residing, he gathered a few friends and captured him at night. Though the people of Anagnia freed the pope shortly after, he died from grief over the injury, becoming mad. Boniface was the founder of the jubilee in 1300, establishing that it would be celebrated every hundred years. During that time, various troubles arose between the Guelph and Ghibelline factions; with the emperors abandoning Italy, many places gained their freedom while others fell under tyrants. Pope Benedict restored the red hat to the cardinals of the Colonnesi family and reblessed Philip, king of France. He was succeeded by Clement V., a Frenchman, who moved the papal court to Avignon in 1305.
CHAPTER VI
The Emperor Henry comes into Italy—The Florentines take the part of the pope—The Visconti originate the duchy of Milan—Artifice of Maffeo Visconti against the family of de la Torre—Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, first duke of Milan—The Emperor Louis in Italy—John, king of Bohemia, in Italy—League against the king of Bohemia and the pope's legate—Origin of Venice—Liberty of the Venetians confirmed by Pepin and the Greek emperor—Greatness of Venice—Decline of Venice—Discord between the pope and the emperor—Giovanna, queen of Naples—Rienzi—The jubilee reduced to fifty years—Succession of the duke of Milan—Cardinal Egidio the pope's legate—War between the Genoese and the Venetians.
The Emperor Henry arrives in Italy—The Florentines support the pope—The Visconti establish the duchy of Milan—Maffeo Visconti's schemes against the de la Torre family—Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti becomes the first duke of Milan—The Emperor Louis in Italy—John, king of Bohemia, visits Italy—An alliance forms against the king of Bohemia and the pope's legate—The origins of Venice—The Venetians' freedom confirmed by Pepin and the Greek emperor—The rise of Venice—The decline of Venice—Conflict between the pope and the emperor—Giovanna, queen of Naples—Rienzi—The jubilee is changed to every fifty years—The succession of the duke of Milan—Cardinal Egidio, the pope's legate—War between the Genoese and the Venetians.
At this time, Charles II. of Naples died, and was succeeded by his son Robert. Henry of Luxemburg had been elected to the empire, and came to Rome for his coronation, although the pope was not there. His coming occasioned great excitement in Lombardy; for he sent all the banished to their homes, whether they were Guelphs or Ghibellines; and in consequence of this, one faction endeavoring to drive out the other, the whole province was filled with war; nor could the emperor with all his endeavors abate its fury. Leaving Lombardy by way of Genoa, he came to Pisa, where he endeavored to take Tuscany from King Robert; but not being successful, he went to Rome, where he remained only a few days, being driven away by the Orsini with the consent of King Robert, and returned to Pisa; and that he might more securely make war upon Tuscany, and wrest the country from the hands of the king, he caused it to be assailed by Frederick, monarch of Sicily. But when he was in hope of occupying Tuscany and robbing the king of Naples of his dominions, he died, and was succeeded by Louis of Bavaria. About the same period, John XXII. attained the papacy, during whose time the emperor still continued to persecute the Guelphs and the church, but they were defended by Robert and the Florentines. Many wars took place in Lombardy between the Visconti and the Guelphs, and in Tuscany between Castruccio of Lucca and the Florentines. As the family of Visconti gave rise to the duchy of Milan, one of the five principalities which afterward governed Italy, I shall speak of them from a rather earlier date.
At this time, Charles II of Naples died and was succeeded by his son Robert. Henry of Luxemburg had been elected emperor and came to Rome for his coronation, although the pope was absent. His arrival caused great excitement in Lombardy; he sent all the exiled back home, whether they were Guelphs or Ghibellines. As a result, one faction tried to drive out the other, leading to widespread conflict in the province, and the emperor, despite his efforts, could not calm the situation. Leaving Lombardy via Genoa, he arrived in Pisa, where he tried to take Tuscany from King Robert, but failed. He then went to Rome, where he stayed only a few days, being expelled by the Orsini with King Robert's approval, and returned to Pisa. To wage war more effectively on Tuscany and seize the region from the king, he had it attacked by Frederick, the king of Sicily. Just when he was hoping to conquer Tuscany and rob the king of Naples of his lands, he died and was succeeded by Louis of Bavaria. Around the same time, John XXII became pope. During his papacy, the emperor continued to persecute the Guelphs and the church, but they were defended by Robert and the Florentines. Many battles took place in Lombardy between the Visconti and the Guelphs, and in Tuscany between Castruccio of Lucca and the Florentines. Since the Visconti family led to the creation of the duchy of Milan, one of the five principalities that later ruled Italy, I will discuss them from an earlier point in time.
Milan, upon recovering from the ruin into which she had been thrown by Frederick Barbarossa, in revenge for her injuries, joined the league formed by the Lombard cities for their common defense; this restrained him, and for awhile preserved alive the interests of the church in Lombardy. In the course of the wars which followed, the family of La Torre became very potent in that city, and their reputation increased so long as the emperor possessed little authority in the province. But Frederick II. coming into Italy, and the Ghibelline party, by the influence of Ezelin having grown powerful, seeds of the same faction sprang up in all the cities. In Milan were the Visconti, who expelled the La Torres; these, however, did not remain out, for by agreement between the emperor and the pope they were restored to their country. For when the pope and his court removed to France, and the emperor, Henry of Luxemburg, came into Italy, with the pretext of going to Rome for his crown, he was received in Milan by Maffeo Visconti and Guido della Torre, who were then the heads of these families. But Maffeo, designing to make use of the emperor for the purpose of expelling Guido, and thinking the enterprise not difficult, on account of the La Torre being of the contrary faction to the imperial, took occasion, from the remarks which the people made of the uncivil behavior of the Germans, to go craftily about and excite the populace to arm themselves and throw off the yoke of these barbarians. When a suitable moment arrived, he caused a person in whom he confided to create a tumult, upon which the people took arms against the Germans. But no sooner was the mischief well on foot, than Maffeo, with his sons and their partisans, ran to Henry, telling him that all the disturbance had been occasioned by the La Torre family, who, not content to remain peaceably in Milan, had taken the opportunity to plunder him, that they might ingratiate themselves with the Guelphs of Italy and become princes in the city; they then bade him be of good cheer, for they, with their party, whenever he wished it, were ready to defend him with their lives. Henry, believing all that Maffeo told him, joined his forces to those of the Visconti, and attacking the La Torre, who were in various parts of the city endeavoring to quell the tumult, slew all upon whom they could lay hands, and having plundered the others of their property, sent them into exile. By this artifice, Maffeo Visconti became a prince of Milan. Of him remained Galeazzo and Azzo; and, after these, Luchino and Giovanni. Giovanni became archbishop of Milan; and of Luchino, who died before him, were left Bernabo and Galeazzo; Galeazzo, dying soon after, left a son called the Count of Virtu, who after the death of the archbishop, contrived the murder of his uncle, Bernabo, became prince of Milan, and was the first who had the title of duke. The duke left Filippo and Giovanmaria Angelo, the latter of whom being slain by the people of Milan, the state fell to Filippo; but he having no male heir, Milan passed from the family of Visconti to that of Sforza, in the manner to be related hereafter.
Milan, after recovering from the destruction caused by Frederick Barbarossa, in retaliation for her wrongs, joined the league formed by the Lombard cities for their collective defense. This restrained him and temporarily kept the church's interests alive in Lombardy. During the subsequent wars, the La Torre family became very powerful in the city, and their reputation grew while the emperor had little authority in the region. However, when Frederick II came to Italy and the Ghibelline party, influenced by Ezelin, became strong, similar factions emerged in all the cities. In Milan, the Visconti expelled the La Torres, but they did not stay gone, as the emperor and the pope eventually restored them to their homeland. When the pope and his court moved to France and Emperor Henry of Luxemburg came to Italy under the pretext of traveling to Rome for his coronation, he was welcomed in Milan by Maffeo Visconti and Guido della Torre, the leaders of these families. Maffeo planned to use the emperor to get rid of Guido, believing it wouldn't be hard, since the La Torre were from the opposite faction to the emperor's. He took the opportunity of the people's complaints about the Germans’ rude behavior to secretly incite the populace to arm themselves and reject these barbarians. When the moment was right, he got someone he trusted to stir up a riot, prompting the people to rise against the Germans. However, as soon as the chaos started, Maffeo, along with his sons and their supporters, rushed to Henry, claiming that all the trouble was caused by the La Torre family, who, unsatisfied with being peaceful in Milan, had seized the chance to rob him to win favor with Italy's Guelphs and become rulers of the city. They assured him they were ready to defend him with their lives whenever he needed. Believing Maffeo's story, Henry allied his forces with the Visconti, attacking the La Torre, who were scattered throughout the city trying to quell the unrest. They killed anyone they could catch, looted the others of their possessions, and sent them into exile. Through this scheme, Maffeo Visconti became the prince of Milan. He was succeeded by Galeazzo and Azzo; then came Luchino and Giovanni. Giovanni became the archbishop of Milan; Luchino, who died before him, left behind Bernabo and Galeazzo. After Galeazzo, who died soon after, his son known as the Count of Virtu contrived the murder of his uncle Bernabo, became the prince of Milan, and was the first to hold the title of duke. The duke had two sons, Filippo and Giovanmaria Angelo; the latter was killed by the people of Milan, and the state passed to Filippo. However, as he had no male heir, Milan eventually transitioned from the Visconti family to the Sforza family, as will be explained later.
But to return to the point from which we deviated. The Emperor Louis, to add to the importance of his party and to receive the crown, came into Italy; and being at Milan, as an excuse for taking money of the Milanese, he pretended to make them free and to put the Visconti in prison; but shortly afterwards he released them, and, having gone to Rome, in order to disturb Italy with less difficulty, he made Piero della Corvara anti-pope, by whose influence, and the power of the Visconti, he designed to weaken the opposite faction in Tuscany and Lombardy. But Castruccio died, and his death caused the failure of the emperor's purpose; for Pisa and Lucca rebelled. The Pisans sent Piero della Corvara a prisoner to the pope in France, and the emperor, despairing of the affairs of Italy, returned to Germany. He had scarcely left, before John king of Bohemia came into the country, at the request of the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself lord of that city and of Bergamo. And as his entry was with the consent of the pope, although he feigned the contrary, the legate of Bologna favored him, thinking by this means to prevent the return of the emperor. This caused a change in the parties of Italy; for the Florentines and King Robert, finding the legate was favorable to the enterprises of the Ghibellines, became foes of all those to whom the legate and the king of Bohemia were friendly. Without having regard for either faction, whether Guelph or Ghibelline, many princes joined them, of whom, among others, were the Visconti, the Della Scala, Filippo Gonzao of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of Este. Upon this the pope excommunicated them all. The king, in fear of the league, went to collect forces in his own country, and having returned with a large army, still found his undertaking a difficult one; so, seeing his error, he withdrew to Bohemia, to the great displeasure of the legate, leaving only Reggio and Modena guarded, and Parma in the care of Marsilio and Piero de' Rossi, who were the most powerful men in the city. The king of Bohemia being gone, Bologna joined the league; and the leaguers divided among themselves the four cities which remained of the church faction. They agreed that Parma should pertain to the Della Scalla; Reggio to the Gonzaga; Modena to the family of Este, and Lucca to the Florentines. But in taking possession of these cities, many disputes arose which were afterward in a great measure settled by the Venetians. Some, perhaps, will think it a species of impropriety that we have so long deferred speaking of the Venetians, theirs being a republic, which, both on account of its power and internal regulations, deserves to be celebrated above any principality of Italy. But that this surprise may cease when the cause is known, I shall speak of their city from a more remote period; that everyone may understand what were their beginnings, and the causes which so long withheld them from interfering in the affairs of Italy.
But let’s get back to where we left off. Emperor Louis, wanting to boost his party's significance and get crowned, traveled to Italy. While in Milan, he claimed he was making the Milanese free and imprisoning the Visconti so he could take their money. However, he soon released them and went to Rome. To make it easier to stir up trouble in Italy, he appointed Piero della Corvara as anti-pope. With Piero’s influence and the Visconti's power, he aimed to weaken the opposing factions in Tuscany and Lombardy. But then Castruccio died, which thwarted the emperor's plans; Pisa and Lucca revolted. The Pisans sent Piero della Corvara to the pope in France as a prisoner, and the emperor, losing hope in Italy, went back to Germany. Hardly had he left when John, king of Bohemia, entered the country at the request of the Ghibellines of Brescia and took control of that city and Bergamo. He managed to gain entry with the pope's consent, despite pretending otherwise, and the legate of Bologna supported him, hoping this would prevent the emperor's return. This shift in support changed the political landscape in Italy; the Florentines and King Robert, realizing that the legate was backing the Ghibellines, became enemies of those aligned with the legate and the king of Bohemia. Many princes joined in, regardless of their faction—be they Guelph or Ghibelline—including the Visconti, the Della Scala, Filippo Gonzaga of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of Este. The pope then excommunicated them all. The king, fearing this coalition, went to gather forces in his own land, but even after returning with a large army, his mission was still tough. Realizing his mistake, he withdrew back to Bohemia, which greatly displeased the legate, leaving only Reggio and Modena protected, while Parma was under the care of Marsilio and Piero de' Rossi, the two most powerful men in the city. After the king of Bohemia left, Bologna joined the league, and its members split the remaining four cities that were part of the Church faction among themselves. They decided that Parma would go to the Della Scala, Reggio to the Gonzaga, Modena to the Este family, and Lucca to the Florentines. However, disputes arose over these cities that were mostly resolved later by the Venetians. Some may find it odd that we took so long to mention the Venetians, considering their republic deserves recognition for its power and internal organization, which surpasses any principality in Italy. To clarify why we delayed, I will discuss their city starting from earlier times so that everyone understands their origins and the reasons they stayed out of Italian affairs for so long.
When Attila, king of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the inhabitants, after defending themselves a long time, began to despair of effecting their safety, and fled for refuge to several uninhabited rocks, situated at the point of the Adriatic Sea, now called the Gulf of Venice, carrying with them whatever movable property they possessed. The people of Padua, finding themselves in equal danger, and knowing that, having became master of Aquileia, Attila would next attack themselves, also removed with their most valuable property to a place on the same sea, called Rivo Alto, to which they brought their women, children, and aged persons, leaving the youth in Padua to assist in her defense. Besides these, the people of Monselice, with the inhabitants of the surrounding hills, driven by similar fears, fled to the same rocks. But after Attila had taken Aquileia, and destroyed Padua, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona, the people of Padua and others who were powerful, continued to inhabit the marshes about Rivo Alto; and, in like manner, all the people of the province anciently called Venetia, driven by the same events, became collected in these marshes. Thus, under the pressure of necessity, they left an agreeable and fertile country to occupy one sterile and unwholesome. However, in consequence of a great number of people being drawn together into a comparatively small space, in a short time they made those places not only habitable, but delightful; and having established among themselves laws and useful regulations, enjoyed themselves in security amid the devastations of Italy, and soon increased both in reputation and strength. For, besides the inhabitants already mentioned, many fled to these places from the cities of Lombardy, principally to escape from the cruelties of Clefis king of the Lombards, which greatly tended to increase the numbers of the new city; and in the conventions which were made between Pepin, king of France, and the emperor of Greece, when the former, at the entreaty of the pope, came to drive the Lombards out of Italy, the duke of Benevento and the Venetians did not render obedience to either the one or the other, but alone enjoyed their liberty. As necessity had led them to dwell on sterile rocks, they were compelled to seek the means of subsistence elsewhere; and voyaging with their ships to every port of the ocean, their city became a depository for the various products of the world, and was itself filled with men of every nation.
When Attila, king of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the residents, after a long struggle to defend themselves, started to lose hope for their safety and sought refuge on several uninhabited rocks located at the point of the Adriatic Sea, now known as the Gulf of Venice, taking whatever belongings they could carry. The people of Padua, realizing they were in the same peril, and knowing that Attila would likely attack them next after conquering Aquileia, also evacuated with their most valuable possessions to a spot on the same sea called Rivo Alto, bringing their women, children, and elderly, while leaving the young men in Padua to help defend the city. Additionally, the people of Monselice and the residents of the nearby hills, driven by similar fears, fled to the same rocks. However, after Attila took Aquileia and destroyed Padua, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona, the people of Padua and other influential groups continued to inhabit the marshes around Rivo Alto, and, similarly, all the people from the region formerly known as Venetia, compelled by the same events, gathered in these marshes. Thus, out of necessity, they abandoned a pleasant and fertile area to settle in a barren and unhealthy one. Nevertheless, with a large number of people concentrated in a relatively small space, they quickly transformed the area into not just a livable place but an enjoyable one; and after establishing laws and effective regulations among themselves, they thrived in safety amidst the devastation in Italy, rapidly gaining both reputation and strength. In addition to the residents already mentioned, many fled to these areas from various Lombard cities, mainly to escape the brutality of Clefis, king of the Lombards, which significantly increased the population of the new city. During negotiations between Pepin, king of France, and the emperor of Greece, when Pepin came to Italy at the pope's request to drive out the Lombards, the duke of Benevento and the Venetians chose not to obey either of them but instead enjoyed their freedom. As necessity had led them to live on barren rocks, they were forced to find their means of livelihood elsewhere, and by trading with their ships at every port, their city became a hub for diverse products from around the world and was filled with people from all nations.
For many years the Venetians sought no other dominion than that which tended to facilitate their commercial enterprises, and thus acquired many ports in Greece and Syria; and as the French had made frequent use of their ships in voyages to Asia, the island of Candia was assigned to them in recompense for these services. While they lived in this manner, their name spread terror over the seas, and was held in veneration throughout Italy. This was so completely the case, that they were generally chosen to arbitrate in controversies between the states, as occurred in the difference between the Colleagues, on account of the cities they had divided among themselves; which being referred to the Venetians, they awarded Brescia and Bergamo to the Visconti. But when, in the course of time, urged by their eagerness for dominion, they had made themselves masters of Padua, Vicenza, Trevisa, and afterward of Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, with many cities in Romagna and the kingdom of Naples, other nations were impressed with such an opinion of their power, that they were a terror, not only to the princes of Italy, but to the ultramontane kings. These states entered into an alliance against them, and in one day wrested from them the provinces they had obtained with so much labor and expense; and although they have in latter times reacquired some portions, still possessing neither power nor reputation, like all the other Italian powers, they live at the mercy of others.
For many years, the Venetians only sought control that would help their trade, acquiring several ports in Greece and Syria. Since the French frequently used their ships for voyages to Asia, the island of Crete was given to them as payment for these services. During this time, their name instilled fear at sea and was respected throughout Italy. It was so well-known that they were often chosen to mediate disputes between states, as happened when they settled the disagreement among the Colleagues regarding the cities they had divided among themselves; they awarded Brescia and Bergamo to the Visconti. However, as time went on, driven by their desire for more power, they took control of Padua, Vicenza, Treviso, and later Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, along with many cities in Romagna and the Kingdom of Naples. Other nations became so impressed by their power that they posed a threat not just to the princes of Italy but also to the kings from beyond the Alps. These states formed an alliance against them and, in a single day, stripped them of the territories they had worked so hard to gain. Even though they have since regained some areas, they currently hold neither power nor respect, much like other Italian states, and now live at the mercy of others.
Benedict XII. having attained the pontificate and finding Italy lost, fearing, too, that the emperor would assume the sovereignty of the country, determined to make friends of all who had usurped the government of those cities which had been accustomed to obey the emperor; that they might have occasion to dread the latter, and unite with himself in the defense of Italy. To this end he issued a decree, confirming to all the tyrants of Lombardy the places they had seized. After making this concession the pope died, and was succeeded by Clement VI. The emperor, seeing with what a liberal hand the pontiff had bestowed the dominions of the empire, in order to be equally bountiful with the property of others, gave to all who had assumed sovereignty over the cities or territories of the church, the imperial authority to retain possession of them. By this means Galeotto Malatesti and his brothers became lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano; Antonio da Montefeltro, of the Marca and Urbino; Gentile da Varano, of Camerino; Guido di Polenta, of Ravenna; Sinibaldo Ordelaffi, of Furli and Cesena; Giovanni Manfredi, of Faenza; Lodovico Alidossi, of Imola; and besides these, many others in divers places. Thus, of all the cities, towns, or fortresses of the church, few remained without a prince; for she did not recover herself till the time of Alexander VI., who, by the ruin of the descendants of these princes, restored the authority of the church.
Benedict XII, having become pope and seeing that Italy was in chaos, worried that the emperor would take control of the country. He decided to ally himself with those who had seized power in the cities that used to obey the emperor so that they would fear the emperor and band together with him to defend Italy. To achieve this, he issued a decree that confirmed the tyrants of Lombardy in their seized territories. After making this concession, the pope died and was succeeded by Clement VI. The emperor, noticing how generously the pope had given away the empire's lands, also wanted to be generous with others' property. He granted everyone who had taken control of the cities or territories of the church the imperial power to keep those lands. As a result, Galeotto Malatesti and his brothers became lords of Rimini, Pesaro, and Fano; Antonio da Montefeltro took control of the Marca and Urbino; Gentile da Varano ruled Camerino; Guido di Polenta was in charge of Ravenna; Sinibaldo Ordelaffi took Furli and Cesena; Giovanni Manfredi controlled Faenza; and Lodovico Alidossi ruled Imola, along with many others in various regions. Thus, of all the cities, towns, or fortresses of the church, only a few remained without a prince. The church did not recover until the time of Alexander VI, who restored its authority after the downfall of these princes.
The emperor, when he made the concession before named, being at Tarento, signified an intention of going into Italy. In consequence of this, many battles were fought in Lombardy, and the Visconti became lords of Parma. Robert king of Naples, now died, leaving only two grandchildren, the issue of his sons Charles, who had died a considerable time before him. He ordered that the elder of the two, whose name was Giovanna or Joan, should be heiress of the kingdom, and take for her husband Andrea, son of the king of Hungary, his grandson. Andrea had not lived with her long, before she caused him to be murdered, and married another cousin, Louis, prince of Tarento. But Louis, king of Hungary, and brother of Andrea, in order to avenge his death, brought forces into Italy, and drove Queen Joan and her husband out of the kingdom.
The emperor, after making that previously mentioned concession while in Tarento, expressed a desire to move into Italy. As a result, numerous battles took place in Lombardy, and the Visconti took control of Parma. Robert, the king of Naples, had now passed away, leaving only two grandchildren, the children of his son Charles, who had died some time before him. He designated the older of the two, named Giovanna or Joan, as the heir to the kingdom and arranged for her to marry Andrea, the son of the king of Hungary, his grandson. Not long after Andrea moved in with her, she had him murdered and married another cousin, Louis, the prince of Tarento. However, Louis, the king of Hungary and brother of Andrea, sought revenge for his brother's death by sending troops into Italy, which forced Queen Joan and her husband out of the kingdom.
At this period a memorable circumstance took place at Rome. Niccolo di Lorenzo, often called Rienzi or Cola di Rienzi, who held the office of chancellor at Campidoglio, drove the senators from Rome and, under the title of tribune, made himself the head of the Roman republic; restoring it to its ancient form, and with so great reputation of justice and virtue, that not only the places adjacent, but the whole of Italy sent ambassadors to him. The ancient provinces, seeing Rome arise to new life, again raised their heads, and some induced by hope, others by fear, honored him as their sovereign. But Niccolo, notwithstanding his great reputation, lost all energy in the very beginning of his enterprise; and as if oppressed with the weight of so vast an undertaking, without being driven away, secretly fled to Charles, king of Bohemia, who, by the influence of the pope, and in contempt of Louis of Bavaria, had been elected emperor. Charles, to ingratiate himself with the pontiff, sent Niccolo to him, a prisoner. After some time, in imitation of Rienzi, Francesco Baroncegli seized upon the tribunate of Rome, and expelled the senators; and the pope, as the most effectual means of repressing him, drew Niccolo from his prison, sent him to Rome, and restored to him the office of tribune; so that he reoccupied the state and put Francesco to death; but the Colonnesi becoming his enemies, he too, after a short time, shared the same fate, and the senators were again restored to their office. The king of Hungary, having driven out Queen Joan, returned to his kingdom; but the pope, who chose to have the queen in the neighborhood of Rome rather than the king, effected her restoration to the sovereignty, on the condition that her husband, contenting himself with the title of prince of Tarento, should not be called king. Being the year 1350, the pope thought that the jubilee, appointed by Boniface VIII. to take place at the conclusion of each century, might be renewed at the end of each fifty years; and having issued a decree for the establishment of it, the Romans, in acknowledgment of the benefit, consented that he should send four cardinals to reform the government of the city, and appoint senators according to his own pleasure. The pope again declared Louis of Tarento, king, and in gratitude for the benefit, Queen Joan gave Avignon, her inheritance, to the church. About this time Luchino Visconti died, and his brother the archbishop, remaining lord of Milan, carried on many wars against Tuscany and his neighbors, and became very powerful. Bernabo and Galeazzo, his nephews, succeeded him; but Galeazzo soon after died, leaving Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the state with Bernabo. Charles, king of Bohemia, was then emperor, and the pontificate was occupied by Innocent VI., who sent Cardinal Egidio, a Spaniard, into Italy. He restored the reputation of the church, not only in Rome and Romagna, but throughout the whole of Italy; he recovered Bologna from the archbishop of Milan, and compelled the Romans to accept a foreign senator appointed annually by the pope. He made honorable terms with the Visconti, and routed and took prisoner, John Agut, an Englishman, who with four thousand English had fought on the side of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. Urban V., hearing of so many victories, resolved to visit Italy and Rome, whither also the emperor came; after remaining a few months, he returned to the kingdom of Bohemia, and the pope to Avignon. On the death of Urban, Gregory XI. was created pope; and, as the Cardinal Egidio was dead, Italy again recommenced her ancient discords, occasioned by the union of the other powers against the Visconti; and the pope, having first sent a legate with six thousand Bretons, came in person and established the papal court at Rome in 1376, after an absence of seventy-one years in France. To Gregory XI., succeeded Urban VI., but shortly afterwards Clement VI. was elected at Fondi by ten cardinals, who declared the appointment of Urban irregular. At this time, the Genoese threw off the yoke of the Visconti under whom they had lived many years; and between them and the Venetians several important battles were fought for the island of Tenedos. Although the Genoese were for a time successful, and held Venice in a state of siege during many months, the Venetians were at length victorious; and by the intervention of the pope, peace was made in the year 1381. In these wars, artillery was first used, having been recently invented by the Dutch.
During this time, a significant event took place in Rome. Niccolo di Lorenzo, often known as Rienzi or Cola di Rienzi, who served as chancellor at Campidoglio, expelled the senators from Rome and declared himself the head of the Roman republic under the title of tribune. He aimed to restore it to its former glory, gaining such a reputation for justice and virtue that not only nearby areas but all of Italy sent ambassadors to him. The old provinces, seeing Rome revitalized, began to look up to him again; some were motivated by hope while others by fear, paying him homage as their leader. However, despite his great reputation, Niccolo quickly lost his drive at the onset of his mission. Overwhelmed by the enormity of what he had taken on, he secretly fled to Charles, the king of Bohemia, who had been elected emperor with the pope's backing, disregarding Louis of Bavaria. To win favor with the pope, Charles sent Niccolo to him as a prisoner. After some time, following Rienzi's example, Francesco Baroncegli took over the tribunate of Rome, driving out the senators. The pope, seeing this as the best way to deal with him, released Niccolo from prison, sent him back to Rome, and reinstated him as tribune. He reclaimed his position and executed Francesco, but when the Colonnesi turned against him, he too met a similar fate soon after, and the senators were restored to their roles. The king of Hungary, having ousted Queen Joan, returned to his kingdom; however, the pope preferred to keep the queen close to Rome, facilitating her reinstatement with the condition that her husband would only use the title of prince of Tarento, not king. In 1350, the pope proposed that the jubilee, originally designated by Boniface VIII. to occur at the end of each century, could instead be celebrated every fifty years. With this decree issued, the Romans acknowledged the benefit and agreed to let him send four cardinals to reform the city’s government and choose senators as he pleased. The pope declared Louis of Tarento king, and in gratitude for this favor, Queen Joan gifted Avignon, her inheritance, to the church.
CHAPTER VII
Schism in the church—Ambitious views of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti—The pope and the Romans come to an agreement—Boniface IX. introduces the practice of Annates—Disturbance in Lombardy—The Venetians acquire dominion on terra firma—Differences between the pope and the people of Rome—Council of Pisa—Council of Constance—Filippo Visconti recovers his dominion—Giovanna II. of Naples—Political condition of Italy.
Schism in the church—Ambitious plans of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti—The pope and the Romans reach an agreement—Boniface IX introduces the practice of Annates—Unrest in Lombardy—The Venetians gain control of the mainland—Tensions between the pope and the people of Rome—Council of Pisa—Council of Constance—Filippo Visconti regains his territory—Giovanna II of Naples—Political situation in Italy.
A schism having thus arisen in the church, Queen Joan favored the schismatic pope, upon which Urban caused Charles of Durazzo, descended from the kings of Naples, to undertake the conquest of her dominions. Having succeeded in his object, she fled to France, and he assumed the sovereignty. The king of France, being exasperated, sent Louis of Anjou into Italy to recover the kingdom for the queen, to expel Urban from Rome, and establish the anti-pope. But in the midst of this enterprise Louis died, and his people being routed returned to France. In this conjuncture the pope went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals into prison for having taken the part of France and the anti-pope. He then became offended with the king, for having refused to make his nephew prince of Capua; and pretending not to care about it, requested he would grant him Nocera for his habitation, but, having fortified it, he prepared to deprive the king of his dominions. Upon this the king pitched his camp before the place, and the pope fled to Naples, where he put to death the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From thence he proceeded to Rome, and, to acquire influence, created twenty-nine cardinals. At this time Charles, king of Naples, went to Hungary, where, having been made king, he was shortly afterward killed in battle, leaving a wife and two children at Naples. About the same time Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti murdered Bernabo his uncle and took the entire sovereignty upon himself; and, not content with being duke of Milan and sovereign of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make himself master of Tuscany; but while he was intent upon occupying the province with the ultimate view of making himself king of Italy, he died. Boniface IX. succeeded Urban VI. The anti-pope, Clement VI., also died, and Benedict XIII. was appointed his successor.
A split had developed in the church, and Queen Joan supported the breakaway pope. In response, Urban sent Charles of Durazzo, who was descended from the kings of Naples, to take over her territories. After he succeeded, she fled to France, and he took control. The king of France, angry about this situation, sent Louis of Anjou to Italy to reclaim the kingdom for the queen, to drive Urban out of Rome, and to install the anti-pope. However, during this mission, Louis died, and his troops were defeated and returned to France. Meanwhile, the pope went to Naples, where he imprisoned nine cardinals for siding with France and the anti-pope. He then became upset with the king for refusing to make his nephew the prince of Capua. While acting like it didn't bother him, he asked the king for Nocera to live in, but after fortifying it, he got ready to take over the king's lands. In response, the king set up his camp outside the fort, prompting the pope to flee to Naples, where he executed the cardinals he had imprisoned. After that, he went to Rome and increased his power by creating twenty-nine new cardinals. At this time, Charles, the king of Naples, went to Hungary, where he was made king, but he was soon killed in battle, leaving behind a wife and two children in Naples. Around the same time, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti murdered his uncle Bernabo and took full control for himself; not satisfied with just being duke of Milan and ruler of all Lombardy, he aimed to take over Tuscany as well. However, while he was focused on conquering the province with the ultimate goal of becoming king of Italy, he died. Boniface IX succeeded Urban VI. The anti-pope, Clement VI, also passed away, and Benedict XIII was appointed as his successor.
Many English, Germans, and Bretons served at this period in the armies of Italy, commanded partly by those leaders who had from time to time authority in the country, and partly by such as the pontiffs sent, when they were at Avignon. With these warriors the princes of Italy long carried on their wars, till the coming of Lodovico da Cento of Romagna, who formed a body of Italian soldiery, called the Company of St. George, whose valor and discipline soon caused the foreign troops to fall into disrepute, and gave reputation to the native forces of the country, of which the princes afterward availed themselves in their wars with each other. The pope, Boniface IX., being at enmity with the Romans, went to Scesi, where he remained till the jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, to induce him to return to the city, consented to receive another foreign senator of his appointing, and also allowed him to fortify the castle of Saint Angelo: having returned upon these conditions, in order to enrich the church, he ordained that everyone, upon vacating a benefice, should pay a year's value of it to the Apostolic Chamber.
Many English, Germans, and Bretons served during this time in the armies of Italy, led partly by local leaders who occasionally held power in the region and partly by those that the popes sent when they were at Avignon. With these soldiers, the Italian princes conducted their wars for a long time until Lodovico da Cento from Romagna arrived, who formed a group of Italian soldiers known as the Company of St. George. Their bravery and discipline quickly made the foreign troops lose their reputation and enhanced the status of the local forces, which the princes later used in their conflicts with one another. Pope Boniface IX, being at odds with the Romans, went to Scesi, where he stayed until the jubilee of 1400. When the Romans wanted to get him back to the city, they agreed to accept another foreign senator of his choosing and also allowed him to strengthen the castle of Saint Angelo. After returning on these terms, he decided to enrich the church by requiring that anyone who left a benefice pay a year's worth of its value to the Apostolic Chamber.
After the death of Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, although he left two children, Giovanmaria and Filippo, the state was divided into many parts, and in the troubles which ensued Giovanmaria was slain. Filippo remained some time in the castle of Pavia, from which, through the fidelity and virtue of the castellan, he escaped. Among others who occupied cities possessed by his father, was Guglielmo della Scala, who, being banished, fell into the hands of Francesco de Carrera, lord of Padua, by whose means he recovered the state of Verona, in which he only remained a short time, for he was poisoned, by order of Francesco, and the city taken from him. These things occasioned the people of Vicenza, who had lived in security under the protection of the Visconti, to dread the greatness of the lord of Padua, and they placed themselves under the Venetians, who, engaging in arms with him, first took Verona and then Padua.
After Giovanni Galeazzo, the duke of Milan, died, even though he had two children, Giovanmaria and Filippo, the state got divided into many pieces. In the chaos that followed, Giovanmaria was killed. Filippo spent some time in the castle of Pavia, where he managed to escape through the loyalty and bravery of the castellan. Among others who took over cities that belonged to his father was Guglielmo della Scala, who, after being exiled, fell into the hands of Francesco de Carrera, lord of Padua. With Francesco's help, he regained control of Verona, but he only stayed there a short while before being poisoned on Francesco's orders, leading to the city being taken from him. These events caused the people of Vicenza, who had lived securely under the protection of the Visconti, to fear the growing power of the lord of Padua. They then turned to the Venetians for help, who went to war against him, first capturing Verona and then Padua.
At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by Innocent VII. The people of Rome supplicated him to restore to them their fortresses and their liberty; but as he would not consent to their petition, they called to their assistance Ladislaus, king of Naples. Becoming reconciled to the people, the pope returned to Rome, and made his nephew Lodovico count of La Marca. Innocent soon after died, and Gregory XII. was created, upon the understanding to renounce the papacy whenever the anti-pope would also renounce it. By the advice of the cardinals, in order to attempt the reunion of the church, Benedict, the anti-pope, came to Porto Venere, and Gregory to Lucca, where they made many endeavors, but effected nothing. Upon this, the cardinals of both the popes abandoned them, Benedict going to Spain, and Gregory to Rimini. On the other hand, the cardinals, with the favor of Balthazar Cossa, cardinal and legate of Bologna, appointed a council at Pisa, where they created Alexander V., who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus, and invested Louis of Anjou with the kingdom; this prince, with the Florentines, Genoese, and Venetians, attacked Ladislaus and drove him from Rome. In the head of the war Alexander died, and Balthazar Cossa succeeded him, with the title of John XXIII. Leaving Bologna, where he was elected, he went to Rome, and found there Louis of Anjou, who had brought the army from Provence, and coming to an engagement with Ladislaus, routed him. But by the mismanagement of the leaders, they were unable to prosecute the victory, so that the king in a short time gathered strength and retook Rome. Louis fled to Provence, the pope to Bologna; where, considering how he might diminish the power of Ladislaus, he caused Sigismund, king of Hungary, to be elected emperor, and advised him to come to Italy. Having a personal interview at Mantua, they agreed to call a general council, in which the church should be united; and having effected this, the pope thought he should be fully enabled to oppose the forces of his enemies.
At this time, Pope Boniface died and was succeeded by Innocent VII. The people of Rome begged him to give back their fortresses and their freedom, but when he refused their request, they sought help from Ladislaus, the king of Naples. After reconciling with the people, the pope returned to Rome and made his nephew, Lodovico, count of La Marca. Innocent soon died, and Gregory XII was appointed, on the condition that he would step down from the papacy if the anti-pope would also resign. Following the advice of the cardinals, to try to reunite the church, Benedict, the anti-pope, went to Porto Venere, while Gregory went to Lucca. They made several attempts, but achieved nothing. As a result, the cardinals from both sides abandoned them; Benedict went to Spain, and Gregory headed to Rimini. Meanwhile, the cardinals, with the support of Balthazar Cossa, cardinal and legate of Bologna, convened a council at Pisa, where they elected Alexander V, who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus and granted the kingdom to Louis of Anjou. This prince, along with the Florentines, Genoese, and Venetians, attacked Ladislaus and expelled him from Rome. During the conflict, Alexander died, and Balthazar Cossa succeeded him as John XXIII. After leaving Bologna, where he was elected, he went to Rome and encountered Louis of Anjou, who had brought an army from Provence. They engaged Ladislaus and defeated him. However, due to poor leadership, they failed to capitalize on their victory, allowing the king to regain strength and retake Rome. Louis fled to Provence, and the pope went to Bologna. There, considering how to weaken Ladislaus's power, he arranged for Sigismund, the king of Hungary, to be elected emperor and encouraged him to come to Italy. After personally meeting in Mantua, they agreed to call a general council aimed at uniting the church, believing that this would empower the pope to successfully confront his enemies.
At this time there were three popes, Gregory, Benedict, and Giovanni, which kept the church weak and in disrepute. The city of Constance, in Germany, was appointed for the holding of the council, contrary to the expectation of Pope John. And although the death of Ladislaus had removed the cause which induced the pope to call the council, still, having promised to attend, he could not refuse to go there. In a few months after his arrival at Constance he discovered his error, but it was too late; endeavoring to escape, he was taken, put into prison, and compelled to renounce the papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent his renunciation; Benedict, the other, refusing to do the same, was condemned as a heretic; but, being abandoned by his cardinals, he complied, and the council elected Oddo, of the Colonnesi family, pope, by the title of Martin V. Thus the church was united under one head, after having been divided by many pontiffs.
At this time, there were three popes: Gregory, Benedict, and Giovanni, which kept the church weak and discredited. The city of Constance in Germany was chosen to hold the council, much to Pope John's surprise. Although the death of Ladislaus had removed the reason for calling the council, John couldn't back out after promising to attend. A few months after he arrived in Constance, he realized his mistake, but it was too late. When he tried to escape, he was captured, imprisoned, and forced to resign from the papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent in his resignation; Benedict, the other, refused to do the same and was declared a heretic. However, when he was abandoned by his cardinals, he eventually agreed, and the council chose Oddo from the Colonnesi family as pope, taking the name Martin V. This led to the church being united under one leader after being divided by multiple popes.
Filippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of Pavia. But Fazino Cane, who in the affairs of Lombardy had become lord of Vercelli, Alessandria, Novara, and Tortona, and had amassed great riches, finding his end approach, and having no children, left his wife Beatrice heiress of his estates, and arranged with his friends that a marriage should be effected between her and Filippo. By this union Filippo became powerful, and reacquired Milan and the whole of Lombardy. By way of being grateful for these numerous favors, as princes commonly are, he accused Beatrice of adultery and caused her to be put to death. Finding himself now possessed of greater power, he began to think of warring with Tuscany and of prosecuting the designs of Giovanni Galeazzo, his father.
Filippo Visconti was, as we mentioned, in the fortress of Pavia. However, Fazino Cane, who had become the lord of Vercelli, Alessandria, Novara, and Tortona during the events in Lombardy, and had accumulated great wealth, faced his end and, having no children, left his wife Beatrice as the heir to his estates. He arranged with his friends for her to marry Filippo. This marriage made Filippo powerful, allowing him to regain Milan and all of Lombardy. In gratitude for these many favors, as princes often do, he accused Beatrice of adultery and had her executed. Now holding greater power, he began to consider waging war against Tuscany and pursuing the ambitions of his father, Giovanni Galeazzo.
Ladislaus, king of Naples, at his death, left to his sister Giovanna the kingdom and a large army, under the command of the principal leaders of Italy, among the first of whom was Sforza of Cotignuola, reputed by the soldiery of that period to be a very valiant man. The queen, to shun the disgrace of having kept about her person a certain Pandolfello, whom she had brought up, took for her husband Giacopo della Marca, a Frenchman of the royal line, on the condition that he should be content to be called Prince of Tarento, and leave to her the title and government of the kingdom. But the soldiery, upon his arrival in Naples, proclaimed him king; so that between the husband and the wife wars ensued; and although they contended with varying success, the queen at length obtained the superiority, and became an enemy of the pope. Upon this, in order to reduce her to necessity, and that she might be compelled to throw herself into his lap, Sforza suddenly withdrew from her service without giving her any pervious notice of his intention to do so. She thus found herself at once unarmed, and not having any other source, sought the assistance of Alfonzo, king of Aragon and Sicily, adopted him as her son, and engaged Braccio of Montone as her captain, who was of equal reputation in arms with Sforza, and inimical to the pope, on account of his having taken possession of Perugia and some other places belonging to the church. After this, peace was made between the queen and the pontiff; but King Alfonzo, expecting she would treat him as she had her husband, endeavored secretly to make himself master of the strongholds; but, possessing acute observation, she was beforehand with him, and fortified herself in the castle of Naples. Suspicions increasing between them, they had recourse to arms, and the queen, with the assistance of Sforza, who again resumed her service, drove Alfonzo out of Naples, deprived him of his succession, and adopted Louis of Anjou in his stead. Hence arose new contests between Braccio, who took the part of Alfonzo, and Sforza, who defended the cause of the queen. In the course of the war, Sforza was drowned in endeavoring to pass the river Pescara; the queen was thus again unarmed, and would have been driven out of the kingdom, but for the assistance of Filippo Visconti, the duke of Milan, who compelled Alfonzo to return to Aragon. Braccio, undaunted at the departure of Alfonzo, continued the enterprise against the queen, and besieged L'Aquilla; but the pope, thinking the greatness of Braccio injurious to the church, received into his pay Francesco, the son of Sforza, who went in pursuit of Braccio to L'Aquilla, where he routed and slew him. Of Braccio remained Oddo, his son, from whom the pope took Perugia, and left him the state of Montone alone; but he was shortly afterward slain in Romagna, in the service of the Florentines; so that of those who had fought under Braccio, Niccolo Piccinino remained of greatest reputation.
Ladislaus, the king of Naples, left his kingdom and a large army to his sister Giovanna upon his death. The army was led by key leaders in Italy, one of whom was Sforza of Cotignuola, known to the soldiers of that time as a very brave man. To avoid the shame of keeping close ties with a certain Pandolfello, whom she had raised, the queen married Giacopo della Marca, a Frenchman of royal descent, on the condition that he would only be called Prince of Tarento and leave the title and governance of the kingdom to her. However, when he arrived in Naples, the soldiers proclaimed him king, which led to conflict between the couple. Despite their battles swinging back and forth, the queen ultimately gained the upper hand and became an enemy of the pope. To bring her to her knees and force her to rely on him, Sforza abruptly left her service without warning. She found herself defenseless and sought help from Alfonzo, the king of Aragon and Sicily, adopting him as her son and hiring Braccio of Montone as her captain, who was equally famed in battle and opposed to the pope due to his capture of Perugia and other territories owned by the church. Afterward, a peace agreement was reached between the queen and the pope; however, King Alfonzo feared she would treat him as she had her husband and secretly aimed to take control of the strongholds. But, being observant, she preemptively fortified herself in the castle of Naples. As suspicions grew between them, they resorted to arms, and the queen, with Sforza's help, who returned to her service, expelled Alfonzo from Naples, stripped him of his rights, and adopted Louis of Anjou in his place. This sparked new conflicts between Braccio, who supported Alfonzo, and Sforza, who backed the queen. During the war, Sforza drowned while trying to cross the river Pescara, leaving the queen vulnerable again, but with the help of Filippo Visconti, the duke of Milan, she was saved, forcing Alfonzo to retreat to Aragon. Braccio, undeterred by Alfonzo’s departure, continued his campaign against the queen and laid siege to L'Aquilla. However, the pope, concerned about Braccio's growing power, hired Francesco, Sforza’s son, to trace Braccio to L'Aquilla, where he defeated and killed him. Braccio's legacy continued through his son Oddo, but the pope took Perugia from him and left him only the state of Montone. Oddo was soon killed in Romagna while serving the Florentines, leaving Niccolo Piccinino as the most prominent survivor of those who had fought under Braccio.
Having continued our general narration nearly to the period which we at first proposed to reach, what remains is of little importance, except the war which the Florentines and Venetians carried on against Filippo duke of Milan, of which an account will be given when we speak particularly of Florence. I shall, therefore, continue it no further, briefly explaining the condition of Italy in respect of her princes and her arms, at the period to which we have now come. Joan II. held Naples, La Marca, the Patrimony and Romagna; some of these places obeyed the church, while others were held by vicars or tyrants, as Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, by those of the House of Este; Faenza by the Manfredi; Imola by the Alidossi; Furli by the Ordelaffi; Rimini and Psaro by the Malatesti; and Camerino by those of Varano. Part of Lombardy was subject to the Duke Filippo, part to the Venetians; for all those who had held single states were set aside, except the House of Gonzaga, which ruled in Mantua. The greater part of Tuscany was subject to the Florentines. Lucca and Sienna alone were governed by their own laws; Lucca was under the Guinigi; Sienna was free. The Genoese, being sometimes free, at others, subject to the kings of France or the Visconti, lived unrespected, and may be enumerated among the minor powers.
Having continued our general narrative nearly to the point we initially intended to reach, what’s left is of little significance, except for the conflict between the Florentines and Venetians against Duke Filippo of Milan, which will be discussed when we focus specifically on Florence. Therefore, I won’t go into it any further, and I’ll briefly explain the state of Italy regarding its princes and armies at this point in time. Joan II held Naples, La Marca, the Patrimony, and Romagna; some of these areas were under the church's control, while others were managed by governors or tyrants, such as Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio, ruled by the House of Este; Faenza by the Manfredi; Imola by the Alidossi; Furli by the Ordelaffi; Rimini and Psaro by the Malatesti; and Camerino by the Varano family. A part of Lombardy was under Duke Filippo, while another part was controlled by the Venetians; all those who had held individual territories were pushed aside, except for the House of Gonzaga, which ruled in Mantua. Most of Tuscany was under Florentine control. Lucca and Sienna alone governed themselves; Lucca was under the Guinigi family, while Sienna was free. The Genoese fluctuated between being free and being subject to the kings of France or the Visconti, living with little respect and can be counted among the minor powers.
None of the principal states were armed with their own proper forces. Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his apartments, and would not allow himself to be seen; his wars were managed by commissaries. The Venetians, when they directed their attention to terra firma, threw off those arms which had made them terrible upon the seas, and falling into the customs of Italy, submitted their forces to the direction of others. The practice of arms being unsuitable to priests or women, the pope and Queen Joan of Naples were compelled by necessity to submit to the same system which others practiced from defect of judgment. The Florentines also adopted the same custom, for having, by their frequent divisions, destroyed the nobility, and their republic being wholly in the hands of men brought up to trade, they followed the usages and example of others.
None of the main states had their own military forces. Duke Filippo locked himself in his apartments and refused to be seen; his wars were handled by commissaries. The Venetians, when they focused on the mainland, discarded the weapons that made them fearsome at sea, and, adopting local customs, allowed others to command their forces. Since warfare was considered inappropriate for priests or women, both the pope and Queen Joan of Naples had no choice but to follow the same approach that others took out of poor judgment. The Florentines also went along with this trend, as their constant divisions had weakened the nobility, and their republic was fully controlled by people raised in trade, so they followed the practices and examples set by others.
Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the lesser princes, or of men who possessed no state; for the minor princes did not adopt the practice of arms from any desire of glory, but for the acquisition of either property or safety. The others (those who possessed no state) being bred to arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no other art, and pursued war for emolument, or to confer honor upon themselves. The most noticed among the latter were Carmignola, Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino the pupil of Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo di Micheletto Attenduli, il Tartaglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolini da Perugia, Niccolo da Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonia dal Ponte ad Era, and many others. With these, were those lords of whom I have before spoken, to which may be added the barons of Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini, with other lords and gentlemen of the kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy, who, being constantly in arms, had such an understanding among themselves, and so contrived to accommodate things to their own convenience, that of those who were at war, most commonly both sides were losers; and they had made the practice of arms so totally ridiculous, that the most ordinary leader, possessed of true valor, would have covered these men with disgrace, whom, with so little prudence, Italy honored.
Thus, the military power of Italy was either held by minor princes or by individuals without their own states. The lesser princes took up arms not out of a desire for glory, but to gain property or ensure their safety. Those who had no territories were trained for battle from childhood; for them, war was simply a way to earn a living or gain personal honor. Among the most notable were Carmignola, Francesco Sforza, Niccolo Piccinino, the student of Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo di Micheletto Attenduli, il Tartaglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolini from Perugia, Niccolo from Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonia dal Ponte ad Era, and many others. Alongside them were the lords I mentioned earlier, including the barons of Rome, the Colonnesi, and the Orsini, along with other nobles from the kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy. These men, constantly in arms, had such a mutual understanding and managed to arrange things to suit their own interests that, in most conflicts, both sides ended up as losers. They had made the practice of warfare so absurd that even the most ordinary leader, one with genuine bravery, would have brought shame upon these men, whom Italy foolishly honored.
With these idle princes and such contemptible arms, my history must, therefore, be filled; to which, before I descend, it will be necessary, as was at first proposed, to speak of the origin of Florence, that it may be clearly understood what was the state of the city in those times, and by what means, through the labours of a thousand years, she became so imbecile.
With these lazy princes and such worthless weapons, my history must therefore be filled. Before I go into that, as I initially intended, I need to talk about the origins of Florence. This will help clarify what the state of the city was like back then and how, after a thousand years of effort, it became so weak.
BOOK II
CHAPTER I
The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of it—Increased population tends to make countries more healthy—Origin of Florence—Aggrandizement of Florence—Origin of the name of Florence—Destruction of Florence by Totila—The Florentines take Fiesole—The first division in Florence, and the cause of it—Buondelmonti—Buondelmonti slain—Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence—Guelphic families—Ghibelline families—The two factions come to terms.
The tradition of ancient republics to establish colonies and the benefits of it—A growing population tends to make countries healthier—The beginnings of Florence—The expansion of Florence—The origin of the name Florence—The destruction of Florence by Totila—The Florentines conquer Fiesole—The first division in Florence and its cause—Buondelmonti—The murder of Buondelmonti—Guelphs and Ghibellines in Florence—Guelph families—Ghibelline families—The two factions reach an agreement.
Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics and principalities of antiquity that have now gone into disuse, was that by means of which towns and cities were from time to time established; and there is nothing more worthy the attention of a great prince, or of a well-regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon a province, as the settlement of new places, where men are drawn together for mutual accommodation and defense. This may easily be done, by sending people to reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the establishment of new cities, these removals render a conquered country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a province properly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest attainable comfort, the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to attack others, and defend themselves with greater assurance. This custom, by the unwise practice of princes and republics, having gone into desuetude, the ruin and weakness of territories has followed; for this ordination is that by which alone empires are made secure, and countries become populated. Safety is the result of it; because the colony which a prince establishes in a newly acquired country, is like a fortress and a guard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither can a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of its inhabitants without this regulation; for all districts are not equally healthy, and hence some will abound to overflowing, while others are void; and if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in which they increase too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few the country would soon be wasted; for one part would become a desert, and the other a dense and wretched population. And, as nature cannot repair this disorder, it is necessary that industry should effect it, for unhealthy localities become wholesome when a numerous population is brought into them. With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful, and the air is purified with fires—remedies which nature cannot provide. The city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed in a marshy and unwholesome situation, it became healthy only by the number of industrious individuals who were drawn together. Pisa, too, on account of its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants, till the Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers unnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers, and thus render her populous and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not adopted, conquered countries are held with great difficulty; districts once uninhabited still remain so, and those which populate quickly are not relieved. Hence it is that many places of the world, and particularly in Italy, in comparison of ancient times, have become deserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence of princes, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and of republics which no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In ancient times, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those already begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which had its beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies.
Among the great and remarkable institutions of the ancient republics and principalities that have now fallen out of practice, was the one that facilitated the establishment of towns and cities from time to time. There's nothing that deserves the attention of a great ruler or a well-organized republic more than the founding of new places, where people come together for mutual support and protection. This can be easily achieved by sending people to live in newly acquired or uninhabited territories. In addition to establishing new cities, these relocations make a conquered area more secure and help keep the population of a province well-distributed. By ensuring the highest level of comfort, inhabitants grow rapidly, are more likely to attack others, and can defend themselves with greater confidence. This practice has fallen into disuse due to the poor choices of rulers and republics, leading to the decline and weakness of various territories. This approach is the only way to secure empires and populate land effectively. Safety results from it, because the colony that a ruler establishes in a newly acquired territory acts like a fortress and guard, ensuring the loyalty and obedience of the inhabitants. A province cannot be fully occupied and maintain a proper distribution of its population without this system. Not all areas are equally healthy, leading some to become overcrowded while others remain empty. If there is no way to move people from overcrowded areas to underpopulated ones, the land will soon suffer; one section will become a wasteland while the other becomes a dense, impoverished population. Since nature cannot fix this disorder, it is essential for human effort to address it, as unhealthy areas can become livable when a large population moves into them. With cultivation, the land becomes productive, and the air is cleansed through fires—remedies that nature cannot supply. The city of Venice illustrates this point well. Situated in a marshy and unhealthy area, it became healthy only because of the industrious people who settled there. Pisa, also due to its unhealthy air, was never populated until the Saracens destroyed Genoa and made its rivers unnavigable, prompting a large migration of Genoese people there, thus making it populous and strong. Where the practice of colonies is not embraced, conquered territories are hard to maintain; areas that were once uninhabited remain so, and those that do populate quickly are not relieved. As a result, many places in the world, particularly in Italy, have become deserts compared to ancient times. This decline is entirely due to the negligence of rulers who have lost their drive for true glory, and republics that no longer have commendable institutions. In ancient times, colonies frequently led to the founding of new cities and the expansion of existing ones, as was the case with Florence, which originated from Fiesole and grew through colonies.
It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the city of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit of the mountain, in order that her markets might be more frequented, and afford greater accommodation for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the place in which to told them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between the foot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to have occasioned the first erections that were made in those places, and to have induced merchants to wish for commodious warehouses for the reception of their goods, and which, in time, became substantial buildings. And afterward, when the Romans, having conquered the Carthaginians, rendered Italy secure from foreign invasion, these buildings would greatly increase; for men never endure inconveniences unless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus, although the fear of war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult of access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly resort to more convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence, the security to which the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused the inhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so much as to form a town, this was at first called the Villa Arnina. After this occurred the civil wars between Marius and Sylla; then those of Cæsar, and Pompey; and next those of the murderers of Cæsar, and the parties who undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Sylla, and afterward by the three Roman citizens, who, having avenged the death of Cæsar, divided the empire among themselves, colonies were sent to Fiesole, which, either in part or in whole, fixed their habitations in the plain, near to the then rising town. By this increase, the place became so filled with dwellings, that it might with propriety be enumerated among the cities of Italy.
It's very likely, as Dante and Giovanni Villani suggest, that the city of Fiesole, situated on the top of the mountain, moved its markets to the plain below, between the mountain's base and the river Arno, to attract more traffic and provide better accommodations for merchants. I believe these markets led to the first constructions in the area and made merchants desire suitable warehouses for their goods, which eventually turned into substantial buildings. Later, when the Romans defeated the Carthaginians and secured Italy from foreign threats, these buildings increased significantly because people don't tolerate inconveniences unless absolutely necessary. So, while the fear of war prompts a preference for strong and hard-to-reach places, once the danger passes, people eagerly return to more convenient and accessible locations. Thus, the security brought by the Roman Republic led the inhabitants, who had started as described, to grow in number and form a town, initially called Villa Arnina. Afterward, there were civil wars between Marius and Sylla, then those involving Caesar and Pompey, followed by conflicts from Caesar's assassins and those seeking vengeance for his death. Therefore, first through Sylla and then through the three Roman citizens who avenged Caesar's death and divided the empire among themselves, colonies were established in Fiesole, which settled partly or fully in the plain near the emerging town. This growth caused the area to become so densely populated that it could rightly be counted among the cities of Italy.
There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the word Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one of the principal persons of the colony; others think it was originally not Florentia, but Fluentia, and suppose the word derived from fluente, or flowing of the Arno; and in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who says, "the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno." This, however, may be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini, not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as if the word Fluentini were a corruption, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and Florentini; for, in the time of Tiberius, they were governed like the other cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of ambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the waters of the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow their country; and it is not at all reasonable that the city should have two names at the same time. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was always Florentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under the Roman empire, and began to be noticed by writers in the times of the first emperors.
There are different opinions about where the word Florentia comes from. Some believe it's derived from Florinus, one of the key figures of the colony; others think it initially wasn't Florentia but Fluentia, suggesting it came from fluente, meaning the flow of the Arno river. To support their view, they cite a passage from Pliny, who says, "the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno." However, this might be inaccurate because Pliny refers to the location of the Florentini, not the name they were known by. It seems the term Fluentini could be a variation since both Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote around the same time as Pliny, refer to them as Florentia and Florentini. By the time of Tiberius, they were governed like other cities in Italy. Additionally, Cornelius mentions ambassadors from the Florentines asking the emperor to prevent the waters of the Chiane from flooding their land, which makes it unlikely that the city had two names simultaneously. Therefore, I believe that regardless of its origin, the name has always been Florentia, and whatever its source, it originated during the Roman Empire and started being mentioned by writers in the era of the first emperors.
When the Roman empire was afflicted by the barbarians, Florence was destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths; and after a period of two hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charlemagne; from whose time, till the year 1215, she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy; and, during this period, first the descendants of Charles, then the Berengarii, and lastly the German emperors, governed her, as in our general treatise we have shown. Nor could the Florentines, during those ages, increase in numbers, or effect anything worthy of memory, on account of the influence of those to whom they were subject. Nevertheless, in the year 1010, upon the feast of St. Romolo, a solemn day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fiesole, which must have been performed either with the consent of the emperors, or during the interim from the death of one to the creation of his successor, when all assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the pontiffs acquired greater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was in its wane, all the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for the prince; so that, in the time of Henry III. the mind of the country was divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentines kept themselves united until the year 1215, rendering obedience to the ruling power, and anxious only to preserve their own safety. But, as the diseases which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in proportion as they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in the sects of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The cause of her first division is well known, having been recorded by Dante and many other writers; I shall, however, briefly notice it.
When the Roman Empire was invaded by the barbarians, Florence was destroyed by Totila, the king of the Ostrogoths. After about two hundred and fifty years, it was rebuilt by Charlemagne, and from that time until 1215, it shared the fate of the rest of Italy. During this period, it was governed first by the descendants of Charles, then by the Berengarii, and finally by the German emperors, as we've discussed in our general treatise. The Florentines, during those times, couldn't grow in numbers or accomplish anything noteworthy due to the influence of their rulers. However, in 1010, on the feast of St. Romolo, a significant day for the Fiesolani, they captured and destroyed Fiesole, which must have happened either with the emperors' approval or during the gap between one emperor's death and the election of his successor, when everyone experienced a bit more freedom. But during that time, the popes gained more power, and the authority of the German emperors was declining, allowing all the areas of Italy to govern themselves with less regard for the prince. By the time of Henry III, the people's loyalties were divided between the emperor and the church. Nevertheless, the Florentines remained united until 1215, obeying the ruling power and primarily concerned with their own safety. Yet, just as physical illnesses become more dangerous and lethal the longer they are ignored, Florence, although late to engage with the factions in Italy, ended up suffering more from them later on. The reason for her initial division is well-known and has been documented by Dante and many other writers; I will briefly touch on it.
Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati family there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty, for whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a young gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; but either from negligence, or, because she thought it might be accomplished at any time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened that the cavalier betrothed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family. This grieved the Donati widow exceedingly; but she hoped, with her daughter's beauty, to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of the marriage; and from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach her house alone, she descended, and as he was passing she said to him, "I am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had reserved my daughter for you;" and, pushing the door open, presented her to his view. The cavalier, seeing the beauty of the girl, which was very uncommon, and considering the nobility of her blood, and her portion not being inferior to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed with such an ardent desire to possess her, that, not thinking of the promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of the evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, said, "Since you have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed to refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose;" and without any delay married her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and the Uberti, whose families were allied, were filled with rage, and having assembled with many others, connections of the parties, they concluded that the injury could not be tolerated without disgrace, and that the only vengeance proportionate to the enormity of the offence would be to put Buondelmonti to death. And although some took into consideration the evils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said, that those who talk of many things effect nothing, using that trite and common adage, Cosa fatta capo ha. Thereupon, they appointed to the execution of the murder Mosca himself, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti, who, on the morning of Easter day, concealed themselves in a house of the Amidei, situate between the old bridge and St. Stephen's, and as Buondelmonti was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked by them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of Mars. This murder divided the whole city; one party espousing the cause of the Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti; and as these families possessed men and means of defense, they contended with each other for many years, without one being able to destroy the other.
Among the most powerful families in Florence were the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; just below them were the Amidei and the Donati. In the Donati family, there was a wealthy widow with a daughter of stunning beauty, and she had her heart set on having Buondelmonti, the young head of the Buondelmonti family, as her son-in-law. However, either through carelessness or because she thought it could be done anytime, she hadn't communicated her plans when Buondelmonti ended up getting engaged to a girl from the Amidei family. This upset the Donati widow greatly, but she hoped that her daughter’s beauty would disrupt the engagement before the wedding. From an upper window, she saw Buondelmonti coming to her house alone, so she went down and, as he walked by, said, "I’m glad to hear you’ve chosen a bride, although I had meant for my daughter to be yours," and, opening the door, showed him her daughter. Buondelmonti, captivated by the extraordinary beauty of the girl and recognizing her noble lineage and dowry, was filled with such a strong desire for her that he forgot about his previous promise and the harm he would cause by breaking it, saying, "Since you had intended her for me, I would be very ungrateful to refuse her while I'm still free to choose," and he wasted no time marrying her. Once the news spread, the Amidei and the Uberti, whose families were connected, were consumed with rage. Gathering many others related to the parties involved, they concluded that they couldn't let the offense go unpunished and that the only appropriate revenge would be to kill Buondelmonti. Although some considered the potential fallout from this, Mosca Lamberti pointed out that those who talk about many things achieve nothing, citing the common saying, Cosa fatta capo ha. They then assigned the task of carrying out the murder to Mosca, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti, who on Easter morning hid in a house of the Amidei located between the old bridge and St. Stephen's. When Buondelmonti passed by on a white horse, thinking it would be as easy to forget a slight as to reject an alliance, they attacked him at the foot of the bridge and killed him near a statue of Mars. This murder split the entire city; one side supported the Buondelmonti, while the other sided with the Uberti, and since both families had the means and manpower for defense, they fought against each other for many years without either being able to destroy the other.
Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II., who, being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against the church; and, to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favored the Uberti and their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled the Buondelmonti; thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had long time been, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines; and as it will not be superfluous, I shall record the names of the families which took part with each faction. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelphs were the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghibelline faction were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini, Giuochi, and Galigai. Besides the noble families on each side above enumerated, each party was joined by many of the higher ranks of the people, so that the whole city was corrupted with this division. The Guelphs being expelled, took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where part of their castles and strongholds were situated, and where they strengthened and fortified themselves against the attacks of their enemies. But, upon the death of Frederick, the most unbiased men, and those who had the greatest authority with the people, considered that it would be better to effect the reunion of the city, than, by keeping her divided, cause her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelphs to forget their injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay aside their jealousies and receive them with cordiality.
Florence continued to face these troubles until the time of Frederick II, who, as the king of Naples, tried to strengthen his position against the church. To solidify his power in Tuscany, he supported the Uberti and their followers, who, with his help, drove out the Buondelmonti. As a result, our city, like much of Italy, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines. It’s worth noting the names of the families that aligned with each faction. The Guelphs included the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, and Cerchi. The Ghibelline faction included the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini, Giuochi, and Galigai. In addition to the noble families listed above, many from the upper ranks of society joined each side, leading to widespread corruption in the city due to this division. After the Guelphs were expelled, they sought refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where many of their castles and strongholds were located, and they fortified themselves against their enemies. However, after Frederick's death, the most impartial and respected individuals in the community believed it would be better to reunite the city rather than allow its division to lead to its downfall. They encouraged the Guelphs to put aside their grievances and return, while urging the Ghibellines to drop their rivalries and welcome them.
CHAPTER II
New form of government in Florence—Military establishments—The greatness of Florence—Movements of the Ghibellines—Ghibellines driven out of the city—Guelphs routed by the forces of the king of Naples—Florence in the power of the king of Naples—Project of the Ghibellines to destroy Florence opposed by Farinata degli Uberti—Adventures of the Guelphs of Florence—The pope gives his standard to the Guelphs—Fears of the Ghibellines and their preparations for the defense of their power—Establishment of trades' companies, and their authority—Count Guido Novello expelled—He goes to Prato—The Guelphs restored to the city—The Ghibellines quit Florence—The Florentines reform the government in favor of the Guelphs—The pope endeavors to restore the Ghibellines and excommunicates Florence—Pope Nicholas III. endeavors to abate the power of Charles king of Naples.
New form of government in Florence—Military structures—The greatness of Florence—Movements of the Ghibellines—Ghibellines expelled from the city—Guelphs defeated by the forces of the king of Naples—Florence under the control of the king of Naples—The Ghibellines' plan to destroy Florence is opposed by Farinata degli Uberti—The Guelphs' adventures in Florence—The pope provides his banner to the Guelphs—Concerns of the Ghibellines and their preparations to defend their power—Establishment of trade guilds and their authority—Count Guido Novello exiled—He goes to Prato—The Guelphs restored to the city—The Ghibellines leave Florence—The Florentines reform the government in favor of the Guelphs—The pope tries to restore the Ghibellines and excommunicates Florence—Pope Nicholas III attempts to reduce the power of Charles, king of Naples.
Being united, the Florentines thought the time favorable for the ordination of a free government, and that it would be desirable to provide their means of defense before the new emperor should acquire strength. They therefore divided the city into six parts, and elected twelve citizens, two for each sixth, to govern the whole. These were called Anziani, and were elected annually. To remove the cause of those enmities which had been observed to arise from judicial decisions, they provided two judges from some other state,—one called captain of the people, the other podesta, or provost,—whose duty it was to decide in cases, whether civil or criminal, which occurred among the people. And as order cannot be preserved without a sufficient force for the defense of it, they appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in the country, upon the rolls of which the names of all the youth were armed; and it was ordered that everyone should appear armed, under his banner, whenever summoned, whether by the captain of the people or the Anziani. They had ensigns according to the kind of arms they used, the bowmen being under one ensign, and the swordsmen, or those who carried a target, under another; and every year, upon the day of Pentecost, ensigns were given with great pomp to the new men, and new leaders were appointed for the whole establishment. To give importance to their armies, and to serve as a point of refuge for those who were exhausted in the fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they might again make head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn by two oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of white and red. When they intended to assemble the army, this car was brought into the New Market, and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people. To give solemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell called Martinella, which was rung during a whole month before the forces left the city, in order that the enemy might have time to provide for his defense; so great was the virtue then existing among men, and with so much generosity of mind were they governed, that as it is now considered a brave and prudent act to assail an unprovided enemy, in those days it would have been thought disgraceful, and productive only of a fallacious advantage. This bell was also taken with the army, and served to regulate the keeping and relief of guard, and other matters necessary in the practice of war.
United, the Florentines believed it was a good time to establish a free government and thought it wise to set up their defenses before the new emperor gained power. So, they divided the city into six districts and elected twelve citizens—two from each district—to oversee everything. These leaders were called Anziani and were chosen every year. To reduce the conflicts that often arose from legal decisions, they brought in two judges from other states, one known as the captain of the people and the other the podesta, whose role was to handle civil and criminal cases among the citizens. Since order can't be maintained without enough force for its defense, they appointed twenty banners in the city and seventy-six in the countryside, where the names of all the young men were registered as armed. Everyone was required to show up armed under their banner whenever summoned, whether by the captain of the people or the Anziani. They had different banners based on the type of weapons they used, with archers under one and swordsmen or those with shields under another; and every year, on Pentecost, there was a grand ceremony to present new banners to newcomers and appoint new leaders for the whole structure. To make their armies more significant and provide a refuge for tired fighters to regroup before re-engaging the enemy, they created a large cart, pulled by two oxen, draped in red cloth with a white and red banner. When they planned to gather the army, this cart was brought to the New Market and ceremoniously handed over to the community leaders. To add gravity to their operations, they had a bell called Martinella that rang for an entire month before the forces left the city, giving the enemy time to prepare; such was the integrity of the people at the time, and they were so generously minded that while today it’s seen as brave and smart to attack an unprepared enemy, back then it would have been deemed shameful and only yielding a deceptive advantage. This bell also accompanied the army, helping manage the watch and other essential wartime logistics.
With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines established their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the power and authority Florence in a short time acquired. She became not only the head of Tuscany, but was enumerated among the first cities of Italy, and would have attained greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not been afflicted with the continual divisions of her citizens. They remained under the this government ten years, during which time they compelled the people of Pistoria, Arezzo, and Sienna, to enter into league with them; and returning with the army from Sienna, they took Volterra, destroyed some castles, and led the inhabitants to Florence. All these enterprises were effected by the advice of the Guelphs, who were much more powerful than the Ghibellines, for the latter were hated by the people as well on account of their haughty bearing while in power, during the time of Frederick, as because the church party was in more favor than that of the emperor; for with the aid of the church they hoped to preserve their liberty, but, with the emperor, they were apprehensive of losing it.
With these civil and military arrangements, the people of Florence established their freedom. It's hard to imagine the power and authority that Florence quickly gained. She became not just the leader of Tuscany but also ranked among the top cities in Italy, and she would have achieved even greater prominence had she not been plagued by constant disputes among her citizens. They lived under this government for ten years, during which time they forced the people of Pistoia, Arezzo, and Siena to join them; and upon returning with the army from Siena, they captured Volterra, destroyed some castles, and brought the inhabitants to Florence. All these actions were carried out with the guidance of the Guelphs, who were much stronger than the Ghibellines, as the latter were despised by the people both for their arrogant behavior during their time in power under Frederick and because the church faction was more favored than the imperial faction; with the church’s support, they hoped to maintain their freedom, while they feared losing it under the emperor.
The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves divested of authority, could not rest, but watched for an occasion of repossessing the government; and they thought the favorable moment come, when they found that Manfred, son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign of Naples, and reduced the power of the church. They, therefore, secretly communicated with him, to resume the management of the state, but could not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of the Anziani, who immediately summoned the Uberti to appear before them; but instead of obeying, they took arms and fortified themselves in their houses. The people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and with the assistance of the Guelphs, compelled them to quit the city, and, with the whole Ghibelline party, withdraw to Sienna. They then asked assistance of Manfred king of Naples, and by the able conduct of Farinata degli Uberti, the Guelphs were routed by the king's forces upon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter, that those who escaped, thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought refuge at Lucca.
The Ghibellines, meanwhile, feeling stripped of their power, couldn't just sit back; they were on the lookout for a chance to regain control of the government. They thought the time had come when they learned that Manfred, son of Frederick, had taken over as ruler of Naples and diminished the church’s influence. So, they secretly reached out to him to take back the management of the state, but they couldn’t keep it from the Anziani, who quickly summoned the Uberti to appear before them. Instead of complying, the Uberti armed themselves and barricaded themselves in their homes. Angered by this, the people took up arms and, with help from the Guelphs, forced them to leave the city and retreat with the whole Ghibelline faction to Siena. They then sought assistance from Manfred, King of Naples, and under the skilled leadership of Farinata degli Uberti, the Guelphs were defeated by the king's forces near the river Arbia, suffering such heavy losses that those who managed to escape, believing Florence was lost, didn't go back there but sought refuge in Lucca.
Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable reputation in arms, to command his forces. He after the victory, went with the Ghibellines to Florence, and reduced the city entirely to the king's authority, annulling the magistracies and every other institution that retained any appearance of freedom. This injury, committed with little prudence, excited the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmity against the Ghibellines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was increased to the highest pitch. The necessities of the kingdom compelling the Count Giordano to return to Naples, he left at Florence as regal vicar the Count Guido Novallo, lord of Casentino, who called a council of Ghibellines at Empoli. There it was concluded, with only one dissenting voice, that in order to preserve their power in Tuscany, it would be necessary to destroy Florence, as the only means of compelling the Guelphs to withdraw their support from the party of the church. To this so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble city, there was not a citizen who offered any opposition, except Farinata degli Uberti, who openly defended her, saying he had not encountered so many dangers and difficulties, but in the hope of returning to his country; that he still wished for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse the blessing which fortune now presented, even though by using it, he were to become as much an enemy of those who thought otherwise, as he had been of the Guelphs; and that no one need be afraid the city would occasion the ruin of their country, for he hoped that the valor which had expelled the Guelphs, would be sufficient to defend her. Farinata was a man of undaunted resolution, and excelled greatly in military affairs: being the head of the Ghibelline party, and in high estimation with Manfred, his authority put a stop to the discussion, and induced the rest to think of some other means of preserving their power.
Manfred sent Count Giordano, a well-respected military leader, to command his forces. After winning the battle, he went with the Ghibellines to Florence and brought the city completely under the king's control, overturning the magistracies and any other institutions that gave off an impression of freedom. This reckless action sparked intense anger among the people, which only heightened their hatred for the Ghibellines, ultimately leading to their downfall. Due to the kingdom's needs, Count Giordano had to return to Naples, leaving Count Guido Novallo, lord of Casentino, as the royal representative in Florence. He called a council of Ghibellines at Empoli, where they unanimously agreed, with just one opposing voice, that to maintain their power in Tuscany, they would need to destroy Florence. This was seen as the only way to force the Guelphs to withdraw their support for the church party. No citizen opposed this cruel decision against such a noble city, except for Farinata degli Uberti, who spoke up for her, stating he hadn't faced so many dangers and challenges just to abandon his homeland; he still desired what he had fought so hard for, and he wouldn't reject the opportunity that fortune offered him, even if it meant becoming an enemy to those with different views, just as he had been to the Guelphs. He assured them that they shouldn't fear the city causing their country's ruin, as he was confident that the courage that had expelled the Guelphs would be enough to protect her. Farinata was a man of unwavering resolve and excelled in military matters. As the leader of the Ghibelline faction and held in high regard by Manfred, his influence ended the debate and prompted others to consider alternative ways to secure their power.
The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count, for affording refuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the Arbia, could allow them to remain no longer; so leaving Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whence they were called by the Guelphs of Parma against the Ghibellines of that city, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the latter were assigned to them; so that having increased in honors and riches, and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take the kingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer him their services. His holiness not only received them as friends, but gave them a standard upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever after borne by the Guelphs in battle, and is still used at Florence. Charles having taken the kingdom from Manfred, and slain him, to which success the Guelphs of Florence had contributed, their party became more powerful, and that of the Ghibellines proportionately weaker. In consequence of this, those who with Count Novello governed the city, thought it would be advisable to attach to themselves, with some concession, the people whom they had previously aggravated with every species of injury; but these remedies which, if applied before the necessity came would have been beneficial, being offered when they were no longer considered favors, not only failed of producing any beneficial results to the donors, but hastened their ruin. Thinking, however, to win them to their interests, they restored some of the honors of which they had deprived them. They elected thirty-six citizens from the higher rank of the people, to whom, with two cavaliers, knights or gentlemen, brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the city was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole of the people according to their arts or trades, and over each art appointed a magistrate, whose duty was to distribute justice to those placed under him. They gave to each company or trade a banner, under which every man was expected to appear armed, whenever the city required it. These arts were at first twelve, seven major and five minor. The minor arts were afterward increased to fourteen, so that the whole made, as at present, twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers also effected other changes for the common good.
The Lucchese, facing the count's anger for giving refuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the Arbia, could no longer allow them to stay. So, they left Lucca and went to Bologna, from where the Guelphs of Parma called them to fight against the Ghibellines in that city. After defeating the enemy, they were rewarded with the possessions of the Ghibellines. With increased honors and wealth, and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take the kingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer their services. The pope welcomed them as friends and gave them a standard with his insignia on it. This standard was thereafter carried into battle by the Guelphs and is still used in Florence today. After Charles defeated Manfred and killed him, thanks in part to the support from the Guelphs of Florence, their faction grew stronger while the Ghibellines grew weaker. As a result, those governing the city under Count Novello thought it wise to try to win back the people they had previously wronged by offering some concessions. However, these attempts, which would have been beneficial if made earlier, failed to produce any positive results for the donors and instead sped up their downfall. In an effort to gain their loyalty, they restored some of the honors they had taken away. They elected thirty-six citizens from the upper class along with two knights from Bologna to reform the city's government. Once assembled, they categorized the entire population by their trades and appointed a magistrate over each trade responsible for delivering justice. They provided each trade with a banner, requiring every man to appear armed under it whenever the city needed. Initially, there were twelve trades, consisting of seven major and five minor ones. Later, the minor trades were expanded to fourteen, resulting in a total of twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers also made other changes for the common good.
Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens for the support of the soldiery; but during the discussion found so much difficulty, that he did not dare to use force to obtain it; and thinking he had now lost the government, called together the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they determined to wrest from the people those powers which they had with so little prudence conceded. When they thought they had sufficient force, the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a tumult to be raised, which so alarmed them that they retired to their houses, when suddenly the banners of the Arts were unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them. These, learning that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's, moved toward the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for their leader. The count, on the other hand, being informed where the people were assembled, proceeded in that direction; nor did the people shun the fight, for, meeting their enemies where now stands the residence of the Tornaquinci, they put the count to flight, with the loss of many of his followers. Terrified with this result, he was afraid his enemies would attack him in the night, and that his own party, finding themselves beaten, would murder him. This impression took such hold of his mind that, without attempting any other remedy, he sought his safety rather in flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the rectors, went with all his people to Prato. But, on finding himself in a place of safety, his fears fled; perceiving his error he wished to correct it, and on the following day, as soon as light appeared, he returned with his people to Florence, to enter the city by force which he had abandoned in cowardice. But his design did not succeed; for the people, who had had difficulty in expelling him, kept him out with facility; so that with grief and shame he went to the Casentino, and the Ghibellines withdrew to their villas.
Count Guido suggested taxing the citizens to support the soldiers; however, during discussions, he encountered so many obstacles that he was afraid to use force to enforce it. Believing he had lost control of the government, he summoned the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they decided to take back the powers that the people had foolishly granted. Once they felt they had enough strength, the thirty-six gathered and created a disturbance that frightened the citizens, causing them to retreat to their homes. Suddenly, the banners of the Arts were raised, attracting many armed men. When they discovered that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's, they moved toward the Holy Trinity and chose Giovanni Soldanieri as their leader. Meanwhile, Count Guido, learning where the people had assembled, headed in that direction, but the citizens did not shy away from fighting. They confronted their enemies near the residence of the Tornaquinci and forced the count to flee, resulting in heavy losses for his followers. Terrified of this outcome, he feared his enemies would attack him at night and that his own supporters, feeling defeated, would turn against him. This fear consumed him, and instead of seeking another solution, he prioritized his safety by fleeing rather than fighting, going against the advice of the rectors with all his people to Prato. However, once he found himself in a safe place, his fears subsided. Realizing his mistake, he wanted to make amends, and the next day, as soon as dawn broke, he returned with his people to Florence, intending to force his way back into the city he had left out of fear. But his plan failed; the citizens, who had originally struggled to expel him, easily prevented his return. Ashamed and distressed, he retreated to the Casentino, while the Ghibellines returned to their villas.
The people being victorious, by the advice of those who loved the good of the republic, determined to reunite the city, and recall all the citizens as well Guelph as Ghibelline, who yet remained without. The Guelphs returned, after having been expelled six years; the recent offences of the Ghibellines were forgiven, and themselves restored to their country. They were, however, most cordially hated, both by the people and the Guelphs, for the latter could not forget their exile, and the former but too well remembered their tyranny when they were in power; the result was, that the minds of neither party became settled.
The victorious people, guided by those who cared about the well-being of the republic, decided to reunite the city and invite back all the citizens, both Guelphs and Ghibellines, who were still outside. The Guelphs returned after having been exiled for six years; the recent offenses of the Ghibellines were forgiven, and they were allowed to come back to their homeland. However, they were deeply disliked by both the people and the Guelphs, as the latter couldn't forget their own exile, and the former vividly remembered the tyranny the Ghibellines had exercised while in power; as a result, neither side could find peace of mind.
While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report prevailed that Corradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with a force from Germany, for the conquest of Naples; this gave the Ghibellines hope of recovering power, and the Guelphs, considering how they should provide for their security, requested assistance from Charles for their defense, in case of the passage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charles rendered the Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibellines that they fled the city, without being driven out, two days before the arrival of the troops.
While things were like this in Florence, there was a rumor that Corradino, Manfred's nephew, was coming with an army from Germany to take Naples. This gave the Ghibellines hope of regaining power, and the Guelphs, worried about their safety, asked Charles for help to defend themselves in case Corradino crossed into their territory. The arrival of Charles's forces made the Guelphs arrogant and scared the Ghibellines so much that they fled the city two days before the troops arrived, without being forced out.
The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines reorganized the government of the city, and elected twelve men who, as the supreme power, were to hold their magistracy two months, and were not called Anziani or "ancients," but Buono Uomini or "good men." They also formed a council of eighty citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides these, from each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the Credenza and the twelve Buono Uomini, were called the General Council. They also appointed another council of one hundred and twenty citizens, elected from the people and the nobility, to which all those things were finally referred that had undergone the consideration of the other councils, and which distributed the offices of the republic. Having formed this government, they strengthened the Guelphic party by appointing its friends to the principal offices of state, and a variety of other measures, that they might be enabled to defend themselves against the Ghibellines, whose property they divided into three parts, one of which was applied to the public use, another to the Capitani, and the third was assigned to the Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuries they had received. The pope, too, in order to keep Tuscany in the Guelphic interest, made Charles imperial vicar over the province. While the Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved their influence at home by laws, and abroad with arms, the pope died, and after a dispute, which continued two years, Gregory X. was elected, being then in Syria, where he had long lived; but not having witnessed the working of parties, he did not estimate them in the manner his predecessors had done, and passing through Florence on his way to France, he thought it would be the office of a good pastor to unite the city, and so far succeeded that the Florentines consented to receive the Syndics of the Ghibellines in Florence to consider the terms of their recall. They effected an agreement, but the Ghibellines without were so terrified that they did not venture to return. The pope laid the whole blame upon the city, and being enraged excommunicated her, in which state of contumacy she remained as long as the pontiff lived; but was reblessed by his successor Innocent V.
Once the Ghibellines had left, the Florentines reorganized the city government and elected twelve men who, holding the highest authority, were to serve as magistrates for two months. They weren’t called Anziani or "ancients," but Buono Uomini or "good men." They also set up a council of eighty citizens, known as the Credenza. In addition, thirty citizens were selected from every sixth, creating a General Council along with the Credenza and the twelve Buono Uomini. They appointed another council of one hundred and twenty citizens, elected from both the common people and the nobility, which handled all matters that had been considered by the other councils and distributed the offices of the republic. After establishing this government, they bolstered the Guelph party by placing its supporters in key state positions and implementing various other measures to defend themselves against the Ghibellines. They divided the Ghibelline property into three parts: one for public use, another for the Capitani, and the third for the Guelphs, as compensation for the wrongs they had suffered. The pope, in an effort to maintain Guelph influence in Tuscany, appointed Charles as the imperial vicar for the province. While the Florentines upheld their power at home through laws and abroad with military force under the new government, the pope died. After a two-year dispute, Gregory X was elected while he was in Syria, where he had lived for a long time. However, since he hadn’t witnessed the power struggles firsthand, he didn’t view them as his predecessors had. When he passed through Florence on his way to France, he believed it was the duty of a good pastor to unite the city, and he succeeded enough that the Florentines agreed to allow the Ghibelline Syndics to come to Florence to discuss their return. An agreement was reached, but the Ghibellines outside were too scared to come back. The pope blamed the city entirely and, in his anger, excommunicated it, leaving it in that state of defiance for as long as he lived; however, it was later absolved by his successor, Innocent V.
The pontificate was afterward occupied by Nicholas III. of the Orsini family. It has to be remarked that it was invariably the custom of the popes to be jealous of those whose power in Italy had become great, even when its growth had been occasioned by the favors of the church; and as they always endeavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes were the result. Their fear of a powerful person caused them to increase the influence of one previously weak; his becoming great caused him also to be feared, and his being feared made them seek the means of destroying him. This mode of thinking and operation occasioned the kingdom of Naples to be taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as the latter became powerful his ruin was resolved upon. Actuated by these motives, Nicholas III. contrived that, with the influence of the emperor, the government of Tuscany should be taken from Charles, and Latino his legate was therefore sent into the province in the name of the empire.
The papacy was later held by Nicholas III from the Orsini family. It's important to note that the popes often felt threatened by individuals who gained significant power in Italy, even if that power was built with the church's support. They consistently tried to undermine these powerful figures, leading to frequent conflicts and shifts in power. Their fear of a strong leader prompted them to bolster someone who was previously weak; as that person gained strength, they became a threat, and in turn, the popes sought to eliminate them. This way of thinking led to the kingdom of Naples being taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as Charles became powerful, they plotted his downfall. Driven by these motives, Nicholas III engineered, with the emperor's backing, the removal of Charles from the government of Tuscany, and sent his legate Latino to the region in the name of the empire.
CHAPTER III
Changes in Florence—The Ghibellines recalled—New form of government in Florence—The Signory created—Victory over the Aretins—The Gonfalonier of Justice created—Ubaldo Ruffoli the first Gonfalonier—Giano della Bella—New reform by his advice—Giano della Bella becomes a voluntary exile—Dissensions between the people and the nobility—The tumults composed—Reform of Government—Public buildings—The prosperous state of the city.
Changes in Florence—The Ghibellines were brought back—A new government structure was established in Florence—The Signory was created—Victory over the Aretins—The Gonfalonier of Justice was created—Ubaldo Ruffoli became the first Gonfalonier—Giano della Bella—A new reform suggested by him—Giano della Bella chose to go into voluntary exile—Conflicts between the common people and the nobility—The riots were resolved—Government reform—Public buildings—The city’s thriving condition.
Florence was at this time in a very unhappy condition; for the great Guelphic families had become insolent, and set aside the authority of the magistrates; so that murders and other atrocities were daily committed, and the perpetrators escaped unpunished, under the protection of one or other of the nobility. The leaders of the people, in order to restrain this insolence, determined to recall those who had been expelled, and thus gave the legate an opportunity of uniting the city. The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of twelve governors, fourteen were appointed, seven for each party, who held their office one year, and were to be chosen by the pope. The Florentines lived under this government two years, till the pontificate of Martin, who restored to Charles all the authority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, so that parties were again active in Tuscany; for the Florentines took arms against the emperor's governor, and to deprive the Ghibellines of power, and restrain the nobility, established a new form of government. This was in the year 1282, and the companies of the Arts, since magistrates had been appointed and colors given to them, had acquired so great influence, that of their own authority they ordered that, instead of fourteen citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to hold the government of the republic two months, and chosen from either the people or the nobility. After the expiration of the first magistracy they were augmented to six, that one might be chosen from each sixth of the city, and this number was preserved till the year 1342, when the city was divided into quarters, and the Priors became eight, although upon some occasions during the interim they were twelve.
Florence was in a pretty miserable state at this time. The powerful Guelph families had become arrogant and ignored the authority of the magistrates, leading to daily murders and other crimes, with the criminals escaping punishment thanks to protection from the nobility. To curb this arrogance, the leaders of the people decided to bring back those who had been exiled, giving the legate a chance to unite the city. The Ghibellines returned, and instead of appointing twelve governors, they set up fourteen—seven from each party—who would serve for one year and be chosen by the pope. The Florentines lived under this government for two years until the papacy of Martin, who restored all the authority that had been taken from Charles by Nicholas. This reignited party conflict in Tuscany, as the Florentines rose up against the emperor's governor and created a new government to limit Ghibelline power and control the nobility. This was in the year 1282, and by then, the companies of the Arts had gained so much influence, thanks to the appointment of magistrates and the assignment of colors to them, that they decided to replace the fourteen citizens with three who would be called Priors, governing the republic for two months and chosen from either the common people or the nobility. After the first term ended, the number increased to six, with one selected from each sixth of the city, and this arrangement continued until 1342 when the city was divided into quarters, increasing the Priors to eight, although at times during that period, there were twelve.
This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the ruin of the nobility; for the people by various causes excluded them from all participation in it, and then trampled upon them without respect. The nobles at first, owing to their divisions among themselves, made no opposition; and each being anxious to rob the other of influence in the state, they lost it altogether. To this government a palace was given, in which they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officers were appointed; it having been previously the custom of councils and magistrates to assemble in churches. At first they were only called Priors, but to increase their distinction the word signori, or lords, was soon afterward adopted. The Florentines remained for some time in domestic quiet, during which they made war with the Aretins for having expelled the Guelphs, and obtained a complete victory over them at Campaldino. The city being increased in riches and population, it was found expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which was enlarged to the extent it at present remains, although its diameter was previously only the space between the old bridge and the church of St. Lorenzo.
This government, as will be shown later, led to the downfall of the nobility; the people, for various reasons, excluded them from any involvement, and then disrespected them. The nobles initially didn't oppose this, as they were divided among themselves, and each one was eager to undermine the others' influence, resulting in them losing it entirely. This government was given a palace where they were expected to live permanently, with all the necessary officials appointed; previously, councils and magistrates had met in churches. At first, they were just called Priors, but to elevate their status, the term signori, or lords, was adopted soon after. The Florentines enjoyed a period of domestic peace, during which they fought against the Aretins for expelling the Guelphs and achieved a complete victory at Campaldino. As the city grew richer and more populated, it was deemed necessary to extend the walls, which were enlarged to their current size, although previously the diameter only stretched from the old bridge to the church of St. Lorenzo.
Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the Guelph and Ghibelline factions to become almost extinct; and the only party feeling which seemed occasionally to glow, was that which naturally exists in all cities between the higher classes and the people; for the latter, wishing to live in conformity with the laws, and the former to be themselves the rulers of the people, it was not possible for them to abide in perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, while their fear of the Ghibellines kept them in order, did not discover itself, but no sooner were they subdued than it broke forth, and not a day passed without some of the populace being injured, while the laws were insufficient to procure redress, for every noble with his relations and friends defended himself against the forces of the Priors and the Capitano. To remedy this evil, the leaders of the Arts' companies ordered that every Signory at the time of entering upon the duties of office should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the people, and place a thousand armed men at his disposal divided into twenty companies of fifty men each, and that he, with his gonfalon or banner and his forces, should be ready to enforce the execution of the laws whenever called upon, either by the Signors themselves or the Capitano. The first elected to this high office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This man unfurled his gonfalon, and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, on account of a member of that family having slain one of the Florentine people in France. The violent animosities among the nobility enabled the companies of the Arts to establish this law with facility; and the former no sooner saw the provision which had been made against them than they felt the acrimonious spirit with which it was enforced. At first it impressed them with greater terror, but they soon after returned to their accustomed insolence, for one or more of their body always making part of the Signory, gave them opportunities of impeding the Gonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his office. Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of the injury he had received, and no one dared to give evidence against the nobility. Thus in a short time Florence again fell into the same disorders as before, and the tyranny exercised against the people was as great as ever; for the decisions of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sentences were not carried into execution.
Wars abroad and peace in the city had nearly wiped out the Guelph and Ghibelline factions. The only group that occasionally sparked conflict was the natural divide between the upper classes and the common people. The latter wanted to live by the law, while the former aimed to be the rulers, making it impossible for them to coexist harmoniously. This tension remained hidden while their fear of the Ghibellines kept them in check, but as soon as that threat was gone, it erupted. Not a day went by without some of the populace getting harmed, and the laws couldn't provide justice because every noble, along with their family and friends, defended themselves against the Priors and the Capitano. To address this issue, the leaders of the Arts' companies mandated that every Signory, upon taking office, should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice from the people and allocate a thousand armed men divided into twenty companies of fifty men each. This Gonfalonier, bearing his banner and armed forces, would be ready to enforce the laws whenever called upon by the Signors or the Capitano. The first person elected to this important role was Ubaldo Ruffoli. He raised his banner and destroyed the houses of the Galletti because a member of that family had killed a Florentine in France. The deep hostility among the nobility allowed the Arts' companies to easily establish this law, and as soon as the nobles realized this provision was aimed at them, they sensed the harshness with which it was enforced. Initially, it frightened them, but they quickly returned to their usual arrogance, as at least one of their members was always part of the Signory, giving them chances to obstruct the Gonfalonier and prevent him from fulfilling his duties. Additionally, the accuser needed a witness to prove any harm done to them, and no one dared stand against the nobility. As a result, Florence soon fell back into the same chaos as before, and the oppression of the people was as severe as ever, with justice either being obstructed or delayed and sentences not being enforced.
In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do, Giano della Bella, of a very noble family, and a lover of liberty, encouraged the heads of the Arts to reform the constitution of the city; and by his advice it was ordered that the Gonfalonier should reside with the Priors, and have four thousand men at his command. They deprived the nobility of the right to sit in the Signory. They condemned the associates of a criminal to the same penalty as himself, and ordered that public report should be taken as evidence. By these laws, which were called the ordinations of justice, the people acquired great influence, and Giano della Bella not a small share of trouble; for he was thoroughly hated by the great, as the destroyer of their power, while the opulent among the people envied him, for they thought he possessed too great authority. This became very evident upon the first occasion that presented itself.
In this troubled time, with the people unsure of how to proceed, Giano della Bella, from a very distinguished family and an advocate for freedom, inspired the leaders of the Arts to reform the city's constitution. Following his advice, it was decided that the Gonfalonier should work closely with the Priors and have control over four thousand men. They removed the nobility's right to sit in the Signory. They also sentenced the associates of a criminal to the same punishment as the criminal and stated that public opinion should be accepted as evidence. These laws, known as the ordinations of justice, gave the people significant power and brought Giano della Bella considerable trouble. He was deeply resented by the nobles for undermining their authority, while the wealthier members of the population envied him, believing he held too much power. This became very clear at the first opportunity that arose.
It happened that a man from the class of the people was killed in a riot, in which several of the nobility had taken a part, and among the rest Corso Donati, to whom, as the most forward of the party, the death was attributed. He was, therefore, taken by the captain of the people, and whether he was really innocent of the crime or the Capitano was afraid of condemning him, he was acquitted. This acquittal displeased the people so much, that, seizing their arms, they ran to the house of Giano della Bella, to beg that he would compel the execution of those laws which he had himself made. Giano, who wished Corso to be punished, did not insist upon their laying down their arms, as many were of opinion he ought to have done, but advised them to go to the Signory, complain of the fact, and beg that they would take it into consideration. The people, full of wrath, thinking themselves insulted by the Capitano and abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of going to the Signory went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they made themselves masters, and plundered it.
A man from the common class was killed in a riot that involved several nobles, including Corso Donati, who was seen as the most vocal member of that group. As a result, he was taken by the captain of the people, and whether he was truly innocent or the Capitano was scared to convict him, he was let go. This verdict angered the people so much that they grabbed their weapons and rushed to the house of Giano della Bella, asking him to enforce the laws he had created. Giano, wanting Corso to be punished, didn’t push them to put down their arms, even though many thought he should have. Instead, he suggested they go to the Signory, complain about what happened, and ask them to look into it. Furious and feeling disrespected by the Capitano and let down by Giano della Bella, the people decided to skip the Signory and went to the Capitano's palace, where they took control and looted it.
This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished the ruin of Giano laid the entire blame upon him; and as in the succeeding Signory there was an enemy of his, he was accused to the Capitano as the originator of the riot. While the case was being tried, the people took arms, and, proceeding to his house, offered to defend him against the Signory and his enemies. Giano, however, did not wish to put this burst of popular favor to the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, for he feared the malignity of the latter and the instability of the former; so, in order to remove an occasion for his enemies to injure him, or his friends to offend the laws, he determined to withdraw, deliver his countrymen from the fear they had of him, and, leaving the city which at his own charge and peril he had delivered from the servitude of the great, become a voluntary exile.
This outrage upset the entire city, and those who wanted Giano to fail blamed him entirely for it. Since his enemy was in the next Signory, he was accused to the Capitano as the one who started the riot. While the case was being heard, the people took up arms and went to his house, ready to defend him against the Signory and his foes. However, Giano didn't want to test this sudden wave of popular support or risk his life with the magistrates, as he feared the malice of the latter and the unpredictability of the former. So, to prevent his enemies from harming him or his friends from breaking the law, he decided to leave, relieve his fellow citizens of their fear of him, and, after having freed the city from the oppression of the powerful at his own expense and risk, become a voluntary exile.
After the departure of Giano della Bella the nobility began to entertain hopes of recovering their authority; and judging their misfortune to have arisen from their divisions, they sent two of their body to the Signory, which they thought was favorable to them, to beg they would be pleased to moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As soon as their demand became known, the minds of the people were much excited; for they were afraid the Signors would submit to them; and so, between the desire of the nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms were resorted to. The nobility were drawn together in three places: near the church of St. John, in the New Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi, under three leaders, Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people assembled in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before the palace of the Signory, which at that time was situated near St. Procolo; and, as they suspected the integrity of the Signory, they added six citizens to their number to take part in the management of affairs.
After Giano della Bella left, the nobility started to hope they could regain their power; believing their troubles came from their own divisions, they sent two representatives to the Signory, which they thought would support them, asking them to ease the harsh laws imposed on them. Once their request became known, the public got very worked up; they feared that the Signors would give in to the nobles. This tension between the nobility's ambitions and the people's resentment led to armed conflict. The nobles gathered in three locations: near the church of St. John, in the New Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi, led by Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini. The people gathered in large numbers under their banners in front of the Signory's palace, which was located near St. Procolo at the time. Suspecting the Signory's loyalty, they included six citizens to help oversee the situation.
While both parties were preparing for the fight, some individuals, as well of the people as of the nobility, accompanied by a few priests of respectable character, mingled among them for the purpose of effecting a pacification, reminding the nobility that their loss of power, and the laws which were made against them, had been occasioned by their haughty conduct, and the mischievous tendency of their proceedings; that resorting to arms to recover by force what they had lost by illiberal measures and disunion, would tend to the destruction of their country and increase the difficulties of their own position; that they should bear in mind that the people, both in riches, numbers, and hatred, were far stronger than they; and that their nobility, on account of which they assumed to be above others, did not contribute to win battles, and would be found, when they came to arms, to be but an empty name, and insufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand, they reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to have the last blow; that it is an injudicious step to drive men to desperation, for he who is without hope is also without fear; that they ought not to forget that in the wars the nobility had always done honor to the country, and therefore it was neither wise nor just to pursue them with so much bitterness; and that although the nobility could bear with patience the loss of the supreme magistracy, they could not endure that, by the existing laws, it should be in the power of everyone to drive them from their country; and, therefore, it would be well to qualify these laws, and, in furtherance of so good a result, be better to lay down their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of a battle; for it is often seen that the many are overcome by the few. Variety of opinion was found among the people; many wished to decide the question by arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done some time, and that it would be better to do so then than delay till the enemy had acquired greater strength; and that if they thought a mitigation of the laws would satisfy them, that then they would be glad to comply, but that the pride of the nobility was so great they would not submit unless they were compelled. To many others, who were more peaceable and better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the laws a little than to come to battle; and their opinion prevailing, it was provided that no accusation against the nobility could be received unless supported with sufficient testimony.
While both sides were getting ready for the fight, some people, including commoners and nobility, along with a few respected priests, mixed in to promote peace. They reminded the nobility that their loss of power and the laws turned against them were a result of their arrogant behavior and the harmful nature of their actions. They warned that resorting to violence to regain what they lost through unfair practices and division would lead to the downfall of their country and worsen their situation. They should remember that the common people were far stronger in wealth, numbers, and animosity. Their status as nobility, which they believed made them superior, wouldn’t help them win battles and, when it came down to it, would be just an empty title, insufficient to defend against so many. On the flip side, they reminded the commoners that it's not wise to always want to strike the final blow; pushing people to desperation is a mistake because those without hope fear nothing. They should remember that during wars, the nobility had always honored the country, and it wasn’t wise or fair to pursue them with such vengeance. Though the nobility could tolerate losing their top position, they couldn’t stand the idea that, under current laws, anyone could chase them out of the country. Therefore, it would be better to amend these laws and, for the sake of a good outcome, to lay down their arms instead of relying on numbers to risk a battle, as history often shows that the few can defeat the many. Among the people, there were diverse opinions; many wanted to settle the issue by fighting immediately, convinced it had to happen eventually and that it was better to do it now rather than wait until the enemy was stronger. They believed that if a relaxation of the laws would satisfy the nobility, they would be willing to accept it, but that the pride of the nobility was so high that they wouldn’t submit unless forced. Others, who were more peace-loving and reasonable, felt it was better to slightly amend the laws than to engage in battle. With their view prevailing, it was agreed that no accusations against the nobility could be accepted unless backed by sufficient evidence.
Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full of suspicion, and each fortified itself with men and places of strength. The people reorganized the government, and lessened the number of its officers, to which measure they were induced by finding that the Signors appointed from the families, of which the following were the heads, had been favorable to the nobility, viz.: the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Cerretani. Having settled the government, for the greater magnificence and security of the Signory, they laid the foundation of their palace; and to make space for the piazza, removed the houses that had belonged to the Uberti; they also at the same period commenced the public prisons. These buildings were completed in a few years; nor did our city ever enjoy a greater state of prosperity than in those times: filled with men of great wealth and reputation; possessing within her walls 30,000 men capable of bearing arms, and in the country 70,000, while the whole of Tuscany, either as subjects or friends, owed obedience to Florence. And although there might be some indignation and jealousy between the nobility and the people, they did not produce any evil effect, but all lived together in unity and peace. And if this peace had not been disturbed by internal enmities there would have been no cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to fear either from the empire or from those citizens whom political reasons kept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the states of Italy with her own forces. The evil, however, which external powers could not effect, was brought about by those within.
Even though weapons were put down, both sides still felt suspicious, and each fortified itself with troops and strongholds. The people reorganized the government and reduced the number of officials because they realized that the Signors appointed from families like the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Cerretani had been supportive of the nobility. After settling the government, to enhance the grandeur and security of the Signory, they began constructing their palace and cleared the Uberti's houses to create space for the piazza; they also started on the public prisons around the same time. These buildings were finished in just a few years, and our city has never experienced greater prosperity than during that period, filled with wealthy and reputable individuals; it housed 30,000 armed men within its walls and 70,000 in the countryside, while all of Tuscany, whether as subjects or allies, owed loyalty to Florence. Although there was some resentment and jealousy between the nobility and the common people, it didn’t lead to any major issues, and everyone lived together in unity and peace. If this peace hadn’t been disrupted by internal conflicts, there would have been no cause for concern, as the city faced no threats from the empire or from those citizens who were kept away by political reasons, and was capable of confronting all states in Italy with its own forces. However, the harm that external powers couldn’t inflict was caused by those within.
CHAPTER IV
The Cerchi and the Donati—Origin of the Bianca and Nera factions in Pistoia—They come to Florence—Open enmity of the Donati and the Cerchi—Their first conflict—The Cerchi head the Bianca faction—The Donati take part with the Nera—The pope's legate at Florence increases the confusion with an interdict—New affray between the Cerchi and the Donati—The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the advice of Dante Alighieri—Charles of Valois sent by the pope to Florence—The Florentines suspect him—Corso Donati and the rest of the Nera party return to Florence—Veri Cerchi flies—The pope's legate again in Florence—The city again interdicted—New disturbances—The Bianchi banished—Dante banished—Corso Donati excites fresh troubles—The pope's legate endeavors to restore the emigrants but does not succeed—Great fire in Florence.
The Cerchi and the Donati—Origin of the White and Black factions in Pistoia—They arrive in Florence—Open conflict between the Donati and the Cerchi—Their first clash—The Cerchi lead the White faction—The Donati align with the Black—The pope's representative in Florence creates more chaos with an interdict—Another fight between the Cerchi and the Donati—The Donati and others from the Black faction are exiled on the advice of Dante Alighieri—Charles of Valois is sent by the pope to Florence—The Florentines are suspicious of him—Corso Donati and the rest of the Black party return to Florence—Veri Cerchi flees—The pope's representative is back in Florence—The city is interdicted again—New unrest—The Whites are banished—Dante is exiled—Corso Donati stirs up more trouble—The pope's representative tries to bring back the exiled but fails—A massive fire breaks out in Florence.
The Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and the number and influence of their followers, perhaps the two most distinguished families in Florence. Being neighbors, both in the city and the country, there had arisen between them some slight displeasure, which, however, had not occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would have produced any serious effect if the malignant humors had not been increased by new causes. Among the first families of Pistoia was the Cancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of Gulielmo, and Geri, son of Bertacca, both of this family, playing together, and coming to words, Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. This displeased Gulielmo; and, designing by a suitable apology to remove all cause of further animosity, he ordered his son to go to the house of the father of the youth whom he had wounded and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father; but this act of virtue failed to soften the cruel mind of Bertacca, and having caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest indignity to his brutal act, he ordered his servants to chop off the youth's hand upon a block used for cutting meat upon, and then said to him, "Go to thy father, and tell him that sword wounds are cured with iron and not with words."
The Cerchi and the Donati were, in terms of wealth, nobility, and the number and influence of their followers, probably the two most prominent families in Florence. Being neighbors both in the city and the countryside, there had been some minor tension between them, but it hadn’t led to an open conflict, and it might never have resulted in anything serious if not for new aggravations. One of the leading families in Pistoia was the Cancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of Gulielmo, and Geri, son of Bertacca, both from this family, were playing together and got into an argument, leading to Geri being slightly injured by Lore. This upset Gulielmo, and wanting to smooth things over with an appropriate apology, he told his son to go to the father of the boy he had hurt and ask for forgiveness. Lore followed his father's instructions, but this act of goodwill didn’t soften Bertacca's cruel intentions. He had Lore captured and, to add the greatest insult to his brutal action, ordered his servants to chop off the young man’s hand on a block used for cutting meat. He then said to Lore, "Go to your father and tell him that sword wounds are healed with iron, not words."
The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated Gulielmo that he ordered his people to take arms for his revenge. Bertacca prepared for his defense, and not only that family, but the whole city of Pistoia, became divided. And as the Cancellieri were descended from a Cancelliere who had had two wives, of whom one was called Bianca (white), one party was named by those who were descended from her BIANCA; and the other, by way of greater distinction, was called NERA (black). Much and long-continued strife took place between the two, attended with the death of many men and the destruction of much property; and not being able to effect a union among themselves, but weary of the evil, and anxious either to bring it to an end, or, by engaging others in their quarrel, increase it, they came to Florence, where the Neri, on account of their familiarity with the Donati, were favored by Corso, the head of that family; and on this account the Bianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend them against the Donati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi, a man in no respect inferior to Corso.
The callous brutality of this act infuriated Gulielmo so much that he commanded his people to arm themselves for revenge. Bertacca got ready to defend himself, and not just his family, but the entire city of Pistoia split into factions. Because the Cancellieri descended from a Cancelliere who had two wives—one named Bianca (White)—one side was called the BIANCA, while the other, for greater distinction, was named NERA (Black). This conflict caused a lot of strife between the two groups, resulting in many deaths and significant property damage. Unable to unite and tired of the chaos, they were eager to either end it or drag others into their feud, so they went to Florence. There, the Neri, due to their close ties with the Donati, were supported by Corso, the leader of that family. Consequently, the Bianchi sought the protection of Veri de Cerchi, a man who was just as formidable as Corso.
This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, increased the old animosity between the Cerchi and the Donati, and it was already so manifest, that the Priors and all well-disposed men were in hourly apprehension of its breaking out, and causing a division of the whole city. They therefore applied to the pontiff, praying that he would interpose his authority between these turbulent parties, and provide the remedy which they found themselves unable to furnish. The pope sent for Veri, and charged him to make peace with the Donati, at which Veri exhibited great astonishment, saying that he had no enmity against them, and that as pacification presupposes war, he did not know, there being no war between them, how peacemaking could be necessary. Veri having returned from Rome without anything being effected, the rage of the parties increased to such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed sufficient to make it burst forth, as indeed presently happened.
This dispute and the people involved, which came from Pistoia, intensified the long-standing rivalry between the Cerchi and the Donati. It became so obvious that the Priors and all the decent citizens were constantly worried it would escalate and split the entire city. They then reached out to the pope, asking him to step in and help manage these troublemakers since they couldn’t find a solution themselves. The pope called for Veri and instructed him to make peace with the Donati. Veri was taken aback, saying he held no grievances against them and questioned how peacemaking was needed since there was no war between them. After returning from Rome with nothing resolved, the animosity between the groups grew so intense that even a minor incident seemed enough to trigger an outbreak, which eventually did occur.
It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holidays, it is the custom of Florence to hold festivals and public rejoicings throughout the city. Some youths of the Donati family, with their friends, upon horseback, were standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to look at a party of ladies who were dancing; thither also came some of the Cerchi, like the Donati, accompanied with many of the nobility, and, not knowing that the Donati were before them, pushed their horses and jostled them; thereupon the Donati, thinking themselves insulted, drew their swords, nor were the Cerchi at all backward to do the same, and not till after the interchange of many wounds, they separated. This disturbance was the beginning of great evils; for the whole city became divided, the people as well as the nobility, and the parties took the names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi were at the head of the Bianchi faction, to which adhered the Adimari, the Abati, a part of the Tosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the Nerli, and of the Manelli; all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci. To these were joined many families of the people, and all the Ghibellines then in Florence, so that their great numbers gave them almost the entire government of the city.
In May, when Florence typically holds festivals and celebrations throughout the city, some young men from the Donati family, along with their friends, were on horseback near the Church of the Holy Trinity, watching a group of ladies dance. The Cerchi family, similar to the Donati, arrived with many nobles and, not realizing the Donati were there, pushed their horses into them. The Donati, feeling insulted, drew their swords, and the Cerchi quickly followed suit. After exchanging many blows, they finally broke apart. This conflict marked the start of significant trouble; the entire city became divided, including both the people and the nobility, with the factions taking on the names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi led the Bianchi faction, which also included the Adimari, the Abati, some members of the Tosinghi, Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Nerli, and Manelli; all the Mozzi, Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti, Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci joined them. Many common families and all the Ghibellines in Florence were part of this group, and their considerable numbers nearly gave them full control of the city.
The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the Nera party, to which also adhered those members of the above-named families who did not take part with the Bianchi; and besides these, the whole of the Pazzi, the Bisdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfigliazzi, and the Brunelleschi. Nor did the evil confine itself to the city alone, for the whole country was divided upon it, so that the Captains of the Six Parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelphic party or the well-being of the republic, were very much afraid that this new division would occasion the destruction of the city, and give new life to the Ghibelline faction. They, therefore, sent again to Pope Boniface, desiring that, unless he wished that city which had always been the shield of the church should either be ruined or become Ghibelline, he would consider some means for her relief. The pontiff thereupon sent to Florence, as his legate, Cardinal Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, who, finding the Bianchi, as the most powerful, the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, he interdicted the city, and left it in anger, so that greater confusion now prevailed than had done previously to his coming.
The Donati, led by Corso, joined the Nera party, along with those members of the previously mentioned families who sided with the Nera instead of the Bianchi. In addition to them, the entire Pazzi, Bisdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti, Gianfigliazzi, and Brunelleschi families also joined. The conflict didn’t just stay within the city; it divided the whole region, causing the Captains of the Six Parts and those loyal to the Guelph party or the welfare of the republic to fear that this new division could lead to the city's destruction and revive the Ghibelline faction. So, they reached out again to Pope Boniface, asking him to intervene to prevent the city, which had always supported the church, from either being ruined or turning Ghibelline. The pope then sent Cardinal Matteo d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, as his legate to Florence. When he found the Bianchi to be the most powerful and least fearful, yet not entirely compliant with him, he placed the city under interdict and left in frustration, resulting in even greater chaos than before his arrival.
The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened that at a funeral which many of the Donati and the Cerchi attended, they first came to words and then to arms, from which, however, nothing but merely tumult resulted at the moment. However, having each retired to their houses, the Cerchi determined to attack the Donati, but, by the valor of Corso, they were repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The city was in arms. The laws and the Signory were set at nought by the rage of the nobility, and the best and wisest citizens were full of apprehension. The Donati and their followers, being the least powerful, were in the greatest fear, and to provide for their safety they called together Corso, the Captains of the Parts, and the other leaders of the Neri, and resolved to apply to the pope to appoint some personage of royal blood, that he might reform Florence; thinking by this means to overcome the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known to the Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a conspiracy against the liberties of the republic. Both parties being in arms, the Signory, one of whom at that time was the poet Dante, took courage, and from his advice and prudence, caused the people to rise for the preservation of order, and being joined by many from the country, they compelled the leaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished Corso, with many of the Neri. And as an evidence of the impartiality of their motives, they also banished many of the Bianchi, who, however, soon afterward, under pretense of some justifiable cause, returned.
With many people stirred up, at a funeral attended by many from the Donati and Cerchi families, they started by arguing and then escalated to fighting, which resulted in only chaos at that moment. Afterward, the Cerchi decided to attack the Donati, but thanks to Corso's bravery, they were pushed back, and many of them were injured. The city was on edge. The nobility ignored the laws and the government, creating fear among the best and wisest citizens. The Donati and their supporters, being weaker, felt the most fear; to ensure their safety, they gathered Corso, the leaders of the factions, and other Neri leaders, and decided to ask the pope to appoint someone of royal blood to reform Florence, believing this would help them defeat the Bianchi. Their meeting and plans were soon known to the Priors, who claimed it was a conspiracy against the republic's freedoms. With both sides armed, the Signory, which included the poet Dante at the time, found the courage to act. Following his advice, they rallied the people to restore order, and with support from many in the countryside, they forced both factions to lay down their arms, banishing Corso and many Neri. As proof of their fairness, they also banished many Bianchi, though they soon returned under the guise of a reasonable cause.
Corso and his friends, thinking the pope favorable to their party, went to Rome and laid their grievances before him, having previously forwarded a statement of them in writing. Charles of Valois, brother of the king of France, was then at the papal court, having been called into Italy by the king of Naples, to go over into Sicily. The pope, therefore, at the earnest prayers of the banished Florentines, consented to send Charles to Florence, till the season suitable for his going to Sicily should arrive. He therefore came, and although the Bianchi, who then governed, were very apprehensive, still, as the head of the Guelphs, and appointed by the pope, they did not dare to oppose him, and in order to secure his friendship, they gave him authority to dispose of the city as he thought proper.
Corso and his friends, believing the pope was on their side, traveled to Rome and presented their complaints to him after sending a written statement of their issues beforehand. Charles of Valois, the brother of the king of France, was at the papal court, having been summoned to Italy by the king of Naples to head to Sicily. Therefore, at the urgent request of the exiled Florentines, the pope agreed to send Charles to Florence until it was time for him to go to Sicily. He arrived, and although the Bianchi, who were in power at the time, were quite worried, they did not dare to oppose him since he was the head of the Guelphs and appointed by the pope. To gain his friendship, they granted him the authority to manage the city as he saw fit.
Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which step gave the people so strong a suspicion that he designed to rob them of their liberty, that each took arms, and kept at his own house, in order to be ready, if Charles should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and the leaders of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by having, while at the head of the republic, conducted themselves with unbecoming pride; and this induced Corso and the banished of the Neri party to return to Florence, knowing well that Charles and the Captains of the Parts were favorable to them. And while the citizens, for fear of Charles, kept themselves in arms, Corso, with all the banished, and followed by many others, entered Florence without the least impediment. And although Veri de Cerchi was advised to oppose him, he refused to do so, saying that he wished the people of Florence, against whom he came, should punish him. However, the contrary happened, for he was welcomed, not punished by them; and it behooved Veri to save himself by flight.
Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which made the people suspicious that he intended to take away their freedom. Each person took up arms and stayed at home, ready to respond if Charles tried anything. The Cerchi and the leaders of the Bianchi faction had gained widespread hatred for their pride while in charge of the republic. This encouraged Corso and the exiled Neri party members to return to Florence, knowing that Charles and the Captains of the Parts supported them. While the citizens kept their weapons out of fear of Charles, Corso and all the exiled members, followed by many others, entered Florence without any obstacles. Although Veri de Cerchi was advised to oppose him, he declined, saying he wanted the people of Florence, whom he came to confront, to punish him. However, the opposite occurred; he was welcomed rather than punished, and Veri had to escape for his life.
Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at San Pietro Maggiore, near his own house, where, having drawn together a great number of friends and people desirous of change, he set at liberty all who had been imprisoned for offenses, whether against the state or against individuals. He compelled the existing Signory to withdraw privately to their own houses, elected a new one from the people of the Neri party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. The Cerchi, and the other heads of their faction, finding Charles opposed to them, withdrew from the city, and retired to their strongholds. And although at first they would not listen to the advice of the pope, they were now compelled to turn to him for assistance, declaring that instead of uniting the city, Charles had caused greater disunion than before. The pope again sent Matteo d'Acquasparta, his legate, who made peace between the Cerchi and the Donati, and strengthened it with marriages and new betrothals. But wishing that the Bianchi should participate in the employments of the government, to which the Neri who were then at the head of it would not consent, he withdrew, with no more satisfaction nor less enraged than on the former occasion, and left the city interdicted for disobedience.
Corso, after breaking through the Pinti Gate, gathered his group at San Pietro Maggiore, close to his house, where he brought together a large number of friends and people eager for change. He freed everyone who had been imprisoned for crimes against the state or individuals. He forced the current Signory to leave quietly to their homes, elected a new one from the Neri party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. The Cerchi and other leaders of their faction, finding Charles against them, left the city and retreated to their strongholds. Although they initially ignored the pope's advice, they were now forced to seek his help, stating that instead of uniting the city, Charles had caused even more division. The pope sent Matteo d'Acquasparta, his representative, who mediated peace between the Cerchi and the Donati, reinforcing it with marriages and new engagements. However, wanting the Bianchi to have a role in the government, which the Neri in charge refused, he left in no better spirits and just as angry as before, and left the city under a ban for disobedience.
Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented; the Neri from seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehending the loss of their power, and the Bianchi from finding themselves without either honor or authority; and to these natural causes of animosity new injuries were added. Niccolo de' Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to his estates, and being arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was attacked by Simone, son of Corso Donati. The contest was obstinate, and one each side had a sorrowful conclusion; for Niccolo was slain, and Simone was so severely wounded that he died on the following night.
Both groups stayed in Florence, feeling equally frustrated; the Neri were upset about having their enemies close by and fearing the loss of their power, while the Bianchi felt they had neither honor nor authority. On top of these natural sources of conflict, new grievances piled up. Niccolo de' Cerchi, along with many of his friends, went to his properties, and when they reached the bridge of Affrico, they were attacked by Simone, the son of Corso Donati. The struggle was fierce, and it ended sadly for both sides; Niccolo was killed, and Simone was so badly wounded that he died the following night.
This event again disturbed the entire city; and although the Neri were most to blame, they were defended by those who were at the head of affairs; and before sentence was delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchi with Piero Ferrante, one of the barons who had accompanied Charles, was discovered, by whose assistance they sought to be replaced in the government. The matter became known from letters addressed to him by the Cerchi, although some were of opinion that they were not genuine, but written and pretended to be found, by the Donati, to abate the infamy which their party had acquired by the death of Niccolo. The whole of the Cerchi were, however, banished,—with their followers of the Bianchi party, of whom was Dante the poet,—their property confiscated, and their houses pulled down. They sought refuge, with a great number of Ghibellines who had joined them, in many places, seeking fresh fortunes in new undertakings. Charles, having effected the purpose of his coming, left the city, and returned to the pope to pursue his enterprise against Sicily, in which he was neither wiser nor more fortunate than he had been at Florence; so that with disgrace and the loss of many of his followers, he withdrew to France.
This event threw the whole city into turmoil again; and even though the Neri were mainly at fault, they were defended by those in power. Before a verdict was reached, a conspiracy involving the Bianchi and Piero Ferrante, one of the barons who had come with Charles, was uncovered, as they aimed to regain control of the government. This information came to light through letters sent to him by the Cerchi, though some believed they were fake and written by the Donati to reduce the shame their party faced from Niccolo's death. Ultimately, the entire Cerchi family was exiled—along with their followers from the Bianchi party, including the poet Dante—their properties confiscated and their homes destroyed. They sought refuge, along with many Ghibellines who joined them, in various places, looking for new opportunities. After accomplishing his initial goal, Charles left the city and returned to the pope to continue his campaign against Sicily, where he experienced neither more success nor greater wisdom than he had in Florence. He ultimately left for France in disgrace, having lost many of his followers.
After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. Corso alone was restless, thinking he did not possess that sort of authority in the city which was due to his rank; for the government being in the hands of the people, he saw the offices of the republic administered by many inferior to himself. Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavored, under the pretense of an honorable design, to justify his own dishonorable purposes, and accused many citizens who had the management of the public money, of applying it to their private uses, and recommended that they should be brought to justice and punished. This opinion was adopted by many who had the same views as himself; and many in ignorance joined them, thinking Corso actuated only by pure patriotism. On the other hand, the accused citizens, enjoying the popular favor, defended themselves, and this difference arose to such a height, that, after civil means, they had recourse to arms. Of the one party were Corso and Lottieri, bishop of Florence, with many of the nobility and some of the people; on the other side were the Signory, with the greater part of the people; so that skirmishes took place in many parts of the city. The Signory, seeing their danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese, and presently all the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their assistance the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people retained the government and their liberty, without attempting by any other means to punish the movers of the disorder.
After Charles left, Florence was quiet. Only Corso was restless; he felt he didn’t have the kind of authority in the city that his rank deserved. With the government in the hands of the people, he saw many who were beneath him in status holding positions in the republic. Driven by these feelings, he tried to mask his dishonorable motives with an honorable pretense, accusing many citizens managing public funds of using the money for personal gain, and suggested they should be brought to justice and punished. Many who shared his views agreed with him, while others, out of ignorance, joined in, thinking Corso was just a pure patriot. On the other hand, the accused citizens, enjoying the favor of the public, defended themselves, and tensions escalated to the point that they eventually resorted to violence after failing to settle things peacefully. On one side were Corso and Lottieri, the bishop of Florence, along with many nobles and some common people; on the other side were the Signory and most of the populace, which led to skirmishes in various parts of the city. Seeing how serious the situation was, the Signory called for help from Lucca, and soon the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their assistance, the unrest was temporarily quelled, allowing the people to keep their government and their freedom without seeking to punish those who caused the disorder.
The pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent his legate, Niccolo da Prato, to settle them, who, being in high reputation both for his quality, learning, and mode of life, presently acquired so much of the people's confidence, that authority was given him to establish such a government as he should think proper. As he was of Ghibelline origin, he determined to recall the banished; but designing first to gain the affections of the lower orders, he renewed the ancient companies of the people, which increased the popular power and reduced that of the nobility. The legate, thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavored to recall the banished, and, after attempting in many ways, none of which succeeded, he fell so completely under the suspicion of the government, that he was compelled to quit the city, and returned to the pope in great wrath, leaving Florence full of confusion and suffering under an interdict. Neither was the city disturbed with one division alone, but by many; first the enmity between the people and the nobility, then that of the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, of the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were, therefore, in arms, for many were dissatisfied with the departure of the legate, and wished for the return of the banished. The first who set this disturbance on foot were the Medici and the Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discovered themselves in favor of the rebels; and thus skirmishes took place in many parts of the city.
The pope had heard about the unrest in Florence and sent his envoy, Niccolo da Prato, to resolve it. He was well-regarded for his status, knowledge, and lifestyle, quickly earning the people's trust, which gave him the authority to set up a government he deemed appropriate. Since he was of Ghibelline origin, he decided to bring back those who had been exiled. To win over the lower classes first, he revitalized the old civic groups, which boosted the power of the common people and diminished that of the nobility. Believing he had the support of the masses, the legate tried to reinstate the exiles, but none of his attempts succeeded. He became so distrusted by the government that he was forced to leave the city and returned to the pope in great anger, leaving Florence in chaos and under an interdict. The city was not only facing one conflict but multiple; first, the hostility between the citizens and the nobility, then the conflict between the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, the division between the Bianchi and the Neri. Consequently, all the citizens were armed, as many were unhappy with the legate's departure and wanted the exiles to come back. The initial instigators of this unrest were the Medici and the Guinigi, who had publicly allied themselves with the rebels, leading to skirmishes across various parts of the city.
In addition to these evils a fire occurred, which first broke out at the garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati; it thence extended to those of the Capoinsacchi, and consumed them, with those of the Macci, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the New Market; from thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and burned it to the ground; turning from the old bridge, it destroyed the houses of the Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, and with these so many others that the number amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinion of many that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of the disturbances. Others affirm that it was begun willfully by Neri Abati, prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, a dissolute character, fond of mischief, who, seeing the people occupied with the combat, took the opportunity of committing a wicked act, for which the citizens, being thus employed, could offer no remedy. And to insure his success, he set fire to the house of his own brotherhood, where he had the best opportunity of doing it. This was in the year 1304, Florence being afflicted both with fire and the sword. Corso Donati alone remained unarmed in so many tumults; for he thought he would more easily become the arbitrator between the contending parties when, weary of strife, they should be inclined to accommodation. They laid down their arms, however, rather from satiety of evil than from any desire of union; and the only consequence was, that the banished were not recalled, and the party which favored them remained inferior.
In addition to these troubles, a fire broke out that first started in the garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati. It then spread to the Capoinsacchi houses and destroyed them, along with those of the Macci, Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the entire New Market. From there, it reached the gate of St. Maria and burned it completely. After moving away from the old bridge, it took out the houses of the Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, along with many others, bringing the total to seventeen hundred. Many believed this fire was accidental, sparked by the chaos of the disturbances. Others claimed it was deliberately started by Neri Abati, the prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, a reckless person who liked causing trouble. Noticing the people were busy with their fighting, he seized the chance to carry out a wicked act that the citizens couldn’t stop. To ensure his success, he set fire to his own brotherhood's house, where he had the best chance to do so. This happened in 1304, when Florence was suffering from both fire and violence. Corso Donati alone remained unarmed during all the chaos; he thought it would be easier to mediate between the opposing sides when they were tired of fighting and ready to negotiate. However, they laid down their arms more out of exhaustion from evil than any real desire for unity. The result was that the exiled were not brought back, and the faction supporting them remained weaker.
CHAPTER V
The emigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to do so—The companies of the people restored—Restless conduct of Corso Donati—The ruin of Corso Donati—Corso Donati accused and condemned—Riot at the house of Corso—Death of Corso—His character—Fruitless attempt of the Emperor Henry against the Florentines—The emigrants are restored to the city—The citizens place themselves under the king of Naples for five years—War with Uguccione della Faggiuola—The Florentines routed—Florence withdraws herself from subjection to King Robert, and expels the Count Novello—Lando d'Agobbio—His tyranny—His departure.
The emigrants try to return to Florence but are denied entry—The various groups of people are reinstated—Corso Donati's restless behavior—The downfall of Corso Donati—Corso Donati is accused and sentenced—A riot breaks out at Corso's home—Corso's death—His character—The unsuccessful attempt by Emperor Henry against the Florentines—The emigrants are brought back to the city—The citizens submit to the king of Naples for five years—Conflict with Uguccione della Faggiuola—The Florentines are defeated—Florence breaks away from King Robert's rule and expels Count Novello—Lando d'Agobbio—His tyranny—His departure.
The legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the new disturbance which had occurred, persuaded the pope that if he wished to unite the Florentines, it would be necessary to have twelve of the first citizens appear before him, and having thus removed the principal causes of disunion, he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took this advice, and the citizens, among whom was Corso Donati, obeyed the summons. These having left the city, the legate told the exiles that now, when the city was deprived of her leaders, was the time for them to return. They, therefore, having assembled, came to Florence, and entering by a part of the wall not yet completed, proceeded to the piazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark, that those who, a short time previously, when they came unarmed and begged to be restored to their country, had fought for their return, now, when they saw them in arms and resolved to enter by force, took arms to oppose them (so much more was the common good esteemed than private friendship), and being joined by the rest of the citizens, compelled them to return to the places whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking by having left part of their force at Lastra, and by not having waited the arrival of Tolosetto Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three hundred horse; for they thought celerity rather than numbers would give them the victory; and it often happens, in similar enterprises, that delay robs us of the occasion, and too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of the power, or makes us act before we are properly prepared.
The legate returned to Rome and heard about the new disturbance that had happened. He convinced the pope that if he wanted to unite the Florentines, it would be essential to have twelve of the leading citizens come before him. By addressing the main causes of division, he could easily put a stop to it. The pope took this advice, and the citizens, including Corso Donati, responded to the summons. After leaving the city, the legate advised the exiles that this was the perfect time for them to return, as the city was now without its leaders. So, they gathered and entered Florence through an unfinished part of the wall, making their way to the piazza of St. Giovanni. It’s noteworthy that those who had recently come unarmed and pleaded to be welcomed back into their city, having fought for their return, now took up arms to oppose the exiles when they saw them come prepared for forceful entry. (This shows how much more the common good was valued than private friendships.) Joined by the rest of the citizens, they forced the exiles to retreat to where they had come from. The exiles' failure was due to leaving part of their forces at Lastra and not waiting for Tolosetto Uberti, who was coming from Pistoia with three hundred horsemen. They believed speed was more important than numbers for victory. Often, in similar situations, delay can eliminate the opportunity, and being overly eager to act can lead us to act before we are adequately prepared.
The banished having retired, Florence again returned to her old divisions; and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their authority, the people took from them the Stinche, a castle situated in the Val di Greve, and anciently belonging to the family. And as those who were taken in it were the first who were put into the new prisons, the latter were, and still continue, named after it,—the Stinche. The leaders of the republic also re-established the companies of the people, and gave them the ensigns that were first used by the companies of the Arts; the heads of which were called Gonfaloniers of the companies and colleagues of the Signory; and ordered, that when any disturbance arose they should assist the Signory with arms, and in peace with counsel. To the two ancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff, who, with the Gonfaloniers, was to aid in repressing the insolence of the nobility.
The exiles having left, Florence went back to her old divisions; to strip the Cavalcanti of their power, the people took away the Stinche, a castle located in the Val di Greve that originally belonged to their family. Since those captured there were the first to be placed in the new jails, the latter are still called the Stinche. The leaders of the republic also reinstated the people’s guilds and provided them with the banners originally used by the Arts guilds; the heads of these groups were referred to as Gonfaloniers of the guilds and colleagues of the Signory. They were instructed that whenever a disturbance occurred, they should help the Signory with arms and provide counsel in peaceful times. They appointed an executor, or sheriff, in addition to the two original rectors, who, along with the Gonfaloniers, was to help curb the excesses of the nobility.
In the meantime the pope died. Corso, with the other citizens, returned from Rome; and all would have been well if his restless mind had not occasioned new troubles. It was his common practice to be of a contrary opinion to the most powerful men in the city; and whatever he saw the people inclined to do, he exercised his utmost influence to effect, in order to attach them to himself; so that he was a leader in all differences, at the head of every new scheme, and whoever wished to obtain anything extraordinary had recourse to him. This conduct caused him to be hated by many of the highest distinction; and their hatred increased to such a degree that the Neri faction to which he belonged, became completely divided; for Corso, to attain his ends, had availed himself of private force and authority, and of the enemies of the state. But so great was the influence attached to his person, that everyone feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular favor (which by this means may easily be done), a report was set on foot that he intended to make himself prince of the city; and to the design his conduct gave great appearance of probability, for his way of living quite exceeded all civil bounds; and the opinion gained further strength, upon his taking to wife a daughter of Uguccione della Faggiuola, head of the Ghibelline and Bianchi faction, and one of the most powerful men in Tuscany.
In the meantime, the pope died. Corso, along with the other citizens, returned from Rome, and everything could have gone smoothly if his restless mind hadn’t caused new troubles. It was his usual habit to oppose the most powerful people in the city. Whatever he saw the people wanting to do, he pushed hard to make it happen in order to win their loyalty; he became a leader in all disputes, at the forefront of every new plan, and anyone who wanted something remarkable turned to him. This behavior made him disliked by many prominent figures, and their animosity grew to the point where the Neri faction he was part of became completely divided. To achieve his goals, Corso had used private force and authority, along with the enemies of the state. Yet, his personal influence was so great that everyone feared him. Still, to take away his popularity (which could easily be done this way), rumors spread that he intended to make himself the prince of the city. His actions seemed to lend credibility to this idea, as his lifestyle far exceeded all social norms. The belief gained even more traction when he married a daughter of Uguccione della Faggiuola, leader of the Ghibelline and Bianchi faction, and one of the most powerful men in Tuscany.
When this marriage became known it gave courage to his adversaries, and they took arms against him; for the same reason the people ceased to defend him, and the greater part of them joined the ranks of his enemies, the leaders of whom were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. These, with their followers, and the greater part of the people, assembled before the palace of the Signory, by whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca, captain of the people, against Corso, of intending, with the aid of Uguccione, to usurp the government. He was then summoned, and for disobedience, declared a rebel; nor did two hours pass over between the accusation and the sentence. The judgment being given, the Signory, with the companies of the people under their ensigns, went in search of him, who, although seeing himself abandoned by many of his followers, aware of the sentence against him, the power of the Signory, and the multitude of his enemies, remained undaunted, and fortified his houses, in the hope of defending them till Uguccione, for whom he had sent, should come to his Relief. His residences, and the streets approaching them, were barricaded and taken possession of by his partisans, who defended them so bravely that the enemy, although in great numbers, could not force them, and the battle became one of the hottest, with wounds and death on all sides. But the people, finding they could not drive them from their ground, took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unobserved passages obtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself surrounded by his foes, no longer retaining any hope of assistance from Uguccione, and without a chance of victory, thought only of effecting his personal safety, and with Gherardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted friends, fought a passage through the thickest of their enemies, and effected their escape from the city by the Gate of the Cross. They were, however, pursued by vast numbers, and Gherardo was slain upon the bridge of Affrico by Boccaccio Cavicciulli. Corso was overtaken and made prisoner by a party of Catalan horse, in the service of the Signory, at Rovezzano. But when approaching Florence, that he might avoid being seen and torn to pieces by his victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fall from horseback, and being down, one of those who conducted him cut his throat. The body was found by the monks of San Salvi, and buried without any ceremony due to his rank. Such was the end of Corso, to whom his country and the Neri faction were indebted for much both of good and evil; and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he would have left behind him a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he deserves to be enumerated among the most distinguished men our city has produced. True it is, that his restless conduct made both his country and his party forgetful of their obligation to him. The same cause also produced his miserable end, and brought many troubles upon both his friends and his country. Uguccione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at Remoli that Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that he could not render him any assistance, in order to avoid bringing evil upon himself without occasion, he returned home.
When news of this marriage spread, it gave courage to his opponents, and they took up arms against him. For the same reason, the people stopped defending him, and most of them joined his enemies, who were led by Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi, Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. These leaders, along with their followers and a large part of the population, gathered in front of the palace of the Signory. By their command, a charge was brought against Corso before Piero Branca, the captain of the people, accusing him of planning to seize control with Uguccione's help. He was summoned and, for his disobedience, declared a rebel; it took less than two hours between the accusation and the verdict. After the judgment was given, the Signory, along with groups of the people under their banners, set out to find him. Although he saw many of his supporters abandon him and understood the gravity of the sentence against him, the power of the Signory, and the number of his enemies, Corso remained brave and fortified his houses, hoping to defend them until Uguccione, whom he had sent for, could come to his rescue. His homes and the streets leading to them were barricaded and occupied by his supporters, who fought so valiantly that, despite being heavily outnumbered, the enemies could not overpower them. The battle grew intense, with wounds and deaths on all sides. However, as the people realized they couldn’t drive Corso and his supporters from their positions, they took control of nearby houses and found hidden passages to gain entry. Surrounded by his enemies, Corso, seeing no hope of help from Uguccione and facing certain defeat, focused only on his own safety. Together with Gherardo Bordoni and some of his bravest and most trusted friends, he fought his way through the thickest part of the enemy and managed to escape the city through the Gate of the Cross. They were pursued by a large crowd, and Gherardo was killed on the Affrico bridge by Boccaccio Cavicciulli. Corso was captured by a group of Catalan cavalry in the service of the Signory at Rovezzano. As they approached Florence, to avoid being seen and torn apart by his victorious enemies, he fell from his horse, and while he was down, one of his captors cut his throat. His body was discovered by the monks of San Salvi and buried without any of the honors his rank deserved. That was the end of Corso, for whom his country and the Neri faction owed much, both good and bad; had he been more level-headed, he might have left behind a more favorable legacy. Still, he deserves to be counted among the most notable figures our city has produced. It is true that his restless behavior caused both his country and his faction to forget their obligations to him. This same reason also led to his tragic end and brought many troubles to both his friends and his country. Uguccione, on his way to help his relative, learned at Remoli that Corso had been defeated by the people. Realizing he could do nothing to assist him and wanting to avoid bringing harm upon himself for no reason, he returned home.
After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308, the disturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly till it was reported that the Emperor Henry was coming into Italy, and with him all the Florentine emigrants, to whom he had promised restoration to their country. The leaders of the government thought, that in order to lessen the number of their enemies, it would be well to recall, of their own will, all who had been expelled, excepting such as the law had expressly forbidden to return. Of the number not admitted, were the greater part of the Ghibellines, and some of those of the Bianchi faction, among whom were Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de' Cerchi and of Giano della Bella. Besides this they sent for aid to Robert, king of Naples, and not being able to obtain it of him as friends, they gave their city to him for five years, that he might defend them as his own people. The emperor entered Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to Rome, where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then, having determined to subdue the Florentines, he approached their city by the way of Perugia and Arezzo, and halted with his army at the monastery of San Salvi, about a mile from Florence, where he remained fifty days without effecting anything. Despairing of success against Florence, he returned to Pisa, where he entered into an agreement with Frederick, king of Sicily, to undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his people accordingly; but while filled with the hope of victory, and carrying dismay into the heart of King Robert, having reached Buonconvento, he died.
After Corso's death in 1308, things settled down, and the people lived peacefully until news spread that Emperor Henry was coming to Italy, bringing with him all the Florentine exiles he had promised to let return home. The government leaders figured that to reduce the number of their enemies, it would be wise to voluntarily recall all those who had been expelled, except for those specifically banned by law from returning. Most of the Ghibellines and some from the Bianchi faction, including Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de' Cerchi, and Giano della Bella, were not allowed back. Additionally, they sought help from Robert, the king of Naples, and when he didn't want to assist them as allies, they handed over their city to him for five years so he could protect them as if they were his own people. The emperor entered Italy through Pisa and moved across the marshes to Rome, where he was crowned in 1312. Then, intending to conquer Florence, he made his way toward the city via Perugia and Arezzo, setting up camp with his army at the monastery of San Salvi, about a mile from Florence, where he stayed for fifty days without achieving anything. Losing hope of success against Florence, he went back to Pisa, where he struck a deal with Frederick, the king of Sicily, to conquer Naples and moved forward with his plans. However, while optimistic about victory and instilling fear in King Robert, he died after reaching Buonconvento.
Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by means of the Ghibelline party become lord of Pisa and of Lucca, caused, with the assistance of these cities, very serious annoyance to the neighbouring places. In order to effect their relief the Florentines requested King Robert would allow his brother Piero to take the command of their armies. On the other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power; and either by force or fraud obtained possession of many castles in the Val d'Arno and the Val di Nievole; and having besieged Monte Cataini, the Florentines found it would be necessary to send to its relief, that they might not see him burn and destroy their whole territory. Having drawn together a large army, they entered the Val di Nievole where they came up with Uguccione, and were routed after a severe battle in which Piero the king's brother and 2,000 men were slain; but the body of the Prince was never found. Neither was the victory a joyful one to Uguccione; for one of his sons, and many of the leaders of his army, fell in the strife.
Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, who became the lord of Pisa and Lucca through the Ghibelline party, caused a lot of trouble for the neighboring areas with the help of these cities. To relieve the situation, the Florentines asked King Robert to let his brother Piero lead their armies. Meanwhile, Uguccione continued to grow his power and either by force or deceit took control of many castles in the Val d'Arno and Val di Nievole. After besieging Monte Cataini, the Florentines realized they had to send help to avoid seeing him burn and destroy their entire territory. They gathered a large army and entered the Val di Nievole, where they confronted Uguccione and were defeated in a fierce battle, resulting in the deaths of Piero, the king’s brother, and 2,000 men; however, the prince's body was never found. Uguccione's victory was not a happy one for him either, as one of his sons and many of his army's leaders were lost in the conflict.
The Florentines after this defeat fortified their territory, and King Robert sent them, for commander of their forces, the Count d'Andria, usually called Count Novello, by whose deportment, or because it is natural to the Florentines to find every state tedious, the city, notwithstanding the war with Uguccione, became divided into friends and enemies of the king. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain others of the people who had attained greater influence in the government than the rest, were leaders of the party against the king. By these means messengers were sent to France, and afterward into Germany, to solicit leaders and forces that they might drive out the count, whom the king had appointed governor; but they failed of obtaining any. Nevertheless they did not abandon their undertaking, but still desirous of one whom they might worship, after an unavailing search in France and Germany, they discovered him at Agobbio, and having expelled the Count Novello, caused Lando d'Agobbio to be brought into the city as Bargello (sheriff), and gave him the most unlimited power of the citizens. This man was cruel and rapacious; and going through the country accompanied with an armed force, he put many to death at the mere instigation of those who had endowed him with authority. His insolence rose to such a height, that he stamped base metal with the impression used upon the money of the state, and no one had sufficient courage to oppose him, so powerful had he become by the discords of Florence. Great, certainly, but unhappy city! which neither the memory of past divisions, the fear of her enemies, nor a king's authority, could unite for her own advantage; so that she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness, harassed without by Uguccione, and plundered within by Lando d'Agobbio.
After this defeat, the Florentines strengthened their territory, and King Robert appointed the Count d'Andria, known as Count Novello, as their military commander. Due to his behavior, or perhaps because Florentines tend to find every regime tiresome, the city became split into supporters and opponents of the king, even with the ongoing war against Uguccione. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and several others who had gained more influence in the government than most led the faction against the king. As a result, messengers were sent to France and later to Germany to ask for military leaders and support to expel the count appointed by the king; however, they were unsuccessful in their efforts. Still, they did not give up on their mission. Eager for a figure to rally around, they eventually found one in Agobbio after searching in France and Germany. They ousted Count Novello and brought Lando d'Agobbio into the city as Bargello (sheriff), granting him unrestricted power over the citizens. This man was cruel and greedy; traveling through the countryside with an armed group, he executed many people simply at the suggestion of those who had given him authority. His arrogance became so extreme that he minted counterfeit coins using the official state design, and no one dared to stand up to him, so powerful he had become amid Florence's conflicts. What a grand, yet unfortunate city! Neither the memory of past divisions, the fear of its enemies, nor the authority of a king could unite it for its own good; it found itself in a state of extreme misery, besieged by Uguccione from the outside and plundered by Lando d'Agobbio from within.
The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and his followers, were either of noble families or the highest of the people, and all Guelphs; but their adversaries being in power they could not discover their minds without incurring the greatest danger. Being, however, determined to deliver themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they secretly wrote to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar in Florence Count Guido da Battifolle. The king complied; and the opposite party, although the Signory were opposed to the king, on account of the good quality of the count, did not dare to resist him. Still his authority was not great, because the Signory and Gonfaloniers of the companies were in favor of Lando and his party.
The king's friends and those against Lando and his supporters were mainly from noble families or the upper class, all Guelphs. However, since their opponents were in power, they couldn’t express their thoughts without putting themselves in serious danger. Determined to free themselves from such shameful tyranny, they secretly wrote to King Robert, asking him to appoint Count Guido da Battifolle as his representative in Florence. The king agreed, and although the Signory was against the king due to their dislike for Count Guido, they didn't dare oppose him because of his reputation. Still, his authority wasn’t strong, as the Signory and leaders of the groups supported Lando and his faction.
During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia passed through Florence, in search of her husband, Charles, the son of King Robert, and was received with the greatest respect by the friends of the king, who complained to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the tyranny of Lando and his partisans; so that through her influence and the exertions of the king's friends, the citizens were again united, and before her departure, Lando was stripped of all authority and send back to Agobbio, laden with blood and plunder. In reforming the government, the sovereignty of the city was continued to the king for another three years, and as there were then in office seven Signors of the party of Lando, six more were appointed of the king's friends, and some magistracies were composed of thirteen Signors; but not long afterward the number was reduced to seven according to ancient custom.
During this time of trouble, the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia traveled through Florence, looking for her husband, Charles, the son of King Robert. She was received with great respect by the king's friends, who shared their concerns about the city's unfortunate situation and the tyranny of Lando and his supporters. Thanks to her influence and the efforts of the king's allies, the citizens came together again, and before her departure, Lando was stripped of all power and sent back to Agobbio, burdened with bloodshed and looting. In restructuring the government, the city's sovereignty was granted to the king for another three years. At that time, seven Signors from Lando's party were in office, but six more were appointed from the king's allies, and some positions were filled with a total of thirteen Signors; however, shortly after, the number was reduced to seven, following the old tradition.
CHAPTER VI
War with Castruccio—Castruccio marches against Prato and retires without making any attempt—The emigrants not being allowed to return, endeavor to enter the city by force, and are repulsed—Change in the mode of electing the great officers of state—The Squittini established—The Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routed by Castruccio at Altopascio—Treacherous designs of Raymond—The Florentines give the sovereignty of the city to Charles duke of Cambria, who appoints the duke of Athens for his vicar—The duke of Calabria comes to Florence—The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy—The excitement he produces—Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke of Calabria—Reform of government.
War with Castruccio—Castruccio marches against Prato and then pulls back without making any effort—The exiles, not allowed to return, try to force their way into the city and are pushed back—Change in how the top state officials are elected—The Squittini is established—The Florentines, under Raymond of Cardona, are defeated by Castruccio at Altopascio—Raymond's treacherous plans—The Florentines give control of the city to Charles, Duke of Cambria, who appoints the Duke of Athens as his vicar—The Duke of Calabria arrives in Florence—Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy—The excitement he creates—Death of Castruccio and Charles, Duke of Calabria—Government reform.
About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of Lucca and of Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became lord of them, who, being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in his enterprises, in a short time became the head of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. On this account the discords among the Florentines were laid aside for some years, at first to abate the increasing power of Castruccio, and afterward to unite their means for mutual defense against him. And in order to give increased strength and efficacy to their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens whom they called Buonomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing of any importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of the sovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the government into their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies, and were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who, after many efforts against the lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the relief of which the Florentines having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses, and proceeded thither in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and one thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number of Castruccio's friends and augment their own, the Signory declared that every rebel of the Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Prato would be restored to his country; they thus increased their army with an addition of four thousand men. This great force being quickly brought to Prato, alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune of battle, he retired toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances arose in the Florentine camp between the nobility and the people, the latter of whom wished to pursue the foe and destroy him; the former were for returning home, saying they had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safety of Florence on its account, which they did not regret under the circumstances, but now, that necessity no longer existing, the propriety of further risk ceased also, as there was little to be gained and much to lose. Not being able to agree, the question was referred to the Signory, among whom the difference of opinion was equally great; and as the matter spread throughout the city, the people drew together, and used such threatening language against the nobility that they, being apprehensive for their safety, yielded; but the resolution being adopted too late, and by many unwillingly, gave the enemy time to withdraw in safety to Lucca.
Around the same time, Uguccione lost control of Lucca and Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became their lord. He was a young, bold, and fierce man, lucky in his endeavors, and quickly rose to lead the Ghibellines in Tuscany. Because of this, the conflicts among the Florentines were paused for several years, first to weaken Castruccio's growing power and later to unite their resources for defense against him. To strengthen their plans, the Signory appointed twelve citizens known as Buonomini, or good men, whose advice and consent were necessary for any significant decisions. When King Robert's rule came to an end, the citizens took the government into their own hands, reappointed the usual leaders and magistrates, and remained united in fear of Castruccio. After many attempts against the lords of Lunigiano, he attacked Prato. The Florentines decided to help Prato, closed their shops and homes, and marched there as a group, totaling twenty thousand infantry and one thousand five hundred cavalry. To decrease Castruccio's allies and boost their own ranks, the Signory announced that any rebel from the Guelph party who came to assist Prato would be welcomed back to their homeland; this added four thousand men to their forces. This large army quickly arrived at Prato, scaring Castruccio so much that he retreated towards Lucca without battling. As a result, conflicts arose in the Florentine camp between the nobles and the common people. The commoners wanted to chase the enemy and defeat him, while the nobles insisted on going home, arguing that they had done enough for Prato by risking Florence's safety for it, and with no immediate threat, they believed further risks weren't worth it since there was little to gain and much to lose. Unable to reach an agreement, the matter was brought before the Signory, where opinions were equally divided. As the issue spread throughout the city, the people gathered and expressed such threatening sentiments against the nobility that the nobles, fearing for their safety, conceded. However, this decision came too late and was met with reluctance by many, giving the enemy the chance to escape safely to Lucca.
This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant against the great that the Signory refused to perform the promise made to the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined to be beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence to gain admittance into the city before the rest of the forces; but their design did not take effect, for their purpose being foreseen, they were repulsed by those who had remained at home. They then endeavored to acquire by entreaty what they had failed to obtain by force; and sent eight men as ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promise given, and of the dangers they had undergone, in hope of the reward which had been held out to them. And although the nobility, who felt the obligation on account of their having particularly undertaken to fulfill the promise for which the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost exertion in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the multitude on account of their only partial success against Castruccio, that they could not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor to the city; for many of the nobility, taking offense at this proceeding, endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to their prayers, and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to the city, and that those within would arm themselves in their defense. But the affair was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that those without found the city in arms, and prepared to resist them. So completely subdued were those within, that none dared to take arms; and thus the undertaking was abandoned, without any advantage having been obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it was determined to punish those who had been instrumental in bringing them to the city; but, although everyone knew who were the delinquents, none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It was, therefore, resolved that in order to come at the truth, everyone should write the names of those he believed to be guilty, and present the writing secretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo, Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused; but, the judges being more favorably disposed to them than, perhaps, their misdeeds deserved, each escaped by paying a fine.
This unfortunate situation made the people really angry at the powerful, so the Signory refused to keep the promise made to the exiles. Anticipating this, the exiles decided to act first and were at the gates of Florence, hoping to get into the city before the other forces. However, their plan didn’t work because it was foreseen, and they were pushed back by those who stayed behind. They then tried to gain what they couldn't by force through pleas and sent eight men as ambassadors to the Signory to remind them of the promise and the dangers they faced, hoping for the reward that had been promised. Although the nobility, who felt a sense of duty because they had committed to fulfilling the promise made by the Signory, did their best to help the exiles, the anger of the crowd over their limited success against Castruccio was so intense that they couldn't secure their entry. This resulted in costs and dishonor for the city, as many nobles took offense at this situation and sought to gain through force what had been denied to their requests. They conspired with the exiles to enter the city armed, intending for those inside to arm themselves in defense. However, the plan was discovered before the appointed day arrived, leaving those outside to find the city prepared to resist them. Those inside were so intimidated that no one dared to take up arms, leading to the abandonment of the effort without any gain for their side. After the exiles left, it was decided to punish those who had helped them enter the city. Although everyone knew who the wrongdoers were, no one was willing to name or accuse them. It was thus agreed that to uncover the truth, each person would write down the names of those they believed were guilty and submit the papers anonymously to the Capitano. This way, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo, Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were named, but since the judges were more lenient towards them than perhaps their actions warranted, each one got away by paying a fine.
The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of the rebels to the gates, showed that one leader was insufficient for the companies of the people; they, therefore, determined that in future each should have three or four; and to every Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon bearers) were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a part might operate under one of them. And as happens in republics, after any disturbance, some old laws are annulled and others renewed, so on this occasion, as it had been previously customary to appoint the Signory for a time only, the then existing Signors and the Colleagues, feeling themselves possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority to fix upon the Signors that would have to sit during the next forty months, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and drawing them every two months. But, before the expiration of the forty months, many citizens were jealous that their names had not been deposited among the rest, and a new emborsation was made. From this beginning arose the custom of emborsing or enclosing the names of all who should take office in any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well those whose offices employed them within the city as those abroad, though previously the councils of the retiring magistrates had elected those who were to succeed them. These emborsations were afterward called Squittini, or pollings,—and it was thought they would prevent much trouble to the city, and remove the cause of those tumults which every three, or at most five, years, took place upon the creation of magistrates, from the number of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a better expedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects which lay concealed under such a trivial accommodation.
The chaos that erupted in Florence with the arrival of the rebels at the gates showed that having just one leader was not enough for the people. Therefore, they decided that each group should have three or four leaders, and for every Gonfalonier, two or three Pennonieri (pennon bearers) were added so that even if the whole group wasn't mobilized, a portion could still act under one of them. As is often the case in republics after a disturbance, some old laws were revoked and others were reinstated. This time, since it had been customary to appoint the Signory for only a short period, the current Signors and their colleagues, feeling empowered, took it upon themselves to determine the Signors who would serve for the next forty months by putting their names in a bag or purse and drawing them every two months. However, before the forty months were up, many citizens became jealous that their names had not been included with the rest, leading to a new selection process. From this situation came the practice of enclosing the names of all who would take office in any of the magistracies for a long time, including those working in the city and those abroad, even though the councils of the outgoing magistrates had previously chosen their successors. These selections became known as Squittini, or polls, and it was believed they would reduce the issues faced by the city and eliminate the cause of the frequent disturbances that occurred every three to five years during the election of magistrates, stemming from the number of candidates. Lacking a better solution, they resorted to this method, but failed to notice the underlying issues hidden beneath such a simplistic fix.
In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved, before he should get himself firmly seated in his new conquest, to attack him and withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends they mustered an army amounting to 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse, and with this body encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the place and thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being successful in the first part of their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid the country waste in their progress; but from the little prudence and less integrity of their leader, Ramondo di Cardona, they made but small progress; for he, having observed them upon former occasions very prodigal of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king, at others in those of a legate, or persons of even inferior quality, thought, if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easily happen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail frequently to mention these matters, and required to have that authority in the city which had been given him over the army, endeavoring to show that otherwise he could not enforce the obedience requisite to a leader. As the Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowed Castruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrants of Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very strong. Ramondo, having willfully let the opportunity of victory pass away, now found himself unable to escape; for Castruccio coming up with him at Altopascio, a great battle ensued in which many citizens were slain and taken prisoners, and among the former fell Ramondo, who received from fortune that reward of bad faith and mischievous counsels which he had richly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they suffered from Castruccio, after the battle, in plunder, prisoners, destruction, and burning of property, is quite indescribable; for, without any opposition, during many months, he led his predatory forces wherever he thought proper, and it seemed sufficient to the Florentines if, after such a terrible event, they could save their city.
In 1325, Castruccio took control of Pistoia and became so powerful that the Florentines, worried about his influence, decided to attack him before he could secure his new conquest. They gathered an army of 20,000 infantry and 3,000 cavalry and camped near Altopascio, planning to capture the place to prevent it from helping Pistoia. They succeeded in this first part of their plan and marched towards Lucca, devastating the countryside along the way. However, due to the poor judgment and lack of integrity from their leader, Ramondo di Cardona, their progress was limited. He noticed that in previous situations, the Florentines had often given up their freedom, sometimes putting it in the hands of a king or a legate, or even lesser figures, and thought that if he could get them into trouble, they might make him their prince. He often brought this up and insisted on having authority in the city to match his command over the army, claiming that otherwise, he couldn’t enforce the necessary obedience. Since the Florentines refused his demands, he wasted time and allowed Castruccio to gain support from the Visconti and other tyrants from Lombardy, making him even stronger. Ramondo, having deliberately missed his chance for victory, found himself trapped when Castruccio confronted him at Altopascio, leading to a great battle where many citizens were killed or captured, including Ramondo, who reaped the consequences of his treachery and poor advice. After the battle, the devastation that Castruccio inflicted on the Florentines through looting, capturing prisoners, destruction, and burning of property was unimaginable. For many months, he moved his raiding forces wherever he pleased without opposition, and the Florentines felt that if they could simply save their city after such a horrific event, that would be enough.
Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent them from raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and sending to their friends for assistance; but all they could do was insufficient to restrain such a powerful enemy; so that they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to Charles duke of Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him to come to their defense; for these princes, being accustomed to rule Florence, preferred her obedience to her friendship. But Charles, being engaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore unable to undertake the sovereignty of the city, sent in his stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman, and duke of Athens. He, as viceroy, took possession of the city, and appointed the magistracies according to his own pleasure; but his mode of proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to his real nature, that everyone respected him.
They weren't completely defeated, as they managed to raise significant amounts of money, hire troops, and ask their allies for help; however, everything they did wasn't enough to hold back such a powerful enemy. So, they had no choice but to offer the leadership to Charles, Duke of Calabria, the son of King Robert, if they could persuade him to come to their aid. These leaders, used to ruling Florence, valued its obedience over its friendship. But Charles, involved in the wars in Sicily, couldn't take on the leadership of the city, so he sent Walter, a Frenchman and the Duke of Athens, in his place. As viceroy, Walter took control of the city and assigned roles to the magistrates as he saw fit; yet, his approach was surprisingly proper and completely opposite to his true nature, earning him everyone's respect.
The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to Florence with a thousand horse. He made his entry into the city in July, 1326, and his coming prevented further pillage of the Florentine territory by Castruccio. However, the influence which they acquired without the city was lost within her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from their enemies were brought upon them by their friends; for the Signory could not do anything without the consent of the duke of Calabria, who, in the course of one year, drew from the people 400,000 florins, although by the agreement entered into with him, the sum was not to exceed 200,000; so great were the burdens with which either himself or his father constantly oppressed them.
Once the situation in Sicily was settled, Charles arrived in Florence with a thousand knights. He entered the city in July 1326, and his arrival stopped Castruccio from plundering any further into Florentine territory. However, the power they gained outside the city was lost within its walls, and the troubles they didn’t face from their enemies were caused by their friends. The Signory couldn't take any action without the duke of Calabria's approval, who, over the course of a year, extracted 400,000 florins from the people, even though their agreement stated that the amount should not exceed 200,000. The weight of the burdens imposed by him and his father was that severe.
To these troubles were added new jealousies and new enemies; for the Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles in Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants, by money and promises, induced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected emperor contrary to the wish of the pope, to come into Italy. After passing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the assistance of Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from whence, having been pacified with sums of money, he directed his course towards Rome. This caused the duke of Calabria to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples; he therefore left Florence, and appointed as his viceroy Filippo da Saggineto.
To these troubles were added new jealousies and new enemies; for the Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles in Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants, through money and promises, persuaded Louis of Bavaria, who had recently been elected emperor against the pope's wishes, to come to Italy. After traveling through Lombardy, he entered Tuscany and, with Castruccio's help, took control of Pisa. After being calmed with payments, he then headed towards Rome. This made the duke of Calabria worried about the safety of Naples; he therefore left Florence and appointed Filippo da Saggineto as his viceroy.
After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made himself master of Pisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pistoia, withdrew her from obedience to him. Castruccio then besieged Pistoia, and persevered with so much vigor and resolution, that although the Florentines often attempted to relieve her, by attacking first his army and then his country, they were unable either by force or policy to remove him; so anxious was he to punish the Pistolesi and subdue the Florentines. At length the people of Pistoia were compelled to receive him for their sovereign; but this event, although greatly to his glory, proved but little to his advantage, for upon his return to Lucca he died. And as one event either of good or evil seldom comes alone, at Naples also died Charles duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, so that in a short time, beyond the expectation of their most sanguine hopes, the Florentines found themselves delivered from the domination of the one and the fear of the other. Being again free, they set about the reformation of the city, annulled all the old councils, and created two new ones, the one composed of 300 citizens from the class of the people, the other of 250 from the nobility and the people.
After the emperor left, Castruccio took control of Pisa, but the Florentines, through a treaty with Pistoia, managed to free it from his rule. Castruccio then laid siege to Pistoia, and he persisted with such determination that even though the Florentines frequently tried to help Pistoia by attacking his army and his land, they couldn't remove him by force or strategy; he was so eager to punish the people of Pistoia and conquer the Florentines. Eventually, the people of Pistoia had no choice but to accept him as their ruler; however, this achievement, while impressive, didn't benefit him much, as he died shortly after returning to Lucca. As it often happens, one significant event, whether good or bad, rarely occurs in isolation; in Naples, Charles, the Duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, also died, which led to an unexpected and rapid liberation for the Florentines from both his rule and their fears. Now free, they set out to reform the city, dissolved all the old councils, and established two new ones: one made up of 300 citizens from the common class and another of 250 from both nobility and the common people.
The first was called the Council of the People, the other the Council of the Commune.
The first was called the Council of the People, the other the Council of the Commune.
CHAPTER VII
The Emperor at Rome—The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, and repent of it—Enterprises of the Florentines—Conspiracy of the Bardi and the Frescobaldi—The conspiracy discovered and checked—Maffeo da Marradi appeases the tumult—Lucca is purchased by the Florentines and taken by the Pisans—The duke of Athens at Florence—The nobility determine to make him prince of the city.
The Emperor in Rome—The Florentines decline to buy Lucca and regret their decision—The initiatives of the Florentines—The plot by the Bardi and the Frescobaldi—The scheme is uncovered and halted—Maffeo da Marradi calms the unrest—Lucca is acquired by the Florentines but captured by the Pisans—The duke of Athens arrives in Florence—The nobility decides to appoint him as the city's prince.
The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope, did many things in opposition to the church, and attempted many others, but without effect, so that at last he retired with disgrace, and went to Pisa, where, either because they were not paid, or from disaffection, about 800 German horse mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montechiaro upon the Ceruglio; and when the emperor had left Pisa to go into Lombardy, they took possession of Lucca and drove out Francesco Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn their conquest to account, they offered it to the Florentines for 80,000 florins, which, by the advice of Simone della Tosa, was refused. This resolution, if they had remained in it, would have been of the greatest utility to the Florentines; but as they shortly afterward changed their minds, it became most pernicious; for although at the time they might have obtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not, they afterward wished to have her and could not, even for a much larger amount; which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place in Florence. Lucca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased by Gherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that which they cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gherardino became known, and for how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence were seized with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those by whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them. And in order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, they sent troops to plunder and overrun the country of the Lucchese.
The emperor arrived in Rome, created an anti-pope, went against the church in many ways, and attempted even more, but it all came to nothing, so he eventually left in disgrace and went to Pisa. There, either due to non-payment or dissatisfaction, about 800 German cavalry mutinied and set up defenses at Montechiaro on the Ceruglio. When the emperor left Pisa to head to Lombardy, they took control of Lucca and expelled Francesco Castracani, whom he had left behind. Planning to profit from their conquest, they offered Lucca to the Florentines for 80,000 florins, which was refused based on Simone della Tosa's advice. If they had stuck to that decision, it would have greatly benefited the Florentines, but they soon changed their minds, which turned out to be a huge mistake. Although they could have acquired it peacefully for a small amount then, they later wanted it and couldn't secure it, even for a much higher price, leading to many damaging changes in Florence. Since the Florentines refused Lucca, it was bought by Gherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. As people often want what they can't have more than what is within their reach, once news of Gherardino's purchase and its low cost spread, the Florentines became very eager to have it, blaming themselves and the advisers who persuaded them to reject the offer. To reclaim what they had initially turned down, they sent troops to pillage and invade Lucchese territory.
About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by means of the Pisans, became a prisoner in France; and the Florentines from the death of Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace till 1340, and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while many wars were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John king of Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. During this period Florence was ornamented with many new buildings, and by the advice of Giotto, the most distinguished painter of his time, they built the tower of Santa Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333, risen twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the bridges and many buildings, all which were restored with great care and expense.
Around this time, the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope was captured in France with the help of the Pisans, and the Florentines, after the death of Castruccio in 1328, enjoyed domestic peace until 1340, focusing on external matters while many wars were fought in Lombardy because of King John of Bohemia, and in Tuscany due to Lucca. During this time, Florence was decorated with many new buildings, and under the guidance of Giotto, the most renowned painter of his era, they constructed the tower of Santa Reparata. Additionally, in 1333, the Arno River rose twelve feet above its usual level, destroying some bridges and numerous buildings, all of which were carefully and expensively restored.
In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The great had two ways of increasing or preserving their power; the one, so to restrain the emborsation of magistrates, that the lot always fell upon themselves or their friends; the other, that having the election of the rectors, they were always favorable to their party. This second mode they considered of so great importance, that the ordinary rectors not being sufficient for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and at this time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the title of captain of the guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobbio, and endowed him with unlimited authority over the citizens. This man, under the sanction of those who governed, committed constant outrages; and among those whom he injured were Piero de' Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of the nobility, and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger, supported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure them with impunity, and consequently entered into a conspiracy against him and those by whom he was supported. They were joined by many noble families, and some of the people, who were offended with the tyranny of those in power. Their plan was, that each should bring into his house a number of armed men, and on the morning after the day of All Saints, when almost all would be in the temples praying for their dead, they should take arms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of affairs, and then, with a new Signory and new ordinances, reform the government.
In 1340, new conflicts emerged. The powerful had two strategies to boost or maintain their control: one was to manipulate the appointment of officials so that the roles always went to themselves or their allies; the other was to ensure that, through the election of the leaders, they always had those in charge favoring their side. They viewed this second method as so crucial that when the usual leaders weren’t enough for them, they occasionally elected a third, and at this time, they had made an exceptional appointment of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobbio as the captain of the guard, giving him complete authority over the citizens. This man, with the backing of the ruling powers, committed constant abuses; among his victims were Piero de' Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. Being from noble families and naturally proud, they couldn’t tolerate a stranger, supported by a few powerful figures, harming them without reason and getting away with it. As a result, they plotted against him and his supporters. Many noble families joined them, along with some common people who were fed up with the rulers' tyranny. Their plan was for each of them to gather armed men in their homes and, on the morning after All Saints' Day when nearly everyone would be in churches praying for the dead, they would rise up, kill the Captain and the leaders, and then establish a new government with fresh officials and reforms.
But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the less willingly it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowed between the determining upon a perilous enterprise and its execution, that the conspiracy by one means or another becomes known. Andrea de' Bardi was one of the conspirators, and upon reconsideration of the matter, the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and they informed the government. And as the danger was near, All Saints' day being just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace; and thinking their peril increased by delay, they insisted that the Signory should order the alarm to be rung, and called the people together in arms. Taldo Valori was at this time Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviati one of the Signory, who, being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling to summon the people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is by no means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion, for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was never beneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to violence, but a difficult thing to restrain them; and that, therefore, it would be taking a more prudent course if they were to inquire into the truth of the affair, and punish the delinquents by the civil authority, than to attempt, upon a simple information, to correct it by such a tumultuous means, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would listen to these remarks; the Signory were assailed with insolent behavior and indecent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon which the people presently assembled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, finding themselves discovered, that they might conquer with glory or die without shame, armed themselves, in the hope that they would be able to defend that part of the city beyond the river, where their houses were situated; and they fortified the bridge in expectation of assistance, which they expected from the nobles and their friends in the country. Their design was frustrated by the people who, in common with themselves, occupied this part of the city; for these took arms in favor of the Signory, so that, seeing themselves thus circumstanced, they abandoned the bridges, and betook themselves to the street in which the Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any other; and this they defended with great bravery.
But, as a dangerous venture is seen as more risky, it's less likely to be pursued. Usually, when there's some time between deciding on a risky plan and actually carrying it out, the conspiracy tends to leak out somehow. Andrea de' Bardi was one of the conspirators, and after thinking it over, fear of punishment hit him harder than the desire for revenge, so he revealed the plot to his brother-in-law, Jacopo Alberti. Jacopo informed the Priors, who then alerted the government. With danger looming, since All Saints' Day was approaching, many citizens gathered in the palace; fearing they were at greater risk the longer they waited, they pushed the Signory to ring the alarm and call the people to arms. At that time, Taldo Valori was the Gonfalonier and Francesco Salviati was part of the Signory. Being related to the Bardi, they were hesitant to call the people to arms, arguing that it’s not wise to rally them for every minor threat, as giving power to an uncontrolled crowd is never a good idea. It’s easy to incite them to violence but hard to rein them in; thus, they believed it would be smarter to investigate the situation and let civil authorities deal with the offenders, rather than reacting hastily and risking the city's safety through chaos. No one listened to these arguments; the Signory faced rude behavior and disrespectful remarks and were forced to sound the alarm, leading the people to gather with weapons. Meanwhile, the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, realizing their plot was uncovered, decided to either win with honor or die without disgrace. They armed themselves, hoping to defend the part of the city across the river where their homes were, and they fortified the bridge in anticipation of aid from the nobles and their allies in the countryside. However, their plan was thwarted when the citizens, who occupied that part of the city, took up arms in support of the Signory. Faced with this new reality, they abandoned the bridges and retreated to the street where the Bardi lived, believing it to be a stronger position, which they defended courageously.
Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed against himself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished, kept himself surrounded with forces near the palace of the Signory; but the other rectors, who were much less blamable, discovered greater courage, and especially the podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. He presented himself among the combatants without any fear, and passing the bridge of the Rubaconte amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign that he wished to speak to them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, his noble demeanor, and the excellent qualities he was known to possess, caused an immediate cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen to him patiently. He very gravely, but without the use of any bitter or aggravating expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they would incur if they still contended against the popular feeling, gave them reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifully considered, and promised that he himself would use his endeavors in their behalf. He then returned to the Signory, and implored them to spare the blood of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging them unheard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city, and without impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their departure the people being again disarmed, the Signory proceeded against those only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms. To lessen their power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that of Vernia; and enacted a law which provided that no citizen should be allowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles of Florence.
Jacopo d'Agobbio, aware that the entire conspiracy was aimed at him, was filled with fear of death and, feeling defeated and terrified, positioned himself with forces near the palace of the Signory. Meanwhile, the other officials, who were far less culpable, showed much more courage, especially the podesta or provost, Maffeo da Marradi. He approached the fighters fearlessly, and while crossing the bridge of the Rubaconte amidst the conflicts caused by the Bardi, he signaled that he wanted to speak to them. This commanded their respect; his noble demeanor and well-known virtues prompted an immediate halt to the fighting and made them willing to listen to him. He spoke seriously but without any harsh or inflammatory words, criticizing their conspiracy, warning them about the dangers of opposing public sentiment, giving them hope that their grievances would be heard compassionately, and promising to advocate for them. He then returned to the Signory and urged them to spare the blood of the citizens, emphasizing the unfairness of judging them without a hearing. Eventually, he persuaded them to agree that the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, along with their allies, could leave the city and would be allowed to retreat to their castles without any obstacles. Once they departed and the people were disarmed again, the Signory took action only against those members of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken up arms. To weaken their power, they purchased the castles of Mangona and Vernia from the Bardi and enacted a law prohibiting any citizen from owning a castle or fortified structure within twenty miles of Florence.
After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many of his family banished. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subdued the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as is most commonly the case, the more authority they possessed the worse use they made of it and the more insolent they became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard who afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the country, with unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected might abide neither within nor without. And they excited them to such excesses against the whole of the nobility, that these were driven to desperation, and ready to sell both themselves and the city to obtain revenge. The occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it.
After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was executed, and many of his family members were exiled. The rulers, not satisfied with having subdued the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, became even more arrogant as they gained more power. They had already had one oppressive captain of the guard for the city, and now they appointed another for the countryside, giving him unlimited authority to ensure that those they suspected couldn't remain anywhere. They incited such extreme actions against the entire nobility that it drove them to desperation, ready to betray both themselves and the city for revenge. Eventually, an opportunity arose, and they seized it without hesitation.
The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Lucca under the rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, who, though bound by contract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so; for, being lord of Parma, he thought he should be able to retain her, and did not trouble himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentines joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mastino to the brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive any benefit from this beyond the slight satisfaction of having conquered him; for the Venetians, like all who enter into league with less powerful states than themselves, having acquired Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino without the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, the Visconti, lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, he found himself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore determined to sell it. The competitors for the purchase were the Florentines and the Pisans; and in the course of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the Florentines, being the richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms, and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against Lucca. The Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but having agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money, gave security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni di Bernadino de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci, to take possession, who entered Lucca by force, and Mastino's people delivered the city to them. Nevertheless, the Pisans continued the siege, and the Florentines used their utmost endeavors to relieve her; but after a long war, loss of money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to retire, and the Pisans became lords of Lucca.
The conflicts in Tuscany and Lombardy had placed the city of Lucca under the control of Mastino della Scala, the lord of Verona, who, despite being contractually obligated to hand it over to the Florentines, chose not to. As the lord of Parma, he believed he could keep Lucca and ignored his breach of contract. In response, the Florentines allied with the Venetians, and with their help, they nearly brought Mastino to his downfall. However, they gained little from this other than the minor satisfaction of having defeated him; the Venetians, like others who form alliances with weaker states, having taken Treviso and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino without considering the Florentines. Shortly after, the Visconti, lords of Milan, took Parma from Mastino, leaving him unable to hold onto Lucca, which led him to decide to sell it. The Florentines and the Pisans both wanted to buy it, and during the negotiations, the Pisans saw that the wealthier Florentines were likely to win the bid, so they resorted to military action, backed by the Visconti, and marched on Lucca. Despite this, the Florentines did not back out of the purchase; after agreeing on the terms with Mastino, they paid part of the money, secured the rest, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni di Bernardino de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci to take possession. They forcefully entered Lucca, and Mastino's men handed the city over to them. However, the Pisans continued the siege, and the Florentines did everything they could to assist Lucca. After a lengthy conflict, financial losses, and a buildup of shame, they were forced to withdraw, and the Pisans became the new rulers of Lucca.
The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, exasperated the people of Florence against the members of the government; at every street corner and public place they were openly censured, and the entire misfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement. At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da Rimini to the command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal and less prudence, they requested assistance from Robert king of Naples, and he sent them Walter duke of Athens, who, as Providence would have it, to bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the moment when the undertaking against Lucca had entirely failed. Upon this the Twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire them with fresh hopes by the appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at least abate, the causes of calumny against themselves. As there was much to be feared, and that the duke of Athens might have greater authority to defend them, they first chose him for their coadjutor, and then appointed him to the command of the army. The nobility, who were discontented from the causes above mentioned, having many of them been acquainted with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governed Florence for the duke of Calabria, thought they had now an opportunity, though with the ruin of the city, of subduing their enemies; for there was no means of prevailing against those who had oppressed them but of submitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with the worth of one party and the insolence of the other, would restrain the latter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the benefits they might derive from him when he had acquired the principality by their means. They, therefore, took several occasions of being with him secretly, and entreated he would take the command wholly upon himself, offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence and entreaty were also added those of some families of the people; these were the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, being overwhelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished for those of others to liquidate them, and, by the slavery of their country, to deliver themselves from their servitude to their creditors. These demonstrations excited the ambitious mind of the duke to greater desire of dominion, and in order to gain himself the reputation of strict equity and justice, and thus increase his favor with the plebeians, he prosecuted those who had conducted the war against Lucca, condemned many to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death Giovanni de' Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti.
The loss of this city, as often happens in similar situations, angered the people of Florence against the government officials; they openly criticized them at every street corner and public gathering, blaming their greed and mismanagement for the entire disaster. At the start of the war, twenty citizens were appointed to lead it, and they chose Malatesta da Rimini to command the forces. Since he showed little enthusiasm and even less wisdom, they sought help from Robert, the king of Naples, who sent Walter, the duke of Athens. As fate would have it, he arrived in Florence just as the attempt against Lucca had completely failed. In response to the people's anger, the Twenty believed they could inspire new hope by appointing a new leader, hoping to alleviate the blame directed at them. Concerned about the situation and thinking the duke of Athens might have more power to protect them, they first chose him as their assistant, then appointed him to lead the army. The nobility, already unhappy due to these issues and familiar with Walter from when he previously governed Florence for the duke of Calabria, saw a chance to subdue their enemies, even at the cost of the city’s ruin. They realized that the only way to overcome those oppressing them was to submit to a prince who knew the strengths of one group and the arrogance of the other, and who would hold back the latter while rewarding the former. They also hoped to gain benefits from him once he secured his power through their support. Therefore, they found various opportunities to meet with him secretly, urging him to take full command and offering him any assistance they could provide. Their influence was reinforced by some influential families, including the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who were burdened with debts and hoped to use his power to free themselves from their creditors by enslaving their country. These actions fueled the ambitious duke’s desire for power, and to enhance his image as a fair and just leader, he targeted those responsible for the failed war against Lucca. He imposed fines, exiled some, and executed Giovanni de' Medici, Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti.
CHAPTER VIII
The Duke of Athens requires to be made prince of Florence—The Signory address the duke upon the subject—The plebeians proclaim him prince of Florence for life—Tyrannical proceedings of the duke—The city disgusted with him—Conspiracies against the duke—The duke discovers the conspiracies, and becomes terrified—The city rises against him—He is besieged in the palace—Measures adopted by the citizens for reform of the government—The duke is compelled to withdraw from the city—Miserable deaths of Guglielmo da Scesi and his son—Departure of the duke of Athens—His character.
The Duke of Athens wants to be made the prince of Florence. The Signory talks to the duke about this. The common people declare him the lifelong prince of Florence. The duke acts tyrannically, and the city becomes fed up with him. There are plots against the duke. He learns about these conspiracies and gets scared. The city rises up against him, and he is trapped in the palace. The citizens take steps to reform the government. The duke is forced to leave the city. Guglielmo da Scesi and his son meet terrible endings. The Duke of Athens departs. His character is discussed.
These executions greatly terrified the middle class of citizens, but gave satisfaction to the great and to the plebeians;—to the latter, because it is their nature to delight in evil; and to the former, by thus seeing themselves avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered from the people. When the duke passed along the streets he was hailed with loud cheers, the boldness of his proceedings was praised, and both parties joined in open entreaties that he would search out the faults of the citizens, and punish them.
These executions really scared the middle class, but they pleased the rich and the common people. The common folks enjoyed it since they naturally gravitate towards chaos, while the rich felt a sense of revenge for the many injustices they had faced from the masses. When the duke walked down the streets, he was greeted with loud cheers; people praised his boldness, and both groups openly urged him to find the citizens' faults and punish them.
The office of the Twenty began to fall into disuse, while the power of the duke became great, and the influence of fear excessive; so that everyone, in order to appear friendly to him, caused his arms to be painted over their houses, and the name alone was all he needed to be absolutely prince. Thinking himself upon such a footing that he might safely attempt anything, he gave the Signory to understand that he judged it necessary for the good of the city, that the sovereignty should be freely given to him, and that as the rest of the citizens were willing that it should be so, he desired they would also consent. The Signory, notwithstanding many had foreseen the ruin of their country, were much disturbed at this demand; and although they were aware of the dangerous position in which they stood, that they might not be wanting in their duty, resolutely refused to comply. The duke had, in order to assume a greater appearance of religion and humanity, chosen for his residence the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce, and in order to carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed that all the people should, on the following morning, present themselves before him in the piazza of the convent. This command alarmed the Signory much more than his discourse to them had done, and they consulted with those citizens whom they thought most attached to their country and to liberty; but they could not devise any better plan, knowing the power of which the duke was possessed, than to endeavor by entreaty to induce him either to forego his design or to make his government less intolerable. A party of them was, therefore, appointed to wait upon him, one of whom addressed him in the following manner:—
The office of the Twenty started to become obsolete as the duke's power grew and fear took hold, leading everyone to paint his coat of arms on their houses just to appear friendly. His name alone was enough for him to act like a complete prince. Feeling confident enough to take action, he informed the Signory that he believed it was essential for the city’s wellbeing that he be given absolute power, and since the other citizens seemed agreeable, he wanted their consent too. The Signory, despite many anticipating the downfall of their city, were quite troubled by this request; aware of the danger they were in, they nonetheless felt it was their duty to firmly refuse. To appear more religious and humane, the duke had chosen the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce as his residence, and to put his sinister plans into motion, he announced that all citizens should gather in the convent's piazza the next morning. This order alarmed the Signory even more than his previous conversation had, pushing them to consult with those citizens they believed were most loyal to the city and its freedoms. However, they couldn’t come up with a better plan, given the duke’s considerable power, than to try to persuade him to abandon his scheme or to make his rule less oppressive. They designated a group to approach him, one of whom spoke to him in this way:—
"We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the demand which you have made, and then by the orders you have given for a meeting of the people; for it appears to us very clearly, that it is your intention to effect by extraordinary means the design from which we have hitherto withheld our consent. It is not, however, our intention to oppose you with force, but only to show what a heavy charge you take upon yourself, and the dangerous course you adopt; to the end that you may remember our advice and that of those who, not by consideration of what is beneficial for you, but for the gratification of their own unreasonable wishes, have advised you differently. You are endeavoring to reduce to slavery a city that has always existed in freedom; for the authority which we have at times conceded to the kings of Naples was companionship and not servitude. Have you considered the mighty things which the name of liberty implies to such a city as this, and how delightful it is to those who hear it? It has a power which nothing can subdue, time cannot wear away, nor can any degree of merit in a prince countervail the loss of it. Consider, my lord, how great the force must be that can keep a city like this in subjection, no foreign aid would enable you to do it; neither can you confide in those at home; for they who are at present your friends, and advise you to adopt the course you now pursue, as soon as with your assistance they have overcome their enemies, will at once turn their thoughts toward effecting your destruction, and then take the government upon themselves. The plebeians, in whom you confide, will change upon any accident, however trivial; so that in a very short time you may expect to see the whole city opposed to you, which will produce both their ruin and your own. Nor will you be able to find any remedy for this; for princes who have but few enemies may make their government very secure by the death or banishment of those who are opposed to them; but when the hatred is universal, no security whatever can be found, for you cannot tell from what direction the evil may commence; and he who has to apprehend every man his enemy cannot make himself assured of anyone. And if you should attempt to secure a friend or two, you would only increase the dangers of your situation; for the hatred of the rest would be increased by your success, and they would become more resolutely disposed to vengeance.
"We come before you, my lord, first because of the demand you've made, and then because of the orders you've given to gather the people. It’s clear to us that you intend to achieve, through extraordinary means, a plan we've previously refused to support. However, we do not aim to oppose you with force; we simply want to highlight the heavy burden you are taking on and the dangerous path you are choosing. We hope you remember our advice, as well as that of those who, not considering what’s best for you but purely driven by their own unreasonable desires, have advised you otherwise. You are trying to enslave a city that has always valued its freedom; the authority we've sometimes conceded to the kings of Naples has been based on fellowship, not servitude. Have you thought about the powerful meaning that liberty holds for a city like this and how cherished it is by those who hear it? It holds a strength that nothing can conquer, time cannot diminish, and no prince's achievements can compensate for its loss. Think, my lord, of the immense force required to keep a city like this under control; no foreign power could assist you; you can't fully trust those at home either. Those who are currently your friends, advising you to take this course, will quickly turn against you once they've defeated their enemies with your help, seeking your downfall and taking power for themselves. The common people you rely on will turn on you over any minor incident; in no time, you could find the entire city opposing you, which would lead to both their destruction and yours. There won't be a remedy for this situation; princes with few enemies can secure their rule by eliminating those who oppose them, but when hatred is widespread, there’s no security. You won't know where the threat might come from, and fearing every person as an enemy means you can’t trust anyone. If you try to secure a friend or two, it would only worsen your situation; the resentment from others would grow with your success, making them more determined to seek revenge."
"That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for freedom is most certain; for it has been often observed, that those have reassumed their liberty who in their own persons had never tasted of its charms, and love it only from remembrance of what they have heard their fathers relate; and, therefore, when recovered, have preserved it with indomitable resolution and at every hazard. And even when their fathers could not remember it, the public buildings, the halls of the magistracy, and the insignia of free institutions, remind them of it; and these things cannot fail to be known and greatly desired by every class of citizens.
"That time can neither destroy nor lessen the desire for freedom is definitely true; it has often been seen that people who have never experienced liberty personally still yearn for it, only knowing it through the stories told by their fathers. So, when they gain it back, they hold onto it with unwavering determination, no matter the risks. Even when their fathers couldn't remember that freedom, the public buildings, the government halls, and the symbols of free institutions serve as reminders. These things are sure to be recognized and deeply desired by every group of citizens."
"What is it you imagine you can do, that would be an equivalent for the sweets of liberty, or make men lose the desire of their present conditions? No; if you were to join the whole of Tuscany to the Florentine rule, if you were to return to the city daily in triumph over her enemies, what could it avail? The glory would not be ours, but yours. We should not acquire fellow-citizens, but partakers of our bondage, who would serve to sink us still deeper in ignominy. And if your conduct were in every respect upright, your demeanor amiable, and your judgments equitable, all these would be insufficient to make you beloved. If you imagine otherwise, you deceive yourself; for, to one accustomed to the enjoyment of liberty, the slightest chains feel heavy, and every tie upon his free soul oppresses him. Besides, it is impossible to find a violent people associated with a good prince, for of necessity they must soon become alike, or their difference produce the ruin of one of them. You may, therefore, be assured, that you will either have to hold this city by force, to effect which, guards, castles, and external aid have oft been found insufficient, or be content with the authority we have conferred; and this we would advise, reminding you that no dominion can be durable to which the governed do not consent; and we have no wish to lead you, blinded by ambition, to such a point that, unable either to stand or advance, you must, to the great injury of both, of necessity fall."
"What do you think you can do that would match the sweetness of freedom or make people forget their current situation? No; even if you were to bring all of Tuscany under Florentine control, and return to the city every day in triumph over its enemies, what would it even matter? The glory would belong to you, not us. We wouldn’t gain fellow citizens, but rather people who share in our oppression, only dragging us down further into disgrace. Even if your actions were completely honorable, your personality charming, and your decisions fair, none of this would be enough to make you truly loved. If you think otherwise, you’re fooling yourself; to someone who has tasted freedom, even the lightest chains feel heavy, and any restriction on their free spirit is a burden. Moreover, it’s impossible to have a rebellious people alongside a good leader—they will inevitably become the same or one will end up destroying the other. So, you can be certain that you will either have to maintain control over this city through force, which has often failed without guards, fortresses, and outside help, or you can be satisfied with the authority we've granted; and our advice is to remember that no rule can last unless the governed agree with it; we don’t want to lead you, blinded by ambition, to a point where, unable to either stand still or move forward, you inevitably fall, causing great harm to both sides."
This discourse did not in the slightest degree soften the obdurate mind of the duke, who replied that it was not his intention to rob the city of her liberty, but to restore it to her; for those cities alone are in slavery that are disunited, while the united are free. As Florence, by her factions and ambition, had deprived herself of liberty, he should restore, not take it from her; and as he had been induced to take this charge upon himself, not from his own ambition, but at the entreaty of a great number of citizens, they would do well to be satisfied with that which produced contentment among the rest. With regard to the danger he might incur, he thought nothing of it; for it was not the part of a good man to avoid doing good from his apprehension of evil, and it was the part of a coward to shun a glorious undertaking because some uncertainty attended the success of the attempt; and he knew he should so conduct himself, that they would soon see they had entertained great apprehensions and been in little danger.
This conversation didn’t change the duke’s stubborn mindset at all. He responded that he didn’t intend to take away the city’s freedom but to restore it. Only disunited cities are enslaved, while united ones are free. Since Florence had lost her freedom due to her internal conflicts and ambitions, he believed he was restoring it to her, not taking it away. He took on this responsibility not out of his own ambition but at the request of many citizens, so they should be happy with what brought satisfaction to the rest. As for the risks he might face, he wasn’t concerned at all; a good person shouldn’t avoid doing good out of fear of harm. It’s cowardly to shy away from a noble task just because there’s some uncertainty about the outcome. He was confident that he would handle things in a way that would soon show them their fears were unfounded and that they were in little danger.
The Signory then agreed, finding they could not do better, that on the following morning the people should be assembled in their accustomed place of meeting, and with their consent the Signory should confer upon the duke the sovereignty of the city for one year, on the same conditions as it had been intrusted to the duke of Calabria. It was upon the 8th of November, 1342, when the duke, accompanied by Giovanni della Tosa and all his confederates, with many other citizens, came to the piazza or court of the palace, and having, with the Signory mounted upon the ringhiera, or rostrum (as the Florentines call those steps which lead to the palace), the agreement which had been entered into between the Signory and himself was read. When they had come to the passage which gave the government to him for one year, the people shouted, "FOR LIFE." Upon this, Francesco Rustichelli, one of the Signory, arose to speak, and endeavored to abate the tumult and procure a hearing; but the mob, with their hootings, prevented him from being heard by anyone; so that with the consent of the people the duke was elected, not for one year merely, but for life. He was then borne through the piazza by the crowd, shouting his name as they proceeded.
The Signory then agreed, realizing they couldn't come up with a better plan, that the next morning, the people should gather in their usual meeting place. With their approval, the Signory would grant the duke the city's authority for one year, under the same conditions it had been given to the duke of Calabria. It was on November 8, 1342, when the duke, along with Giovanni della Tosa and all his allies, as well as many other citizens, arrived at the square in front of the palace. The Signory stood on the ringhiera, or rostrum (as the Florentines call the steps leading to the palace), and the agreement made between the Signory and the duke was read out loud. When they reached the part that granted him governance for one year, the crowd yelled, "FOR LIFE." In response, Francesco Rustichelli, one of the Signory, stood up to speak, trying to calm the crowd and get their attention. However, the mob's noise drowned him out completely, so, with the people's consent, the duke was chosen not just for one year, but for life. He was then lifted through the square by the crowd, who shouted his name as they moved.
It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of the palace shall, in the absence of the Signory, remain locked within. This office was at that time held by Rinieri di Giotto, who, bribed by the friends of the duke, without waiting for any force, admitted him immediately. The Signory, terrified and dishonored, retired to their own houses; the palace was plundered by the followers of the duke, the Gonfalon of the people torn to pieces, and the arms of the duke placed over the palace. All this happened to the indescribable sorrow of good men, though to the satisfaction of those who, either from ignorance or malignity, were consenting parties.
It’s customary that the person assigned to guard the palace must stay locked inside when the Signory is absent. At that time, this duty was held by Rinieri di Giotto, who, bribed by the duke’s supporters, let him in immediately without waiting for any backup. The Signory, frightened and humiliated, went back to their homes. The palace was looted by the duke's followers, the Gonfalon of the people was torn to shreds, and the duke's insignia was put up over the palace. All of this happened to the unimaginable grief of good people, although it pleased those who, whether out of ignorance or malice, were complicit.
The duke, having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in order to strip those of all authority who had been defenders of her liberty, forbade the Signory to assemble in the palace, and appointed a private dwelling for their use. He took their colors from the Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; abolished the ordinances made for the restraint of the great; set at liberty those who were imprisoned; recalled the Bardi and the Frescobaldi from exile, and forbade everyone from carrying arms about his person. In order the better to defend himself against those within the city, he made friends of all he could around it, and therefore conferred great benefits upon the Aretini and other subjects of the Florentines. He made peace with the Pisans, although raised to power in order that he might carry on war against them; ceased paying interest to those merchants who, during the war against Lucca, had lent money to the republic; increased the old taxes, levied new ones, and took from the Signory all authority. His rectors were Baglione da Perugia and Guglielmo da Scesi, who, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were the persons with whom he consulted on public affairs. He imposed burdensome taxes upon the citizens; his decisions between contending parties were unjust; and that precision and humanity which he had at first assumed, became cruelty and pride; so that many of the greatest citizens and noblest people were, either by fines, death, or some new invention, grievously oppressed. And in completing the same bad system, both without the city and within, he appointed six rectors for the country, who beat and plundered the inhabitants. He suspected the great, although he had been benefited by them, and had restored many to their country; for he felt assured that the generous minds of the nobility would not allow them, from any motives, to submit contentedly to his authority. He also began to confer benefits and advantages upon the lowest orders, thinking that with their assistance, and the arms of foreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. The month of May, during which feasts are held, being come, he caused many companies to be formed of the plebeians and very lowest of the people, and to these, dignified with splendid titles, he gave colors and money; and while one party went in bacchanalian procession through the city, others were stationed in different parts of it, to receive them as guests. As the report of the duke's authority spread abroad, many of French origin came to him, for all of whom he found offices and emoluments, as if they had been the most trustworthy of men; so that in a short time Florence became not only subject to French dominion, but adopted their dress and manners; for men and women, without regard to propriety or sense of shame, imitated them. But that which disgusted the people most completely was the violence which, without any distinction of quality or rank, he and his followers committed upon the women.
The duke, having taken control of the city, aimed to eliminate the authority of those who had defended its freedom. He prohibited the Signory from meeting in the palace and designated a private residence for them. He removed their colors from the Gonfaloniers of the people's companies, repealed the laws meant to limit the power of the elite, freed those who were imprisoned, welcomed back the Bardi and the Frescobaldi from exile, and banned everyone from carrying weapons. To better protect himself from threats within the city, he sought allies outside its walls, providing significant benefits to the Aretini and other subjects of Florence. He made peace with the Pisans, even though he had been put in power to wage war against them, stopped paying interest to merchants who had loaned money to the republic during the conflict with Lucca, raised existing taxes, imposed new ones, and stripped the Signory of all authority. His advisors were Baglione da Perugia and Guglielmo da Scesi, who, along with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were involved in public matters. He placed heavy taxes on the citizens; his judgments between conflicting parties were unfair; the kindness and fairness he initially displayed turned into cruelty and arrogance, so that many of the most prominent citizens and noblest people suffered greatly through fines, death, or other harsh measures. To support this corrupt system, both inside and outside the city, he appointed six rectors for the countryside who abused and robbed the locals. He mistrusted the elite, despite having benefited from them and having brought many back to their homeland, convinced that the noble class would not submit willingly to his rule. He also started granting favors to the lower classes, believing that with their support and the help of foreign troops, he could maintain his tyranny. With May, the month of festivals, approaching, he organized many groups of commoners and the poorest citizens, giving them grand titles, colors, and money; while one group paraded through the city in a festive manner, others were stationed throughout the city to celebrate with them. As news of the duke's authority spread, many people of French descent came to him, and he found them positions and salaries, treating them as if they were the most reliable individuals. Consequently, Florence not only fell under French control but also adopted their clothing and customs, with men and women shamelessly mimicking them. However, what outraged the people most was the violent acts he and his followers committed against women, showing no regard for their status or rank.
The people were filled with indignation, seeing the majesty of the state overturned, its ordinances annihilated, its laws annulled, and every decent regulation set at naught; for men unaccustomed to royal pomp could not endure to see this man surrounded with his armed satellites on foot and on horseback; and having now a closer view of their disgrace, they were compelled to honor him whom they in the highest degree hated. To this hatred, was added the terror occasioned by the continual imposition of new taxes and frequent shedding of blood, with which he impoverished and consumed the city.
The people were filled with anger, witnessing the government's authority being dismantled, its rules wiped away, its laws canceled, and all decent regulations ignored. Those not used to royal grandeur couldn't stand seeing this man surrounded by his armed followers, both on foot and horseback. Having a closer look at their humiliation, they had to respect the person they hated the most. On top of this hatred, there was the fear caused by the constant introduction of new taxes and frequent violence, which left the city impoverished and suffering.
The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing strongly in the people's minds, nor was he without fear of the consequences; but still pretended to think himself beloved; and when Matteo di Morozzo, either to acquire his favor or to free himself from danger, gave information that the family of the Medici and some others had entered into a conspiracy against him he not only did not inquire into the matter, but caused the informer to be put to a cruel death. This mode of proceeding restrained those who were disposed to acquaint him of his danger and gave additional courage to such as sought his ruin. Bertone Cini, having ventured to speak against the taxes with which the people were loaded, had his tongue cut out with such barbarous cruelty as to cause his death. This shocking act increased the people's rage, and their hatred of the duke; for those who were accustomed to discourse and to act upon every occasion with the greatest boldness, could not endure to live with their hands tied and forbidden to speak.
The duke was well aware of the strong feelings people had against him, and he feared the consequences, but he still pretended to believe he was loved. When Matteo di Morozzo, either to win the duke's favor or to protect himself, reported that the Medici family and others were conspiring against him, the duke not only ignored the claim but had the informer executed in a brutal manner. This approach silenced those who might warn him of his dangers and encouraged those who wanted to bring about his downfall. Bertone Cini, who dared to speak out against the heavy taxes burdening the people, had his tongue cut out in such a cruel way that it led to his death. This horrific act fueled the people's anger and deepened their hatred for the duke; those who were used to speaking freely and acting boldly could not tolerate living with their hands tied and being forbidden to express themselves.
This oppression increased to such a degree, that not merely the Florentines, who though unable to preserve their liberty cannot endure slavery, but the most servile people on earth would have been roused to attempt the recovery of freedom; and consequently many citizens of all ranks resolved either to deliver themselves from this odious tyranny or die in the attempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed; one of the great; another of the people, and the third of the working classes; each of which, besides the general causes which operated upon the whole, were excited by some other particular grievance. The great found themselves deprived of all participation in the government; the people had lost the power they possessed, and the artificers saw themselves deficient in the usual remuneration of their labor.
This oppression grew to such an extent that not just the Florentines, who, although they couldn't maintain their freedom, could not bear the thought of being enslaved, but even the most submissive people on Earth would have been motivated to fight for their freedom. As a result, many citizens from all social classes decided they would either free themselves from this terrible tyranny or die trying. Three separate conspiracies were formed: one among the elites, another among the general populace, and a third among the working class. Each group was driven by the broader issues affecting everyone, as well as specific grievances of their own. The elites found themselves excluded from government participation, the general populace had lost the power they once had, and the workers were struggling due to inadequate pay for their labor.
Agnolo Acciajuoli was at this time archbishop of Florence, and by his discourses had formerly greatly favored the duke, and procured him many followers among the higher class of the people. But when he found him lord of the city, and became acquainted with his tyrannical mode of proceeding, it appeared to him that he had misled his countrymen; and to correct the evil he had done, he saw no other course, but to attempt the cure by the means which had caused it. He therefore became the leader of the first and most powerful conspiracy, and was joined by the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Of the second, the principals were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Of the third the first was Antonio Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. It was the intention of these last, to slay him in the house of the Albizzi, whither he was expected to go on St. John's day, to see the horses run, but he not having gone, their design did not succeed. They then resolved to attack him as he rode through the city; but they found this would be very difficult; for he was always accompanied with a considerable armed force, and never took the same road twice together, so that they had no certainty of where to find him. They had a design of slaying him in the council, although they knew that if he were dead, they would be at the mercy of his followers.
Agnolo Acciajuoli was the archbishop of Florence at this time, and his speeches had previously supported the duke, helping him gain many allies among the upper class. But once he saw that the duke had become the ruler of the city and learned about his tyrannical ways, he realized he had misled his fellow citizens. To fix the harm he had done, he thought the only solution was to use the same means that had caused it. So, he became the leader of the first and most powerful conspiracy, teaming up with the Bardi, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. The second group was led by Manno and Corso Donati, along with the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. The third group was headed by Antonio Adimari, with the Medici, Bordini, Rucellai, and Aldobrandini. These last group members planned to kill him at the house of the Albizzi, where he was supposed to go on St. John's day to watch the horse races. However, since he didn't go, their plan failed. They then decided to attack him while he rode through the city, but they realized this would be quite challenging; he was always accompanied by a large armed force and never took the same route twice, so they couldn't be sure where to find him. They even considered assassinating him in the council, although they knew that if he were dead, they would be vulnerable to his followers.
While these matters were being considered by the conspirators, Antonio Adimari, in expectation of getting assistance from them, disclosed the affair to some Siennese, his friends, naming certain of the conspirators, and assuring them that the whole city was ready to rise at once. One of them communicated the matter to Francesco Brunelleschi, not with a design to injure the plot, but in the hope that he would join them. Francesco, either from personal fear, or private hatred of some one, revealed the whole to the duke; whereupon, Pagolo del Mazecha and Simon da Monterappoli were taken, who acquainted him with the number and quality of the conspirators. This terrified him, and he was advised to request their presence rather than to take them prisoners, for if they fled, he might without disgrace, secure himself by banishment of the rest. He therefore sent for Antonio Adimari, who, confiding in his companions, appeared immediately, and was detained. Francesco Brunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti advised the duke to take as many of the conspirators prisoners as he could, and put them to death; but he, thinking his strength unequal to his foes, did not adopt this course, but took another, which, had it succeeded, would have freed him from his enemies and increased his power. It was the custom of the duke to call the citizens together upon some occasions and advise with them. He therefore having first sent to collect forces from without, made a list of three hundred citizens, and gave it to his messengers, with orders to assemble them under the pretense of public business; and having drawn them together, it was his intention either to put them to death or imprison them.
While the conspirators were discussing their plans, Antonio Adimari, hoping for their support, shared the situation with some friends from Siena, naming a few of the conspirators and claiming that the entire city was prepared to revolt at any moment. One of them told Francesco Brunelleschi about it, not to sabotage the plot, but hoping he would join in. Francesco, either out of fear or personal animosity towards someone, revealed everything to the duke. This led to the capture of Pagolo del Mazecha and Simon da Monterappoli, who informed the duke about the number and identities of the conspirators. Alarmed, the duke was advised to invite them to visit him instead of arresting them. If they fled, he could still save face by banishing the others. So, he summoned Antonio Adimari, who, trusting his allies, came right away and was held captive. Francesco Brunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti urged the duke to arrest as many conspirators as possible and execute them; however, feeling outmatched, he chose a different approach that, if successful, would have rid him of his enemies and boosted his power. It was customary for the duke to gather the citizens on certain occasions to discuss matters with them. Thus, he sent for reinforcements from outside, made a list of three hundred citizens, and instructed his messengers to assemble them under the guise of a public issue; once gathered, he intended to either kill them or imprison them.
The capture of Antonio Adimari and the sending for forces, which could not be kept secret, alarmed the citizens, and more particularly those who were in the plot, so that the boldest of them refused to attend, and as each had read the list, they sought each other, and resolved to rise at once and die like men, with arms in their hands, rather than be led like calves to the slaughter. In a very short time the chief conspirators became known to each other, and resolved that the next day, which was the 26th July, 1343, they would raise a disturbance in the Old Market place, then arm themselves and call the people to freedom.
The capture of Antonio Adimari and the call for reinforcements, which couldn't be kept under wraps, scared the citizens, especially those involved in the plot. The bravest among them chose not to attend, and as each had seen the list, they looked for one another and decided to take action immediately, willing to fight and die like men with weapons in hand, instead of being led like sheep to the slaughter. Soon, the main conspirators recognized each other and agreed that the next day, July 26, 1343, they would create a disturbance in the Old Market place, arm themselves, and rally the people for freedom.
The next morning being come, at nine o'clock, according to agreement, they took arms, and at the call of liberty assembled, each party in its own district, under the ensigns and with the arms of the people, which had been secretly provided by the conspirators. All the heads of families, as well of the nobility as of the people, met together, and swore to stand in each other's defense, and effect the death of the duke; except some of the Buondelmonti and of the Cavalcanti, with those four families of the people which had taken so conspicuous a part in making him sovereign, and the butchers, with others, the lowest of the plebeians, who met armed in the piazza in his favor.
The next morning, at nine o'clock, as agreed, they gathered weapons and assembled at the call for freedom, each group in its own area, under the banners and with the arms of the people, which the conspirators had secretly arranged. All the heads of households, both noble and common, came together and pledged to support each other and to ensure the duke's death; except for some of the Buondelmonti and the Cavalcanti, along with the four families from the common people who had played a significant role in making him sovereign, and the butchers, among others, the lowest members of the working class, who assembled armed in the square in his support.
The duke immediately fortified the place, and ordered those of his people who were lodged in different parts of the city to mount upon horseback and join those in the court; but, on their way thither, many were attacked and slain. However, about three hundred horse assembled, and the duke was in doubt whether he should come forth and meet the enemy, or defend himself within. On the other hand, the Medici, Cavicciulli, Rucellai, and other families who had been most injured by him, fearful that if he came forth, many of those who had taken arms against him would discover themselves his partisans, in order to deprive him of the occasion of attacking them and increasing the number of his friends, took the lead and assailed the palace. Upon this, those families of the people who had declared for the duke, seeing themselves boldly attacked, changed their minds, and all took part with the citizens, except Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retired into the palace, and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some of his followers to the new market, mounted upon a bench, and begged that those who were going in arms to the piazza, would take the part of the duke. In order to terrify them, he exaggerated the number of his people and threatened all with death who should obstinately persevere in their undertaking against their sovereign. But not finding any one either to follow him, or to chastise his insolence, and seeing his labor fruitless, he withdrew to his own house.
The duke quickly strengthened the defenses and ordered his people who were staying in different parts of the city to get on their horses and join those in the court. However, many of them were attacked and killed on the way. Eventually, about three hundred horsemen gathered, and the duke was unsure whether to come out and face the enemy or to stay and defend himself inside. Meanwhile, the Medici, Cavicciulli, Rucellai, and other families who had suffered the most from him, worried that if he stepped out, many of those who had taken up arms against him would reveal themselves as his supporters, so they decided to strike first and attacked the palace. Upon seeing this bold move, the families that had supported the duke changed their stance and joined the citizens against him, except for Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retreated into the palace, and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who gathered some of his followers at the new market. He stood on a bench and urged those heading to the piazza with weapons to support the duke. To intimidate them, he inflated the size of his group and threatened anyone who stubbornly continued their attack on their sovereign with death. But when he found no one willing to follow him or to punish him for his arrogance, and realizing his efforts were pointless, he went back to his own house.
In the meantime, the contest in the piazza between the people and the forces of the duke was very great; but although the place served them for defense, they were overcome, some yielding to the enemy, and others, quitting their horses, fled within the walls. While this was going on, Corso and Amerigo Donati, with a part of the people, broke open the stinche, or prisons; burnt the papers of the provost and of the public chamber; pillaged the houses of the rectors, and slew all who had held offices under the duke whom they could find. The duke, finding the piazza in possession of his enemies, the city opposed to him, and without any hope of assistance, endeavored by an act of clemency to recover the favor of the people. Having caused those whom he had made prisoners to be brought before him, with amiable and kindly expressions he set them at liberty, and made Antonio Adimari a knight, although quite against his will. He caused his own arms to be taken down, and those of the people to be replaced over the palace; but these things coming out of season, and forced by his necessities, did him little good. He remained, notwithstanding all he did, besieged in the palace, and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost all, and would most likely, after a few days, die either of hunger, or by the weapons of his enemies. The citizens assembled in the church of Santa Reparata, to form the new government, and appointed fourteen citizens, half from the nobility and half from the people, who, with the archbishop, were invested with full authority to remodel the state of Florence. They also elected six others to take upon them the duties of provost, till he who should be finally chosen took office, the duties of which were usually performed by a subject of some neighboring state.
In the meantime, the conflict in the square between the people and the duke's forces was intense. Although the location provided some defense for them, they were overwhelmed, with some surrendering to the enemy while others dismounted and fled within the walls. As this unfolded, Corso and Amerigo Donati, along with part of the crowd, broke open the stinche, or prisons; they burned the records of the provost and the public chamber, looted the homes of the rectors, and killed all who had held positions under the duke that they could find. The duke, realizing the square was held by his enemies, the city was turned against him, and with no hope for help, tried to win back the people's favor through an act of mercy. He had those he captured brought before him, and with friendly and kind words, he set them free, and made Antonio Adimari a knight against his will. He ordered his own insignia to be taken down and replaced with those of the people over the palace, but these gestures, being too late and forced by his desperation, did little to help him. Despite his efforts, he remained besieged in the palace, realizing that aiming for too much had led to losing everything, and he was likely to die in a few days either from hunger or by his enemies' weapons. The citizens gathered in the church of Santa Reparata to form a new government, appointing fourteen citizens, half from the nobility and half from the common people, who, along with the archbishop, were given full authority to restructure the state of Florence. They also elected six others to take on the responsibilities of provost until a final choice was made, a role usually held by a subject from a neighboring state.
Many had come to Florence in defense of the people; among whom were a party from Sienna, with six ambassadors, men of high consideration in their own country. These endeavored to bring the people and the duke to terms; but the former refused to listen to any whatever, unless Guglielmo da Scesi and his son, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were first given up to them. The duke would not consent to this; but being threatened by those who were shut up with him, he was forced to comply. The rage of men is certainly always found greater, and their revenge more furious upon the recovery of liberty, than when it has only been defended. Guglielmo and his son were placed among the thousands of their enemies, and the latter was not yet eighteen years old; neither his beauty, his innocence, nor his youth, could save him from the fury of the multitude; but both were instantly slain. Those who could not wound them while alive, wounded them after they were dead; and not satisfied with tearing them to pieces, they hewed their bodies with swords, tore them with their hands, and even with their teeth. And that every sense might be satiated with vengeance, having first heard their moans, seen their wounds, and touched their lacerated bodies, they wished even the stomach to be satisfied, that having glutted the external senses, the one within might also have its share. This rabid fury, however hurtful to the father and son, was favorable to Cerrettieri; for the multitude, wearied with their cruelty toward the former, quite forgot him, so that he, not being asked for, remained in the palace, and during night was conveyed safely away by his friends.
Many had come to Florence to support the people, including a group from Sienna with six ambassadors, respected men in their own country. They tried to negotiate terms between the people and the duke, but the people refused to listen to any proposals unless Guglielmo da Scesi and his son, along with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were first surrendered to them. The duke wouldn't agree to this, but he was pressured by those trapped with him and had to give in. The fury of men is always found to be greater, and their desire for revenge more intense when they regain their freedom than when they are merely defending it. Guglielmo and his son were thrown among their many enemies, the latter not yet even eighteen years old; neither his looks, innocence, nor youth could protect him from the mob's wrath, and both were quickly killed. Those who couldn't harm them while they were alive attacked their bodies after death; not satisfied with tearing them apart, they hacked their bodies with swords, ripped at them with their hands, and even bit into them. To fulfill every urge for vengeance, having first heard their cries, seen their wounds, and touched their mangled bodies, they desired even to satiate their stomachs, ensuring that after indulging the external senses, the inner one could also be appeased. This wild fury, while devastating to the father and son, turned out to be beneficial for Cerrettieri; since the crowd, exhausted from their brutality towards the others, completely forgot him, allowing him to remain in the palace, and he was safely taken away by his friends during the night.
The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood, an agreement was made that the duke and his people, with whatever belonged to him, should quit the city in safety; that he should renounce all claim, of whatever kind, upon Florence, and that upon his arrival in the Casentino he should ratify his renunciation. On the sixth of August he set out, accompanied by many citizens, and having arrived at the Casentino he ratified the agreement, although unwillingly, and would not have kept his word if Count Simon had not threatened to take him back to Florence. This duke, as his proceedings testified, was cruel and avaricious, difficult to speak with, and haughty in reply. He desired the service of men, not the cultivation of their better feelings, and strove rather to inspire them with fear than love. Nor was his person less despicable than his manners; he was short, his complexion was black, and he had a long, thin beard. He was thus in every respect contemptible; and at the end of ten months, his misconduct deprived him of the sovereignty which the evil counsel of others had given him.
The anger of the crowd was calmed with blood, and an agreement was reached that the duke and his followers, along with all his belongings, would leave the city safely. He was to give up all claims of any kind on Florence and agree to confirm his renunciation upon arriving in Casentino. On August 6th, he set out with many citizens, and once he reached Casentino, he reluctantly confirmed the agreement, not wanting to keep his promise unless Count Simon threatened to take him back to Florence. This duke was, as evidenced by his actions, cruel and greedy, hard to talk to, and arrogant in his responses. He valued the service of men over fostering their better qualities, trying more to instill fear than love. His appearance was just as despicable as his behavior; he was short, had a dark complexion, and a long, thin beard. In every way, he was contemptible, and after ten months, his bad behavior cost him the power that others’ poor advice had given him.
CHAPTER IX
Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel—Prudent conduct adopted upon this occasion—The city is divided into quarters—Disputes between the nobility and the people—The bishop endeavors to reconcile them, but does not succeed—The government reformed by the people—Riot of Andrea Strozzi—Serious disagreements between the nobility and the people—They come to arms, and the nobility are subdued—The plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks.
Many cities and areas under Florentine control rebel—A wise approach is taken during this time—The city is split into sections—Conflicts arise between the nobility and the common people—The bishop tries to mediate, but fails—The government is changed by the people—The riot led by Andrea Strozzi—Significant tensions between the nobility and the common people—They resort to fighting, and the nobility are overwhelmed—The plague in Florence that Boccaccio talks about.
These events taking place in the city, induced all the dependencies of the Florentine state to throw off their yoke; so that Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gemigniano rebelled. Thus Florence found herself deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions at the same moment, and in recovering her liberty, taught her subjects how they might become free. The duke being expelled and the territories lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop thought it would be better to act kindly toward their subjects in peace, than to make them enemies by war, and to show a desire that their subjects should be free as well as themselves. They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, to renounce all dominion over that city, and to enter into a treaty with them; to the end that as they could not retain them as subjects, they might make use of them as friends. They also, in the best manner they were able, agreed with the other places that they should retain their freedom, and that, being free, they might mutually assist each other in the preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was attended with a most favorable result; for Arezzo, not many years afterward, returned to the Florentine rule, and the other places, in the course of a few months, returned to their former obedience. Thus it frequently occurs that we sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifferent to them, than by more obstinate pursuit.
These events happening in the city led all the territories under Florentine control to break free; so Arezzo, Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gemigniano revolted. As a result, Florence found itself without both its tyrant and its lands at the same time, and in regaining her freedom, she showed her subjects how they could become free as well. With the duke expelled and the territories lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop decided it would be better to treat their subjects kindly in peace rather than make them enemies through war, expressing a desire for their subjects to also be free. They sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo to declare that they would renounce any claim over that city and establish a treaty with them; since they could no longer keep them as subjects, they aimed to have them as friends. They also, as best they could, reached agreements with the other places to allow them to keep their freedom and to mutually support each other in preserving their liberties. This wise approach had very positive results; for not many years later, Arezzo returned to Florentine rule, and the other places, in a few months, went back to their previous allegiance. Thus, it often happens that we achieve our goals more easily by seeming indifferent to them than by pursuing them with stubbornness.
Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the consideration of those within the city; and after some altercation between the nobility and the people, it was arranged that the nobility should form one-third of the Signory and fill one-half of the other offices. The city was, as we have before shown, divided into sixths; and hence there would be six signors, one for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinary cause, there had been twelve or thirteen created; but when this had occurred they were again soon reduced to six. It now seemed desirable to make an alteration in this respect, as well because the sixths were not properly divided, as that, wishing to give their proportion to the great, it became desirable to increase the number. They therefore divided the city into quarters, and for each created three signors. They abolished the office of Gonfalonier of Justice, and also the Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and instead of the twelve Buonuomini, or good men, created eight counsellors, four from each party. The government having been established in this manner, the city might have been in repose if the great had been content to live in that moderation which civil society requires. But they produced a contrary result, for those out of office would not conduct themselves as citizens, and those who were in government wished to be lords, so that every day furnished some new instance of their insolence and pride. These things were very grievous to the people, and they began to regret that for one tyrant put down, there had sprung up a thousand. The arrogance of one party and the anger of the other rose to such a degree, that the heads of the people complained to the bishop of the improper conduct of the nobility, and what unfit associates they had become for the people; and begged he would endeavor to induce them to be content with their share of administration in the other offices, and leave the magistracy of the Signory wholly to themselves.
After taking care of external matters, they turned their attention to issues within the city. Following some back-and-forth between the nobility and the citizens, they decided that the nobility would make up one-third of the Signory and fill half of the other positions. The city, as previously mentioned, was divided into sixths, resulting in six signors—one for each sixth—unless twelve or thirteen were appointed for exceptional reasons, but this would soon return to six. It became clear that a change was needed because the sixths were not properly divided, and in wanting to give the nobility their share, they saw a need to increase the number of representatives. They then reorganized the city into quarters and appointed three signors for each quarter. They eliminated the position of Gonfalonier of Justice and the Gonfaloniers of the groups representing the people; instead of the twelve Buonuomini, or good men, they created eight counselors, four from each faction. With the government set up this way, the city could have enjoyed some peace if the nobility had chosen to live within the moderation that a civil society requires. Instead, it had the opposite effect, as those out of power refused to act like responsible citizens, while those in power acted like lords, leading to daily displays of arrogance and pride. This behavior greatly upset the citizens, who began to wish they hadn’t replaced one tyrant with a thousand. The arrogance of one faction and the anger of the other escalated to the point where the leaders of the people approached the bishop to complain about the nobility's inappropriate conduct and how they had become unfit associates for the citizens. They requested the bishop to persuade them to be satisfied with their share of the other offices and to leave the Signory's magistracy entirely to the citizens.
The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want of firmness rendered him easily influenced. Hence, at the instance of his associates, he at first favored the duke of Athens, and afterward, by the advice of other citizens, conspired against him. At the reformation of the government, he had favored the nobility, and now he appeared to incline toward the people, moved by the reasons which they had advanced. Thinking to find in others the same instability of purpose, he endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement. With this design he called together the fourteen who were yet in office, and in the best terms he could imagine advised them to give up the Signory to the people, in order to secure the peace of the city; and assured them that if they refused, ruin would most probably be the result.
The bishop was, of course, a well-intentioned man, but his lack of decisiveness made him easily swayed. As a result, he initially supported the duke of Athens at the suggestion of his associates, and later, on the advice of other citizens, joined in a conspiracy against him. When the government was reformed, he had sided with the nobility, and now he seemed to lean toward the people, influenced by their arguments. Believing that others shared his wavering commitment, he tried to broker a peaceful arrangement. To this end, he gathered the fourteen officials still in power and, in the best way he could, urged them to hand over the Signory to the people to ensure the city's peace, warning them that if they refused, disaster was likely to follow.
This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the highest pitch, and Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in unmeasured terms as a man of little faith; reminding him of his friendship for the duke, to prove the duplicity of his present conduct, and saying, that in driving him away he had acted the part of a traitor. He concluded by telling him, that the honors they had acquired at their own peril, they would at their own peril defend. They then left the bishop, and in great wrath, informed their associates in the government, and all the families of the nobility, of what had been done. The people also expressed their thoughts to each other, and as the nobility made preparations for the defense of their signors, they determined not to wait till they had perfected their arrangements; and therefore, being armed, hastened to the palace, shouting, as they went along, that the nobility must give up their share in the government.
This conversation really stirred up the anger of the nobility, and Ridolfo de' Bardi harshly scolded him for being a person of little faith. He reminded him of his friendship with the duke to highlight the hypocrisy of his current actions, claiming that by pushing him away, he was acting like a traitor. He ended by stating that the honors they had earned at great risk, they would defend at that same risk. They then left the bishop, infuriated, and informed their fellow government members and all the noble families about what had happened. The people also shared their opinions among themselves, and as the nobility prepared to protect their leaders, they decided not to wait until their plans were ready; armed and ready to go, they rushed to the palace, shouting as they went that the nobility had to give up their share of the government.
The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors of the nobility found themselves abandoned; for their friends, seeing all the people in arms, did not dare to rise in their defense, but each kept within his own house. The Signors of the people endeavored to abate the excitement of the multitude, by affirming their associates to be good and moderate men; but, not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greater evil, sent them home to their houses, whither they were with difficulty conducted. The nobility having left the palace, the office of the four councillors was taken from their party, and conferred upon twelve of the people. To the eight signors who remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, and sixteen Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and the council was so reformed, that the government remained wholly in the hands of the popular party.
The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The noblemen found themselves abandoned; their friends, seeing everyone armed, were too afraid to rise in their defense and chose to stay inside their homes. The leaders of the people tried to calm the crowd by claiming their allies were good and moderate individuals, but when that didn't work, they sent them home to prevent a bigger disaster, struggling to escort them back. After the nobility left the palace, the council's power was taken from their group and handed over to twelve representatives of the people. The eight nobles who stayed were joined by a Gonfalonier of Justice, along with sixteen Gonfaloniers from the people's companies, and the council was restructured so that the government was entirely in the control of the popular faction.
At the time these events took place there was a great scarcity in the city, and discontent prevailed both among the highest and the lowest classes; in the latter for want of food, and in the former from having lost their power in the state. This circumstance induced Andrea Strozzi to think of making himself sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at a lower price than others did, a great many people flocked to his house; emboldened by the sight of these, he one morning mounted his horse, and, followed by a considerable number, called the people to arms, and in a short time drew together about 4,000 men, with whom he proceeded to the Signory, and demanded that the gates of the palace should be opened. But the signors, by threats and the force which they retained in the palace, drove them from the court; and then by proclamation so terrified them, that they gradually dropped off and returned to their homes, and Andrea, finding himself alone, with some difficulty escaped falling into the hands of the magistrates.
At the time these events occurred, there was a severe shortage in the city, and people were unhappy across all social classes; the lower class suffered from a lack of food, while the upper class was frustrated from losing their power in the government. This situation led Andrea Strozzi to consider making himself the ruler of the city. He sold his grain at a lower price than others, which attracted many people to his home. Encouraged by their presence, one morning he got on his horse, and with a sizable crowd behind him, rallied the people to take up arms. In a short time, he gathered about 4,000 men and went to the Signory, demanding that the palace gates be opened. However, the signors, using threats and the force they had inside the palace, drove them out of the courtyard; then by making a public announcement, they scared the crowd into gradually leaving and returning home. Afterward, Andrea found himself alone and narrowly escaped being captured by the authorities.
This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended with the result that usually follows such attempts, raised a hope in the minds of the nobility of overcoming the people, seeing that the lowest of the plebeians were at enmity with them. And to profit by this circumstance, they resolved to arm themselves, and with justifiable force recover those rights of which they had been unjustly deprived. Their minds acquired such an assurance of success, that they openly provided themselves with arms, fortified their houses, and even sent to their friends in Lombardy for assistance. The people and the Signory made preparation for their defense, and requested aid from Perugia and Sienna, so that the city was filled with the armed followers of either party. The nobility on this side of the Arno divided themselves into three parts; the one occupied the houses of the Cavicciulli, near the church of St. John; another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati, near the great church of St. Peter; and the third those of the Cavalcanti in the New Market. Those beyond the river fortified the bridges and the streets in which their houses stood; the Nerli defended the bridge of the Carraja; the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the church of the Holy Trinity; and the Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of the Rubaconte and the Old Bridge. The people were drawn together under the Gonfalon of justice and the ensigns of the companies of the artisans.
This event, though a bold move, and usually leading to the expected consequences of such actions, sparked hope among the nobles about defeating the common people, especially since the lowest class of plebeians were at odds with them. To take advantage of this situation, they decided to arm themselves and rightfully reclaim the rights that had been unfairly taken from them. They felt so confident of victory that they openly armed themselves, fortified their homes, and even reached out to their allies in Lombardy for help. The common people and the Signory prepared to defend themselves and sought assistance from Perugia and Sienna, filling the city with armed supporters from both sides. The nobles on this side of the Arno split into three groups: one took over the houses of the Cavicciulli near the church of St. John; another occupied the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati near the large church of St. Peter; and the third group seized the houses of the Cavalcanti in the New Market. Those across the river reinforced the bridges and the streets where their homes were located; the Nerli defended the Carraja bridge; the Frescobaldi and the Manelli protected the church of the Holy Trinity; and the Rossi and the Bardi held the Rubaconte bridge and the Old Bridge. The people united under the Gonfalon of justice and the banners of the artisan guilds.
Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people thought it imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was commenced by the Medici and the Rondinelli, who assailed the Cavicciulli, where the houses of the latter open upon the piazza of St. John. Here both parties contended with great obstinacy, and were mutually wounded, from the towers by stones and other missiles, and from below by arrows. They fought for three hours; but the forces of the people continuing to increase, and the Cavicciulli finding themselves overcome by numbers, and hopeless of other assistance, submitted themselves to the people, who saved their houses and property; and having disarmed them, ordered them to disperse among their relatives and friends, and remain unarmed. Being victorious in the first attack, they easily overpowered the Pazzi and the Donati, whose numbers were less than those they had subdued; so that there only remained on this side of the Arno, the Cavalcanti, who were strong both in respect of the post they had chosen and in their followers. Nevertheless, seeing all the Gonfalons against them, and that the others had been overcome by three Gonfalons alone, they yielded without offering much resistance. Three parts of the city were now in the hands of the people, and only one in possession of the nobility; but this was the strongest, as well on account of those who held it, as from its situation, being defended by the Arno; hence it was first necessary to force the bridges. The Old Bridge was first assailed and offered a brave resistance; for the towers were armed, the streets barricaded, and the barricades defended by the most resolute men; so that the people were repulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this point fruitless, they endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no better success resulting, they left four Gonfalons in charge of the two bridges, and with the others attacked the bridge of the Carraja. Here, although the Nerli defended themselves like brave men, they could not resist the fury of the people; for this bridge, having no towers, was weaker than the others, and was attacked by the Capponi, and many families of the people who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailed on all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the people, who then overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi; for all those beyond the Arno took part with the conquerors.
With both sides set for battle, the crowd deemed it unwise to delay the fight, so the Medici and the Rondinelli initiated the attack on the Cavicciulli, whose homes face the piazza of St. John. Here, both factions fought fiercely, wounding each other with stones and other projectiles from the towers and arrows from below. They battled for three hours; however, as the crowd continued to grow and the Cavicciulli realized they were outnumbered and had no hope of assistance, they surrendered to the people, who spared their homes and possessions. Disarmed, they were told to disperse among their families and friends and to remain unarmed. Victorious in this initial skirmish, the crowd easily defeated the Pazzi and the Donati, who had fewer numbers than those they had just conquered. Only the Cavalcanti remained on this side of the Arno, strong both in their chosen position and in their followers. Nevertheless, seeing all the Gonfalons arrayed against them and recognizing that the others had been defeated by just three Gonfalons, they surrendered with little resistance. Now, three-quarters of the city was controlled by the people, with only one quarter held by the nobility. However, this quarter was the strongest, both because of its defenders and its location, bordered by the Arno, which meant they first needed to take the bridges. The Old Bridge was attacked first and put up a strong fight; the towers were manned, the streets were barricaded, and the barricades were defended by determined men, causing the crowd to suffer significant losses. Finding their efforts futile there, they attempted to take the Rubaconte Bridge, but saw no better success. They left four Gonfalons to guard the two bridges and with the rest, attacked the Carraja Bridge. Although the Nerli fought bravely, they could not withstand the onslaught, as this bridge was weaker—lacking towers—and was attacked by the Capponi and many local families. Faced with attacks from all sides, they abandoned their barricades and retreated, allowing the people to defeat the Rossi and the Frescobaldi, as everyone beyond the Arno sided with the victors.
There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, who remained undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their friends, the union of the people against them, and the little chance of success which they seemed to have. They resolved to die fighting, and rather see their houses burned and plundered, than submit to the power of their enemies. They defended themselves with such obstinacy, that many fruitless attempts were made to overcome them, both at the Old Bridge and the Rubaconte; but their foes were always repulsed with loss. There had in former times been a street which led between the houses of the Pitti, from the Roman road to the walls upon Mount St. George. By this way the people sent six Gonfalons, with orders to assail their houses from behind. This attack overcame the resolution of the Bardi, and decided the day in favor of the people; for when those who defended the barricades in the street learned that their houses were being plundered, they left the principal fight and hastened to their defense. This caused the Old Bridge to be lost; the Bardi fled in all directions and were received into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The people, especially the lower classes, greedy for spoil, sacked and destroyed their houses, and pulled down and burned their towers and palaces with such outrageous fury, that the most cruel enemy of the Florentine name would have been ashamed of taking part in such wanton destruction.
There was now no resistance except from the Bardi, who remained fearless despite their friends' failures, the uniting of the people against them, and the slim chance of success they seemed to have. They decided to fight to the death and would rather see their homes burned and looted than submit to their enemies' power. They defended themselves so stubbornly that many unsuccessful attempts were made to defeat them, both at the Old Bridge and the Rubaconte; but their foes were always pushed back with losses. In the past, there had been a street that ran between the Pitti houses, connecting the Roman road to the walls on Mount St. George. Through this route, the people sent six Gonfalons with orders to attack their homes from behind. This surprise assault broke the Bardi's resolve and turned the tide in favor of the people; for when those defending the barricades in the street learned their homes were being looted, they abandoned the main fight to rush back to protect them. This caused the loss of the Old Bridge; the Bardi scattered in all directions and took refuge in the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The people, particularly the lower classes, eager for loot, ransacked and destroyed their homes, and tore down and burned their towers and palaces with such fierce rage that even the most brutal enemy of the Florentine name would have been ashamed to partake in such reckless destruction.
The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government; and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lower class, it was ordered that the first should appoint two signors; the two latter three each, and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen alternately from either party. Besides this, all the regulations for the restraint of the nobility were renewed; and in order to weaken them still more, many were reduced to the grade of the people. The ruin of the nobility was so complete, and depressed them so much, that they never afterward ventured to take arms for the recovery of their power, but soon became humbled and abject in the extreme. And thus Florence lost the generosity of her character and her distinction in arms.
The nobility was defeated, and the people reformed the government. Since there were three classes—the upper, middle, and lower—it was decided that the upper class would appoint two leaders; the middle and lower classes would each appoint three, and the Gonfalonier would be chosen alternately from either group. In addition, all the rules to limit the power of the nobility were reinstated, and to weaken them even further, many were lowered to the status of common people. The downfall of the nobility was so thorough that they never attempted to fight for their power again, becoming deeply humbled and utterly submissive. As a result, Florence lost its generosity and its reputation for military prowess.
After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In the course of this period occurred the memorable plague, described with so much eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost 96,000 souls. In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by the archbishop, then prince of Milan; and when this was concluded, dissensions again arose in the city; for although the nobility were destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions and new troubles.
After these events, the city remained peaceful until the year 1353. During this time, the devastating plague occurred, vividly described by Giovanni Boccaccio, which led to the loss of 96,000 lives in Florence. In 1348, the first war with the Visconti began, instigated by the archbishop, who was then the prince of Milan. Once this conflict ended, tensions rose again in the city; even though the nobility was wiped out, fortune brought about new divisions and fresh troubles.
BOOK III
CHAPTER I
Reflections upon the domestic discords of republics—A parallel between the discords of Rome and those of Florence—Enmities between the families of the Ricci and the Albizzi—Uguccione de' Ricci causes the laws against the Ghibellines to be renewed in order to injure the Albizzi—Piero degli Albizzi derives advantage from it—Origin of admonitions and the troubles which result from them—Uguccione de' Ricci moderates their injustice—Difficulties increase—A meeting of the citizens—They address the Signory—The Signory attempt to remedy the evils.
Reflections on the internal conflicts of republics—a comparison between the conflicts of Rome and those of Florence—rivalries between the Ricci and Albizzi families—Uguccione de' Ricci pushes to renew the laws against the Ghibellines to hurt the Albizzi—Piero degli Albizzi benefits from it—origin of warnings and the problems that come from them—Uguccione de' Ricci tempers their unfairness—challenges grow—citizens hold a meeting—they speak to the Signory—the Signory tries to address the issues.
Those serious, though natural enmities, which occur between the popular classes and the nobility, arising from the desire of the latter to command, and the disinclination of the former to obey, are the causes of most of the troubles which take place in cities; and from this diversity of purpose, all the other evils which disturb republics derive their origin. This kept Rome disunited; and this, if it be allowable to compare small things with great, held Florence in disunion; although in each city it produced a different result; for animosities were only beginning with the people and nobility of Rome contended, while ours were brought to a conclusion by the contentions of our citizens. A new law settled the disputes of Rome; those of Florence were only terminated by the death and banishment of many of her best people. Those of Rome increased her military virtue, while that of Florence was quite extinguished by her divisions. The quarrels of Rome established different ranks of society, those of Florence abolished the distinctions which had previously existed. This diversity of effects must have been occasioned by the different purposes which the two people had in view. While the people of Rome endeavored to associate with the nobility in the supreme honors, those of Florence strove to exclude the nobility from all participation in them: as the desire of the Roman people was more reasonable, no particular offense was given to the nobility; they therefore consented to it without having recourse to arms; so that, after some disputes concerning particular points, both parties agreed to the enactment of a law which, while it satisfied the people, preserved the nobility in the enjoyment of their dignity.
The serious but natural conflicts between the common people and the nobility arise from the nobles' desire for control and the reluctance of the commoners to obey. These conflicts are the main cause of most of the issues in cities, and from this clash of interests, many other problems in republics stem. This tension kept Rome divided, and similarly, it caused disunity in Florence, though the outcomes were different in each city. In Rome, the animosities were just starting between the common people and the nobility, while in Florence, the conflicts reached a climax resulting in the death and exile of many of its best citizens. In Rome, a new law resolved their disputes, whereas in Florence, it was only settled through bloodshed. Rome's conflicts strengthened its military power, while Florence's divisions weakened it significantly. The quarrels in Rome established different social ranks, while those in Florence eliminated the distinctions that had existed before. This difference in outcomes likely stemmed from the differing goals of the two groups. The Romans sought to share the highest honors with the nobility, while the Florentines aimed to completely exclude the nobility from these honors. Since the Roman people's ambitions were more reasonable, they didn't provoke much offense to the nobility, who agreed to their demands without resorting to violence. After some arguments over specific issues, both sides came to an agreement on a law that satisfied the people while allowing the nobility to retain their dignity.
On the other hand, the demands of the people of Florence being insolent and unjust, the nobility, became desperate, prepared for their defense with their utmost energy, and thus bloodshed and the exile of citizens followed. The laws which were afterward made, did not provide for the common good, but were framed wholly in favor of the conquerors. This too, must be observed, that from the acquisition of power, made by the people of Rome, their minds were very much improved; for all the offices of state being attainable as well by the people as the nobility, the peculiar excellencies of the latter exercised a most beneficial influence upon the former; and as the city increased in virtue she attained a more exalted greatness.
On the other hand, since the demands of the people of Florence were arrogant and unfair, the nobility became desperate and worked hard to defend themselves, leading to bloodshed and the exile of citizens. The laws that were created afterward didn’t aim for the common good but were entirely designed to benefit the conquerors. It should also be noted that the rise to power by the people of Rome greatly improved their mindset; since positions in the government were open to both the people and the nobility, the unique strengths of the latter had a positive effect on the former. As the city grew in virtue, it reached a higher level of greatness.
But in Florence, the people being conquerors, the nobility were deprived of all participation in the government; and in order to regain a portion of it, it became necessary for them not only to seem like the people, but to be like them in behavior, mind, and mode of living. Hence arose those changes in armorial bearings, and in the titles of families, which the nobility adopted, in order that they might seem to be of the people; military virtue and generosity of feeling became extinguished in them; the people not possessing these qualities, they could not appreciate them, and Florence became by degrees more and more depressed and humiliated. The virtue of the Roman nobility degenerating into pride, the citizens soon found that the business of the state could not be carried on without a prince. Florence had now come to such a point, that with a comprehensive mind at the head of affairs she would easily have been made to take any form that he might have been disposed to give her; as may be partly observed by a perusal of the preceding book.
But in Florence, where the people were the conquerors, the nobility lost all say in the government. To regain some influence, they not only had to appear like the common people but also adopt their behavior, mindset, and way of life. This led to changes in their coats of arms and family titles, as the nobility tried to present themselves as part of the populace. Their military virtues and generosity faded away; since the people lacked these qualities, they could not appreciate them, leading Florence to become increasingly downtrodden and humiliated. The virtue of the Roman nobility turned into mere pride, and the citizens soon realized that the state couldn't function without a leader. Florence had reached a point where, with a capable mind at the helm, it could easily have been shaped in any way that leader desired, as can be partly noted by reading the previous book.
Having given an account of the origin of Florence, the commencement of her liberty, with the causes of her divisions, and shown how the factions of the nobility and the people ceased with the tyranny of the duke of Athens, and the ruin of the former, we have now to speak of the animosities between the citizens and the plebeians and the various circumstances which they produced.
Having explained the origin of Florence, the beginning of its freedom, the reasons for its divisions, and how the conflicts between the nobility and the common people ended with the tyranny of the Duke of Athens and the downfall of the former, we now need to discuss the animosities between the citizens and the plebeians and the various circumstances that arose from them.
The nobility being overcome, and the war with the archbishop of Milan concluded, there did not appear any cause of dissension in Florence. But the evil fortune of the city, and the defective nature of her laws, gave rise to enmities between the family of the Albizzi and that of the Ricci, which divided her citizens as completely as those of the Buondelmonti and the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had formerly done. The pontiffs, who at this time resided in France, and the emperors, who abode in Germany, in order to maintain their influence in Italy, sent among us multitudes of soldiers of many countries, as English, Dutch, and Bretons. As these, upon the conclusion of a war, were thrown out of pay, though still in the country, they, under the standard of some soldier of fortune, plundered such people as were least prepared to defend themselves. In the year 1353 one of these companies came into Tuscany under the command of Monsignor Reale, of Provence, and his approach terrified all the cities of Italy. The Florentines not only provided themselves forces, but many citizens, among whom were the Albizzi and the Ricci, armed themselves in their own defense. These families were at the time full of hatred against each other, and each thought to obtain the sovereignty of the republic by overcoming his enemy. They had not yet proceeded to open violence, but only contended in the magistracies and councils. The city being all in arms, a quarrel arose in the Old Market place, and, as it frequently happens in similar cases, a great number of people were drawn together. The disturbance spreading, it was told the Ricci that the Albizzi had assailed their partisans, and to the Albizzi that the Ricci were in quest of them. Upon this the whole city arose, and it was all the magistrates could do to restrain these families, and prevent the actual occurrence of a disaster which, without being the fault of either of them, had been willfully though falsely reported as having already taken place. This apparently trifling circumstance served to inflame the minds of the parties, and make each the more resolved to increase the number of their followers. And as the citizens, since the ruin of the nobility, were on such an equality that the magistrates were more respected now than they had previously been, they designed to proceed toward the suppression of this disorder with civil authority alone.
With the nobility defeated and the war with the Archbishop of Milan finished, there seemed to be no reason for conflict in Florence. However, the city's bad luck and the flaws in its laws led to animosity between the Albizzi family and the Ricci family, splitting the citizens much like the feuds of the Buondelmonti and the Uberti, or the Donati and the Cerchi had in the past. At that time, the popes living in France and the emperors in Germany sent many foreign soldiers, from places like England, the Netherlands, and Brittany, to maintain their influence in Italy. When these soldiers, after a war, were left unpaid but still in the country, they plundered those least able to defend themselves, often under the banner of some mercenary leader. In 1353, one such group entered Tuscany led by Monsignor Reale from Provence, causing fear throughout all the cities in Italy. The Florentines not only gathered their own forces but also many citizens, including members of the Albizzi and Ricci families, took up arms for their defense. These families were filled with hatred for each other, each seeking to gain control of the republic by defeating their rival. While they hadn’t yet resorted to open violence, they were already competing for positions in the magistracies and councils. With the entire city armed, a disagreement erupted in the Old Market, attracting a large crowd, as often happens in such situations. The conflict escalated, with the Ricci being told that the Albizzi had attacked their supporters and the Albizzi being informed that the Ricci were coming for them. This led to an uprising throughout the city, and the magistrates struggled to restrain these families, attempting to prevent a disaster that had been falsely reported as already happening. This seemingly minor incident fueled the anger of both sides, pushing each to rally more supporters. Since the decline of the nobility, the citizens had reached a level of equality where the magistrates were now held in higher regard than before, so they planned to address this unrest with civil authority alone.
We have before related, that after the victory of Charles I. the government was formed of the Guelphic party, and that it thus acquired great authority over the Ghibellines. But time, a variety of circumstances, and new divisions had so contributed to sink this party feeling into oblivion, that many of Ghibelline descent now filled the highest offices. Observing this, Uguccione, the head of the family of the Ricci, contrived that the law against the Ghibellines should be again brought into operation; many imagining the Albizzi to be of that faction, they having arisen in Arezzo, and come long ago to Florence. Uguccione by this means hoped to deprive the Albizzi of participation in the government, for all of Ghibelline blood who were found to hold offices, would be condemned in the penalties which this law provided. The design of Uguccione was discovered to Piero son of Filippo degli Albizzi, and he resolved to favor it: for he saw that to oppose it would at once declare him a Ghibelline; and thus the law which was renewed by the ambition of the Ricci for his destruction, instead of robbing Piero degli Albizzi of reputation, contributed to increase his influence, although it laid the foundation of many evils. Nor is it possible for a republic to enact a law more pernicious than one relating to matters which have long transpired. Piero having favored this law, which had been contrived by his enemies for his stumbling-block, it became the stepping-stone to his greatness; for, making himself the leader of this new order of things, his authority went on increasing, and he was in greater favor with the Guelphs than any other man.
We previously mentioned that after Charles I's victory, the Guelph party formed the government and gained significant power over the Ghibellines. However, over time, various circumstances and new divisions made this party feeling fade away, resulting in many individuals of Ghibelline descent now holding the highest offices. Noticing this, Uguccione, the head of the Ricci family, schemed to revive the law against the Ghibellines; many believed that the Albizzi were part of that faction, as they had originated in Arezzo and moved to Florence long ago. Uguccione hoped this would strip the Albizzi of their power in the government since anyone of Ghibelline descent found in office would face the penalties outlined by this law. Piero, son of Filippo degli Albizzi, found out about Uguccione's plan, and decided to support it; he recognized that opposing it would immediately label him as a Ghibelline. Thus, the law, renewed by the Ricci's ambition to undermine him, instead boosted Piero degli Albizzi's reputation and influence, even though it laid the groundwork for many problems. It is impossible for a republic to create a law more harmful than one regarding events long past. By supporting this law, which his enemies designed to trip him up, Piero used it as a springboard to rise to greatness; becoming the leader of this new situation, his authority continued to grow, and he gained more favor with the Guelphs than anyone else.
As there could not be found a magistrate willing to search out who were Ghibellines, and as this renewed enactment against them was therefore of small value, it was provided that authority should be given to the Capitani to find out who were of this faction; and, having discovered, to signify and ADMONISH them that they were not to take upon themselves any office of government; to which ADMONITIONS, if they were disobedient, they became condemned in the penalties. Hence, all those who in Florence are deprived of the power to hold offices are called ammoniti, or ADMONISHED.
Since no magistrate could be found who was willing to identify the Ghibellines, and since this renewed law against them was therefore not very effective, it was decided that the Capitani would be given the authority to determine who belonged to this faction. Once identified, they were to be notified and WARNED that they were not allowed to assume any government position. Those who ignored these WARNINGS would face penalties. Thus, everyone in Florence who is banned from holding office is referred to as ammoniti, or WARNED.
The Capitani in time acquiring greater audacity, admonished not only those to whom the admonition was applicable, but any others at the suggestion of their own avarice or ambition; and from 1356, when this law was made, to 1366, there had been admonished above 200 citizens. The Captains of the Parts and the sect of the Guelphs were thus become powerful; for every one honored them for fear of being admonished; and most particularly the leaders, who were Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This insolent mode of proceeding was offensive to many; but none felt so particularly injured with it as the Ricci; for they knew themselves to have occasioned it, they saw it involved the ruin of the republic, and their enemies, the Albizzi, contrary to their intention, became great in consequence.
The Captains became bolder over time, warning not just those who deserved it, but also others out of their own greed or ambition. From 1356, when this law was created, to 1366, more than 200 citizens had been warned. The Captains of the Parts and the Guelph faction grew powerful; everyone respected them for fear of being warned, especially the leaders: Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, and Carlo Strozzi. This arrogant behavior upset many, but no one felt more wronged than the Ricci; they knew they had caused it and realized it was leading to the downfall of the republic, while their enemies, the Albizzi, became powerful contrary to their intentions.
On this account Uguccione de' Ricci, being one of the Signory, resolved to put an end to the evil which he and his friends had originated, and with a new law provided that to the six Captains of Parts an additional three should be appointed, of whom two should be chosen from the companies of minor artificers, and that before any party could be declared Ghibelline, the declaration of the Capitani must be confirmed by twenty-four Guelphic citizens, appointed for the purpose. This provision tempered for a time the power of the Capitani, so that the admonitions were greatly diminished, if not wholly laid aside. Still the parties of the Albizzi and the Ricci were continually on the alert to oppose each other's laws, deliberations, and enterprises, not from a conviction of their inexpediency, but from a hatred of their promoters.
Uguccione de' Ricci, who was part of the Signory, decided to put an end to the trouble that he and his friends had caused. He introduced a new law stating that three additional Captains of Parts would be appointed to the existing six, with two of those new appointments coming from the ranks of lesser craftsmen. Furthermore, before any group could be declared Ghibelline, the declaration by the Captains had to be confirmed by twenty-four Guelph citizens selected for this purpose. This measure temporarily reduced the power of the Captains, significantly lessening the admonitions that had been so frequent, if not eliminating them altogether. However, the factions of the Albizzi and the Ricci remained vigilant, constantly working against each other's laws, discussions, and initiatives, not because they believed those actions were unwise, but out of a deep-seated animosity toward those leading them.
In such distractions the time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the Guelphs again regained the ascendant. There was in the family of the Buondelmonti a gentleman named Benchi, who, as an acknowledgment of his merit in a war against the Pisans, though one of the nobility, had been admitted among the people, and thus became eligible to office among the Signory; but when about to take his seat with them, a law was made that no nobleman who had become of the popular class should be allowed to assume that office. This gave great offense to Benchi, who, in union with Piero degli Albizzi, determined to depress the less powerful of the popular party with ADMONITIONS, and obtain the government for themselves. By the interest which Benchi possessed with the ancient nobility, and that of Piero with most of the influential citizens, the Guelphic party resumed their ascendancy, and by new reforms among the PARTS, so remodeled the administration as to be able to dispose of the offices of the captains and the twenty-four citizens at pleasure. They then returned to the ADMONITIONS with greater audacity than ever, and the house of the Albizzi became powerful as the head of this faction.
In this turmoil, time passed from 1366 to 1371, when the Guelphs regained their influence. In the Buondelmonti family, there was a gentleman named Benchi, who, in recognition of his contributions in a war against the Pisans, had been welcomed among the common people despite being from the nobility. This allowed him to be eligible for positions in the Signory. However, just as he was about to take his seat, a law was enacted stating that no nobleman who had joined the common class could hold that office. This greatly upset Benchi, who, along with Piero degli Albizzi, decided to undermine the weaker members of the popular party with ADMONITIONS and seize control of the government for themselves. With Benchi's connections to the old nobility and Piero's relationships with many influential citizens, the Guelph party regained their power. Through new reforms within the PARTS, they remodeled the administration so they could control the offices of the captains and the twenty-four citizens as they wished. They then launched their ADMONITIONS with more boldness than ever, and the Albizzi family became a dominant force within this faction.
On the other hand, the Ricci made the most strenuous exertions against their designs; so that anxiety universally prevailed, and ruin was apprehended alike from both parties. In consequence of this a great number of citizens, out of love to their country, assembled in the church of St. Piero Scarraggio, and after a long consideration of the existing disorders, presented themselves before the Signors, whom one of the principal among them addressed in the following terms:—
On the other hand, the Ricci put in a lot of effort to stop their plans, which created widespread anxiety, and both sides feared disaster. As a result, many citizens, motivated by their love for their country, gathered in the church of St. Piero Scarraggio. After discussing the current issues for a long time, they approached the Signors, and one of the main representatives spoke to them in these words:—
"Many of us, magnificent Signors! were afraid of meeting even for consideration of public business, without being publicly called together, lest we should be noted as presumptuous or condemned as ambitious. But seeing that so many citizens daily assemble in the lodges and halls of the palace, not for any public utility, but only for the gratification of their own ambition, we have thought that as those who assemble for the ruin of the republic are fearless, so still less ought they to be apprehensive who meet together only for its advantage; nor ought we to be anxious respecting the opinion they may form of our assembling, since they are so utterly indifferent to the opinion of others. Our affection for our country, magnificent Signors! caused us to assemble first, and now brings us before you, to speak of grievances already great and daily increasing in our republic, and to offer our assistance for their removal: and we doubt not that, though a difficult undertaking, it will still be attended with success, if you will lay aside all private regards, and authoritatively use the public force.
"Many of us, esteemed gentlemen, were hesitant to meet even to discuss public matters unless called together officially, fearing we would be seen as arrogant or labeled as ambitious. However, seeing so many citizens gather daily in the palace's lounges and halls, not for the public good but purely for their own ambitions, we believe that those who come together to harm the republic have no fear, and we should feel even less apprehensive meeting for its benefit. We should not worry about their opinion of our gathering since they clearly disregard the opinions of others. Our love for our country, esteemed gentlemen, inspired us to assemble initially and now brings us to you to discuss grievances that are already significant and growing in our republic and to offer our help in resolving them. We have no doubt that, although it is a challenging task, it will succeed if you prioritize public interests over personal ones and use the authority of the public force."
"The common corruption of all the cities of Italy, magnificent Signors! has infested and still vitiates your own; for when this province had shaken off the imperial yoke, her cities not being subject to any powerful influence that might restrain them, administered affairs, not as free men do, but as a factious populace; and hence have arisen all the other evils and disorders that have appeared. In the first place, there cannot be found among the citizens either unity or friendship, except with those whose common guilt, either against their country or against private individuals, is a bond of union. And as the knowledge of religion and the fear of God seem to be alike extinct, oaths and promises have lost their validity, and are kept as long as it is found expedient; they are adopted only as a means of deception, and he is most applauded and respected whose cunning is most efficient and secure. On this account bad men are received with the approbation due to virtue, and good ones are regarded only in the light of fools.
"The widespread corruption in all the cities of Italy, esteemed leaders, has invaded and continues to corrupt your own city. Once this region freed itself from imperial control, without any strong force to keep them in check, the cities began to run their affairs not like free individuals but like a rebellious crowd. This has led to various other problems and chaos. First and foremost, there is no sense of unity or friendship among the citizens, except with those who share a common wrongdoing, either against their country or against individuals, which binds them together. Moreover, the understanding of religion and the fear of God seem to be completely gone; oaths and promises have lost their meaning, and are only kept as long as they’re convenient. They are used merely as tools for deceit, and those who are most cunning and deceptive are praised and respected. Because of this, bad individuals receive the approval typically given to virtuous people, while good people are seen only as fools."
"And certainly in the cities of Italy all that is corruptible and corrupting is assembled. The young are idle, the old lascivious, and each sex and every age abounds with debasing habits, which the good laws, by misapplication, have lost the power to correct. Hence arises the avarice so observable among the citizens, and that greediness, not for true glory, but for unworthy honors; from which follow hatred, animosities, quarrels, and factions; resulting in deaths, banishments, affliction to all good men, and the advancement of the most unprincipled; for the good, confiding in their innocence, seek neither safety nor advancement by illegal methods as the wicked do, and thus unhonored and undefended they sink into oblivion.
"And certainly in the cities of Italy, all that is corruptible and corrupting comes together. Young people are idle, older folks are lewd, and everyone, regardless of age or gender, is filled with degrading habits that good laws have lost the ability to fix due to misuse. This leads to the greed that is so noticeable among the citizens, a craving not for true glory but for unworthy honors; from this comes hatred, animosities, conflicts, and rivalries, resulting in deaths, exiles, suffering for all good people, and the rise of the most unscrupulous. The good, trusting in their innocence, don't seek safety or success through illegal means like the wicked do, and so they go unrecognized and unprotected, fading into obscurity."
"From proceedings such as these, arise at once the attachment for and influence of parties; bad men follow them through ambition and avarice, and necessity compels the good to pursue the same course. And most lamentable is it to observe how the leaders and movers of parties sanctify their base designs with words that are all piety and virtue; they have the name of liberty constantly in their mouths, though their actions prove them her greatest enemies. The reward which they desire from victory is not the glory of having given liberty to the city, but the satisfaction of having vanquished others, and of making themselves rulers; and to attain their end, there is nothing too unjust, too cruel, too avaricious for them to attempt. Thus laws and ordinances, peace, wars, and treaties are adopted and pursued, not for the public good, not for the common glory of the state, but for the convenience or advantage of a few individuals.
From situations like these, the attachment to and influence of parties arise; selfish individuals follow them out of ambition and greed, while necessity forces the good to follow the same path. It’s truly sad to see how the leaders and instigators of these parties disguise their selfish intentions with words that sound pious and virtuous; they constantly talk about liberty, even though their actions show they are its biggest enemies. What they really want from victory isn’t the honor of freeing the city, but the satisfaction of defeating others and becoming rulers themselves. To achieve their goals, they are willing to do anything—no matter how unjust, cruel, or greedy. Laws, policies, peace, wars, and treaties are created and pursued not for the public good or the common glory of the state, but for the benefit of a select few individuals.
"And if other cities abound in these disorders, ours is more than any infected with them; for her laws, statutes, and civil ordinances are not, nor have they ever been, established for the benefit of men in a state of freedom, but according to the wish of the faction that has been uppermost at the time. Hence it follows that, when one party is expelled, or faction extinguished, another immediately arises; for, in a city that is governed by parties rather than by laws, as soon as one becomes dominant and unopposed, it must of necessity soon divide against itself; for the private methods at first adapted for its defense will now no longer keep it united. The truth of this, both the ancient and modern dissensions of our city prove. Everyone thought that when the Ghibellines were destroyed, the Guelphs would long continue happy and honored; yet after a short time they divided into the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the Bianchi were overcome, the city was not long free from factions; for either, in favor of the emigrants, or on account of the animosity between the nobility and the people, we were still constantly at war. And as if resolved to give up to others, what in mutual harmony we either would not or were unable to retain, we confided the care of our precious liberty first to King Robert, then to his brother, next to his son, and at last to the duke of Athens. Still we have never in any condition found repose, but seem like men who can neither agree to live in freedom nor be content with slavery. Nor did we hesitate (so greatly does the nature of our ordinances dispose us to division), while yet under allegiance to the king, to substitute for his majesty, one of the vilest of men born at Agobbio.
"And if other cities have these problems, ours is more affected than any; our laws, regulations, and civil rules have never been set up for the benefit of people in a state of freedom, but rather according to the preferences of the dominant faction at any time. This means that when one group is pushed out or a faction is eliminated, another one quickly emerges; in a city run by factions instead of laws, when one gains dominance and faces no opposition, it will inevitably split apart because the private methods that initially defended it will no longer keep it united. Both the ancient and modern conflicts in our city prove this point. Everyone believed that when the Ghibellines were defeated, the Guelphs would remain happy and respected for a long time; yet soon after, they split into the Bianchi and Neri, the black faction and the white. When the Bianchi were defeated, the city didn’t stay free from conflicts for long; we were constantly at war, whether in support of the exiles or because of the hostility between the nobility and the common people. And as if determined to surrender what we could not maintain in mutual harmony, we entrusted the protection of our valuable freedom first to King Robert, then to his brother, next to his son, and finally to the Duke of Athens. Still, we have never found peace under any circumstances, appearing like people who can neither agree to live freely nor accept being enslaved. Moreover, we didn’t hesitate (so deeply ingrained is our tendency toward division) to replace the king with one of the lowest men from Agobbio, even while still under his rule."
"For the credit of the city, the name of the duke of Athens ought to be consigned to oblivion. His cruel and tyrannical disposition, however, might have taught us wisdom and instructed us how to live; but no sooner was he expelled than we handled our arms, and fought with more hatred, and greater fury than we had ever done on any former occasion; so that the ancient nobility were vanquished the city was left at the disposal of the people. It was generally supposed that no further occasion of quarrel or of party animosity could arise, since those whose pride and insupportable ambition had been regarded as the causes of them were depressed; however, experience proves how liable human judgment is to error, and what false impressions men imbibe, even in regard to the things that most intimately concern them; for we find the pride and ambition of the nobility are not extinct, but only transferred from them to the people who at this moment, according to the usual practice of ambitious men, are endeavoring to render themselves masters of the republic; and knowing they have no chance of success but what is offered by discord, they have again divided the city, and the names of Guelph and Ghibelline, which were beginning to be forgotten (and it would have been well if they had never been heard among us), are repeated anew in our ears.
For the city's reputation, the name of the duke of Athens should be forgotten. His cruel and tyrannical nature, however, might have taught us valuable lessons about how to live; but as soon as he was removed, we took up arms and fought with more anger and fiercer intensity than ever before. The old nobility was defeated, and the city came under the control of the people. It was widely believed that no further reasons for conflict or party rivalry could arise, as those whose pride and unbearable ambition were seen as the causes of these issues were brought low. However, experience shows how prone human judgment is to mistakes and how misguided people can be, even regarding matters that greatly affect them. We find that the pride and ambition of the nobility are not gone but have simply shifted to the people, who, as is typical for those with ambitions, are trying to take control of the republic. Knowing that their only chance of success lies in division, they have split the city once again, and the names Guelph and Ghibelline, which were starting to fade from memory (and it would have been better if they'd never been heard among us), are once again echoing in our ears.
"It seems almost necessarily ordained, in order that in human affairs there may be nothing either settled or permanent, that in all republics there are what may be called fatal families, born for the ruin of their country. Of this kind of pest our city has produced a more copious brood than any other; for not one but many have disturbed and harassed her: first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; then the Donati and the Cerchi; and now, oh ridiculous! oh disgraceful thought! the Ricci and the Albizzi have caused a division of her citizens.
"It seems almost unavoidable, in order for nothing in human affairs to be settled or permanent, that in every republic there are families that can be called destructive, destined to ruin their country. Our city has produced more of this kind of trouble than any other; not just one, but many have disturbed and distressed her: first the Buondelmonti and the Uberti; then the Donati and the Cerchi; and now, oh how ridiculous! oh how disgraceful! the Ricci and the Albizzi have caused a split among her citizens."
"We have not dwelt upon our corrupt habits or our old and continual dissensions to occasion you alarm, but to remind you of their causes; to show that as you doubtless are aware of them, we also keep them in view, and to remind you that their results ought not to make you diffident of your power to repress the disorders of the present time. The ancient families possessed so much influence, and were held in such high esteem, that civil force was insufficient to restrain them; but now, when the empire has lost its ascendancy, the pope is no longer formidable, and the whole of Italy is reduced to a state of the most complete equality, there can be no difficulty. Our republic might more especially than any other (although at first our former practices seem to present a reason to the contrary), not only keep itself united but be improved by good laws and civil regulations, if you, the Signory, would once resolve to undertake the matter; and to this we, induced by no other motive than the love of our country, would most strongly urge you. It is true the corruption of the country is great, and much discretion will be requisite to correct it; but do not impute the past disorders to the nature of the men, but to the times, which, being changed, give reasonable ground to hope that, with better government, our city will be attended with better fortune; for the malignity of the people will be overcome by restraining the ambition and annulling the ordinances of those who have encouraged faction, and adopting in their stead only such principles as are conformable to true civil liberty. And be assured, that these desirable ends will be more certainly attained by the benign influence of the laws, than by a delay which will compel the people to effect them by force and arms."
"We haven't focused on our corrupt habits or our ongoing conflicts to alarm you, but to remind you of their causes; to show that while you are surely aware of them, we also keep them in mind, and to remind you that their outcomes shouldn't make you doubt your ability to address the issues of the present time. The old families had so much power and were so highly respected that civil authority couldn't keep them in check; but now, when the empire has lost its dominance, the pope is no longer a threat, and all of Italy has become completely equal, there should be no difficulty. Our republic, more than any other (even though our past practices may suggest otherwise), can not only stay united but also be improved by good laws and civil regulations if you, the Signory, decide to take action on it; and to this end, driven by nothing but our love for our country, we strongly urge you. It’s true that the country's corruption is significant, and it will take a lot of careful thought to fix it; but don't blame the past issues on the nature of the people, but on the times, which have changed, giving us reasonable hope that with better governance, our city will experience better fortune; because the harm caused by the people can be overcome by controlling the ambition and nullifying the rules of those who have encouraged division, and adopting instead only principles that align with true civil liberty. And rest assured, these goals will be more surely achieved through the positive influence of the laws, rather than through a delay that will force the people to achieve them by force and violence."
The Signory, induced by the necessity of the case, of which they were previously aware, and further encouraged by the advice of those who now addressed them, gave authority to fifty-six citizens to provide for the safety of the republic. It is usually found that most men are better adapted to pursue a good course already begun, than to discover one applicable to immediate circumstances. These citizens thought rather of extinguishing existing factions than of preventing the formation of new ones, and effected neither of these objects. The facilities for the establishment of new parties were not removed; and out of those which they guarded against, another more powerful arose, which brought the republic into still greater danger. They, however, deprived three of the family of the Albizzi, and three of that of the Ricci, of all the offices of government, except those of the Guelphic party, for three years; and among the deprived were Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccione de' Ricci. They forbade the citizens to assemble in the palace, except during the sittings of the Signory. They provided that if any one were beaten, or possession of his property detained from him, he might bring his case before the council and denounce the offender, even if he were one of the nobility; and that if it were proved, the accused should be subject to the usual penalties. This provision abated the boldness of the Ricci, and increased that of the Albizzi; since, although it applied equally to both, the Ricci suffered from it by far the most; for if Piero was excluded from the palace of the Signory, the chamber of the Guelphs, in which he possessed the greatest authority, remained open to him; and if he and his followers had previously been ready to ADMONISH, they became after this injury, doubly so. To this pre-disposition for evil, new excitements were added.
The Signory, prompted by the necessity of the situation they were already aware of and further encouraged by the advice of those speaking to them, authorized fifty-six citizens to ensure the safety of the republic. It's often seen that most people are better at continuing a good course already in progress than finding one suited to immediate circumstances. These citizens focused more on eliminating existing factions than on preventing new ones from forming, and they achieved neither goal. The opportunities for new parties to establish themselves weren’t removed; instead, a more powerful faction arose from the very ones they tried to guard against, putting the republic in even greater danger. They did, however, remove six officials—three from the Albizzi family and three from the Ricci family—from all government positions, except for those in the Guelph party, for three years; among those removed were Piero degli Albizzi and Uguccione de' Ricci. They prohibited citizens from gathering in the palace except during the Signory's sessions. They established that if anyone was beaten or had their property taken away, they could bring their case to the council and report the offender, even if that person was a noble; if proven, the accused would face the usual penalties. This rule dampened the boldness of the Ricci while boosting that of the Albizzi; although it applied equally to both families, the Ricci bore the brunt of it. If Piero was banned from the Signory palace, he still had access to the Guelph chamber, where he held the most power; if he and his followers had been inclined to warn others before, they became even more aggressive after this affront. To this predisposition for trouble, new provocations were added.
CHAPTER II
The war of the Florentines against the pope's legate, and the causes of it—League against the pope—The censures of the pope disregarded in Florence—The city is divided into two factions, the one the Capitani di Parte, the other of the eight commissioners of the war—Measures adopted by the Guelphic party against their adversaries—The Guelphs endeavor to prevent Salvestro de Medici from being chosen Gonfalonier—Salvestro de Medici Gonfalonier—His law against the nobility, and in favor of the Ammoniti—The Collegi disapprove of the law—Salvestro addresses the council in its favor—The law is passed—Disturbances in Florence.
The war between the Florentines and the pope's representative, along with the reasons behind it—A coalition against the pope—The pope's censures ignored in Florence—The city is split into two factions, one led by the Capitani di Parte and the other by the eight war commissioners—Actions taken by the Guelph party against their opponents—The Guelphs try to stop Salvestro de Medici from being elected Gonfalonier—Salvestro de Medici becomes Gonfalonier—His law against the nobility and in support of the Ammoniti—The Collegi reject the law—Salvestro speaks to the council to support the law—The law is approved—Unrest in Florence.
The papal chair was occupied by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors, residing at Avignon, governed Italy by legates, who, proud and avaricious, oppressed many of the cities. One of these legates, then at Bologna, taking advantage of a great scarcity of food at Florence, endeavored to render himself master of Tuscany, and not only withheld provisions from the Florentines, but in order to frustrate their hopes of the future harvest, upon the approach of spring, attacked them with a large army, trusting that being famished and unarmed, he should find them an easy conquest. He might perhaps have been successful, had not his forces been mercenary and faithless, and, therefore, induced to abandon the enterprise for the sum of 130,000 florins, which the Florentines paid them. People may go to war when they will, but cannot always withdraw when they like. This contest, commenced by the ambition of the legate, was sustained by the resentment of the Florentines, who, entering into a league with Bernabo of Milan, and with the cities hostile to the church, appointed eight citizens for the administration of it, giving them authority to act without appeal, and to expend whatever sums they might judge expedient, without rendering an account of the outlay.
The papal chair was held by Gregory XI. He, like his predecessors, lived in Avignon and governed Italy through legates, who were proud and greedy, burdening many cities. One of these legates, stationed in Bologna, took advantage of a severe food shortage in Florence, trying to take control of Tuscany. Not only did he withhold supplies from the Florentines, but to sabotage their hopes for the upcoming harvest, he attacked them with a large army as spring approached, believing that they would be an easy target since they were starving and unarmed. He might have succeeded if his forces hadn’t been mercenaries who were untrustworthy and therefore persuaded to abandon the attack for 130,000 florins, which the Florentines paid them. People can choose to go to war, but they can't always pull out when they want. This conflict, sparked by the legate’s ambition, was fueled by the anger of the Florentines, who joined forces with Bernabo of Milan and other cities against the church. They appointed eight citizens to manage the situation, giving them the authority to act without needing approval and to spend whatever they deemed necessary without having to account for the expenses.
This war against the pontiff, although Uguccione was now dead, reanimated those who had followed the party of the Ricci, who, in opposition to the Albizzi, had always favored Bernabo and opposed the church, and this, the rather, because the eight commissioners of war were all enemies of the Guelphs. This occasioned Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others, to unite themselves more closely in opposition to their adversaries. The eight carried on the war, and the others admonished during three years, when the death of the pontiff put an end to the hostilities, which had been carried on which so much ability, and with such entire satisfaction to the people, that at the end of each year the eight were continued in office, and were called Santi, or holy, although they had set ecclesiastical censures at defiance, plundered the churches of their property, and compelled the priests to perform divine service. So much did citizens at that time prefer the good of their country to their ghostly consolations, and thus showed the church, that if as her friends they had defended, they could as enemies depress her; for the whole of Romagna, the Marches, and Perugia were excited to rebellion.
This war against the pope, even though Uguccione was now dead, revived those who had supported the Ricci party, which had always backed Bernabo and opposed the Albizzi and the church. This was mainly because the eight commissioners of war were all enemies of the Guelphs. This led Piero degli Albizzi, Lapo da Castiglionchio, Carlo Strozzi, and others to unite more closely against their opponents. The eight continued the war, while the others provided advice for three years, until the pope's death finally ended the hostilities. The war had been conducted with such skill and had satisfied the people so much that at the end of each year, the eight were kept in office and were called Santi, or holy, even though they defied church orders, plundered church properties, and forced priests to hold services. Citizens at that time prioritized the good of their country over spiritual comforts, showing the church that while they could defend her as friends, they could also undermine her as enemies; for all of Romagna, the Marches, and Perugia were stirred to rebellion.
Yet while this war was carried on against the pope, they were unable to defend themselves against the captains of the parts and their faction; for the insolence of the Guelphs against the eight attained such a pitch, that they could not restrain themselves from abusive behavior, not merely against some of the most distinguished citizens, but even against the eight themselves; and the captains of the parts conducted themselves with such arrogance, that they were feared more than the Signory. Those who had business with them treated them with greater reverence, and their court was held in higher estimation: so that no ambassador came to Florence, without commission to the captains.
Yet while this war was being waged against the pope, they were unable to defend themselves against the local leaders and their factions; the arrogance of the Guelphs towards the eight reached such a level that they couldn’t hold back from being abusive, not only to some of the most prominent citizens but even to the eight themselves. The local leaders acted so arrogantly that they were feared more than the Signory. Those who needed to deal with them showed them more respect, and their court was regarded more highly: no ambassador came to Florence without being tasked by the leaders.
Pope Gregory being dead, and the city freed from external war; there still prevailed great confusion within; for the audacity of the Guelphs was insupportable, and as no available mode of subduing them presented itself, it was thought that recourse must be had to arms, to determine which party was the strongest. With the Guelphs were all the ancient nobility, and the greater part of the most popular leaders, of which number, as already remarked, were Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other side, were all the lower orders, the leaders of whom were the eight commissioners of war, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and with them the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici. The rest of the multitude, as most commonly happens, joined the discontented party.
Pope Gregory had died, and the city was free from external conflict; however, there was still significant chaos within. The Guelphs' boldness was unbearable, and since there seemed to be no other way to bring them under control, it was decided that they would have to settle things with arms to see which side was stronger. The Guelphs were backed by the old nobility and most of the popular leaders, including Lapo, Piero, and Carlo. On the other side were the lower classes, led by the eight war commissioners, Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, along with the Ricci, Alberti, and Medici families. As is often the case, the rest of the crowd joined the side that was most dissatisfied.
It appeared to the heads of the Guelphic faction that their enemies would be greatly strengthened, and themselves in considerable danger in case a hostile Signory should resolve on their subjugation. Desirous, therefore, of being prepared against this calamity, the leaders of the party assembled to take into consideration the state of the city and that of their own friends in particular, and found the ammoniti so numerous and so great a difficulty, that the whole city was excited against them on this account. They could not devise any other remedy than, that as their enemies had deprived them of all the offices of honor, they should banish their opponents from the city, take possession of the palace of the Signory, and bring over the whole state to their own party; in imitation of the Guelphs of former times, who found no safety in the city, till they had driven all their adversaries out of it. They were unanimous upon the main point, but did not agree upon the time of carrying it into execution. It was in the month of April, in the year 1378, when Lapo, thinking delay inadvisable, expressed his opinion, that procrastination was in the highest degree perilous to themselves; as in the next Signory, Salvestro de' Medici would very probably be elected Gonfalonier, and they all knew he was opposed to their party. Piero degli Albizzi, on the other hand, thought it better to defer, since they would require forces, which could not be assembled without exciting observation, and if they were discovered, they would incur great risk. He thereupon judged it preferable to wait till the approaching feast of St. John on which, being the most solemn festival of the city, vast multitudes would be assembled, among whom they might conceal whatever numbers they pleased. To obviate their fears of Salvestro, he was to be ADMONISHED, and if this did not appear likely to be effectual, they would "ADMONISH" one of the Colleague of his quarter, and upon redrawing, as the ballot-boxes would be nearly empty, chance would very likely occasion that either he or some associate of his would be drawn, and he would thus be rendered incapable of sitting as Gonfalonier. They therefore came to the conclusion proposed by Piero, though Lapo consented reluctantly, considering the delay dangerous, and that, as no opportunity can be in all respects suitable, he who waits for the concurrence of every advantage, either never makes an attempt, or, if induced to do so, is most frequently foiled. They "admonished" the Colleague, but did not prevent the appointment of Salvestro, for the design was discovered by the Eight, who took care to render all attempts upon the drawing futile.
It seemed to the leaders of the Guelph faction that their enemies would become much stronger, putting them in serious danger if a hostile Signory decided to conquer them. Wanting to be ready for this threat, the party leaders gathered to discuss the situation in the city and the status of their allies. They found the ammoniti to be so numerous and such a big problem that the entire city was stirred up against them for this reason. They couldn't think of any other solution than to banish their opponents from the city since their enemies had taken away all honorable positions from them, seize control of the Signory's palace, and rally the entire state to their side—just like the historical Guelphs who found no safety in the city until they drove all their adversaries out. They agreed on the main idea but disagreed on when to carry it out. In April 1378, Lapo, believing that waiting was unwise, argued that delaying was extremely risky for them; Salvestro de' Medici would likely be elected Gonfalonier in the next Signory, and they all knew he was against them. Piero degli Albizzi, however, thought it was better to wait since they would need forces that couldn't be gathered without drawing attention, and if they were discovered, they would be in serious trouble. He believed it was wiser to wait until the upcoming feast of St. John, the city's biggest festival, when large crowds would gather, allowing them to hide whatever troops they wanted. To ease their concerns about Salvestro, he was to be "ADMONISHED," and if that didn’t seem effective, they would "ADMONISH" one of his colleagues, and since the ballot boxes would be nearly empty, luck might allow either him or one of his associates to be drawn, making him unable to serve as Gonfalonier. They ultimately accepted Piero's suggestion, though Lapo reluctantly agreed, seeing the delay as risky and believing that waiting for every ideal condition means one either never takes action or often fails if they do. They "admonished" the colleague but couldn't prevent Salvestro's appointment because their plan was discovered by the Eight, who ensured that all attempts at the drawing were unsuccessful.
Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was therefore drawn Gonfalonier, and, being one of the noblest popular families, he could not endure that the people should be oppressed by a few powerful persons. Having resolved to put an end to their insolence, and perceiving the middle classes favorably disposed, and many of the highest of the people on his side, he communicated his design to Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and Georgio Scali, who all promised their assistance. They, therefore, secretly draw up a law which had for its object to revive the restrictions upon the nobility, to retrench the authority of the Capitani di Parte, and recall the ammoniti to their dignity. In order to attempt and obtain their ends, at one and the same time, having to consult, first the Colleagues and then the Councils, Salvestro being Provost (which office for the time makes its possessor almost prince of the city), he called together the Colleagues and the Council on the same morning, and the Colleagues being apart, he proposed the law prepared by himself and his friends, which, being a novelty, encountered in their small number so much opposition, that he was unable to have it passed.
Salvestro Alammano de' Medici was then elected as Gonfalonier, and since he came from one of the most distinguished popular families, he couldn’t stand the idea of a few powerful individuals oppressing the people. Determined to put an end to their arrogance, and seeing that the middle classes were supportive and many of the city’s elites were on his side, he shared his plan with Benedetto Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and Georgio Scali, all of whom promised to help. They secretly drafted a law aimed at reinstating restrictions on the nobility, reducing the power of the Capitani di Parte, and restoring the ammoniti to their former status. To pursue their goals, Salvestro, as Provost (a position that made him almost like a prince of the city at that time), called a meeting with the Colleagues and the Council that same morning. While the Colleagues met separately, he presented the law prepared by himself and his allies, but since it was a new proposition, it faced so much resistance from their small group that he was unable to get it approved.
Salvestro, seeing his first attempt likely to fail, pretended to leave the room for a private reason, and, without being perceived, went immediately to the Council, and taking a lofty position from which he could be both seen and heard, said:—"That considering himself invested with the office of Gonfalonier, not so much to preside in private cases (for which proper judges were appointed, who have their regular sittings), as to guard the state, correct the insolence of the powerful, and ameliorate those laws by the influence of which the republic was being ruined, he had carefully attended to both these duties, and to his utmost ability provided for them, but found the perversity of some so much opposed to his just designs as to deprive him of all opportunity of doing good, and them not only of the means of assisting him with their counsel, but even hearing him. Therefore finding he no longer contributed either to the benefit of the republic or of the people generally, he could not perceive any reason for his longer holding the magistracy, of which he was either undeserving, or others thought him so, and would therefore retire to his house, that the people might appoint another in his stead, who would either have greater virtue or better fortune than himself." And having said this, he left the room as if to return home.
Salvestro, realizing his first attempt was likely to fail, pretended to leave the room for a personal reason and, without being noticed, went straight to the Council. Standing in a prominent position where he could be seen and heard, he said:—"Since I see myself as the Gonfalonier, not just to handle private matters (which proper judges are appointed for and who have their regular meetings), but to protect the state, curb the arrogance of the powerful, and improve the laws that are leading to the republic's decline, I have carefully focused on both these responsibilities and done my best to fulfill them. However, I have found the stubbornness of some people so opposed to my just plans that it has prevented me from doing any good, and they have not only failed to support me with their advice but haven’t even listened to me. So, since I no longer see how I can benefit the republic or the people in general, I cannot see any reason to keep holding this position, which I may not deserve or which others may think I do not deserve. Therefore, I will retire to my home so that the people can choose someone else to take my place, someone who might have better character or better luck than I do." After saying this, he left the room as if heading home.
Those of the council who were in the secret, and others desirous of novelty, raised a tumult, at which the Signory and the Colleagues came together, and finding the Gonfalonier leaving them, entreatingly and authoritatively detained him, and obliged him to return to the council room, which was now full of confusion. Many of the noble citizens were threatened in opprobrious language; and an artificer seized Carlo Strozzi by the throat, and would undoubtedly have murdered him, but was with difficulty prevented by those around. He who made the greatest disturbance, and incited the city to violence, was Benedetto degli Alberti, who, from a window of the palace, loudly called the people to arms; and presently the courtyards were filled with armed men, and the Colleagues granted to threats, what they had refused to entreaty. The Capitani di Parte had at the same time drawn together a great number of citizens to their hall to consult upon the means of defending themselves against the orders of the Signors, but when they heard the tumult that was raised, and were informed of the course the Councils had adopted, each took refuge in his own house.
Those on the council who were in the know, along with others looking for excitement, stirred up a commotion, leading the Signory and the Colleagues to gather. When they found the Gonfalonier trying to leave, they urgently and authoritatively forced him to return to the council room, which was now chaotic. Many noble citizens were threatened with harsh insults, and an artisan grabbed Carlo Strozzi by the throat and would have surely killed him if those nearby hadn’t managed to pull him away. The one causing the biggest disturbance and urging the city to violence was Benedetto degli Alberti, who from a palace window loudly called the people to arms. Soon, the courtyards were filled with armed men, and the Colleagues, faced with threats, agreed to what they had previously rejected in response to pleas. Meanwhile, the Capitani di Parte had gathered a large number of citizens in their hall to discuss how to defend themselves against the Signors' orders, but when they heard the uproar and learned what the Councils were doing, everyone quickly retreated to their own homes.
Let no one, when raising popular commotions, imagine he can afterward control them at his pleasure, or restrain them from proceeding to the commission of violence. Salvestro intended to enact his law, and compose the city; but it happened otherwise; for the feelings of all had become so excited, that they shut up the shops; the citizens fortified themselves in their houses; many conveyed their valuable property into the churches and monasteries, and everyone seemed to apprehend something terrible at hand. The companies of the Arts met, and each appointed an additional officer or Syndic; upon which the Priors summoned their Colleagues and these Syndics, and consulted a whole day how the city might be appeased with satisfaction to the different parties; but much difference of opinion prevailed, and no conclusion was come to. On the following day the Arts brought forth their banners, which the Signory understanding, and being apprehensive of evil, called the Council together to consider what course to adopt. But scarcely were they met, when the uproar recommenced, and soon the ensigns of the Arts, surrounded by vast numbers of armed men, occupied the courts. Upon this the Council, to give the Arts and the people hope of redress, and free themselves as much as possible from the charge of causing the mischief, gave a general power, which in Florence is called Balia, to the Signors, the Colleagues, the Eight, the Capitani di Parte, and to the Syndics of the Arts, to reform the government of the city, for the common benefit of all. While this was being arranged, a few of the ensigns of the Arts and some of the mob, desirous of avenging themselves for the recent injuries they had received from the Guelphs, separated themselves from the rest, and sacked and burnt the house of Lapo da Castiglionchio, who, when he learned the proceedings of the Signory against the Guelphs, and saw the people in arms, having no other resource but concealment or flight, first took refuge in Santa Croce, and afterward, being disguised as a monk, fled into the Casentino, where he was often heard to blame himself for having consented to wait till St. John's day, before they had made themselves sure of the government. Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves upon the first outbreak of the tumult, trusting that when it was over, by the interest of their numerous friends and relations, they might remain safely in Florence.
Let no one, when stirring up public unrest, think they can later control it whenever they want or prevent it from turning violent. Salvestro intended to implement his law and bring order to the city, but things turned out differently; emotions ran so high that shops closed, citizens barricaded themselves in their homes, many moved their valuable belongings to churches and monasteries, and everyone seemed to fear something terrible was about to happen. The groups of artisans met and each appointed an additional officer or Syndic. After that, the Priors called their colleagues and these Syndics together to discuss all day how to satisfy the different parties and calm the city, but there were many differing opinions, and no conclusion was reached. The next day, the artisans displayed their banners, and the Signory, worried about trouble, gathered the Council to decide on a course of action. But no sooner had they convened than the uproar started again, and soon the banners of the artisans, surrounded by large numbers of armed men, filled the courts. In response, the Council, to give the artisans and the people hope for redress and to distance themselves as much as possible from blame for the chaos, granted general authority—what is called Balia in Florence—to the Signors, the Colleagues, the Eight, the Capitani di Parte, and the Syndics of the Arts to reform the city's government for the common good. While this was happening, a few of the banners from the Arts and some of the mob, wanting to take revenge for the recent wrongs committed against them by the Guelphs, broke away and attacked and burned the house of Lapo da Castiglionchio. When he learned about the Signory's actions against the Guelphs and saw the people armed, he felt he had no choice but to hide or flee, first seeking refuge in Santa Croce, and later disguising himself as a monk to escape to the Casentino, where he often regretted agreeing to wait until St. John's day to ensure their control over the government. Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi hid themselves at the first sign of trouble, hoping that when it passed, their many friends and relatives would help them stay safe in Florence.
The house of Lapo being burnt, as mischief begins with difficulty but easily increases, many other houses, either through public hatred, or private malice, shared the same fate; and the rioters, that they might have companions more eager than themselves to assist them in their work of plunder, broke open the public prisons, and then sacked the monastery of the Agnoli and the convent of S. Spirito, whither many citizens had taken their most valuable goods for safety. Nor would the public chambers have escaped these destroyers' hands, except out of reverence for one of the Signors, who on horseback, and followed by many citizens in arms, opposed the rage of the mob.
The house of Lapo was set on fire, and as trouble often starts slowly but quickly escalates, many other homes, either because of public anger or personal grudges, met the same end. The rioters, looking for more eager companions to help them with their looting, broke open the public prisons and then plundered the monastery of the Agnoli and the convent of S. Spirito, where many citizens had taken their most valuable belongings for protection. The public halls might have also fallen victim to the destroyers if it weren’t for one of the Signors, who, on horseback and followed by many armed citizens, stood against the mob’s fury.
CHAPTER III
Contrary measures adopted by the magistrates to effect a pacification—Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfalonier entreats the magistrates of the Arts to endeavor to pacify the people—Serious riot caused by the plebeians—The woolen Art—The plebeians assemble—The speech of a seditious plebeian—Their resolution thereupon—The Signory discover the designs of the plebeians—Measures adopted to counteract them.
Contrary actions taken by the magistrates to achieve peace—Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, urges the magistrates of the Arts to try to calm the people—A serious riot caused by the commoners—The woolen trade—The commoners come together—The speech of an inciting commoner—Their decision after that—The Signory learns of the commoners' plans—Actions taken to counter them.
This popular fury being abated by the authority of the Signors and the approach of night, on the following day, the Balia relieved the admonished, on condition that they should not for three years be capable of holding any magistracy. They annulled the laws made by the Guelphs to the prejudice of the citizens; declared Lapo da Castiglionchio and his companions, rebels, and with them many others, who were the objects of universal detestation. After these resolutions, the new Signory were drawn for, and Luigi Guicciardini appointed Gonfalonier, which gave hope that the tumults would soon be appeased; for everyone thought them to be peaceable men and lovers of order. Still the shops were not opened, nor did the citizens lay down their arms, but continued to patrol the city in great numbers; so that the Signory did not assume the magistracy with the usual pomp, but merely assembled within the palace, omitting all ceremony.
This popular anger subsided with the authority of the leaders and the onset of night. The next day, the council replaced the admonished officials on the condition that they wouldn’t be allowed to hold any office for three years. They canceled the laws made by the Guelphs that harmed the citizens, declared Lapo da Castiglionchio and his friends as rebels, along with many others who were universally hated. After these decisions, the new leaders were appointed, and Luigi Guicciardini was named Gonfalonier, which offered hope that the disturbances would soon settle down, as everyone regarded them as peaceful and supportive of order. However, the shops remained closed, and the citizens kept their weapons, continuing to patrol the city in large groups. As a result, the leadership didn’t take office with the usual ceremony but simply gathered in the palace, skipping all formalities.
This Signory, considering nothing more advisable in the beginning of their magistracy than to restore peace, caused a relinquishment of arms; ordered the shops to be opened, and the strangers who had been called to their aid, to return to their homes. They appointed guards in many parts of the city, so that if the admonished would only have remained quiet, order would soon have been re-established. But they were not satisfied to wait three years for the recovery of their honours; so that to gratify them the Arts again met, and demanded of the Signory, that for the benefit and quiet of the city, they would ordain that no citizens should at any time, whether Signor, Colleague, Capitano di Parte, or Consul of any art whatever, be admonished as a Ghibelline; and further, that new ballots of the Guelphic party should be made, and the old ones burned. These demands were at once acceded to, not only by the Signors, but by all the Councils; and thus it was hoped the tumults newly excited would be settled.
This government, considering that the best move at the start of their leadership was to restore peace, ordered everyone to put down their weapons, opened the shops, and told the outsiders who had been brought in to help to go back home. They assigned guards throughout the city, so that if the warned individuals had just stayed calm, order would have quickly returned. However, they weren’t willing to wait three years to regain their status, which led the guilds to meet again and request that the government ensure, for the benefit and peace of the city, that no citizens—whether a Lord, Colleague, Captain of a faction, or any guild Consul—be labeled as a Ghibelline at any time. Furthermore, they asked for new ballots for the Guelph party to be created and the old ones to be destroyed. These requests were immediately granted, not only by the Lords but by all the Councils; thus, there was hope that the newly stirred up unrest would be resolved.
But since men are not satisfied with recovering what is their own, but wish to possess the property of others and to revenge themselves, those who were in hopes of benefiting by these disorders persuaded the artificers that they would never be safe, if several of their enemies were not expelled from the city or destroyed. This terrible doctrine coming to the knowledge of the Signory, they caused the magistrates of the Arts and their Syndics to be brought before them, and Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, addressed them in the following words: "If these Signors, and I with them, had not long been acquainted with the fate of this city, that as soon as external wars have ceased the internal commence, we should have been more surprised, and our displeasure would have been greater. But as evils to which we are accustomed are less annoying, we have endured past disturbances patiently, they having arisen for the most part without our fault; and we hoped that, like former troubles, they would soon have an end, after the many and great concessions we had made at your suggestion. But finding that you are yet unsettled, that you contemplate the commission of new crimes against your fellow-citizens, and are desirous of making new exiles, our displeasure increases in proportion to your misconduct. And certainly, could we have believed that during our magistracy the city was to be ruined, whether with or without your concurrence, we should certainly, either by flight or exile, have avoided these horrors. But trusting that we had to do with those who possessed some feelings of humanity and some love of their country, we willingly accepted the magistracy, thinking that by our gentleness we should overcome your ambition. But we perceive from experience that the more humble our behavior, the more concessions we make, the prouder you become, and the more exorbitant are your demands. And though we speak thus, it is not in order to offend, but to amend you. Let others tell you pleasing tales, our design is to communicate only what is for your good. Now we would ask you, and have you answer on your honor, What is there yet ungranted, that you can, with any appearance of propriety, require? You wished to have authority taken from the Capitani di Parte; and it is done. You wished that the ballotings should be burned, and a reformation of them take place; and we consent. You desired that the admonished should be restored to their honours; and it is permitted. At your entreaty we have pardoned those who have burned down houses and plundered churches; many honorable citizens have been exiled to please you; and at your suggestion new restraints have been laid upon the Great. When will there be an end of your demands? and how long will you continue to abuse our liberality? Do you not observe with how much more moderation we bear defeat than you your victory? To what end will your divisions bring our city? Have you forgotten that when disunited Castruccio, a low citizen of Lucca, subdued her? or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain did so too? But when the citizens were united in her defense, an archbishop of Milan and a pope were unable to subdue it, and, after many years of war, were compelled to retire with disgrace.
But since men are never satisfied with just getting back what’s theirs, but instead want to take what belongs to others and seek revenge, those who hoped to benefit from the chaos convinced the workers that they wouldn’t be safe until several of their enemies were either forced out of the city or destroyed. When the Signory learned of this terrible idea, they called the magistrates of the Arts and their Syndics before them, and Luigi Guicciardini, the Gonfalonier, spoke to them saying: "If these leaders, along with me, hadn't already been familiar with the history of this city — that whenever external wars end, internal conflicts begin — we would have been more shocked and our anger would have been greater. However, since we are used to such troubles, we’ve tolerated past disturbances patiently, as they mostly arose without our fault; and we hoped that, like previous issues, they would soon end, after the many significant concessions we made at your request. But now we see that you are still unsettled, considering new crimes against your fellow citizens, and wanting to create more exiles, our anger grows with your misconduct. Surely, if we had thought that during our term the city was destined for ruin, whether with or without your involvement, we would have avoided these horrors, either by fleeing or going into exile. But trusting that we were dealing with people who had some humanity and love for their country, we accepted our roles, believing that our gentleness would temper your ambition. Yet, from our experience, the more humble we are, the more concessions we make, the prouder you become, and the more excessive your demands. While we speak to you this way, it’s not to offend but to correct you. Let others tell you sweet stories; our aim is to communicate what’s good for you. Now we ask you, and expect an honest response, what more can you reasonably demand that hasn't already been granted? You asked for authority to be taken from the Capitani di Parte, and it’s been done. You wanted the ballotings destroyed and a reform, and we agreed. You wished for those who were warned to be reinstated in their honors, and that’s permitted. At your request, we pardoned those who burned houses and looted churches; many honorable citizens have been exiled to satisfy you; at your suggestion, new restrictions have been placed on the powerful. When will your demands end? How long will you keep abusing our generosity? Do you not see how much more humbly we accept defeat compared to how you relish your victories? What will your divisions lead to for our city? Have you forgotten that when divided, Castruccio, a common citizen of Lucca, conquered it? Or that a duke of Athens, your hired captain, did too? But when the citizens united to defend it, an archbishop of Milan and a pope couldn't conquer it, and after many years of war, they had to retreat in disgrace.
"Then why would you, by your discords, reduce to slavery in a time of peace, that city, which so many powerful enemies have left free, even in war? What can you expect from your disunion but subjugation? or from the property of which you already have plundered, or may yet plunder us, but poverty? for this property is the means by which we furnish occupation for the whole city, and if you take it from us, our means of finding that occupation is withdrawn. Besides, those who take it will have difficulty in preserving what is dishonestly acquired, and thus poverty and destitution are brought upon the city. Now, I, and these Signors command, and if it were consistent with propriety, we would entreat that you allow your minds to be calmed; be content, rest satisfied with the provisions that have been made for you; and if you should be found to need anything further, make your request with decency and order, and not with tumult; for when your demands are reasonable they will always be complied with, and you will not give occasion to evil designing men to ruin your country and cast the blame upon yourselves." These words conveying nothing but the truth, produced a suitable effect upon the minds of the citizens, who thanking the Gonfalonier for having acted toward them the part of a king Signor, and toward the city that of a good citizen, offered their obedience in whatever might be committed to them. And the Signors, to prove the sincerity of their intentions, appointed two citizens for each of the superior magistracies, who, with Syndics of the arts, were to consider what could be done to restore quite, and report their resolutions to the Signors.
"Then why would you, through your disagreements, enslave a city that many powerful enemies have left free, even during war? What can you expect from your division but domination? Or from the property you have already stolen from us or may still steal, but only poverty? This property is how we provide jobs for the whole city, and if you take it away from us, our means of earning a living will be gone. Moreover, those who take it will struggle to keep what was obtained dishonestly, resulting in poverty and hardship for the city. Now, I and these dignitaries command, and if it were proper, we would urge you to calm your minds; be content, and be satisfied with the provisions that have been made for you; if you find that you need anything else, request it with respect and order, and not with chaos; because when your demands are reasonable, they will always be met, and you will not give evil-minded individuals a reason to destroy your country and blame you for it." These words, which spoke nothing but the truth, had a positive effect on the citizens' minds, who, thanking the Gonfalonier for acting like a king toward them and a good citizen toward the city, offered their obedience in whatever tasks were assigned to them. To demonstrate their good intentions, the dignitaries appointed two citizens for each of the higher magistracies, who, along with Syndics of the arts, would look into what could be done to restore peace and report their findings back to the dignitaries.
While these things were in progress, a disturbance arose, much more injurious to the republic than anything that had hitherto occurred. The greatest part of the fires and robberies which took place on the previous days were perpetrated by the very lowest of the people; and those who had been the most audacious, were afraid that when the greater differences were composed, they would be punished for the crimes they had committed; and that as usual, they would be abandoned by those who had instigated them to the commission of crime. To this may be added, the hatred of the lower orders toward the rich citizens and the principals of the arts, because they did not think themselves remunerated for their labor in a manner equal to their merits. For in the time of Charles I., when the city was divided into arts, a head or governor was appointed to each, and it was provided that the individuals of each art, should be judged in civil matters by their own superiors. These arts, as we have before observed, were at first twelve; in the course of time they were increased to twenty-one, and attained so much power, that in a few years they grasped the entire government of the city; and as some were in greater esteem than others, they were divided into MAJOR and MINOR; seven were called "major," and fourteen, the "minor arts." From this division, and from other causes which we have narrated above, arose the arrogance of the Capitani di Parte; for those citizens who had formerly been Guelphs, and had the constant disposal of that magistracy, favored the followers of the major and persecuted the minor arts and their patrons; and hence arose the many commotions already mentioned. When the companies of the arts were first organized, many of those trades, followed by the lowest of the people and the plebeians, were not incorporated, but were ranged under those arts most nearly allied to them; and, hence, when they were not properly remunerated for their labor, or their masters oppressed them, they had no one of whom to seek redress, except the magistrate of the art to which theirs was subject; and of him they did not think justice always attainable. Of the arts, that which had always had, and now has, the greatest number of these subordinates, is the woolen; which being both then, and still, the most powerful body, and first in authority, supports the greater part of the plebeians and lowest of the people.
While all of this was happening, a situation developed that was much more damaging to the republic than anything that had happened before. Most of the fires and robberies that took place in the previous days were carried out by the very lowest class of people; and those who were the most brazen feared that when the larger issues were resolved, they would be punished for their actions, and that, as usual, they would be abandoned by those who had encouraged them to commit these crimes. Additionally, there was resentment among the lower classes towards the wealthy citizens and leaders of the various trades, as they felt they were not compensated fairly for their work in relation to their skills. During the time of Charles I, when the city was divided into trades, each was assigned a leader or governor, and it was determined that the members of each trade would be judged in civil matters by their superiors. Originally, there were twelve trades, but over time, this number increased to twenty-one, gaining so much power that within a few years they took over the entire government of the city; some were held in higher regard than others, leading to a distinction between MAJOR and MINOR trades; seven were labeled as "major" and fourteen as "minor." From this division, along with other factors we've discussed, the arrogance of the Capitani di Parte emerged; former Guelph citizens, who had the control of that magistracy, favored supporters of the major trades while persecuting the minor trades and their patrons, which led to the various disturbances mentioned earlier. When the trade companies were first formed, many of the jobs associated with the lowest social class and plebeians were not officially recognized, but were grouped under the trades most related to them; thus, when they were not adequately compensated for their labor, or if their masters exploited them, they had no one to turn to for help except the magistrate of the trade to which they belonged, and they did not believe that justice could always be achieved from him. Of the trades, the wool trade has always had, and still has, the greatest number of these subordinates, being both then and now the most powerful group, and leading in authority, supporting most of the plebeians and the lowest class.
The lower classes, then, the subordinates not only of the woolen, but also of the other arts, were discontented, from the causes just mentioned; and their apprehension of punishment for the burnings and robberies they had committed, did not tend to compose them. Meetings took place in different parts during the night, to talk over the past, and to communicate the danger in which they were, when one of the most daring and experienced, in order to animate the rest, spoke thus:
The lower classes, who were not only dependent on the wool industry but also on other trades, were unhappy for the reasons just mentioned. Their fear of punishment for the fires and thefts they had committed didn’t help calm their nerves. Meetings were held in various places at night to discuss the past and to share the dangers they faced, when one of the boldest and most experienced among them, to encourage the others, said:
"If the question now were, whether we should take up arms, rob and burn the houses of the citizens, and plunder churches, I am one of those who would think it worthy of further consideration, and should, perhaps, prefer poverty and safety to the dangerous pursuit of an uncertain good. But as we have already armed, and many offenses have been committed, it appears to me that we have to consider how to lay them aside, and secure ourselves from the consequences of what is already done. I certainly think, that if nothing else could teach us, necessity might. You see the whole city full of complaint and indignation against us; the citizens are closely united, and the signors are constantly with the magistrates. You may be sure they are contriving something against us; they are arranging some new plan to subdue us. We ought therefore to keep two things in view, and have two points to consider; the one is, to escape with impunity for what has been done during the last few days, and the other, to live in greater comfort and security for the time to come. We must, therefore, I think, in order to be pardoned for our faults, commit new ones; redoubling the mischief, and multiplying fires and robberies; and in doing this, endeavor to have as many companions as we can; for when many are in fault, few are punished; small crimes are chastised, but great and serious ones rewarded. When many suffer, few seek vengeance; for general evils are endured more patiently than private ones. To increase the number of misdeeds will, therefore, make forgiveness more easily attainable, and will open the way to secure what we require for our own liberty. And it appears evident that the gain is certain; for our opponents are disunited and rich; their disunion will give us the victory, and their riches, when they have become ours, will support us. Be not deceived about that antiquity of blood by which they exalt themselves above us; for all men having had one common origin, are all equally ancient, and nature has made us all after one fashion. Strip us naked, and we shall all be found alike. Dress us in their clothing, and they in ours, we shall appear noble, they ignoble—for poverty and riches make all the difference. It grieves me much to think that some of you are sorry inwardly for what is done, and resolve to abstain from anything more of the kind. Certainly, if it be so, you are not the men I took you for; because neither shame nor conscience ought to have any influence with you. Conquerors, by what means soever, are never considered aught but glorious. We have no business to think about conscience; for when, like us, men have to fear hunger, and imprisonment, or death, the fear of hell neither can nor ought to have any influence upon them. If you only notice human proceedings, you may observe that all who attain great power and riches, make use of either force or fraud; and what they have acquired either by deceit or violence, in order to conceal the disgraceful methods of attainment, they endeavor to sanctify with the false title of honest gains. Those who either from imprudence or want of sagacity avoid doing so, are always overwhelmed with servitude and poverty; for faithful servants are always servants, and honest men are always poor; nor do any ever escape from servitude but the bold and faithless, or from poverty, but the rapacious and fraudulent. God and nature have thrown all human fortunes into the midst of mankind; and they are thus attainable rather by rapine than by industry, by wicked actions rather than by good. Hence it is that men feed upon each other, and those who cannot defend themselves must be worried. Therefore we must use force when the opportunity offers; and fortune cannot present us one more favorable than the present, when the citizens are still disunited, the Signory doubtful, and the magistrates terrified; for we may easily conquer them before they can come to any settled arrangement. By this means we shall either obtain the entire government of the city, or so large a share of it, as to be forgiven past errors, and have sufficient authority to threaten the city with a renewal of them at some future time. I confess this course is bold and dangerous, but when necessity presses, audacity becomes prudence, and in great affairs the brave never think of dangers. The enterprises that are begun with hazard always have a reward at last; and no one ever escaped from embarrassment without some peril. Besides, it is easy to see from all their preparations of prisons, racks, and instruments of death, that there is more danger in inaction than in endeavoring to secure ourselves; for in the first case the evils are certain, in the latter doubtful. How often have I heard you complain of the avarice of your superiors and the injustice of your magistrates. Now then is the time, not only to liberate yourself from them, but to become so much superior, that they will have more causes of grief and fear from you, than you from them. The opportunity presented by circumstances passes away, and when gone, it will be vain to think it can be recalled. You see the preparations of our enemies; let us anticipate them; and those who are first in arms will certainly be victors, to the ruin of their enemies and their own exaltation; and thus honors will accrue to many of us and security to all." These arguments greatly inflamed minds already disposed to mischief, so that they determined to take up arms as soon as they had acquired a sufficient number of associates, and bound themselves by oath to mutual defense, in case any of them were subdued by the civil power.
"If the question now were whether we should take up arms, rob and burn the houses of the citizens, and plunder churches, I would be one of those who think it deserves more thought, and I would probably prefer poverty and safety over the risky pursuit of an uncertain good. But since we have already armed ourselves and many offenses have been committed, it seems to me that we should consider how to put those aside and protect ourselves from the consequences of what we’ve already done. I truly believe that if nothing else can teach us, necessity might. The whole city is filled with complaints and anger towards us; the citizens are tightly united, and the leaders are constantly with the magistrates. You can be sure they are plotting something against us; they are coming up with a new plan to defeat us. We should therefore keep two things in mind and consider two points: one is to escape unscathed from what has been done in the past few days, and the other is to live with more comfort and security moving forward. I think, to be forgiven for our faults, we must commit new ones; doubling down on the damage and increasing fires and thefts; and in doing this, we should try to have as many accomplices as we can; because when many are at fault, few are punished; minor crimes are punished, but major ones are rewarded. When many suffer, few seek revenge; general wrongs are endured more patiently than personal ones. Therefore, increasing the number of wrongdoings will make forgiveness easier to obtain, and it will open the door to securing what we need for our own freedom. It seems clear that the gains are certain; our opponents are divided and wealthy; their disunity will lead us to victory, and when their riches become ours, they will support us. Don’t be fooled by their claims of noble ancestry; all humans have a common origin, and we are all equally ancient, as nature has made us all alike. Strip us naked, and we will all look the same. Dress us in their clothes and them in ours, and we will appear noble while they seem common—because poverty and riches create all the difference. It troubles me deeply to think that some of you regret what has been done and plan to refrain from further actions. If that’s the case, you’re not the people I believed you to be; because neither shame nor conscience should sway you. Conquerors, by whatever means, are seen as glorious. We have no reason to ponder conscience; for when, like us, people have to fear hunger, imprisonment, or death, the fear of hell should not and cannot affect them. If you observe human actions, you'll see that all who achieve great power and wealth do so through force or deceit; and what they acquire through trickery or violence, to mask the disgraceful ways they obtained it, they try to legitimize under the false claim of honest gains. Those who, either from foolishness or lack of insight, avoid engaging in such actions are always burdened with servitude and poverty; loyal servants remain servants, and honest people are always poor; no one escapes from servitude except the bold and treacherous, or from poverty except the greedy and deceitful. God and nature have thrown all human fortunes into the midst of humanity; and they are usually attainable more through plunder than by hard work, by wicked acts rather than with good. That’s why people prey on each other, and those who can’t defend themselves are often victimized. Therefore, we must act forcefully when the opportunity arises; and fortune won’t offer us a more favorable moment than now, when the citizens are still divided, the leaders are uncertain, and the magistrates are scared; for we can easily conquer them before they can organize a response. By doing this, we will either take over the entire city or gain enough power to be forgiven for our past mistakes, and hold enough authority to threaten the city with potential retribution in the future. I admit this plan is bold and risky, but when necessity demands it, audacity becomes wise, and in major matters, the brave do not dwell on dangers. Ventures that are embarked upon with risk often yield a reward in the end; and no one has ever emerged from hardship without some danger. Moreover, it’s evident from all their preparations for prisons, torture devices, and instruments of death that there is more danger in doing nothing than in taking action to ensure our safety; for in the first case, the harms are certain, while in the latter, they are uncertain. How many times have I heard you lament about the greed of your superiors and the injustices of your magistrates? Now is the time, not just to free yourself from them, but to surpass them in such a way that they will have more reasons to grieve and fear you than you have of them. Opportunities presented by circumstances will slip away, and once gone, it will be pointless to think they can be reclaimed. You see the preparations of our enemies; let’s get ahead of them; those who are first to take up arms will surely be victorious, bringing ruin to their enemies and advancement to ourselves; and thus honors will come to many of us and security to all." These arguments greatly stirred minds already inclined towards wrongdoing, leading them to decide to take up arms as soon as they had gathered enough associates and pledging themselves to mutual defense if any of them were overpowered by the civil authorities.
While they were arranging to take possession of the republic, their design became known to the Signory, who, having taken a man named Simone, learned from him the particulars of the conspiracy, and that the outbreak was to take place on the following day. Finding the danger so pressing, they called together the colleagues and those citizens who with the syndics of the arts were endeavoring to effect the union of the city. It was then evening, and they advised the signors to assemble the consuls of the trades, who proposed that whatever armed force was in Florence should be collected, and with the Gonfaloniers of the people and their companies, meet under arms in the piazza next morning. It happened that while Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo da San Friano was regulating the palace clock, and becoming acquainted with what was going on, returned home and spread the report of it in his neighborhood, so that presently the piazza of St. Spirito was occupied by above a thousand men. This soon became known to the other conspirators, and San Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their places of assembly, were presently full of them, all under arms.
While they were planning to take control of the republic, their scheme was discovered by the Signory, who captured a man named Simone. From him, they learned the details of the conspiracy and that the uprising was set for the next day. Realizing how urgent the situation was, they gathered their colleagues and citizens who were trying to unite the city with the syndics of the trades. It was evening at that point, and they advised the signors to call together the consuls of the trades, who suggested that any armed forces in Florence gather, and with the Gonfaloniers of the people and their groups, meet in the piazza the next morning. While Simone was being tortured, a man named Niccolo da San Friano was adjusting the palace clock. Upon learning about the situation, he went home and spread the news in his neighborhood, leading to over a thousand men gathering in the piazza of St. Spirito. This quickly reached the other conspirators, and soon San Pietro Maggiore and St. Lorenzo, their meeting places, were filled with armed individuals.
CHAPTER IV
Proceedings of the plebeians—The demand they make of the Signory—They insist that the Signory leave the palace—The Signory leave the palace—Michael di Lando Gonfalonier—Complaints and movements of the plebeians against Michael di Lando—Michael di Lando proceeds against the plebeians and reduces them to order—Character of Michael di Lando.
Proceedings of the common people—The requests they make of the government—They insist that the government vacate the palace—The government vacates the palace—Michael di Lando, the Gonfalonier—Complaints and actions of the common people against Michael di Lando—Michael di Lando takes action against the common people and restores order—The character of Michael di Lando.
At daybreak on the 21st of July, there did not appear in the piazza above eighty men in arms friendly to the Signory, and not one of the Gonfaloniers; for knowing the whole city to be in a state of insurrection they were afraid to leave their homes. The first body of plebeians that made its appearance was that which had assembled at San Pietro Maggiore; but the armed force did not venture to attack them. Then came the other multitudes, and finding no opposition, they loudly demanded their prisoners from the Signory; and being resolved to have them by force if they were not yielded to their threats, they burned the house of Luigi Guicciardini; and the Signory, for fear of greater mischief, set them at liberty. With this addition to their strength they took the Gonfalon of Justice from the bearer, and under the shadow of authority which it gave them, burned the houses of many citizens, selecting those whose owners had publicly or privately excited their hatred. Many citizens, to avenge themselves for private injuries, conducted them to the houses of their enemies; for it was quite sufficient to insure its destruction, if a single voice from the mob called out, "To the house of such a one," or if he who bore the Gonfalon took the road toward it. All the documents belonging to the woolen trade were burned, and after the commission of much violence, by way of associating it with something laudable, Salvestro de Medici and sixty-three other citizens were made knights, among whom were Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi and others similarly their friends; though many received the honor against their wills. It was a remarkable peculiarity of the riots, that many who had their houses burned, were on the same day, and by the same party made knights; so close were the kindness and the injury together. This circumstance occurred to Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice.
At dawn on July 21st, only about eighty armed men loyal to the Signory gathered in the piazza, and not a single Gonfalonier showed up; they were too scared to leave their homes, knowing the whole city was in turmoil. The first group of common people that appeared was gathered at San Pietro Maggiore, but the armed forces didn't dare to attack them. Then, more crowds arrived, and seeing no resistance, they loudly demanded their prisoners from the Signory. Determined to get them by force if necessary, they set fire to Luigi Guicciardini's house, and in fear of further chaos, the Signory released the prisoners. With this boost to their numbers, they seized the Gonfalon of Justice from its carrier, and under its protective authority, they burned down the homes of several citizens, targeting those whose owners had publicly or privately stirred their anger. Many citizens, seeking revenge for personal grievances, led the crowd to their enemies' houses; it only took one shout of "To the house of such-and-such" or if the Gonfalon bearer headed that way, to ensure destruction. All documents related to the wool trade were burned, and after committing various acts of violence, in a bid to associate their actions with something noble, Salvestro de Medici and sixty-three other citizens were knighted, including Benedetto and Antonio degli Alberti, Tommaso Strozzi, and others of their circle, even though many were honored against their wishes. A striking aspect of the riots was that many whose houses were burned were also knighted the same day by the same group, highlighting how closely kindness and harm were intertwined. This was true for Luigi Guicciardini, Gonfalonier of Justice.
In this tremendous uproar, the Signory, finding themselves abandoned by their armed force, by the leaders of the arts, and by the Gonfaloniers, became dismayed; for none had come to their assistance in obedience to orders; and of the sixteen Gonfalons, the ensign of the Golden Lion and of the Vaio, under Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi alone appeared; and these, not being joined by any other, soon withdrew. Of the citizens, on the other hand, some, seeing the fury of this unreasonable multitude and the palace abandoned, remained within doors; others followed the armed mob, in the hope that by being among them, they might more easily protect their own houses or those of their friends. The power of the plebeians was thus increased and that of the Signory weakened. The tumult continued all day, and at night the rioters halted near the palace of Stefano, behind the church of St. Barnabas. Their number exceeded six thousand, and before daybreak they obtained by threats the ensigns of the trades, with which and the Gonfalon of Justice, when morning came, they proceeded to the palace of the provost, who refusing to surrender it to them, they took possession of it by force.
In the midst of this huge chaos, the Signory, feeling abandoned by their armed forces, by the leaders of the guilds, and by the Gonfaloniers, became disheartened; no one had come to their aid as ordered. Of the sixteen Gonfalons, only the banners of the Golden Lion and the Vaio, led by Giovenco della Stufa and Giovanni Cambi, showed up; and these, without any support from others, soon retreated. Meanwhile, some citizens, seeing the rage of this irrational crowd and the palace left unguarded, stayed indoors; others joined the armed mob, hoping that being among them would help protect their own homes or those of their friends. This strengthened the power of the common people and weakened that of the Signory. The turmoil continued throughout the day, and at night the rioters gathered near Stefano's palace, behind St. Barnabas Church. Their numbers exceeded six thousand, and before dawn, they threatened to take the banners of the trades. By morning, armed with these and the Gonfalon of Justice, they went to the provost's palace. When he refused to hand it over, they took it by force.
The Signory, desirous of a compromise, since they could not restrain them by force, appointed four of the Colleagues to proceed to the palace of the provost, and endeavor to learn what was their intention. They found that the leaders of the plebeians, with the Syndics of the trades and some citizens, had resolved to signify their wishes to the Signory. They therefore returned with four deputies of the plebeians, who demanded that the woolen trade should not be allowed to have a foreign judge; that there should be formed three new companies of the arts; namely, one for the wool combers and dyers, one for the barbers, doublet-makers, tailors, and such like, and the third for the lowest class of people. They required that the three new arts should furnish two Signors; the fourteen minor arts, three; and that the Signory should provide a suitable place of assembly for them. They also made it a condition that no member of these companies should be expected during two years to pay any debt that amounted to less than fifty ducats; that the bank should take no interest on loans already contracted, and that only the principal sum should be demanded; that the condemned and the banished should be forgiven, and the admonished should be restored to participation in the honors of government. Besides these, many other articles were stipulated in favor of their friends, and a requisition made that many of their enemies should be exiled and admonished. These demands, though grievous and dishonorable to the republic, were for fear of further violence granted, by the joint deliberation of the Signors, Colleagues, and Council of the people. But in order to give it full effect, it was requisite that the Council of the Commune should also give its consent; and, as they could not assemble two councils during the same day it was necessary to defer it till the morrow. However the trades appeared content, the plebeians satisfied; and both promised, that these laws being confirmed, every disturbance should cease.
The Signory, wanting to reach a compromise since they couldn't control the situation through force, sent four colleagues to the provost's palace to find out what the plebeians wanted. They discovered that the leaders of the plebeians, along with the trade syndics and some citizens, had decided to express their demands to the Signory. They returned with four representatives from the plebeians, who requested that the woolen trade should not be judged by someone from outside; that three new trade guilds should be created: one for wool combers and dyers, another for barbers, doublet-makers, tailors, and similar trades, and the last for the lowest class of people. They insisted that these three new guilds should each have two representatives; the fourteen minor trades should have three; and that the Signory should provide a suitable meeting space for them. They also demanded that no member of these companies should be required to pay any debt less than fifty ducats for two years; that the bank should not charge interest on existing loans, only the principal should be collected; that the condemned and the exiled should be pardoned; and those who had been admonished should be allowed to participate in government honors again. Additionally, many other terms were set in favor of their allies, and there was a demand for many of their enemies to be exiled or admonished. Although these demands were harsh and dishonorable to the republic, they were granted to avoid further conflict, decided by the combined agreement of the Signors, Colleagues, and the Council of the people. However, to finalize everything, the Council of the Commune also needed to agree; and since it wasn't possible to hold two councils on the same day, it had to be postponed until the next day. The trades seemed content, the plebeians were satisfied, and both promised that once these laws were confirmed, all disturbances would end.
On the following morning, while the Council of the Commune were in consultation, the impatient and volatile multitude entered the piazza, under their respective ensigns, with loud and fearful shouts, which struck terror into all the Council and Signory; and Guerrente Marignolli, one of the latter, influenced more by fear than anything else, under pretense of guarding the lower doors, left the chamber and fled to his house. He was unable to conceal himself from the multitude, who, however, took no notice, except that, upon seeing him, they insisted that all the Signors should quit the palace, and declared that if they refused to comply, their houses should be burned and their families put to death.
The next morning, while the Council of the Commune was meeting, the impatient and restless crowd entered the piazza, waving their flags and shouting loudly, which struck fear into all the Council and Signory. Guerrente Marignolli, one of the Signors, influenced more by fear than anything else, pretended to guard the lower doors, but ended up fleeing to his home. He couldn't hide from the crowd, who barely noticed him except that when they saw him, they demanded that all the Signors leave the palace. They declared that if they didn’t comply, their houses would be burned, and their families would be killed.
The law had now been passed; the Signors were in their own apartments; the Council had descended from the chamber, and without leaving the palace, hopeless of saving the city, they remained in the lodges and courts below, overwhelmed with grief at seeing such depravity in the multitude, and such perversity or fear in those who might either have restrained or suppressed them. The Signory, too, were dismayed and fearful for the safety of their country, finding themselves abandoned by one of their associates, and without any aid or even advice; when, at this moment of uncertainty as to what was about to happen, or what would be best to be done, Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, either from motives of ambition (being desirous of remaining masters of the palace), or because they thought it the most advisable step, persuaded them to give way to the popular impulse, and withdraw privately to their homes. This advice, given by those who had been the leaders of the tumult, although the others yielded, filled Alamanno Acciajuoli and Niccolo del Bene, two of the Signors, with anger; and, reassuming a little vigor, they said, that if the others would withdraw they could not help it, but they would remain as long as they continued in office, if they did not in the meantime lose their lives. These dissensions redoubled the fears of the Signory and the rage of the people, so that the Gonfalonier, disposed rather to conclude his magistracy in dishonor than in danger, recommended himself to the care of Tommaso Strozzi, who withdrew him from the palace and conducted him to his house. The other Signors were, one after another, conveyed in the same manner, so that Alamanno and Niccolo, not to appear more valiant than wise, seeing themselves left alone, also retired, and the palace fell into the hands of the plebeians and the Eight Commissioners of War, who had not yet laid down their authority.
The law had now been passed; the Signors were in their own apartments; the Council had come down from the chamber, and without leaving the palace, in despair over their inability to save the city, they remained in the lodges and courtyards below, overwhelmed with grief at the sight of such depravity among the masses and the fear or stubbornness of those who could have restrained or stopped them. The Signory, too, were anxious and worried about the safety of their country, feeling abandoned by one of their associates, without any support or even guidance; just when everything felt uncertain about what was going to happen or what should be done, Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti, whether out of ambition (wanting to stay in control of the palace) or believing it to be the best course of action, convinced them to give in to the people's demands and discreetly go home. This advice, coming from those who had stirred up the chaos, angered Alamanno Acciajuoli and Niccolo del Bene, two of the Signors, and regaining a bit of their strength, they declared that if the others chose to leave, that was their choice, but they would stay as long as they held office, as long as they didn’t lose their lives in the process. These disagreements only heightened the fears of the Signory and the anger of the people, leading the Gonfalonier, preferring to end his term in shame rather than risk, to seek refuge with Tommaso Strozzi, who took him out of the palace and brought him to his home. The other Signors were similarly escorted away, one after another, so that Alamanno and Niccolo, not wanting to appear braver than wise, seeing themselves left behind, also took their leave, and the palace fell into the hands of the common people and the Eight Commissioners of War, who still hadn't relinquished their authority.
When the plebeians entered the palace, the standard of the Gonfalonier of Justice was in the hands of Michael di Lando, a wool comber. This man, barefoot, with scarcely anything upon him, and the rabble at his heels, ascended the staircase, and, having entered the audience chamber of the Signory, he stopped, and turning to the multitude said, "You see this palace is now yours, and the city is in your power; what do you think ought to be done?" To which they replied, they would have him for their Gonfalonier and lord; and that he should govern them and the city as he thought best. Michael accepted the command; and, as he was a cool and sagacious man, more favored by nature than by fortune, he resolved to compose the tumult, and restore peace to the city. To occupy the minds of the people, and give himself time to make some arrangement, he ordered that one Nuto, who had been appointed bargello, or sheriff, by Lapo da Castiglionchio, should be sought. The greater part of his followers went to execute this commission; and, to commence with justice the government he had acquired by favor, he commanded that no one should either burn or steal anything; while, to strike terror into all, he caused a gallows to be erected in the court of the palace. He began the reform of government by deposing the Syndics of the trades, and appointing new ones; he deprived the Signory and the Colleagues of their magistracy, and burned the balloting purses containing the names of those eligible to office under the former government.
When the common people entered the palace, the Gonfalonier of Justice banner was held by Michael di Lando, a wool comber. This man, barefoot and hardly clothed, with the crowd following him, climbed the staircase and, once in the audience chamber of the Signory, he paused and turned to the crowd, saying, "You see, this palace is now yours, and the city is in your hands; what do you think should be done?" They replied that they wanted him to be their Gonfalonier and leader, and that he should govern them and the city as he saw fit. Michael accepted the role; being calm and wise, and more favored by nature than luck, he decided to calm the chaos and restore peace to the city. To keep the people's minds occupied and give himself time to make some plans, he ordered them to find Nuto, who had been appointed sheriff by Lapo da Castiglionchio. Most of his followers went to carry out this task, and to start his newly acquired government on a just note, he commanded that no one should burn or steal anything; to instill fear in everyone, he had a gallows put up in the palace courtyard. He began reforming the government by removing the Syndics of the trades and appointing new ones; he stripped the Signory and their colleagues of their posts, and he burned the ballot boxes that held the names of those eligible for office under the old government.
In the meantime, Ser Nuto, being brought by the mob into the court, was suspended from the gallows by one foot; and those around having torn him to pieces, in little more than a moment nothing remained of him but the foot by which he had been tied.
In the meantime, Ser Nuto was dragged by the crowd into the court and hung from the gallows by one foot. Those around him quickly tore him apart, and in no time, all that was left of him was the foot he had been tied with.
The Eight Commissioners of War, on the other hand, thinking themselves, after the departure of the Signors, left sole masters of the city, had already formed a new Signory; but Michael, on hearing this, sent them an order to quit the palace immediately; for he wished to show that he could govern Florence without their assistance. He then assembled the Syndics of the trades, and created as a Signory, four from the lowest plebeians; two from the major, and two from the minor trades. Besides this, he made a new selection of names for the balloting purses, and divided the state into three parts; one composed of the new trades, another of the minor, and the third of the major trades. He gave to Salvestro de' Medici the revenue of the shops upon the Old Bridge; for himself he took the provostry of Empoli, and conferred benefits upon many other citizens, friends of the plebeians; not so much for the purpose of rewarding their labors, as that they might serve to screen him from envy.
The Eight Commissioners of War, believing they were the sole rulers of the city after the departure of the Signors, had already set up a new Signory. However, Michael, upon hearing this, sent them an order to leave the palace immediately because he wanted to demonstrate that he could govern Florence without their help. He then gathered the representatives of the trades and created a Signory with four members from the lower class, two from larger trades, and two from smaller trades. Additionally, he made a new selection of names for the voting ballots and divided the state into three parts: one for new trades, one for smaller trades, and one for larger trades. He gave Salvestro de' Medici the income from the shops on the Old Bridge; he himself took the leadership of Empoli and granted favors to many other citizens who were allies of the lower classes, not so much to reward their efforts, but to protect himself from envy.
It seemed to the plebeians that Michael, in his reformation of the state, had too much favored the higher ranks of the people, and that themselves had not a sufficient share in the government to enable them to preserve it; and hence, prompted by their usual audacity, they again took arms, and coming tumultuously into the court of the palace, each body under their particular ensigns, insisted that the Signory should immediately descend and consider new means for advancing their well-being and security. Michael, observing their arrogance, was unwilling to provoke them, but without further yielding to their request, blamed the manner in which it was made, advised them to lay down their arms, and promised that then would be conceded to them, what otherwise, for the dignity of the state, must of necessity be withheld. The multitude, enraged at this reply, withdrew to Santa Maria Novella, where they appointed eight leaders for their party, with officers, and other regulations to ensure influence and respect; so that the city possessed two governments, and was under the direction of two distinct powers. These new leaders determined that Eight, elected from their trades, should constantly reside in the palace with the Signory, and that whatever the Signory should determine must be confirmed by them before it became law. They took from Salvestro de' Medici and Michael di Lando the whole of what their former decrees had granted them, and distributed to many of their party offices and emoluments to enable them to support their dignity. These resolutions being passed, to render them valid they sent two of their body to the Signory, to insist on their being confirmed by the Council, with an intimation, that if not granted they would be vindicated by force. This deputation, with amazing audacity and surpassing presumption, explained their commission to the Signory, upbraided the Gonfalonier with the dignity they had conferred upon him, the honor they had done him, and with the ingratitude and want of respect he had shown toward them. Coming to threats toward the end of their discourse, Michael could not endure their arrogance, and sensible rather of the dignity of the office he held than of the meanness of his origin, determined by extraordinary means to punish such extraordinary insolence, and drawing the sword with which he was girt, seriously wounded, and cause them to be seized and imprisoned.
The common people felt that Michael, in his efforts to reform the state, had favored the upper classes too much and that they themselves didn’t have enough say in the government to protect their interests. Driven by their usual boldness, they took up arms again and stormed the palace courtyard, each group under their own banners, demanding that the Signory immediately come down to discuss new ways to improve their well-being and security. Michael, noticing their arrogance, didn’t want to provoke them but, without fully giving in to their demands, criticized how they made their request. He advised them to lay down their arms and promised that they would get what they were asking for, which would otherwise have to be withheld for the sake of the state's dignity. The angry crowd retreated to Santa Maria Novella, where they appointed eight leaders for their faction, along with other officials and rules to gain influence and respect. As a result, the city ended up with two governments and was controlled by two distinct powers. These new leaders decided that eight representatives, chosen from their trades, should always stay in the palace with the Signory, and that whatever the Signory decided must be approved by them before becoming law. They took away all the privileges that Salvestro de' Medici and Michael di Lando had been granted and handed out positions and benefits to many in their group to support their standing. After passing these resolutions, they sent two of their members to the Signory to insist on their confirmation by the Council, warning that if their demands were not met, they would use force. This delegation, with astonishing boldness and extraordinary arrogance, explained their mission to the Signory, reproaching the Gonfalonier for the honor they had given him, pointing out his ingratitude and disrespect towards them. As they escalated to threats toward the end of their speech, Michael couldn’t tolerate their rudeness any longer. Understanding the importance of his office over the lesser status of his origin, he resolved to take drastic action against such extraordinary insolence, drew the sword at his side, seriously wounded them, and ordered their arrest and imprisonment.
When the fact became known, the multitude were filled with rage, and thinking that by their arms they might ensure what without them they had failed to effect, they seized their weapons and with the utmost fury resolved to force the Signory to consent to their wishes. Michael, suspecting what would happen, determined to be prepared, for he knew his credit rather required him to be first to the attack than to wait the approach of the enemy, or, like his predecessors, dishonor both the palace and himself by flight. He therefore drew together a good number of citizens (for many began to see their error), mounted on horseback, and followed by crowds of armed men, proceeded to Santa Maria Novella, to encounter his adversaries. The plebeians, who as before observed were influenced by a similar desire, had set out about the same time as Michael, and it happened that as each took a different route, they did not meet in their way, and Michael, upon his return, found the piazza in their possession. The contest was now for the palace, and joining in the fight, he soon vanquished them, drove part of them out of the city, and compelled the rest to throw down their arms and escape or conceal themselves, as well as they could. Having thus gained the victory, the tumults were composed, solely by the talents of the Gonfalonier, who in courage, prudence, and generosity surpassed every other citizen of his time, and deserves to be enumerated among the glorious few who have greatly benefited their country; for had he possessed either malice or ambition, the republic would have been completely ruined, and the city must have fallen under greater tyranny than that of the duke of Athens. But his goodness never allowed a thought to enter his mind opposed to the universal welfare: his prudence enabled him to conduct affairs in such a manner, that a great majority of his own faction reposed the most entire confidence in him; and he kept the rest in awe by the influence of his authority. These qualities subdued the plebeians, and opened the eyes of the superior artificers, who considered how great must be the folly of those, who having overcome the pride of the nobility, could endure to submit to the nauseous rule of the rabble.
When the news got out, the crowd was filled with rage, and thinking that they could achieve what they had failed to do without their weapons, they grabbed their arms and, in a fury, decided to force the Signory to meet their demands. Michael, anticipating what would happen, knew he needed to be ready because he understood that his reputation required him to take the initiative rather than wait for the enemy to come or, like his predecessors, bring dishonor to both himself and the palace by fleeing. He gathered a good number of citizens (as many were starting to realize their mistake), got on horseback, and with crowds of armed men behind him, headed to Santa Maria Novella to confront his opponents. The common people, who, as noted earlier, were driven by similar goals, set out at the same time as Michael. However, since they took different paths, they didn’t encounter each other. Upon returning, Michael found the square under their control. The battle for the palace was on, and after joining the fight, he soon defeated them, driving some out of the city and forcing the others to drop their weapons and flee or hide as best they could. With this victory achieved, the disturbances were calmed, all thanks to the skills of the Gonfalonier, who outshone every other citizen of his time in bravery, wisdom, and generosity, earning him a place among the few who have truly benefitted their country. If he had been driven by malice or ambition, the republic would have been utterly destroyed, and the city would have fallen under greater tyranny than that of the duke of Athens. But his goodness never allowed him to entertain thoughts that opposed the common good; his wisdom let him manage affairs in such a way that the majority of his faction had complete confidence in him, while he kept the rest in check with his authority. These traits subdued the commoners and opened the eyes of the skilled workers, who realized how foolish it would be for those who had triumphed over the pride of the nobility to then accept the disgusting rule of the mob.
CHAPTER V
New regulations for the elections of the Signory—Confusion in the City—Piero degli Albizzi and other citizens condemned to death—The Florentines alarmed by the approach of Charles of Durazzo—The measures adopted in consequence thereof—Insolent Conduct of Giorgio Scali—Benedetto Alberti—Giorgio Scali beheaded.
New rules for the elections of the Signory—Chaos in the City—Piero degli Albizzi and several other citizens sentenced to death—The Florentines are worried about the arrival of Charles of Durazzo—The actions taken in response—Rude behavior from Giorgio Scali—Benedetto Alberti—Giorgio Scali executed.
By the time Michael di Lando had subdued the plebeians, the new Signory was drawn, and among those who composed it, were two persons of such base and mean condition, that the desire increased in the minds of the people to be freed from the ignominy into which they had fallen; and when, upon the first of September, the new Signory entered office and the retiring members were still in the palace, the piazza being full of armed men, a tumultuous cry arose from the midst of them, that none of the lowest of the people should hold office among the Signory. The obnoxious two were withdrawn accordingly. The name of one was Il Tira, of the other Baroccio, and in their stead were elected Giorgio Scali and Francesco di Michele. The company of the lowest trade was also dissolved, and its members deprived of office, except Michael di Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio and a few others of better quality. The honors of government were divided into two parts, one of which was assigned to the superior trades, the other to the inferior; except that the latter were to furnish five Signors, and the former only four. The Gonfalonier was to be chosen alternately from each.
By the time Michael di Lando had taken control of the plebeians, the new Signory was established, and among its members were two individuals of such low status that it heightened the people's desire to escape the shame they had fallen into. When the new Signory took office on September 1st and the outgoing members were still in the palace, the square filled with armed men erupted in a loud demand that none of the lowest class should hold positions in the Signory. Consequently, the two unwelcome members were removed. One was named Il Tira, and the other Baroccio. In their place, Giorgio Scali and Francesco di Michele were elected. The group representing the lower trades was also disbanded, and its members were removed from office, except for Michael di Lando, Lorenzo di Puccio, and a few others of higher status. The government positions were split into two sections, with one allocated to the higher trades and the other to the lower; however, the latter were required to provide five Signori, while the former only needed to provide four. The Gonfalonier would be selected alternately from each group.
The government thus composed, restored peace to the city for the time; but though the republic was rescued from the power of the lowest plebeians, the inferior trades were still more influential than the nobles of the people, who, however, were obliged to submit for the gratification of the trades, of whose favor they wished to deprive the plebeians. The new establishment was supported by all who wished the continued subjugation of those who, under the name of the Guelphic party, had practiced such excessive violence against the citizens. And as among others, thus disposed, were Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Salvestro di Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, these four almost became princes of the city. This state of the public mind strengthened the divisions already commenced between the nobles of the people, and the minor artificers, by the ambition of the Ricci and the Albizzi; from which, as at different times very serious effects arose, and as they will hereafter be frequently mentioned, we shall call the former the popular party, the latter the plebeian. This condition of things continued three years, during which many were exiled and put to death; for the government lived in constant apprehension, knowing that both within and without the city many were dissatisfied with them. Those within, either attempted or were suspected of attempting every day some new project against them; and those without, being under no restraint, were continually, by means of some prince or republic, spreading reports tending to increase the disaffection.
The government that was formed managed to restore peace to the city for a while; however, even though the republic was saved from the influence of the lowest plebeians, the lesser tradespeople still had more power than the nobility, who had to conform to the demands of the trades to prevent plebeians from gaining favor. The new leadership was backed by anyone who wanted to maintain control over those in the Guelphic party, who had shown brutality toward the citizens. Among those supporting this were Giorgio Scali, Benedetto Alberti, Salvestro di Medici, and Tommaso Strozzi, and these four nearly became the rulers of the city. This public sentiment exacerbated the existing divisions between the nobility and the lower tradesmen due to the ambitions of the Ricci and the Albizzi; we will refer to the former as the popular party and the latter as the plebeian party, given that serious issues arose from this division, which we will mention frequently. This situation persisted for three years, during which many were exiled or executed; the government lived in constant fear, knowing that both inside and outside the city many people were unhappy with them. Those inside were either plotting or suspected of plotting something against them every day, and those outside, feeling no restraint, were continuously spreading rumors through various princes or republics to further incite discontent.
Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He held a command under Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who, designing to undertake the conquest of the dominions of Queen Giovanna, retained his captain in that city, with the concurrence of Pope Urban, who was at enmity with the queen. Many Florentine emigrants were also at Bologna, in close correspondence with him and Charles. This caused the rulers in Florence to live in continual alarm, and induced them to lend a willing ear to any calumnies against the suspected. While in this disturbed state of feeling, it was disclosed to the government that Gianozzo da Salerno was about to march to Florence with the emigrants, and that great numbers of those within were to rise in arms, and deliver the city to him. Upon this information many were accused, the principal of whom were Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi: and after these Cipriano Mangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni Anselmi, the whole of whom, except Carlo Strozzi who fled, were made prisoners; and the Signory, to prevent any one from taking arms in their favor, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti with a strong armed force, to guard the city. The arrested citizens were examined, and although nothing was elicited against them sufficient to induce the Capitano to find them guilty, their enemies excited the minds of the populace to such a degree of outrageous and overwhelming fury against them, that they were condemned to death, as it were, by force. Nor was the greatness of his family, or his former reputation of any service to Piero degli Albizzi, who had once been, of all the citizens, the man most feared and honored. Some one, either as a friend to render him wise in his prosperity, or an enemy to threaten him with the fickleness of fortune, had upon the occasion of his making a feast for many citizens, sent him a silver bowl full of sweetmeats, among which a large nail was found, and being seen by many present, was taken for a hint to him to fix the wheel of fortune, which, having conveyed him to the top, must if the rotation continued, also bring him to the bottom. This interpretation was verified, first by his ruin, and afterward by his death.
Gianozzo da Salerno was at this time in Bologna. He was in charge under Charles of Durazzo, a descendant of the kings of Naples, who planned to conquer Queen Giovanna's territories. With Pope Urban, who was against the queen, in agreement, he held Gianozzo in that city. Many Florentine exiles were also in Bologna, in close contact with him and Charles. This made the leaders in Florence live in constant fear and made them quick to believe any accusations against those they suspected. In this tense situation, the government learned that Gianozzo da Salerno was preparing to march to Florence with the exiles, and that many supporters inside the city were planning to rise up and hand it over to him. Because of this news, many people were accused, primarily Piero degli Albizzi and Carlo Strozzi. Others included Cipriano Mangione, Jacopo Sacchetti, Donato Barbadori, Filippo Strozzi, and Giovanni Anselmi. All were arrested except Carlo Strozzi, who managed to escape. The Signory, wanting to prevent anyone from supporting them, appointed Tommaso Strozzi and Benedetto Alberti with a strong armed force to guard the city. The detained citizens were interrogated, and although nothing substantial was found against them to convince the Capitano to convict them, their opponents stirred up the public to such a level of outrage that they were effectively sentenced to death by mob rule. Piero degli Albizzi, despite his prestigious family and former reputation, which had once made him the most respected and feared citizen, found no protection. At one point, either as a friend trying to advise him during his success or as an enemy warning him of fortune’s unpredictability, someone sent him a silver bowl filled with sweets at a feast he hosted for many citizens. Hidden within was a large nail, which those present interpreted as a warning to him to secure his position carefully—one that had brought him to the top, but with the wheel of fortune still turning, could just as easily send him to the bottom. This warning proved true, first with his downfall and later with his death.
After this execution the city was full of consternation, for both victors and vanquished were alike in fear; but the worst effects arose from the apprehensions of those possessing the management of affairs; for every accident, however trivial, caused them to commit fresh outrages, either by condemnations, admonitions, or banishment of citizens; to which must be added, as scarcely less pernicious, the frequent new laws and regulations which were made for defense of the government, all of which were put in execution to the injury of those opposed to their faction. They appointed forty-six persons, who, with the Signory, were to purge the republic of all suspected by the government. They admonished thirty-nine citizens, ennobled many of the people, and degraded many nobles to the popular rank. To strengthen themselves against external foes, they took into their pay John Hawkwood, an Englishman of great military reputation, who had long served the pope and others in Italy. Their fears from without were increased by a report that several bodies of men were being assembled by Charles of Durazzo for the conquest of Naples, and many Florentine emigrants were said to have joined him. Against these dangers, in addition to the forces which had been raised, large sums of money were provided; and Charles, having arrived at Arezzo, obtained from the Florentines 40,000 ducats, and promised he would not molest them. His enterprise was immediately prosecuted, and having occupied the kingdom of Naples, he sent Queen Giovanna a prisoner into Hungary. This victory renewed the fears of those who managed the affairs of Florence, for they could not persuade themselves that their money would have a greater influence on the king's mind than the friendship which his house had long retained for the Guelphs, whom they so grievously oppressed.
After the execution, the city was filled with fear, as both the winners and losers felt the same anxiety; but the worst outcomes came from the fears of those in charge of governance. Even minor incidents led them to commit more acts of violence, whether through condemnations, warnings, or banishing citizens. Added to this were the frequent new laws and regulations made to protect the government, all of which harmed those who opposed their faction. They appointed forty-six people who, along with the Signory, were to cleanse the republic of anyone suspected by the government. They warned thirty-nine citizens, elevated many commoners, and downgraded numerous nobles to the status of common folk. To bolster themselves against outside threats, they hired John Hawkwood, an Englishman with a strong military reputation, who had long served the pope and others in Italy. Their fears grew when they heard that several groups were gathering under Charles of Durazzo to conquer Naples, and it was said that many Florentine exiles had joined him. In response to these dangers, besides the forces they had gathered, they allocated large sums of money; and after Charles arrived in Arezzo, he secured 40,000 ducats from the Florentines in exchange for promising not to harm them. He quickly moved forward with his plans, and after taking control of the Kingdom of Naples, he sent Queen Giovanna off as a prisoner to Hungary. This victory reignited the fears of those running the affairs of Florence, as they couldn’t convince themselves that their money would have a greater impact on the king than the longstanding alliance his house had with the Guelphs, whom they had so harshly oppressed.
This suspicion increasing, multiplied oppressions; which again, instead of diminishing the suspicion, augmented it; so that most men lived in the utmost discontent. To this the insolence of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi (who by their popular influence overawed the magistrates) also contributed, for the rulers were apprehensive that by the power these men possessed with the plebeians they could set them at defiance; and hence it is evident that not only to good men, but even to the seditious, this government appeared tyrannical and violent. To put a period to the outrageous conduct of Giorgio, it happened that a servant of his accused Giovanni di Cambio of practices against the state, but the Capitano declared him innocent. Upon this, the judge determined to punish the accuser with the same penalties that the accused would have incurred had he been guilty, but Giorgio Scali, unable to save him either by his authority or entreaties, obtained the assistance of Tommaso Strozzi, and with a multitude of armed men, set the informer at liberty and plundered the palace of the Capitano, who was obliged to save himself by flight. This act excited such great and universal animosity against him, that his enemies began to hope they would be able to effect his ruin, and also to rescue the city from the power of the plebeians, who for three years had held her under their arrogant control.
This growing suspicion led to more oppression, which only increased the suspicion, causing most people to feel extremely discontented. The arrogance of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, who used their popularity to intimidate the magistrates, made the situation worse. The rulers feared that these men could challenge them due to their influence over the common people; thus, it was clear that this government seemed tyrannical and harsh not only to the righteous but even to the rebellious. To put an end to Giorgio's outrageous behavior, one of his servants accused Giovanni di Cambio of plotting against the state, but the Capitano declared him innocent. In response, the judge decided to punish the accuser with the same penalties that Giovanni would have faced if found guilty. However, Giorgio Scali, unable to save the accuser by his authority or pleadings, got help from Tommaso Strozzi. Together, with a group of armed men, they freed the informer and raided the Capitano's palace, forcing the Capitano to flee for his life. This act stirred such widespread and intense anger against Giorgio that his enemies began to believe they could bring about his downfall and also free the city from the common people's rule, which had dominated for three years.
To the realization of this design the Capitano greatly contributed, for the tumult having subsided, he presented himself before the signors, and said "He had cheerfully undertaken the office to which they had appointed him, for he thought he should serve upright men who would take arms for the defense of justice, and not impede its progress. But now that he had seen and had experience of the proceedings of the city, and the manner in which affairs were conducted, that dignity which he had voluntarily assumed with the hope of acquiring honor and emolument, he now more willingly resigned, to escape from the losses and danger to which he found himself exposed." The complaint of the Capitano was heard with the utmost attention by the Signory, who promising to remunerate him for the injury he had suffered and provide for his future security, he was satisfied. Some of them then obtained an interview with certain citizens who were thought to be lovers of the common good, and least suspected by the state; and in conjunction with these, it was concluded that the present was a favorable opportunity for rescuing the city from Giorgio and the plebeians, the last outrage he had committed having completely alienated the great body of the people from him. They judged it best to profit by the occasion before the excitement had abated, for they knew that the favor of the mob is often gained or lost by the most trifling circumstance; and more certainly to insure success, they determined, if possible, to obtain the concurrence of Benedetto Alberti, for without it they considered their enterprise to be dangerous.
To achieve this plan, the Capitano played a crucial role. Once the chaos calmed down, he approached the leaders and said he had willingly taken on the role they assigned him because he believed he would be serving honorable people who would fight for justice without hindering its progress. However, after witnessing the city's operations and how things were managed, he was more than ready to give up the title he had hoped would bring him honor and rewards, just to avoid the losses and dangers he faced. The leaders listened carefully to the Capitano's complaints, promising to compensate him for his losses and ensure his future safety, which made him feel better. Some of them then met with a few citizens known to care about the common good and who were least suspected by the government. Together, they agreed this was a good time to free the city from Giorgio and the common people, as the latest outrage he committed had completely turned the masses against him. They thought it was best to act quickly before the urgency faded, knowing that public favor can change for the most minor reasons. To increase their chances of success, they planned to get Benedetto Alberti on board, as they believed their mission would be risky without his support.
Benedetto was one of the richest citizens, a man of unassuming manners, an ardent lover of the liberties of his country, and one to whom tyrannical measures were in the highest degree offensive; so that he was easily induced to concur in their views and consent to Giorgio's ruin. His enmity against the nobles of the people and the Guelphs, and his friendship for the plebeians, were caused by the insolence and tyrannical proceedings of the former; but finding that the plebeians had soon become quite as insolent, he quickly separated himself from them; and the injuries committed by them against the citizens were done wholly without his consent. So that the same motives which made him join the plebeians induced him to leave them.
Benedetto was one of the wealthiest citizens, a man with a humble demeanor, a passionate supporter of his country’s freedoms, and someone who found oppressive measures extremely offensive. This made it easy for him to align with their goals and agree to Giorgio's downfall. His hostility towards the nobles and the Guelphs, along with his support for the common people, stemmed from the arrogance and oppressive actions of the former. However, when he noticed that the common people had become just as arrogant, he quickly distanced himself from them; the harm they inflicted on the citizens was entirely without his approval. Thus, the same reasons that led him to join the common people also prompted him to part ways with them.
Having gained Benedetto and the leaders of the trades to their side, they provided themselves with arms and made Giorgio prisoner. Tommaso fled. The next day Giorgio was beheaded; which struck so great a terror into his party, that none ventured to express the slightest disapprobation, but each seemed anxious to be foremost in defense of the measure. On being led to execution, in the presence of that people who only a short time before had idolized him, Giorgio complained of his hard fortune, and the malignity of those citizens who, having done him an undeserved injury, had compelled him to honor and support a mob, possessing neither faith nor gratitude. Observing Benedetto Alberti among those who had armed themselves for the preservation of order, he said, "Do you, too, consent, Benedetto, that this injury shall be done to me? Were I in your place and you in mine, I would take care that no one should injure you. I tell you, however, this day is the end of my troubles and the beginning of yours." He then blamed himself for having confided too much in a people who may be excited and inflamed by every word, motion, and breath of suspicion. With these complaints he died in the midst of his armed enemies, delighted at his fall. Some of his most intimate associates were also put to death, and their bodies dragged about by the mob.
After winning over Benedetto and the trade leaders, they armed themselves and captured Giorgio. Tommaso ran away. The next day, Giorgio was beheaded, which instilled such fear in his supporters that no one dared to voice any disagreement; everyone seemed eager to defend the decision. As he was led to his execution in front of the very people who had idolized him not long ago, Giorgio lamented his bad luck and the malice of the citizens who had wronged him, forcing him to support a mob that had no loyalty or gratitude. Spotting Benedetto Alberti among those who had taken up arms to maintain order, he asked, "Do you also agree, Benedetto, to let this happen to me? If I were in your position and you in mine, I would make sure no one harmed you. But let me tell you, today marks the end of my troubles and the start of yours." He then criticized himself for trusting a crowd that could be easily stirred by every word, gesture, and breath of suspicion. With these complaints, he died surrounded by his armed enemies, who reveled in his downfall. Some of his closest allies were also executed, and their bodies were dragged around by the mob.
CHAPTER VI
Confusion and riots in the city—Reform of government in opposition to the plebeians—Injuries done to those who favored the plebeians—Michael di Lando banished—Benedetto Alberti hated by the Signory—Fears excited by the coming of Louis of Anjou—The Florentines purchase Arezzo—Benedetto Alberti becomes suspected and is banished—His discourse upon leaving the city—Other citizens banished and admonished—War with Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan.
Confusion and riots in the city—Government reform against the common people—Harm done to those who supported the common people—Michael di Lando is banished—Benedetto Alberti is disliked by the ruling council—Fears rise with the arrival of Louis of Anjou—The Florentines buy Arezzo—Benedetto Alberti becomes suspicious and is banished—His speech upon leaving the city—Other citizens are banished and warned—War with Giovanni Galeazzo, Duke of Milan.
The death of Giorgio caused very great excitement; many took arms at the execution in favor of the Signory and the Capitano; and many others, either for ambition or as a means for their own safety, did the same. The city was full of conflicting parties, who each had a particular end in view, and wished to carry it into effect before they disarmed. The ancient nobility, called the GREAT, could not bear to be deprived of public honors; for the recovery of which they used their utmost exertions, and earnestly desired that authority might be restored to the Capitani di Parte. The nobles of the people and the major trades were discontented at the share the minor trades and lowest of the people possessed in the government; while the minor trades were desirous of increasing their influence, and the lowest people were apprehensive of losing the companies of their trades and the authority which these conferred.
The death of Giorgio created a huge stir; many took up arms in support of the Signory and the Capitano, while others, either out of ambition or for their own safety, did the same. The city was filled with conflicting factions, each with its own agenda, wanting to achieve their goals before disarming. The old nobility, known as the GREAT, couldn’t stand being stripped of public honors; they put in a lot of effort to regain them and strongly wanted to see authority returned to the Capitani di Parte. The noble factions and the major trades were unhappy with the power that the minor trades and the lowest class of people had in the government, while the minor trades were keen to increase their influence, and the poorest citizens feared losing the benefits of their trades and the authority that came with them.
Such opposing views occasioned Florence, during a year, to be disturbed by many riots. Sometimes the nobles of the people took arms; sometimes the major and sometimes the minor trades and the lowest of the people; and it often happened that, though in different parts, all were at once in insurrection. Hence many conflicts took place between the different parties or with the forces of the palace; for the Signory sometimes yielding, and at other times resisting, adopted such remedies as they could for these numerous evils. At length, after two assemblies of the people, and many Balias appointed for the reformation of the city; after much toil, labor, and imminent danger, a government was appointed, by which all who had been banished since Salvestro de' Medici was Gonfalonier were restored. They who had acquired distinctions or emoluments by the Balia of 1378 were deprived of them. The honors of government were restored to the Guelphic party; the two new Companies of the Trades were dissolved, and all who had been subject to them assigned to their former companies. The minor trades were not allowed to elect the Gonfalonier of Justice, their share of honors was reduced from a half to a third; and those of the highest rank were withdrawn from them altogether. Thus the nobles of the people and the Guelphs repossessed themselves of the government, which was lost by the plebeians after it had been in their possession from 1378 to 1381, when these changes took place.
Such conflicting views caused Florence to experience many riots over the course of a year. Sometimes, the nobles would take up arms; other times, it was the major and minor trades as well as the common people. Often, although in different areas, all groups would rise up at the same time. As a result, there were many clashes between the different factions or against the palace forces; the Signory sometimes gave in, while at other times they resisted, trying whatever solutions they could for these various issues. Eventually, after two gatherings of the people and several Balias were set up to reform the city, and after much hard work, effort, and danger, a government was established that restored all those who had been exiled since Salvestro de' Medici was Gonfalonier. Those who had gained titles or benefits from the Balia of 1378 were stripped of them. The honors of government were returned to the Guelphs; the two new Companies of Trades were disbanded, and everyone associated with them was returned to their original companies. The minor trades were not allowed to vote for the Gonfalonier of Justice, their share of honors was reduced from half to a third, and those of the highest rank were completely taken away from them. Thus, the nobles and the Guelphs regained control of the government, which had been in the hands of the common people from 1378 to 1381, when these changes occurred.
The new establishment was not less injurious to the citizens, or less troublesome at its commencement than that of the plebeians had been; for many of the nobles of the people, who had distinguished themselves as defenders of the plebeians, were banished, with a great number of the leaders of the latter, among whom was Michael di Lando; nor could all the benefits conferred upon the city by his authority, when in danger from the lawless mob, save him from the rabid fury of the party that was now in power. His good offices evidently excited little gratitude in his countrymen. The neglect of their benefactors is an error into which princes and republics frequently fall; and hence mankind, alarmed by such examples, as soon as they begin to perceive the ingratitude of their rulers, set themselves against them.
The new establishment was just as harmful to the citizens and just as troubling at its start as the plebeian one had been. Many of the noble defenders of the plebeians were banished, along with several leaders from that group, including Michael di Lando. Even the many benefits he had brought to the city during its crisis with the unruly mob couldn't protect him from the fierce anger of the party now in power. His efforts clearly earned little appreciation from his fellow citizens. The disregard for their benefactors is a mistake that both princes and republics often make; therefore, people, wary of such examples, tend to turn against rulers as soon as they notice their ingratitude.
As these banishments and executions had always been offensive to Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he censured them both publicly and privately. The leaders of the government began to fear him, for they considered him one of the most earnest friends of the plebeians, and thought he had not consented to the death of Giorgio Scali from disapprobation of his proceeding, but that he might be left himself without a rival in the government. His discourse and his conduct alike served to increase their suspicions, so that all the ruling party had their eyes upon him, and eagerly sought an opportunity of crushing him.
As these banishments and executions had always bothered Benedetto Alberti, they continued to disgust him, and he criticized them both publicly and privately. The government leaders started to fear him because they saw him as a strong supporter of the common people, and they thought he hadn't accepted Giorgio Scali's death out of disapproval of what was happening, but rather so he could remain the only powerful figure in the government. His words and actions only heightened their suspicions, leading all the ruling party to keep an eye on him and actively look for a chance to take him down.
During this state of things, external affairs were not of serious importance, for some which ensued were productive of apprehension rather than of injury. At this time Louis of Anjou came into Italy, to recover the kingdom of Naples for Queen Giovanna, and drive out Charles of Durazzo. His coming terrified the Florentines; for Charles, according to the custom of old friends, demanded their assistance, and Louis, like those who seek new alliances, required their neutrality. The Florentines, that they might seem to comply with the request of Louis, and at the same time assist Charles, discharged from their service Sir John Hawkwood, and transferred him to that of Pope Urban, who was friendly to Charles; but this deceit was at once detected, and Louis considered himself greatly injured by the Florentines. While the war was carried on between Louis and Charles in Puglia, new forces were sent from France in aid of Louis, and on arriving in Tuscany, were by the emigrants of Arezzo conducted to that city, and took it from those who held possession for Charles. And when they were about to change the government of Florence, as they had already done that of Arezzo, Louis died, and the order of things in Puglia and in Tuscany was changed accordingly; for Charles secured the kingdom, which had been all but lost, and the Florentines, who were apprehensive for their own city, purchased Arezzo from those who held it for Louis. Charles, having secured Puglia, went to take possession of Hungary, to which he was heir, leaving, with his wife, his children Ladislaus and Giovanna, who were yet infants. He took possession of Hungary, but was soon after slain there.
During this time, external affairs weren’t really important, as some developments caused more worry than harm. Louis of Anjou arrived in Italy to reclaim the kingdom of Naples for Queen Giovanna and to drive out Charles of Durazzo. His arrival frightened the Florentines; Charles, like an old friend, asked for their help, while Louis, seeking new alliances, wanted them to remain neutral. To appear to comply with Louis's request while also supporting Charles, the Florentines discharged Sir John Hawkwood from their service and transferred him to Pope Urban, who was on Charles's side. However, this deception was quickly uncovered, and Louis felt seriously wronged by the Florentines. While Louis and Charles were at war in Puglia, new forces from France arrived to support Louis. Once in Tuscany, they were led by exiles from Arezzo to that city and took it from Charles's supporters. Just as they were about to change the government of Florence, just as they had done in Arezzo, Louis died, leading to a shift in the situation in Puglia and Tuscany. Charles secured the nearly lost kingdom, and the Florentines, fearing for their own city, bought Arezzo from those loyal to Louis. After securing Puglia, Charles went to claim Hungary, which he inherited, leaving his wife and young children, Ladislaus and Giovanna, behind. He took over Hungary but was soon killed there.
As great rejoicings were made in Florence on account of this acquisition as ever took place in any city for a real victory, which served to exhibit the public and private wealth of the people, many families endeavoring to vie with the state itself in displays of magnificence. The Alberti surpassed all others; the tournaments and exhibitions made by them were rather suitable for a sovereign prince than for any private individuals. These things increased the envy with which the family was regarded, and being joined with suspicions which the state entertained of Benedetto, were the causes of his ruin. The rulers could not endure him, for it appeared as if, at any moment, something might occur, which, with the favor of his friends, would enable him to recover his authority, and drive them out of the city. While in this state of suspicion and jealousy, it happened that while he was Gonfalonier of the Companies, his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was drawn Gonfalonier of Justice; and this circumstance increased the fears of the government, for they thought it would strengthen Benedetto's influence, and place the state in the greater peril. Anxious to provide a remedy, without creating much disturbance, they induced Bese Magalotti, his relative and enemy, to signify to the Signory that Filippo, not having attained the age required for the exercise of that office, neither could nor ought to hold it.
As celebrations erupted in Florence over this acquisition, the atmosphere resembled that of a true victory, showcasing the public and private wealth of the citizens, with many families trying to outdo the state in their displays of grandeur. The Alberti family stood out the most; their tournaments and exhibitions seemed more fitting for a sovereign prince than for private individuals. This only fueled the envy directed at them, and combined with the suspicions the government had about Benedetto, it led to his downfall. The rulers couldn’t tolerate him, fearing that at any moment something could happen that, with the support of his friends, would allow him to regain power and drive them out of the city. During this atmosphere of suspicion and jealousy, Benedetto was serving as Gonfalonier of the Companies when his son-in-law, Filippo Magalotti, was elected Gonfalonier of Justice. This situation heightened the government's fears, as they believed it would boost Benedetto's influence and put the state in greater danger. Eager to find a solution without causing much uproar, they persuaded Bese Magalotti, his relative and rival, to inform the Signory that Filippo, not having reached the required age for the position, could neither hold nor be expected to hold that office.
The question was examined by the signors, and part of them out of hatred, others in order to avoid disunion among themselves, declared Filippo ineligible to the dignity, and in his stead was drawn Bardo Mancini, who was quite opposed to the plebeian interests, and an inveterate foe of Benedetto. This man, having entered upon the duties of his office, created a Balia for the reformation of the state, which banished Benedetto Alberti and admonished all the rest of his family except Antonio. Before his departure, Benedetto called them together, and observing their melancholy demeanor, said, "You see, my fathers, and you the elders of our house, how fortune has ruined me and threatened you. I am not surprised at this, neither ought you to be so, for it always happens thus to those who among a multitude of the wicked, wish to act rightly, and endeavor to sustain, what the many seek to destroy. The love of my country made me take part with Salvestro de Medici and afterward separated me from Giorgio Scali. The same cause compelled me to detest those who now govern, who having none to punish them, will allow no one to reprove their misdeeds. I am content that my banishment should deliver them from the fears they entertain, not of me only, but of all who they think perceives or is acquainted wit their tyrannical and wicked proceedings; and they have aimed their first blow at me, in order the more easily to oppress you. I do not grieve on my own account; for those honors which my country bestowed upon me while free, she cannot in her slavery take from me; and the recollection of my past life will always give me greater pleasure than the pain imparted by the sorrows of exile. I deeply regret that my country is left a prey to the greediness and pride of the few who keep her in subjection. I grieve for you; for I fear that the evils which this day cease to affect me, and commence with you, will pursue you with even greater malevolence than they have me. Comfort, then, each other; resolve to bear up against every misfortune, and conduct yourselves in such a manner, that when disasters befall you (and there will be many), every one may know they have come upon you undeservedly." Not to give a worse impression of his virtue abroad than he had done at home, he made a journey to the sepulcher of Christ, and while upon his return, died at Rhodes. His remains were brought to Florence, and interred with all possible honors, by those who had persecuted him, when alive, with every species of calumny and injustice.
The question was discussed by the signors, some out of hatred and others to avoid conflict among themselves, who declared Filippo ineligible for the position. Instead, Bardo Mancini was chosen, someone who was completely against the interests of the common people and a long-time enemy of Benedetto. Once he took on his duties, he created a Balia for state reform, which exiled Benedetto Alberti and warned all the rest of his family except Antonio. Before leaving, Benedetto gathered them together and noticed their sad expressions. He said, "You see, my fathers, and you elders of our family, how fortune has destroyed me and threatened you. I’m not surprised, nor should you be, because this always happens to those who, among the many wicked, try to act rightly and uphold what the majority seeks to destroy. My love for my country made me ally with Salvestro de Medici and later separated me from Giorgio Scali. This same reason forced me to despise those in power now, who, with no one to hold them accountable, allow no one to criticize their wrongdoings. I'm fine with my exile relieving them of their fears, not just of me, but of anyone they think sees or knows about their tyrannical and wicked actions; they aimed their first strike at me to more easily oppress you. I don’t mourn for myself; the honors my country gave me in freedom cannot be taken away in slavery, and the memories of my past life will always bring me more joy than the pain of exile. I deeply regret that my country is now a victim of the greed and pride of the few who subjugate her. I grieve for you, as I fear the troubles that no longer affect me will now start with you and may pursue you with even more malice than they did me. So comfort each other, resolve to withstand every misfortune, and act in such a way that when disasters come upon you (and they will), everyone knows they came upon you undeservedly." To avoid giving a worse impression of his virtue abroad than he had at home, he traveled to the tomb of Christ, and on his way back, he died in Rhodes. His body was brought back to Florence and buried with all possible honors by those who had persecuted him with every kind of slander and injustice while he was alive.
The family of the Alberti was not the only injured party during these troubles of the city; for many others were banished and admonished. Of the former were Piero Benini, Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco del Bene, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and with them many members of the minor trades. Of the admonished were the Covini, Benini, Rinucci, Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti. It was customary to create the Balia for a limited time; and when the citizens elected had effected the purpose of their appointment, they resigned the office from motives of good feeling and decency, although the time allowed might not have expired. In conformity with this laudable practice, the Balia of that period, supposing they had accomplished all that was expected of them, wished to retire; but when the multitude were acquainted with their intention, they ran armed to the palace, and insisted, that before resigning their power, many other persons should be banished and admonished. This greatly displeased the signors; but without disclosing the extent of their displeasure, they contrived to amuse the multitude with promises, till they had assembled a sufficient body of armed men, and then took such measures, that fear induced the people to lay aside the weapons which madness had led them to take up. Nevertheless, in some degree to gratify the fury of the mob, and to reduce the authority of the plebeian trades, it was provided, that as the latter had previously possessed a third of the honors, they should in future have only a fourth. That there might always be two of the signors particularly devoted to the government, they gave authority to the Gonfalonier of Justice, and four others, to form a ballot-purse of select citizens, from which, in every Signory, two should be drawn.
The Alberti family wasn't the only one affected during the city's troubles; many others were exiled and reprimanded too. Among those exiled were Piero Benini, Matteo Alderotti, Giovanni and Francesco del Bene, Giovanni Benci, Andrea Adimari, and many members of the smaller trades. Those who were reprimanded included the Covini, Benini, Rinucci, Formiconi, Corbizzi, Manelli, and Alderotti. It was common to appoint the Balia temporarily; and once the elected citizens completed their mission, they would step down out of goodwill and decency, even if their term wasn't over. Following this good practice, the Balia of that time, believing they had achieved their goals, wanted to resign; however, when the crowd learned of their intention, they rushed to the palace armed and insisted that before stepping down, several more people should be exiled and reprimanded. This greatly upset the leaders; but without revealing how displeased they were, they entertained the crowd with promises until they gathered a sufficient number of armed men, then took action to scare the people into laying down the weapons that their anger had led them to grab. Still, to somewhat satisfy the mob's rage and reduce the power of the lower trades, it was decided that since those trades had previously held a third of the honors, they would now only hold a fourth. To ensure that there were always two leaders particularly loyal to the government, they empowered the Gonfalonier of Justice and four others to create a ballot-purse of selected citizens, from which two would be drawn in every Signory.
This government from its establishment in 1381, till the alterations now made, had continued six years; and the internal peace of the city remained undisturbed until 1393. During this time, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, usually called the Count of Virtú, imprisoned his uncle Bernabo, and thus became sovereign of the whole of Lombardy. As he had become duke of Milan by fraud, he designed to make himself king of Italy by force. In 1391 he commenced a spirited attack upon the Florentines; but such various changes occurred in the course of the war, that he was frequently in greater danger than the Florentines themselves, who, though they made a brave and admirable defense, for a republic, must have been ruined, if he had survived. As it was, the result was attended with infinitely less evil than their fears of so powerful an enemy had led them to apprehend; for the duke having taken Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, and prepared a diadem with which to be crowned king of Italy at Florence, died before he had tasted the fruit of his victories, or the Florentines began to feel the effect of their disasters.
This government, from its establishment in 1381 until the recent changes, lasted six years, and the city's internal peace remained intact until 1393. During this period, Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti, commonly known as the Count of Virtú, imprisoned his uncle Bernabo and became the ruler of all of Lombardy. Having gained the title of Duke of Milan through deceit, he aimed to forcefully make himself king of Italy. In 1391, he launched an aggressive campaign against the Florentines; however, various twists in the war meant he often faced greater peril than the Florentines themselves. Despite putting up a brave and commendable defense, for a republic, they would have been doomed if he had survived. Ultimately, the outcome brought far less devastation than their fears of such a powerful enemy had suggested; for after the duke captured Bologna, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, and prepared a crown to be crowned king of Italy in Florence, he died before he could enjoy the fruits of his victories or the Florentines felt the impact of their misfortunes.
CHAPTER VII
Maso degli Albizzi—His violence excites the anger of the people—They have recourse to Veri de' Medici—The modesty of Veri—He refuses to assume the dignity of prince, and appeases the people—Discourse of Veri to the Signory—The banished Florentines endeavor to return—They secretly enter the city and raise a tumult—Some of them slain, others taken to the church of St. Reparata—A conspiracy of exiles supported by the duke of Milan—The conspiracy discovered and the parties punished—Various enterprises of the Florentines—Taking of Pisa—War with the king of Naples—Acquisition of Cortona.
Maso degli Albizzi—His violence sparks public outrage—The people turn to Veri de' Medici—Veri’s modesty—He declines to take on the title of prince and calms the crowd—Veri’s speech to the Signory—The exiled Florentines try to come back—They sneak into the city and create a riot—Some are killed, while others are taken to St. Reparata Church—A plot by the exiles backed by the duke of Milan—The plot is discovered and the conspirators faced consequences—Various endeavors by the Florentines—Capture of Pisa—Conflict with the king of Naples—Acquisition of Cortona.
During the war with the duke of Milan the office of Gonfalonier of Justice fell to Maso degli Albizzi, who by the death of Piero in 1379, had become the inveterate enemy of the Alberti: and as party feeling is incapable either of repose or abatement, he determined, notwithstanding Benedetto had died in exile, that before the expiration of his magistracy, he would revenge himself on the remainder of that family. He seized the opportunity afforded by a person, who on being examined respecting correspondence maintained with the rebels, accused Andrea and Alberto degli Alberti of such practices. They were immediately arrested, which so greatly excited the people, that the Signory, having provided themselves with an armed force, called the citizens to a general assembly or parliament, and appointed a Balia, by whose authority many were banished, and a new ballot for the offices of government was made. Among the banished were nearly all the Alberti; many members of the trades were admonished, and some put to death. Stung by these numerous injuries, the trades and the lowest of the people rose in arms, considering themselves despoiled both of honor and life. One body of them assembled in the piazza; another ran to the house of Veri de' Medici, who, after the death of Salvestro, was head of the family. The Signory, in order to appease those who came to the piazza or court of the palace, gave them for leaders, with the ensigns of the Guelphs and of the people in their hands, Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, and Donato Acciajuoli, both men of the popular class, and more attached to the interests of the plebeians than any other. Those who went to the house of Veri de' Medici, begged that he would be pleased to undertake the government, and free them from the tyranny of those citizens who were destroying the peace and safety of the commonwealth.
During the war with the Duke of Milan, the position of Gonfalonier of Justice went to Maso degli Albizzi, who had become the sworn enemy of the Alberti family after Piero's death in 1379. Since party loyalty never rests or fades, he decided that before his term ended, he would take revenge on the remaining members of that family, even though Benedetto had died in exile. He took advantage of a situation where a person being questioned about their communication with rebels accused Andrea and Alberto degli Alberti of such activities. They were quickly arrested, which caused extreme unrest among the people. The Signory, having gathered an armed force, called the citizens to a general assembly, appointing a Balia, which led to many being exiled and a new vote for government positions. Almost all the Alberti were among the exiled; many in the trades were warned, and some were executed. Angered by these various wrongs, the trades and the lower class took up arms, feeling they had been robbed of both honor and life. One group gathered in the piazza, while another rushed to the house of Veri de' Medici, who had become the head of his family after Salvestro's death. The Signory, to calm those gathered in the piazza and the palace courtyard, appointed Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi and Donato Acciajuoli as their leaders, both of whom were from the popular class and more aligned with the interests of the common people than anyone else. Those who went to Veri de' Medici's house asked him to take charge of the government and liberate them from the tyranny of those citizens who were threatening the peace and safety of the community.
It is agreed by all who have written concerning the events of this period, that if Veri had had more ambition than integrity he might without any impediment have become prince of the city; for the unfeeling treatment which, whether right or wrong, had been inflicted upon the trades and their friends, had so excited the minds of men to vengeance, that all they required was some one to be their leader. Nor were there wanting those who could inform him of the state of public feeling; for Antonio de' Medici with whom he had for some time been upon terms of most intimate friendship, endeavored to persuade him to undertake the government of the republic. To this Veri replied: "Thy menaces when thou wert my enemy, never alarmed me; nor shall thy counsel, now when thou art my friend, do me any harm." Then, turning toward the multitude, he bade them be of good cheer; for he would be their defender, if they would allow themselves to be advised by him. He then went, accompanied by a great number of citizens, to the piazza, and proceeded directly to the audience chamber of the Signory, whom he addressed to this effect: That he could not regret having lived so as to gain the love of the Florentines; but he was sorry they had formed an opinion of him which his past life had not warranted; for never having done anything that could be construed as either factious or ambitious, he could not imagine how it had happened, that they should think him willing to stir up strife as a discontented person, or usurp the government of his country like an ambitious one. He therefore begged that the infatuation of the multitude might not injure him in their estimation; for, to the utmost of his power, their authority should be restored. He then recommended them to use good fortune with moderation; for it would be much better to enjoy an imperfect victory with safety to the city, than a complete one at her ruin. The Signory applauded Veri's conduct; begged he would endeavor to prevent recourse to arms, and promised that what he and the other citizens might deem most advisable should be done. Veri then returned to the piazza, where the people who had followed him were joined by those led by Donato and Rinaldo, and informed the united companies that he had found the Signory most kindly disposed toward them; that many things had been taken into consideration, which the shortness of time, and the absence of the magistrates, rendered incapable of being finished. He therefore begged they would lay down their arms and obey the Signory; assuring them that humility would prevail rather than pride, entreaties rather than threats; and if they would take his advice, their privileges and security would remain unimpaired. He thus induced them to return peaceably to their homes.
Everyone who has written about this period agrees that if Veri had been more ambitious than principled, he could have easily become the prince of the city. The harsh treatment that had been inflicted on the trades and their allies—whether justified or not—had stirred up feelings of revenge among the people, and all they needed was a leader. There were also people who could have informed him about the public sentiment, as Antonio de' Medici, with whom he had been very close friends for some time, tried to convince him to take over the government of the republic. Veri responded, "Your threats when you were my enemy never scared me, and your advice now that you are my friend won’t harm me either." Then, he turned to the crowd and encouraged them to stay positive, promising to be their defender if they would listen to him. He then went, accompanied by a large number of citizens, to the piazza and headed straight to the audience chamber of the Signory, addressing them as follows: He couldn’t regret living in a way that earned the love of the Florentines; however, he was disappointed they had the wrong impression of him that his past didn’t support. Since he had never acted in a way that could be seen as rebellious or ambitious, he couldn’t understand why they thought he wanted to incite conflict like a dissatisfied person or take over the government like an ambitious one. He asked that the crowd’s misguided opinions not tarnish his reputation; he assured them that he would do everything he could to restore their authority. He advised them to handle good fortune wisely, saying it would be much better to have a partial victory that ensured the city’s safety than a complete one that led to its ruin. The Signory praised Veri’s actions, asked him to work to avoid violence, and promised to implement whatever he and the other citizens deemed necessary. Veri then returned to the piazza, where the group that had followed him met up with others led by Donato and Rinaldo. He informed the united groups that he had found the Signory very favorable toward them and that many matters had been considered, but due to time constraints and the absence of the magistrates, they could not be resolved immediately. He therefore asked them to lay down their arms and obey the Signory, assuring them that humility would be more effective than pride, and appeals would work better than threats. If they followed his advice, their rights and safety would remain intact. He successfully persuaded them to return peacefully to their homes.
The disturbance having subsided, the Signory armed the piazza, enrolled 2,000 of the most trusty citizens, who were divided equally by Gonfalons, and ordered to be in readiness to give their assistance whenever required; and they forbade the use of arms to all who were not thus enrolled. Having adopted these precautionary measures, they banished and put to death many of those members of the trades who had shown the greatest audacity in the late riots; and to invest the office of Gonfalonier of Justice with more authoritative majesty, they ordered that no one should be eligible to it, under forty-five years of age. Many other provisions for the defense of the state were made, which appeared intolerable to those against whom they were directed, and were odious even to the friends of the Signory themselves, for they could not believe a government to be either good or secure, which needed so much violence for its defense, a violence excessively offensive, not only to those of the Alberti who remained in the city, and to the Medici, who felt themselves injured by these proceedings, but also to many others. The first who attempted resistance was Donato, the son of Jacopo Acciajuoli, who thought of great authority, and the superior rather than the equal of Maso degli Albizzi (who on account of the events which took place while he was Gonfalonier of Justice, was almost at the head of the republic), could not enjoy repose amid such general discontent, or, like many others, convert social evils to his own private advantage, and therefore resolved to attempt the restoration of the exiles to their country, or at least their offices to the admonished. He went from one to another, disseminating his views, showing that the people would not be satisfied, or the ferment of parties subside, without the changes he proposed; and declared that if he were in the Signory, he would soon carry them into effect. In human affairs, delay causes tedium, and haste danger. To avoid what was tedious, Donato Acciajuoli resolved to attempt what involved danger. Michele Acciajuoli his relative, and Niccolo Ricoveri his friend, were of the Signory. This seemed to Donato a conjuncture of circumstances too favorable to be lost, and he requested they would propose a law to the councils, which would include the restoration of the citizens. They, at his entreaty, spoke about the matter to their associates, who replied, that it was improper to attempt any innovation in which the advantage was doubtful and the danger certain. Upon this, Donato, having in vain tried all other means he could think of, excited with anger, gave them to understand that since they would not allow the city to be governed with peaceful measures, he would try what could be done with arms. These words gave so great offense, that being communicated to the heads of the government, Donato was summoned, and having appeared, the truth was proven by those to whom he had intrusted the message, and he was banished to Barletta. Alamanno and Antonio de' Medici were also banished, and all those of that family, who were descended from Alamanno, with many who, although of the inferior artificers, possessed influence with the plebeians. These events took place two years after the reform of government effected by Maso degli Albizzi.
Once the disturbance had calmed down, the government armed the square, enrolled 2,000 of the most trusted citizens, divided them by banners, and ordered them to be ready to assist whenever needed; they also prohibited anyone not enrolled from carrying weapons. After taking these precautionary steps, they exiled and executed many traders who had been the most daring during the recent riots. To give the position of Gonfalonier of Justice more authority, they decided that no one under forty-five could hold that office. They made many other provisions for the defense of the state, which seemed intolerable to those they targeted and were disliked even by the government’s supporters, who couldn’t believe a good or secure government would rely on such violence for its defense. This approach was offensive not just to the remaining members of the Alberti family and to the Medici, who felt harmed by these actions, but also to many others. The first to resist was Donato, the son of Jacopo Acciajuoli, who believed he was of higher authority than Maso degli Albizzi (who had been almost at the top of the republic during his time as Gonfalonier of Justice) and could not find peace amid such widespread discontent, nor could he, like many others, turn social issues to his own benefit. He decided to work on bringing the exiles back to their city or at least getting their jobs back for them. He talked to various people, spreading his ideas and showing that the public would remain dissatisfied and the strife among factions would not settle without the changes he suggested; he insisted that if he were in the government, he would soon implement them. In human matters, delay breeds boredom, while haste brings danger. To avoid the dullness of delay, Donato Acciajuoli chose to take on the danger. His relative, Michele Acciajuoli, and his friend, Niccolo Ricoveri, were part of the government. Donato saw this as too good an opportunity to miss and asked them to propose a law to the councils that would include restoring the citizens. They, at his urging, discussed it with their colleagues, who responded that it was inappropriate to pursue any changes where the benefits were uncertain and the dangers were real. Frustrated after trying other approaches, Donato, filled with anger, indicated that since they wouldn’t allow the city to be governed peacefully, he would see what could be achieved with force. This statement caused such outrage that, once it reached the authorities, Donato was summoned, and after appearing, the truth was confirmed by those he had trusted with the message, leading to his exile in Barletta. Alamanno and Antonio de' Medici were also exiled, as were all their family members descended from Alamanno, along with many others from lower trades who had influence among the common people. These events occurred two years after the government reform made by Maso degli Albizzi.
At this time many discontented citizens were at home, and others banished in the adjoining states. Of the latter there lived at Bologna Picchio Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Ricci, Antonio de' Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carlone, and two others of the lowest order, all bold young men, and resolved upon returning to their country at any hazard. These were secretly told by Piggiello and Baroccio Cavicciulli, who, being admonished, lived in Florence, that if they came to the city they should be concealed in their house; from which they might afterward issue, slay Maso degli Albizzi, and call the people to arms, who, full of discontent, would willingly arise, particularly as they would be supported by the Ricci, Adimari, Medici, Manelli, and many other families. Excited with these hopes, on the fourth of August, 1397, they came to Florence, and having entered unobserved according to their arrangement, they sent one of their party to watch Maso, designing with his death to raise the people. Maso was observed to leave his house and proceed to that of an apothecary, near the church of San Pietro Maggiore, which he entered. The man who went to watch him ran to give information to the other conspirators, who took their arms and hastened to the house of the apothecary, but found that Maso had gone. However, undaunted with the failure of their first attempt, they proceeded to the Old Market, where they slew one of the adverse party, and with loud cries of "people, arms, liberty, and death to the tyrants," directed their course toward the New Market, and at the end of the Calimala slew another. Pursuing their course with the same cries, and finding no one join them in arms, they stopped at the Loggia Nighittosa, where, from an elevated situation, being surrounded with a great multitude, assembled to look on rather than assist them, they exhorted the men to take arms and deliver themselves from the slavery which weighed so heavily upon them; declaring that the complaints of the discontented in the city, rather than their own grievances, had induced them to attempt their deliverance. They had heard that many prayed to God for an opportunity of avenging themselves, and vowed they would use it whenever they found anyone to conduct them; but now, when the favorable circumstances occurred, and they found those who were ready to lead them, they stared at each other like men stupefied, and would wait till those who were endeavoring to recover for them their liberty were slain, and their own chains more strongly riveted upon them; they wondered that those who were wont to take arms upon slight occasions, remained unmoved under the pressure of so many and so great evils; and that they could willingly suffer such numbers of their fellow-citizens to be banished, so many admonished, when it was in their power to restore the banished to their country, and the admonished to the honors of the state. These words, although full of truth, produced no effect upon those to whom they were addressed; for they were either restrained by their fears, or, on account of the two murders which had been committed, disgusted with the parties. Thus the movers of the tumult, finding that neither words or deeds had force sufficient to stir anyone, saw, when too late, how dangerous a thing it is to attempt to set a people free who are resolved to be slaves; and, despairing of success, they withdrew to the temple of Santa Reparata, where, not to save their lives, but to defer the moment of their deaths, they shut themselves up. Upon the first rumor of the affair, the Signory being in fear, armed and secured the palace; but when the facts of the case were understood, the parties known, and whither they had betaken themselves, their fears subsided, and they sent the Capitano with a sufficient body of armed men to secure them. The gates of the temple were forced without much trouble; part of the conspirators were slain defending themselves; the remainder were made prisoners and examined, but none were found implicated in the affair except Baroccio and Piggiello Cavicciulli, who were put to death with them.
At this time, many unhappy citizens were at home, while others were exiled in nearby states. Among the exiles living in Bologna were Picchio Cavicciulli, Tommaso de' Ricci, Antonio de' Medici, Benedetto degli Spini, Antonio Girolami, Cristofano di Carl
Shortly after this event, another occurred of greater importance. The Florentines were, as we have before remarked, at war with the duke of Milan, who, finding that with merely open force he could not overcome them, had recourse to secret practices, and with the assistance of the exiles of whom Lombardy was full, he formed a plot to which many in the city were accessory. It was resolved by the conspirators that most of the emigrants, capable of bearing arms, should set out from the places nearest Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and with their friends hasten to the residences of the chiefs of the government; and having slain them, reform the republic according to their own will. Of the conspirators within the city, was one of the Ricci named Samminiato; and as it often happens in treacherous practices, few are insufficient to effect the purpose of the plot, and among many secrecy cannot be preserved, so while Samminiato was in quest of associates, he found an accuser. He confided the affair to Salvestro Cavicciulli, whose wrongs and those of his friends were thought sufficient to make him faithful; but he, more influenced by immediate fear than the hope of future vengeance, discovered the whole affair to the Signory, who, having caused Samminiato to be taken, compelled him to tell all the particulars of the matter. However, none of the conspirators were taken, except Tommaso Davizi, who, coming from Bologna, and unaware of what had occurred at Florence, was seized immediately upon his arrival. All the others had fled immediately upon the apprehension of Samminiato.
Shortly after this event, another one of greater significance took place. As we’ve mentioned before, the Florentines were at war with the duke of Milan. Since open warfare wasn’t enough to defeat them, he resorted to secret tactics. With the help of the exiles who were plentiful in Lombardy, he hatched a plan that involved many in the city. The conspirators decided that most of the able-bodied emigrants would leave from the areas closest to Florence, enter the city by the river Arno, and quickly make their way to the homes of the government leaders. Their goal was to kill them and reshape the republic according to their own desires. One of the conspirators within the city was a Ricci named Samminiato. As often happens in treacherous schemes, a few people are enough to execute the plot, but it’s hard to keep secrets with many involved. While Samminiato was looking for accomplices, he ended up revealing his plans to an informant. He trusted Salvestro Cavicciulli, believing his grievances and those of his friends would ensure his loyalty. However, driven more by immediate fear than the possibility of revenge, he disclosed the entire plan to the Signory. They arrested Samminiato and forced him to reveal all the details. In the end, none of the conspirators were captured except for Tommaso Davizi, who was seized as soon as he arrived from Bologna, unaware of the situation in Florence. The others had fled right after Samminiato’s apprehension.
Samminiato and Tommaso having been punished according to their deserts, a Balia was formed of many citizens, which sought the delinquents, and took measures for the security of the state. They declared six of the family of the Ricci rebels; also, six of the Alberti; two of the Medici; three of the Scali; two of the Strozzi; Bindo Altoviti, Bernado Adimari, and many others of inferior quality. They admonished all the family of the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici for ten years, except a few individuals. Among the Alberti, not admonished, was Antonio, who was thought to be quiet and peaceable. It happened, however, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had ceased, a monk was taken who had been observed during its progress to pass frequently between Bologna and Florence. He confessed that he had often carried letters to Antonio, who was immediately seized, and, though he denied all knowledge of the matter from the first, the monk's accusation prevailed, and he was fined in a considerable sum of money, and banished a distance of three hundred miles from Florence. That the Alberti might not constantly place the city in jeopardy, every member of the family was banished whose age exceeded fifteen years.
Samminiato and Tommaso were punished as they deserved, and a group of citizens was formed to find the offenders and ensure the security of the state. They declared six members of the Ricci family as rebels, six from the Alberti family, two from the Medici family, three from the Scali family, two from the Strozzi family, as well as Bindo Altoviti, Bernardo Adimari, and several others of lesser status. They warned all members of the Alberti, Ricci, and Medici families for ten years, except for a few individuals. Among the Alberti who were not warned was Antonio, who was considered quiet and peaceful. However, before all suspicion of the conspiracy had faded, a monk was captured who had been seen frequently traveling between Bologna and Florence. He admitted to having often delivered letters to Antonio, who was immediately arrested. Despite denying any knowledge of the situation from the beginning, the monk's testimony succeeded, and Antonio was fined a substantial amount and banished three hundred miles from Florence. To prevent the Alberti from frequently putting the city in danger, every family member over the age of fifteen was banished.
These events took place in the year 1400, and two years afterward, died Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, whose death as we have said above, put an end to the war, which had then continued twelve years. At this time, the government having gained greater strength, and being without enemies external or internal, undertook the conquest of Pisa, and having gloriously completed it, the peace of the city remained undisturbed from 1400 to 1433, except that in 1412, the Alberti, having crossed the boundary they were forbidden to pass, a Balia was formed which with new provisions fortified the state and punished the offenders with heavy fines. During this period also, the Florentines made war with Ladislaus, king of Naples, who finding himself in great danger ceded to them the city of Cortona of which he was master; but soon afterward, recovering his power, he renewed the war, which became far more disastrous to the Florentines than before; and had it not, in 1414, been terminated by his death, as that of Lombardy had been by the death of the duke of Milan, he, like the duke, would have brought Florence into great danger of losing her liberty. Nor was the war with the king concluded with less good fortune than the former; for when he had taken Rome, Sienna, the whole of La Marca and Romagna, and had only Florence itself to vanquish, he died. Thus death has always been more favorable to the Florentines than any other friend, and more potent to save them than their own valor. From the time of the king's decease, peace was preserved both at home and abroad for eight years, at the end of which, with the wars of Filippo, duke of Milan, the spirit of faction again broke out, and was only appeased by the ruin of that government which continued from 1381 to 1434, had conducted with great glory so many enterprises; acquired Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano; and would have accomplished more if the citizens had lived in unity, and had not revived former factions; as in the following book will be particularly shown.
These events happened in the year 1400, and two years later, Giovanni Galeazzo, the duke of Milan, died. As we mentioned earlier, his death ended the war that had lasted for twelve years. At this point, the government had gained more strength and had no external or internal enemies, so it decided to conquer Pisa. After successfully completing this, the peace in the city remained unbroken from 1400 to 1433, except in 1412, when the Alberti crossed the boundary they were forbidden to cross. A Balia was formed that implemented new measures to strengthen the state and imposed heavy fines on the offenders. During this time, the Florentines also went to war with Ladislaus, the king of Naples. Finding himself in a tough spot, he ceded the city of Cortona, which he controlled, to them. However, after regaining his power, he renewed the conflict, which turned out to be much more disastrous for the Florentines than before. Had the war not ended in 1414 with his death, just like the situation in Lombardy ended with the duke of Milan's death, he, like the duke, would have put Florence in serious danger of losing its freedom. The war against the king ended just as favorably; after he took Rome, Sienna, all of La Marca and Romagna, he was left with only Florence to conquer, and then he died. Thus, death has always been more beneficial to the Florentines than any other ally and more effective at saving them than their own bravery. Following the king's death, peace was maintained both domestically and internationally for eight years. After that, with the conflicts stirred up by Filippo, duke of Milan, factionalism arose again, which was only quelled by the downfall of that government, which had lasted from 1381 to 1434. It had successfully achieved many endeavors, gaining Arezzo, Pisa, Cortona, Leghorn, and Monte Pulciano, and would have accomplished more if the citizens had united and not revived old factions, as will be detailed in the next book.
BOOK IV
CHAPTER I
License and Slavery peculiar defects in republican governments—Application of this reflection to the state of Florence—Giovanni di Bicci di' Medici re-establishes the authority of his family—Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicable arrangements with the Florentines—Their jealousy of him—Precautionary measures against him—War declared—The Florentines are routed by the ducal forces.
License and slavery have unique flaws in republican governments—Applying this thought to the situation in Florence—Giovanni di Bicci di' Medici reinstates the power of his family—Filippo Visconti, the duke of Milan, tries to reach friendly agreements with the Florentines—Their distrust of him—Preventive actions taken against him—War is declared—The Florentines are defeated by the ducal forces.
Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized, frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; not by the influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but by that of slavery and license; for with the nobility or the people, the ministers respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of liberty is in any estimation, neither of them choosing to be subject either to magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and powerful citizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes ordinances capable of appeasing or restraining these contending dispositions, so as to prevent them from doing mischief, then the government may be called free, and its institutions firm and secure; for having good laws for its basis, and good regulations for carrying them into effect, it needs not, like others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance. With such excellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient republics, which were of long duration, were endowed. But these advantages are, and always have been, denied to those which frequently change from tyranny to license, or the reverse; because, from the powerful enemies which each condition creates itself, they neither have, nor can possess any stability; for tyranny cannot please the good, and license is offensive to the wise: the former may easily be productive of mischief, while the latter can scarcely be beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too much authority, and in the latter, the foolish; so that each requires for their welfare the virtue and the good fortune of some individual who may be removed by death, or become unserviceable by misfortune.
Republican governments, especially those that are poorly organized, often change their leaders and the structure of their institutions. This happens not due to the impact of freedom or oppression, as many believe, but because of slavery and chaos. Both the nobility and the people, who represent slavery and disorder, care only for the idea of freedom, with neither wanting to be subjected to authority or laws. However, when a good, wise, and capable citizen emerges (which is quite rare) and establishes laws that can calm or manage these conflicting tendencies to prevent harm, then we can say the government is free, and its institutions are stable and secure. With strong laws as its foundation and effective regulations to implement them, it does not rely on the virtue of a single individual for its endurance, unlike others. Many of the long-lived ancient republics were endowed with such excellent laws and institutions. Unfortunately, these benefits are, and always have been, denied to those that frequently swing between tyranny and disorder, or vice versa. This is because each state creates powerful enemies, which leads to a lack of stability; tyranny does not satisfy the good, and disorder is irritating to the wise. The former can easily lead to harm, while the latter is rarely beneficial; in the former, the arrogant wield too much power, and in the latter, the foolish do. Therefore, both situations depend on the virtue and good fortune of an individual who might be taken away by death or become unable to serve due to misfortune.
Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence at the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the talents of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The city remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was dead, and Lombardy divided into several parts; so that there was nothing either internal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to Niccolo da Uzzano in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The factions that arose from the quarrels of the Albizzi and the Ricci, and which were afterward so unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici, were never extinguished; for though the party most favored by the rabble only continued three years, and in 1381 was put down, still, as it comprehended the greatest numerical proportion, it was never entirely extinct, though the frequent Balias and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced it almost to nothing. The first families that suffered in this way were the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, which were frequently deprived both of men and money; and if any of them remained in the city, they were deprived of the honors of government. These oft-repeated acts of oppression humiliated the faction, and almost annihilated it. Still, many retained the remembrance of the injuries they had received, and a desire of vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified and unquenched. Those nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceably governed the city, committed two errors, which eventually caused the ruin of their party; the first was, that by long continuance in power they became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained toward each other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed that vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to have exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people by their sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threatened dangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging them through mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of the Medici to recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men, and being of a humane and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme magistracy by the consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so much gratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking they had now found a defender), that not without occasion the judicious of the party observed it with jealousy, for they perceived all the former feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not fail to acquaint the other citizens with the matter, explaining to them how dangerous it was to aggrandize one who possessed so much influence; that it was easy to remedy an evil at its commencement, but exceedingly difficult after having allowed it to gather strength; and that Giovanni possessed several qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro. The associates of Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks; for they were jealous of his reputation, and desired to exalt some person, by means of whom he might be humbled.
Thus, it seems that the government that began in Florence with the death of Giorgio Scali in 1381 was initially supported by the skills of Maso degli Albizzi and later by Niccolo da Uzzano. The city was peaceful from 1414 to 1422 because King Ladislaus had died and Lombardy was split into several regions, which meant there were no internal or external causes for concern. Next in authority to Niccolo da Uzzano were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The conflicts that arose from the disputes between the Albizzi and the Ricci, which were later regrettably reignited by Salvestro de' Medici, were never fully extinguished. Although the faction that was most supported by the common people lasted only three years and was suppressed in 1381, it encompassed the largest number of supporters and was never completely eradicated, even though the repeated exiles and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400 nearly reduced it to nothing. The first families that suffered from this were the Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, who were often deprived of both members and funds; and those who remained in the city were stripped of governmental honors. These continuous acts of oppression degraded the faction and nearly destroyed it. Still, many remembered the wrongs they had suffered, and a desire for revenge lingered in their hearts, unfulfilled and unquenched. The nobles among the people, or the new nobility, who peacefully governed the city made two mistakes that ultimately led to the downfall of their faction; first, after being in power for too long, they grew arrogant; second, their jealousy towards each other and their constant hold on power weakened their vigilance against potential threats, which they should have maintained. By repeatedly inciting the anger of the populace through their wrongful actions and either ignoring the dangers that threatened them, due to their arrogance from prosperity, or provoking them out of mutual envy, they allowed the Medici family to regain their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici, who became one of the wealthiest individuals and was known for his kindness and generosity. He obtained the highest office with the approval of those in power. This pleased the masses greatly (the people felt they had found a protector), but those in the party who were wise looked upon it with suspicion, realizing that the city's previous tensions were being stirred again. Niccolo da Uzzano made sure to inform the other citizens about the situation, explaining how perilous it was to elevate someone with so much influence; that it was easy to address a problem early on, but exceedingly tough once it had gained strength; and that Giovanni had qualities that far exceeded those of Salvestro. However, Niccolo's associates were not swayed by his warnings, as they were envious of his standing and sought to promote someone through whom they could undermine him.
This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began to be observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo, having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy, and thinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to recover Genoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da Campo Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any other enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the Florentines, and made his good understanding with them known; but with the aid of their reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He therefore sent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens were opposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace with Milan, which had now continued for many years. They were fully aware of the advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa, and the little use it would be to Florence. Many others were inclined to accede to it, but would set a limit to his proceedings, which, if he were to exceed, all would perceive his base design, and thus they might, when the treaty was broken, more justifiably make war against him. The question having been strongly debated, an amicable arrangement was at length effected, by which Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything on the Florentine side of the rivers Magra and Panaro.
This was the situation in Florence, where conflicting feelings started to emerge, when Filippo Visconti, the second son of Giovanni Galeazzo, became the master of all Lombardy after his brother's death. He felt empowered to take on almost anything and strongly wanted to reclaim Genoa, which was enjoying freedom under Tommaso da Campo Fregoso's Doge. However, he didn’t think it wise to pursue this or any other venture until he had restored friendly relations with the Florentines and made it clear that he wanted to cooperate with them. He believed that with their support, he could achieve his goals. So, he sent ambassadors to Florence to express his desires. Many citizens opposed his plan but didn’t want to disrupt the long-standing peace with Milan. They recognized the benefits he would gain from a war with Genoa and how little it would benefit Florence. Others were open to the idea but wanted to put limits on his actions; if he exceeded those limits, everyone would see his true intentions and could more justifiably go to war against him once the treaty was broken. After intense discussions, a friendly agreement was finally reached, where Filippo promised not to interfere with anything on the Florentine side of the Magra and Panaro rivers.
Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took possession of Brescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectation of those who had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would be defended by the Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself. And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had acquired Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra, upon condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be given to the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the treaty; and he had, besides, entered into another treaty with the legate of Bologna, in opposition to his engagement respecting the Panaro. These things disturbed the minds of the citizens, and made them, apprehensive of new troubles, consider the means to be adopted for their defense.
Soon after the treaty was signed, the duke took control of Brescia, and soon after that, Genoa, surprising those who had supported peace. They believed Brescia would be protected by the Venetians, and that Genoa would be able to defend herself. In the treaty that Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had acquired Serezana and other places on this side of the Magra, with the condition that if he wanted to sell them, they should be given to the Genoese. It was clear that he had violated the treaty; additionally, he had entered into another agreement with the legate of Bologna, which contradicted his commitment regarding the Panaro. These events worried the citizens and led them, fearing new troubles, to think about ways to defend themselves.
The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted with their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors to the city, to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the suspicions they entertained, and offered to revoke whatever he had done that could be thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced no other effect than that of dividing the citizens; one party, that in greatest reputation, judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate the enemy's designs; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be necessary to go to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to preserve peace. Many others, whether envious of those in power, or fearing a rupture with the duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly to entertain suspicions of an ally, and thought his proceedings need not have excited so much distrust; that appointing the ten and hiring forces was in itself a manifest declaration of war, which, if undertaken against so great a prince, would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any advantage; for possession could never be retained of the conquests that might be made, because Romagna lay between, and the vicinity of the church ought to prevent any attempt against Romagna itself. However the views of those who were in favor of war prevailed, the Council of Ten were appointed, forces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they were more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled the city with complaints, and all condemned the ambition and avarice of the great, declaring that, to gratify themselves and oppress the people, they would go to war without any justifiable motive.
The dissatisfaction among the people of Florence upon learning about Filippo led him, either to defend himself, understand their feelings, or calm them down, to send representatives to the city. He expressed his surprise at their suspicions and offered to undo anything that might have caused them jealousy. This mission only had the effect of splitting the citizens; one faction, the more reputable group, felt it was best to arm themselves and prepare to thwart the enemy's plans. They believed that if he remained quiet, there would be no need to go to war with him, but they could try to keep the peace. Many others, either envious of those in power or worried about a conflict with the duke, thought it was unwise to take such suspicions of an ally too lightly, arguing that his actions shouldn’t have sparked such distrust. They believed that appointing the ten and hiring troops was a clear declaration of war, which, if waged against such a powerful prince, would surely lead to the city's ruin without any hope of benefit, as they could never hold onto any gains made since Romagna lay in between, and the church's proximity should deter any attempts on Romagna itself. However, those favoring war won out, the Council of Ten was formed, forces were hired, and new taxes were imposed. These taxes, which weighed more heavily on the lower classes than the wealthy, filled the city with grievances, and everyone condemned the ambition and greed of the powerful, claiming they would go to war without any valid reason just to satisfy themselves and oppress the people.
They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everything tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of the legate of Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant of Bologna at Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which, being close upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens with apprehension; but what gave every one greater alarm, and offered sufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition made by the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of Furli, who dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of Filippo. The boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi, her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was compelled by the people of Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to withdraw him from the natural guardian, and place him in the hands of the duke. Upon this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused the Marquis of Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with forces, to seize the government of Furli, and thus the territory fell into the duke's hands. When this was known at Florence, together with the arrival of forces at Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened, but there were still many opposed to it, and among the rest Giovanni de' Medici, who publicly endeavored to show, that even if the ill designs of the duke were perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait and let him commence the attack, than to assail him; for in the former case they would be justified in the view of the princes of Italy as well as in their own; but if they were to strike the first blow at the duke, public opinion would be as favorable to him as to themselves; and besides, they could not so confidently demand assistance as assailants, as they might do if assailed; and that men always defend themselves more vigorously when they attack others. The advocates of war considered it improper to await the enemy in their houses, and better to go and seek him; that fortune is always more favorable to assailants than to such as merely act on the defensive, and that it is less injurious, even when attended with greater immediate expense, to make war at another's door than at our own. These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the ten should provide all the means in their power for rescuing Furli from the hands of the duke.
They had not yet completely broken away from the duke, but everything was causing suspicion to rise; Filippo had, at the request of the legate of Bologna (who feared Antonio Bentivogli, an exile from Bologna residing at Castel Bolognese), sent troops to that city, which, being close to Florentine territory, alarmed the citizens. However, what alarmed everyone even more and provided enough reason for declaring war was the duke's expedition against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was the ruler of Furli, and when he died, he left his son, Tibaldo, under the guardianship of Filippo. The boy's mother, wary of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi, her father, who was the lord of Imola, but she was forced by the people of Furli to comply with her late husband's wishes, taking him away from his natural guardian and placing him in the hands of the duke. To better disguise his intentions, Filippo had the Marquis of Ferrara send Guido Torello as his agent, along with forces, to take control of Furli, and so the territory fell into the duke's grasp. When this was reported in Florence, along with the arrival of troops in Bologna, arguments for war gained significant strength, but many were still against it, including Giovanni de' Medici, who publicly argued that even if the duke's bad intentions were clear, it would still be better to wait for him to act first rather than to attack him; in the former case, they would be justified in the eyes of the other princes of Italy as well as in their own view, but if they were to strike the first blow, public opinion would favor him just as much as them. Furthermore, they could not confidently seek help as attackers, unlike if they were defending themselves, and people tend to defend themselves more vigorously when they are being attacked. The proponents of war thought it wrong to wait for the enemy in their homes, believing it better to go and confront him; that fortune always favors those who attack rather than those who only defend, and that it is less damaging, even if it results in greater immediate costs, to wage war on someone else's doorstep than on one’s own. These opinions prevailed, and it was decided that the ten would do everything in their power to rescue Furli from the duke’s control.
Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places he had undertaken to defend, postponed all personal considerations, and sent Agnolo della Pergola with a strong force against Imola, that Ludovico, having to provide for the defense of his own possessions, might be unable to protect the interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imola while the forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intense frost having rendered the ditches of the city passable, he crossed them during the night, captured the place, and sent Lodovico a prisoner to Milan. The Florentines finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and the war publicly known, sent their forces to Furli and besieged it on all sides. That the duke's people might not relieve it, they hired Count Alberigo, who from Zagonara, his own domain, overran the country daily, up to the gates of Imola. Agnolo della Pergola, finding the strong position which the Florentines had taken prevented him from relieving Furli, determined to attempt the capture of Zagonara, thinking they would not allow that place to be lost, and that in the endeavor to relieve it they would be compelled to give up their design against Furli, and come to an engagement under great disadvantage. Thus the duke's people compelled Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained on condition of giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve him within fifteen days. This misfortune being known in the Florentine camp and in the city, and all being anxious that the enemy should not obtain the expected advantage, they enabled him to secure a greater; for having abandoned the siege of Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, on encountering the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the bravery of their adversaries as by the severity of the season; for, having marched many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemy quite fresh, and were therefore easily vanquished. Nevertheless, in this great defeat, famous throughout all Italy, no death occurred except those of Lodovico degli Obizi and two of his people, who having fallen from their horses were drowned in the morass.
Filippo, seeing that the Florentines were determined to take the places he was supposed to defend, set aside all personal concerns and sent Agnolo della Pergola with a strong force to attack Imola. This would keep Ludovico occupied with defending his own lands and unable to protect his grandson’s interests. Agnolo approached Imola while the Florentine forces were at Modigliana, and the intense frost made the city’s ditches passable. He crossed them during the night, captured the place, and sent Ludovico a prisoner to Milan. When the Florentines found Imola in enemy hands and the war became public knowledge, they dispatched their forces to Furli and besieged it from all sides. To prevent the duke's forces from relieving it, they hired Count Alberigo, who daily raided the area from his land in Zagonara up to Imola's gates. Agnolo della Pergola saw that the strong position the Florentines had taken kept him from relieving Furli, so he decided to try capturing Zagonara instead, thinking they wouldn't let that place fall and would have to abandon their plan against Furli, leading to a battle under unfavorable conditions. The duke’s people forced Alberigo to negotiate terms, which he secured on the condition that he would give up Zagonara if the Florentines did not come to his aid within fifteen days. Once this setback was known in the Florentine camp and city, and with everyone eager to prevent the enemy from gaining the anticipated advantage, they ended up giving him a greater one. After abandoning the siege of Furli to rush to Zagonara’s aid, they were quickly routed when they encountered the enemy—not so much due to the heroism of their foes but because of the harsh weather; having marched for hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemy fresh and were thus easily defeated. However, in this major defeat, which became famous throughout Italy, there were no deaths except for Lodovico degli Obizi and two of his men, who drowned in the swamp after falling from their horses.
CHAPTER II
The Florentines murmur against those who had been advocates of the war—Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens—Measures for the prosecution of the war—Attempt of the higher classes to deprive the plebeians of their share in the government—Rinaldo degli Albizzi addresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the Grandi—Niccolo da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de' Medici on their side—Giovanni disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi.
The people of Florence are complaining about those who supported the war—Rinaldo degli Albizzi is motivating the citizens—Steps are being taken to continue the war—The upper class is trying to take away the plebeians’ role in government—Rinaldo degli Albizzi speaks to a gathering of citizens and suggests bringing back the Grandi—Niccolo da Uzzano wants Giovanni de' Medici on their team—Giovanni disagrees with Rinaldo degli Albizzi’s advice.
The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation throughout Florence; but none felt it so severely as the nobility, who had been in favor of the war; for they perceived their enemies to be inspirited and themselves disarmed, without friends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners of streets insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complaining of the heavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying, "Oh! they appointed the ten to frighten the enemy. Have they relieved Furli, and rescued her from the hands of the duke? No! but their designs have been discovered; and what had they in view? not the defense of liberty; for they do not love her; but to aggrandize their own power, which God has very justly abated. This is not the only enterprise by many a one with which they have oppressed the city; for the war against King Ladislaus was of a similar kind. To whom will they flee for assistance now? to Pope Martin, whom they ridiculed before the face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanna, whom they abandoned, and compelled to throw herself under the protection of the king of Aragon?" To these reproaches was added all that might be expected from an enraged multitude.
The defeat at Zagonara caused panic all over Florence, but no one felt it more intensely than the nobility, who had supported the war. They saw their enemies feeling empowered while they themselves were left defenseless, without allies, and facing the public's wrath. People on street corners mocked them with sarcastic remarks, complaining about the heavy taxes and the pointless war, saying, "Oh! They appointed the ten to scare the enemy. Have they freed Furli and rescued her from the duke? No! Their plans have been exposed, and what were they really aiming for? Not to defend our freedom; they don't care about that. It's all about boosting their own power, which God has rightly diminished. This isn't the only scheme they've used to oppress the city; the war against King Ladislaus was just as questionable. Now, who will they turn to for help? Pope Martin, whom they mocked right in front of Braccio? Or Queen Giovanna, whom they abandoned and forced to seek protection from the king of Aragon?" Along with these accusations came everything you could expect from an angry crowd.
Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved to assemble a few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to soothe the popular irritation. On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest son of Maso, who, by his own talents and the respect he derived from the memory of his father, aspired to the first offices in the government, spoke at great length; showing that it is not right to judge of actions merely by their effects; for it often happens that what has been very maturely considered is attended with unfavorable results: that if we are to applaud evil counsels because they are sometimes followed by fortunate events, we should only encourage men in error which would bring great mischief upon the republic; because evil counsel is not always attended with happy consequences. In the same way, it would be wrong to blame a wise resolution, because if its being attended with an unfavorable issue; for by so doing, we should destroy the inclination of citizens to offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed the propriety of undertaking the war; and that if it had not been commenced by the Florentines in Romagna the duke would have assailed them in Tuscany. But since it had pleased God, that the Florentine people should be overcome, their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to be dejected; but if they set a bold front against adversity, and made good use of the means within their power, they would not be sensible of their loss or the duke of his victory. He assured them they ought not to be alarmed by impending expenses and consequent taxation; because the latter might be reduced, and the future expense would not be so great as the former had been; for less preparation is necessary for those engaged in self-defense than for those who design to attack others. He advised them to imitate the conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageous conduct in adverse circumstances, had defended themselves against all their enemies.
Seeing the widespread dissatisfaction, the Signory decided to gather a few citizens and use gentle words to calm the public unrest. On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest son of Maso, who, through his own abilities and the respect he earned from his father’s legacy, aimed for high government positions, spoke at length. He argued that it’s not right to judge actions solely by their outcomes; often, what has been carefully considered leads to unfavorable results. If we are to praise bad advice just because it sometimes leads to lucky outcomes, we would only encourage people to make mistakes that could harm the republic, as poor advice doesn’t always result in good consequences. Similarly, it would be unjust to criticize a wise decision simply because it didn’t work out; doing so would discourage citizens from giving advice and speaking the truth. He then explained the importance of going to war, stating that if the Florentines hadn’t started the conflict in Romagna, the duke would have attacked them in Tuscany. But since it had pleased God for the Florentine people to face defeat, their situation would be even worse if they allowed themselves to feel defeated. However, if they faced adversity with courage and made good use of their available resources, they wouldn’t feel the sting of their losses, nor would the duke savor his victory. He assured them they shouldn’t worry about upcoming expenses and taxes, as these could be minimized, and future costs wouldn’t be as high as the past. Less preparation is needed for those defending themselves than for those planning attacks. He encouraged them to follow the example of their ancestors, who had bravely defended themselves against all their enemies in tough times.
Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son of Braccio, and united with him, for directing the operations of the war, Niccolo Piccinino, a pupil of his father's, and one of the most celebrated of all who had served under him. To these they added other leaders, and remounted some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat. They also appointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding the great quite subdued by the recent loss, took courage and drained them without mercy.
Thus inspired, the citizens enlisted Count Oddo, the son of Braccio, and joined forces with him to lead the war efforts, along with Niccolo Piccinino, a student of his father's and one of the most renowned among all who had served under him. They brought in additional leaders and re-equipped some of those who had lost their horses in the recent defeat. They also assigned twenty citizens to collect new taxes, and seeing that the people were quite beaten down by the recent loss, they gathered funds without mercy.
These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at first, in order to conciliate, did not complain of their own particular hardships, but censured the tax generally as unjust, and advised that something should be done in the way of relief; but their advice was rejected in the Councils. Therefore, to render the law as offensive as possible, and to make all sensible of its injustice, they contrived that the taxes should be levied with the utmost rigor, and made it lawful to kill any that might resist the officers employed to collect them. Hence followed many lamentable collisions, attended with the blood and death of citizens. It began to be the impression of all, that arms would be resorted to, and all prudent persons apprehended some approaching evil; for the higher ranks, accustomed to be treated with respect, could not endure to be used like dogs; and the rest were desirous that the taxation should be equalized. In consequence of this state of things, many of the first citizens met together, and it was resolved that it had become necessary for their safety, that some attempt should be made to recover the government; since their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censure public actions, and allowed those to interfere in affairs who had hitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble. Having repeatedly discussed the subject, they resolved to meet again at an appointed hour, when upwards of seventy citizens assembled in the church of St. Stephen, with the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both members of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not among them either because being under suspicion he was not invited or that entertaining different views he was unwilling to interfere.
These burdens were really heavy for the nobility, who initially, in an effort to get along, didn’t complain about their own specific struggles but criticized the tax as unfair overall and suggested that something should be done to alleviate the situation. However, their suggestions were rejected in the Councils. So, to make the law as harsh as possible and highlight its injustice, they arranged for the taxes to be collected with extreme severity, and made it legal to kill anyone who resisted the officers sent to collect them. This led to many tragic confrontations, resulting in the bloodshed and deaths of citizens. It soon became clear to everyone that armed conflict was likely, and all sensible people sensed imminent danger; the higher classes, used to being treated with respect, could not stand being treated like animals, while the rest wanted the tax system to be fairer. As a result of this situation, many prominent citizens gathered and decided that it was necessary for their safety to make an effort to regain control of the government, as their lack of vigilance had encouraged criticism of public actions and allowed those who had previously been merely leaders of the mob to interfere in important matters. After discussing the issue multiple times, they decided to meet again at a scheduled time, when over seventy citizens gathered in the church of St. Stephen, with the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both members of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not present, either because he wasn’t invited due to suspicion or because he held different views and didn't want to get involved.
Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the condition of the city, and showing how by their own negligence it had again fallen under the power of the plebeians, from whom it had been wrested by their fathers in 1381. He reminded them of the iniquity of the government which was in power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then present had to lament, some a father, others a grandfather, put to death by its tyranny. He assured them they were now in the same danger, and that the city was sinking under the same disorders. The multitude had already imposed a tax of its own authority; and would soon, if not restrained by greater force or better regulations, appoint the magistrates, who, in this case, would occupy their places, and overturn the government which for forty-two years had ruled the city with so much glory; the citizens would then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live disorderly and dangerous, or be under the command of some individual who might make himself prince. For these reasons he was of opinion, that whoever loved his country and his honor must arouse himself, and call to mind the virtue of Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued the city from the dangers then impending; and that the cause of the audacity now assumed by the multitude was the extensive Squittini or Pollings, which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made; for thus the palace had become filled with low men. He therefore concluded, that the only means of remedying the evil was to restore the government to the nobility, and diminish the authority of the minor trades by reducing the companies from fourteen to seven, which would give the plebeians less authority in the Councils, both by the reduction in their number and by increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of former enmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He added, that it is a good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according to the times; and that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce the influence of the great, that now, the great having been humbled, and the plebeians become insolent, it was well to restrain the insolence of the latter by the assistance of the former. To effect this they might proceed either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to the Council of Ten, forces might be led into the city without exciting observation.
Rinaldo degli Albizzi spoke to the assembly, outlining the state of the city and highlighting how it had once again fallen under the control of the common people due to their own neglect, after being taken back from them by their ancestors in 1381. He reminded them of the injustice of the government that was in power from 1378 to 1381, emphasizing that everyone present had reasons to mourn, with some having lost a father and others a grandfather to its tyranny. He warned them that they were now facing the same threats and that the city was deteriorating under similar chaos. The crowd had already imposed a tax on their own initiative; and soon, if not stopped by stronger force or better regulations, they would appoint magistrates who would replace them and dismantle the government that had governed the city with such distinction for forty-two years. The citizens would then be at the mercy of the masses, living in disorder and danger, or ruled by an individual who might declare himself a prince. For these reasons, he believed that anyone who truly cared for their country and honor needed to wake up and remember the bravery of Bardo Mancini, who, by bringing down the Alberti, saved the city from imminent peril; and that the root cause of the newfound boldness of the masses was the widespread Squittini or Pollings that, due to their negligence, had been allowed to flourish; this had filled the palace with lowly individuals. He concluded that the only way to fix this issue was to restore power to the nobility and to limit the influence of the common trades by reducing the number of companies from fourteen to seven, which would lessen the common people's power in the Councils and strengthen the great, who, because of past rivalries, would be less likely to support them. He added that it’s beneficial to know how to use people according to the situation; just as their ancestors had employed the common people to weaken the influence of the elite, now that the elite had been subdued and the commoners had become arrogant, it was wise to curb the latter's arrogance with the help of the former. To achieve this, they could act either openly or covertly, since some of them were part of the Council of Ten, allowing them to bring forces into the city without drawing attention.
Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved of by the whole assembly. Niccolo da Uzzano who, among others, replied to it, said, "All that Rinaldo had advanced was correct, and the remedies he proposed good and certain, if they could be adopted without an absolute division of the city; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they could induce Giovanni de' Medici to join them; for with him on their side, the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay, would be unable to oppose them; but that if he did not concur with them they could do nothing without arms, and that with them they would incur the risk of being vanquished, or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory." He then modestly reminded them of what he had said upon a former occasion, and of their reluctance to remedy the evil when it might easily have been done; that now the same remedy could not be attempted without incurring the danger of greater evils, and therefore there was nothing left for them to do but to gain him over to their side, if practicable. Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni and try if he could induce him to join them.
Rinaldo received a lot of applause, and everyone in the assembly approved his advice. Niccolo da Uzzano, among others, responded, saying, "Everything Rinaldo proposed is correct, and the solutions he suggested are good and reliable, as long as we can implement them without completely dividing the city; and I am sure this can be achieved if we can get Giovanni de' Medici on our side; because without their leader, the crowd would be unable to resist us. However, if he refuses to join us, we can't do anything without arms, and using them puts us at risk of being defeated, or of not being able to enjoy the benefits of victory." He then humbly reminded them of what he had said before and their earlier hesitation to fix the problem when it could have been easily resolved; that now, attempting the same solution would come with the risk of facing even bigger issues, so they had no choice but to try to win him over to their side if possible. Rinaldo was then chosen to approach Giovanni and see if he could persuade him to join them.
He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing words he could make use of endeavored to induce him to coincide with their views; and begged that he would not by favoring an audacious mob, enable them to complete the ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovanni replied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen to avoid altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed; there being nothing so injurious to the people as such a change; for many are necessarily offended, and where there are several discontented, some unpropitious event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared to him that their resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects; the one conferring honors on those who, having never possessed them, esteemed them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grieve for their absence; the other taking them from those who being accustomed to their possession would never be at rest till they were restored to them. It would thus be evident that the injury done to one party, was greater than the benefit they had conferred upon the other; so that whoever was the author of the proposition, he would gain few friends and make many enemies, and that the latter would be more resolutely bent on injuring him than the former would be zealous for his defense, for mankind are naturally more disposed to revenge than to gratitude, as if the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience to themselves, while the former brings alike gratification and profit. Then, directing his discourse more particularly to Rinaldo, he said, "And you, if you could call to mind past events, and knew how craftily affairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in this pursuit; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has wrested the power from the people, will, with the people's assistance, who will have become your enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you as to Benedetto Alberti, who, at the persuasion of those who were not his friends, consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and shortly afterward was himself sent into exile by the very same men." He therefore advised Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things, and endeavor to imitate his father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all, reduced the price of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under half a florin should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought proper, and that at the meeting of the Councils every one should be free from the importunities of his creditors. He concluded by saying, that as regarded himself, he was disposed to let the government of the city remain as it was.
He took on this task and, using the strongest words he could find, tried to convince him to agree with their views. He urged him not to support a reckless mob that would lead to the destruction of both the government and the city. Giovanni responded that he believed a good and wise citizen should avoid changing the institutions a city is used to, as such changes can harm the people. Many will inevitably be upset, and where there is discontent, bad events are always a threat. He argued that their decision would have two harmful effects: one, it would give honors to people who had never had them, making them value those honors less and causing them to feel less distressed by their lack; the other, it would take honors away from those used to having them, leaving them restless until they are restored. It would be clear that the harm done to one group outweighed the benefit given to another; thus, whoever proposed it would gain few friends and make many enemies, and those enemies would be more determined to hurt him than his friends would be to defend him, as people are naturally more inclined toward revenge than gratitude, since gratitude often involves some self-sacrifice, while revenge brings both satisfaction and gain. Then, turning his attention specifically to Rinaldo, he said, "And you, if you could remember past events and understood how cleverly things are run in this city, wouldn't be so eager for this pursuit; the one who advises it, once he has taken power from the people with your help, will, with the people—who will then be your enemies—take it away from you. You will end up like Benedetto Alberti, who, after being persuaded by those who weren't his friends, agreed to the downfall of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, only to be exiled shortly afterward by those same men." He advised Rinaldo to think more carefully about these matters and to follow the example of his father, who, in order to gain everyone's goodwill, lowered the price of salt and allowed anyone whose owed taxes were under half a florin to decide whether to pay them. He also ensured that during the Council meetings, everyone would be free from pressure from their creditors. He concluded by saying that, as far as he was concerned, he preferred to let the city's government stay as it was.
CHAPTER III
Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favor of the people—Bravery of Biaggio del Melano—Baseness of Zanobi del Pino—The Florentines obtain the friendship of the lord of Faenza—League of the Florentines with the Venetians—Origin of the Catasto—The rich citizens discontented with it—Peace with the duke of Milan—New disturbances on account of the Catasto.
Giovanni de' Medici gains the people's favor—The bravery of Biaggio del Melano—The low behavior of Zanobi del Pino—The Florentines secure the friendship of the lord of Faenza—The alliance of the Florentines with the Venetians—The origin of the Catasto—The wealthy citizens are unhappy with it—Peace with the duke of Milan—New tensions due to the Catasto.
These events, and the circumstances attending them, becoming known to the people, contributed greatly to increase the reputation of Giovanni, and brought odium on those who had made the proposals; but he assumed an appearance of indifference, in order to give less encouragement to those who by his influence were desirous of change. In his discourse he intimated to every one that it is not desirable to promote factions, but rather to extinguish them; and that whatever might be expected of him, he only sought the union of the city. This, however, gave offense to many of his party; for they would have rather seen him exhibit greater activity. Among others so disposed, was Alamanno de' Medici, who being of a restless disposition, never ceased exciting him to persecute enemies and favor friends; condemning his coldness and slow method of proceeding, which he said was the cause of his enemies' practicing against him, and that these practices would one day effect the ruin of himself and his friends. He endeavored to excite Cosmo, his son, with similar discourses; but Giovanni, for all that was either disclosed or foretold him, remained unmoved, although parties were now declared, and the city in manifest disunion.
These events, along with the circumstances surrounding them, became known to the people and significantly boosted Giovanni's reputation while casting shame on those who had made the proposals. However, he put on a facade of indifference to discourage those who wanted change because of his influence. In his talks, he hinted to everyone that promoting factions was undesirable and that he aimed to unite the city instead. This, however, upset many in his party, who would have preferred to see him take more action. Among those unhappy was Alamanno de' Medici, who, being restless by nature, constantly pushed him to go after his enemies and support his friends. He criticized Giovanni's cool demeanor and slow approach, claiming it allowed his enemies to scheme against him, which would eventually lead to the downfall of himself and his allies. Alamanno also tried to stir up Cosmo, his son, with similar arguments, but Giovanni remained unfazed despite the obvious divisions and unrest in the city.
There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, two chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored the party of Niccolo da Uzzano, the former that of Giovanni; and Rinaldo, seeing Giovanni unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable to deprive Ser Martino of his office, that he might have the palace more completely under his control. The design becoming known to his adversaries, Ser Martino was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to the great injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party. This circumstance would soon have produced most mischievous effects, but for the war with which the city was threatened, and the recent defeat suffered at Zagonara, which served to check the audacity of the people; for while these events were in progress at Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, with the forces of the duke, had taken all the towns and cities possessed by the Florentines in Romagna, except Castracaro and Modigliano; partly from the weakness of the places themselves, and partly by the misconduct of those who had the command of them. In the course of the campaign, two instances occurred which served to show how greatly courage is admired even in enemies, and how much cowardice and pusillanimity are despised.
At the palace, working for the Signory, were two chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter supported Niccolo da Uzzano, while the former backed Giovanni. Rinaldo, noticing Giovanni's reluctance to join them, decided it would be wise to remove Ser Martino from his position so he could have greater control over the palace. Once this plan became known to his opponents, Ser Martino was retained, and Ser Pagolo was let go, resulting in significant harm and frustration for Rinaldo and his faction. This situation could have led to serious consequences, but for the war threatening the city and the recent defeat at Zagonara, which helped to curb the boldness of the people. While these events unfolded in Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, with the duke's forces, had captured all the towns and cities held by the Florentines in Romagna, except for Castracaro and Modigliano; this was due in part to the weakness of those locations and in part to the poor leadership of those in charge. During the campaign, there were two notable instances that demonstrated how much courage is respected even among enemies, and how greatly cowardice and weakness are looked down upon.
Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso. Being surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place, which was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part which was not yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little children, saying to the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has bestowed upon me, and of which you may deprive me; but those of the mind, in which my honor and glory consist, I will not give up, neither can you wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to save the children, and placed for their father ropes and ladders, by which to save himself, but he would not use them, and rather chose to die in the flames than owe his safety to the enemies of his country: an example worthy of that much lauded antiquity, which offers nothing to surpass it, and which we admire the more from the rarity of any similar occurrence. Whatever could be recovered from the ruins, was restored for the use of the children, and carefully conveyed to their friends; nor was the republic less grateful; for as long as they lived, they were supported at her charge.
Biaggio del Melano was the governor of the fortress of Monte Petroso. Surrounded by enemies and seeing no chance of saving the already burning place, he threw clothes and straw from a part that wasn’t on fire, and onto these, he placed his two young children, saying to the enemy, "Take what you can from me that fate has granted, and which you can take away; but the treasures of my mind, where my honor and glory lie, I will not surrender, nor can you take them from me." The besiegers rushed to save the children and provided ropes and ladders for their father to escape, but he refused to use them, choosing instead to die in the flames rather than owe his safety to the enemies of his country—a striking example worthy of the highly praised past, which offers nothing better, and which we admire even more because such occurrences are rare. Anything that could be salvaged from the ruins was returned for the children’s use and carefully sent to their friends; the republic was equally grateful, for as long as they lived, they were supported at its expense.
An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave up the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills of Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and greater advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of this man, and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many reproaches, gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes, saying, that of a Guelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus fasting, he died in a few days.
An example of a contrasting character appeared in Galeata, where Zanobi del Pino was the governor; he surrendered the fortress to the enemy without putting up any resistance. Additionally, he advised Agnolo della Pergola to leave the Romagna Alps and head to the smaller hills of Tuscany, where he could conduct the war with less risk and more benefit. Agnolo couldn't stand the cowardly and dishonorable nature of this man, so he handed him over to his attendants, who, after scolding him extensively, only gave him paper painted with snakes to eat, claiming they would turn a Guelph into a Ghibelline. As a result, he starved and died in a few days.
At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di Lamona, with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the Florentines, or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of Agnolo della Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally strong, and its inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and Niccolo Piccinino sent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused the Florentines to obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would have failed to acquire by victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the lord of Faenza and his mother, that they became friends of the Florentines. By this treaty, Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but did not take the advice he had given others; for while in treaty with the city, concerning the terms of his engagement, either the conditions proposed were insufficient, or he found better elsewhere; for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he had been staying, passed into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke.
At this time, Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di Lamona with the intention of persuading the lord of Faenza to join the Florentines or at least to convince him to stop Agnolo della Pergola from invading Romagna. However, since this valley is naturally well-defended and its people are fierce, Count Oddo was killed there, and Niccolo Piccinino was captured and taken to Faenza. Surprisingly, the Florentines ended up gaining something from their loss that they might not have achieved through victory. Niccolo managed to win over the lord of Faenza and his mother, leading them to become allies of the Florentines. As part of this agreement, Niccolo Piccinino was released, but he didn't follow the advice he had given to others. While negotiating with the city about his terms, either the proposed conditions weren't good enough, or he found a better opportunity elsewhere. Suddenly, he left Arezzo, where he had been staying, moved into Lombardy, and joined the duke's service.
The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if allowed to aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them as to the Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt the same course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most distinguished warriors of those times, who had been in the service of the duke, and had afterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not knowing how far to trust him; for they thought his enmity with the duke was only feigned. While in this suspense, it was found that the duke, by means of a servant of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be given him in his food, which, although it was not fatal, reduced him to extremity. The truth being discovered, the Venetians laid aside their suspicion; and as the Florentines still solicited their assistance, a treaty was formed between the two powers, by which they agreed to carry on the war at the common expense of both: the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned to the Venetians; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and Carmignuola was appointed Captain General of the League. By this treaty the war was commenced in Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; for in a few months many places were taken from the duke, together with the city of Brescia, the capture of which was in those days considered a most brilliant exploit.
The Florentines, alarmed by this situation and worn down by their constant defeats, felt they couldn't continue the war on their own. They sent ambassadors to the Venetians, asking for their help to challenge the rising power of someone who, if allowed to grow stronger, would soon be just as much a threat to them as to the Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to support them by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the top warriors of the time, who had served the duke but later left his service. However, they were hesitant, unsure of how much they could trust him, believing that his rivalry with the duke might be just an act. While they were caught in this uncertainty, it was discovered that the duke had used one of Carmignuola’s servants to poison him, which, although not deadly, left him in serious condition. Once the truth came to light, the Venetians put aside their doubts, and as the Florentines continued to seek their support, a treaty was established between the two powers. They agreed to wage war together at their shared expense: the Venetians would claim conquests in Lombardy, while the Florentines would take those in Romagna and Tuscany. Carmignuola was appointed Captain General of the League. With this treaty, the conflict began in Lombardy, where it went very well; in just a few months, many locations were captured from the duke, including the city of Brescia, which was regarded at the time as a remarkable achievement.
The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time, that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their amelioration. That they might be equalized according to the means of each citizen, it was proposed that whoever possessed property of the value of one hundred florins should pay half a florin of taxes. Individual contribution would thus be determined by an invariable rule, and not left to the discretion of parties; and as it was found that the new method would press heavily upon the powerful classes, they used their utmost endeavors to prevent it from becoming law. Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself in favor of it, and by his means it was passed. In order to determine the amount each had to pay, it was necessary to consider his property in the aggregate, which the Florentines call accatastare, in which in this application of it would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this tax received the name of catasto. The new method of rating formed a powerful check to the tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppress the lower classes, or silence them with threats in the council as they had formerly done, and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to the wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is found men are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage only makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality of taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule should be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made to determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid less than their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality with those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been compelled to sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great more than the Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly decried it, declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid not only on immovable but movable property, which people possess to-day and lose to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which the Catasto cannot reach; that those who leave their own affairs to manage those of the republic should be less burdened by her, it being enough for them to give their labour, and that it was unjust of the city to take both their property and their time, while of others she only took money. The advocates of the Catasto replied, that if movable property varies, the taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it would remedy the evil to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary to mention those who possessed hidden property; for it would be unreasonable to take taxes for that which produced no interest, and that if it paid anything, it could not fail to be discovered: that those who did not like to labor for the republic might cease to do so; for no doubt she would find plenty of loving citizens who would take pleasure in assisting her with both money and counsel: that the advantages and honors of a participation in the government are so great, that of themselves they are a sufficient remuneration to those who thus employ themselves, without wishing to be excused from paying their share of taxes. But, they added, the real grievance had not been mentioned: for those who were offended with the Catasto, regretted they could no longer involve the city in all the difficulties of war without injury to themselves, now that they had to contribute like the rest; and that if this law had then been in force they would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus, or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had been not through necessity, but to impoverish the citizens. The excitement was appeased by Giovanni de' Medici, who said, "It is not well to go into things so long past, unless to learn something for our present guidance; and if in former times the taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that we have now discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that this will be the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them; which would certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of taxes for the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he who is content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for those who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no longer contemplated.
The war lasted from 1422 to 1427, and the people of Florence were so exhausted by the taxes imposed during that time that they decided to revise them in preparation for improvement. To ensure that the taxes were fair based on each citizen's means, it was proposed that anyone who owned property worth one hundred florins would pay half a florin in taxes. Individual contributions would thus be determined by a fixed rule rather than left to individual judgment; however, since this new method would burden the wealthy classes, they did everything they could to block it from becoming law. Giovanni de' Medici was the only one who supported it, and thanks to him, it was approved. To figure out how much each person had to pay, they needed to assess their overall property, which the Florentines call accatastare, meaning TO RATE or VALUE, and thus this tax was named catasto. The new rating system effectively curbed the oppression of the powerful, allowing the lower classes to no longer be silenced by threats in council as they had been before, which brought general satisfaction, though it was extremely offensive to the wealthy. But since people are never truly satisfied and gaining one advantage only makes them want more, the citizens, not content with the equality of taxation established by the new law, demanded that the same rule be applied retroactively; they wanted an investigation to determine how much less the rich had contributed compared to their fair share, and insisted that they should now pay to match those who had been forced to sell their possessions to meet unjust demands. This proposal alarmed the wealthy more than the Catasto had; in defense, they continuously condemned it, claiming it was deeply unjust to tax not only real estate but also movable property, which one might own today and lose tomorrow; that many people had hidden wealth that the Catasto couldn’t reach; that those who handled the republic’s affairs should be less burdened, as their labor was already a contribution; and that it was unfair for the city to take both their property and their time, while only demanding money from others. Advocates of the Catasto responded that if movable property fluctuates, taxes would, too, and frequent assessments would address the issues it faced; that it was unnecessary to mention hidden wealth, as taxing something that generates no income would be unreasonable, and any taxable asset would inevitably be found; that those unwilling to work for the republic were free to stop, for surely there were plenty of devoted citizens ready to assist with both money and advice; that the benefits and honors of participating in government were so significant that they provided ample compensation for those who engaged in such service without expecting to be exempt from taxes. However, they added, the real issue was not addressed: those disgruntled by the Catasto regretted that they could no longer force the city into war without personal cost, now that they had to contribute like everyone else; and if this law had been in place before, they wouldn't have gone to war with King Ladislaus or Duke Filippo, both of which ventures had been unnecessary and aimed at bankrupting the citizens. Giovanni de' Medici calmed the situation by stating, "It’s not wise to dwell on things from the past unless we can learn something to inform our present; and if taxation was unfair before, we should be grateful that we’ve found a way to make it fair now, and hope that this will unite the citizens rather than divide them. Attempting to recover past taxes and equalize them with the present would certainly cause division; besides, he who is satisfied with a reasonable victory is usually the most successful; those who seek more than to win often end up losing." With these words, he quelled the unrest, and the idea of retroactive equalization was no longer considered.
The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length restored by means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the first disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms, and meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this defeat the duke again made proposals for peace, to which the Florentines and Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the Venetians, thinking they had spent quite enough money in the aggrandizement of others; the latter, because they found Carmignuola, after the defeat of the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so that they thought it no longer safe to trust him. A treaty was therefore concluded in 1428, by which the Florentines recovered the places they had lost in Romagna; and the Venetians kept Brescia, to which the duke added Bergamo and the country around it. In this war the Florentines expended three millions and a half of ducats, extended the territory and power of the Venetians, and brought poverty and disunion upon themselves.
The war with the duke continued for a while, but eventually peace was restored through a papal legate. However, the duke ignored the conditions from the start, causing the alliance to take up arms again and defeating the enemy forces at Maclovio. After this defeat, the duke proposed peace again, which the Florentines and Venetians both agreed to; the Florentines were motivated by jealousy of the Venetians, feeling they had already spent too much on others' fortunes, while the Venetians were concerned that Carmignuola was not wholeheartedly committed to their cause after the duke's defeat, making them feel it was no longer safe to rely on him. A treaty was signed in 1428, allowing the Florentines to regain the territories they had lost in Romagna, while the Venetians retained Brescia, to which the duke added Bergamo and its surrounding areas. In this war, the Florentines spent three and a half million ducats, expanded the territory and power of the Venetians, and ended up in poverty and disarray.
Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced. The great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how to set it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to the measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy the tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over the property of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was concealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered to present a schedule of their property against a certain time. This was extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory to complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed eighteen of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out of regard for their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not proceed to any violence.
Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles started again. The prominent citizens couldn't stand the Catasto, and not knowing how to get rid of it, they tried to create more enemies of the tax so they could gain allies to help them overturn it. They therefore instructed the officers responsible for collecting the tax that the law required them to apply the Catasto to the property of their nearest neighbors, to check if any Florentine wealth was hidden there. The dependent states were ordered to submit a report of their property by a certain deadline. This was extremely upsetting to the people of Volterra, who complained to the Signory about it; however, the officers, in a fit of anger, threw eighteen of the complainants in jail. The people of Volterra, however, out of respect for their fellow townsmen who were arrested, refrained from any violence.
CHAPTER IV
Death of Giovanni de' Medici—His character—Insurrection of Volterra—Volterra returns to her allegiance—Niccolo Fortebraccio attacks the Lucchese—Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese war—War with Lucca—Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed commissaries—Violence of Astorre Gianni.
Death of Giovanni de' Medici—His character—Revolt in Volterra—Volterra pledges loyalty again—Niccolo Fortebraccio assaults the Lucchese—Different views on the Lucchese war—Conflict with Lucca—Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed as commissioners—Brutality of Astorre Gianni.
About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his last advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term which God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if you pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in Florence, and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment, as the recollection that I have never willfully offended anyone; but have always used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits upon all. I would have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in security, take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen think proper to bestow, thus you will escape both danger and envy; for it is not what is given to any individual, but what he has determined to possess, that occasions odium. You will thus have a larger share than those who endeavor to engross more than belongs to them; for they thus usually lose their own, and before they lose it, live in constant disquiet. By adopting this method, although among so many enemies, and surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintained my reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the same course, you will be attended by the same good fortune; if otherwise, you may be assured, your end will resemble that of those who in our own times have brought ruin both upon themselves and their families." Soon after this interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his many excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowing alms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the necessities of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He loved all; praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked. He never sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; and never went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned war; relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity; never applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the public wealth. He was courteous in office; not a man of great eloquence, but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanor expressed melancholy; but after a short time his conversation became pleasant and facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in good fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and respect he left behind him were not only preserved but increased by his son Cosmo.
Around this time, Giovanni de' Medici fell ill, and realizing his end was near, he called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him to share his final advice. He said, "I see that I've nearly reached the time God and nature set for my life, and I die at peace, knowing I leave you rich, healthy, and well-respected in society. If you follow the same path I have, you'll be respected in Florence and favored by everyone. Nothing comforts me more right now than the thought that I've never intentionally harmed anyone and have always tried my best to help others. I want you to do the same. Regarding state matters, if you wish to live safely, take only what the laws and your fellow citizens deem fit for you. This way, you'll avoid danger and envy. The issue lies not in what someone is given, but in what they greedily desire, which brings about dislike. By doing this, you'll have more than those who try to hoard more than they deserve; they usually end up losing what they have and live in constant worry before they do. By taking this approach, amidst so many adversaries and conflicting interests, I have not just kept my reputation but have also grown my influence. If you follow this path, you’ll have similar good fortune; if not, you can be sure your fate will mirror that of those in our time who have led to their own ruin and that of their families." Shortly after this conversation with his sons, Giovanni passed away, mourned by everyone, as his many virtues warranted. He was compassionate, not only giving alms to those who asked but often helping the needy without being asked. He cared for everyone; he praised the good and sympathized with the flaws of the wicked. He never sought government honors but enjoyed them nonetheless, only going to the palace when invited. He valued peace and avoided war, aiding people in hard times and supporting them in good times; he never used public money for personal gain but contributed to the common good. He was courteous in his position; he wasn't an eloquent speaker but had remarkable wisdom. His demeanor often showed sadness, but after a short while, his conversations turned pleasant and lighthearted. He died very wealthy, not just in money but even more so in reputation and good wishes from people; and the wealth and respect he left were both preserved and increased by his son Cosmo.
The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain their liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines. Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the new Priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was one named Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class, and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being inflamed with hatred against the Florentines on account of his public as well as personal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a man of noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce the people, by the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to withdraw their country from the power of the Florentines, and make himself prince. Prompted by these motives, Giusto took arms, rode through the city, seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines, and with the consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. This circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but having just made peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet uninfringed on either side, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place; and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon the expedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentines would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter refused, alleging her alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to regain the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lost in the war with the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not only refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to Florence.
The Volterran ambassadors grew tired of being imprisoned and promised to obey the Florentines in exchange for their freedom. Once released and back in their city, it was time for the new Priors to take office, and among those selected was a man named Giusto, a commoner who held significant sway in his community and had previously been jailed in Florence. Fueled by his resentment towards the Florentines for both public and personal wrongs, he was further encouraged by Giovanni di Contugi, a nobleman and his fellow officeholder, to convince the people, using the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to break away from Florentine control and elevate himself to prince. Driven by these motivations, Giusto armed himself, rode through the city, and seized the Capitano, who represented the Florentine authority there, and with the people's approval, became the lord of Volterra. This upset the Florentines greatly; however, having just made peace with the duke, and with no breaches in the treaty on either side, they thought they could retake the city. To seize the moment, they quickly appointed Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi as commissioners and sent them on the mission. Meanwhile, Giusto, anticipating an attack from the Florentines, sought help from Lucca and Sienna. The latter declined, citing its alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, hoping to regain favor with the Florentines after losing it during the conflict with the duke and his friendship with Filippo, not only denied assistance to Giusto but also sent his messenger back to Florence as a prisoner.
The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled their cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val d'Arno Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto did not yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the city and the ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his defense.
The commissaries, aiming to surprise the Volterrani, gathered their cavalry and mustered a solid group of infantry from the Lower Val d'Arno and the surrounding areas near Pisa, then headed to Volterra. Even though he was under attack from the Florentines and deserted by his neighbors, Giusto didn't give in to fear; instead, he relied on the city's fortifications and the harsh terrain around it to prepare for defense.
There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidential friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come to the relief of their necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto of the Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might be sure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain all its ancient privileges. Having gained them over, they went to the palace in which Giusto resided; and while part of them remained below, Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber above, where finding him with some citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous to communicate something of importance, and conversing on different subjects, let him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with their swords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto from making use of his own weapon; for with it he seriously wounded two of them; but being unable to resist so many, he was at last slain, and his body thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party gave up the city to the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with their forces, immediately took possession; but the condition of Volterra was worse than before; for among other things which operated to her disadvantage, most of the adjoining countryside was separated from her, and she was reduced to the rank of a vicariate.
There lived in Volterra a man named Arcolano, brother of Giovanni Contugi, who had convinced Giusto to take command. He had influence among the nobility and, after gathering a few of his closest friends, told them that this event was a sign from God to help their situation. He suggested that if they took up arms, removed Giusto from power, and surrendered the city to the Florentines, they could secure key positions and maintain all its historical privileges. Once he won them over, they went to the palace where Giusto lived. While some stayed downstairs, Arcolano and three others went to the upper room, where they found him with some citizens. They pulled him aside as if they had something important to discuss, and after talking about various topics, they led him to the lower level and attacked him with their swords. However, they were not quick enough to stop Giusto from defending himself; he seriously wounded two of them. But, outnumbered, he was ultimately killed, and his body was thrown into the street. Arcolano and his group surrendered the city to the Florentine commissioners, who were nearby with their forces and immediately took control. However, Volterra's situation became worse than before, as many areas of the surrounding countryside were taken away, reducing it to the status of a vicariate.
Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, present circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion a new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service of the Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. Upon the restoration of peace he was discharged; but when the affair of Volterra took place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, the commissaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. Some thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along with him, he persuaded him, under one pretext or another, to attack the Lucchese, assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would consent to undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to the command. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to his quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or of his own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and as many infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered the inhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion having reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in parties throughout the city discussing the matter, and nearly all were in favor of an expedition against Lucca. Of the Grandees thus disposed, were the Medici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his own ambition and the expectation of being appointed to the command. Niccolo da Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war. It seems hardly credible that such contrary opinions should prevail, though at different times, in the same men and the same city, upon the subject of war; for the same citizens and people that, during the ten years of peace had incessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke Filippo, in defense of liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmost energy, insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if successful, would deprive that city of her liberty; while those who had been in favor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present; so much more ready are the multitude to covet the possessions of others than to preserve their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hope of acquisition than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter appear incredible till they are verified; and the pleasing anticipations of the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages are very problematical, or at best, remote. The people of Florence were inspired with hope, by the acquisitions which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and by letters received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for their deputies at Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission were given to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the whole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, be added, that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence, to complain of the attack made by Niccolo, and to entreat that the Signory would not make war against a neighbor, and a city that had always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who, a short time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, governor of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although he had been found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought the forgiveness mutual, he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of the danger he had incurred than of the lenity exercised toward him, on his arrival in Florence secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities; and these instigations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call the Council together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom the principal men of the city discussed the question.
Volterra had been lost and regained almost simultaneously, and the current situation didn’t present any major issues that would lead to a new war, if ambition didn’t spark one again. Niccolo Fortebraccio, the nephew of Braccio da Perugia, had served the Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. When peace was restored, he was let go, but during the incident in Volterra, while camped with his men at Fucecchio, the officials used him and his troops. Some believed that while Rinaldo led the expedition with him, he convinced Niccolo, under various pretexts, to attack the Lucchese, promising that if he did, the Florentines would support an attack against them and would appoint him as the commander. Once Volterra was reclaimed and Niccolo returned to Fucecchio, either at Rinaldo's urging or on his own, in November 1429, he took control of Ruoti and Compito, castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and the same number of infantry. He then moved into the plain and plundered the local residents extensively. Upon hearing about this raid, people from all walks of life gathered in groups across Florence to discuss the situation, and nearly everyone supported an expedition against Lucca. Among the prominent figures favoring this were the Medici and their supporters, as well as Rinaldo, either because he thought it would benefit the republic or due to his own ambition and hope of being appointed commander. Niccolo da Uzzano and his faction opposed the war. It seems unbelievable that such conflicting views could exist, although at different times, among the same people in the same city regarding war; for the same citizens who, during ten years of peace, had continuously criticized the war against Duke Filippo in defense of liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, passionately called for hostilities against Lucca, which, if successful, would strip that city of its freedom; while those who had supported a war against the duke were now against the current one. This illustrates how much more eager people are to covet the possessions of others rather than preserve their own, and how they are more easily swayed by the hope of gain than by the fear of loss. The ideas of the latter seem incredible until confirmed, while the optimistic expectations of the former are embraced as truths, even when the benefits are uncertain or, at best, distant. The people of Florence were filled with hope due to Niccolo Fortebraccio’s acquisitions and from letters received from their representatives near Lucca; their envoys at Vico and Pescia reported that if they were allowed to take over the castles that were ready to surrender, the entire region of Lucca would soon be secured. However, it should also be noted that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence to complain about Niccolo’s attack and to plead with the Signory not to wage war against a neighbor, a city that had always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who had recently been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, the governor of Lucca, for conspiring against him. Although he was found guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo believed that the forgiveness was mutual, he trusted him. Jacopo, more aware of the danger he had faced than of the mercy shown to him, upon arriving in Florence secretly encouraged the citizens to go to war; and these provocations, along with other hopes, led the Signory to convene the Council, where 498 citizens gathered, and the city's leaders discussed the matter.
Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition, was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from the acquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open to them by the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged in the affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon the facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage to one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor and former anxiety for the preservation of her liberty, and would either be surrendered to them by the people in order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant for fear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries done to the republic by the governor of Lucca; his malevolent disposition toward them; and their embarrassing situation with regard to him, if the pope or the duke were to make war upon them; and concluded that no enterprise was ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfect facility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its favor.
Among the first to speak to the assembly in support of the expedition was Rinaldo. He highlighted the benefits that would come from the acquisition and argued that since the Venetians and the duke had left it open to them, and considering that the pope was preoccupied with the issues in Naples and couldn’t interfere, the opportunity was ripe. He then pointed out how easy the expedition would be, noting that Lucca, now under the control of one of its own citizens, had lost its natural strength and its previous desire to maintain its freedom. Therefore, the people would either hand the city over to them to rid themselves of the tyrant or the tyrant would surrender out of fear of the people. He reminded everyone of the wrongs inflicted on the republic by the governor of Lucca, his hostile attitude towards them, and the tough position they would be in if the pope or the duke were to go to war against them. He concluded that no venture had ever been attempted by the people of Florence with such ease, clear benefits, or stronger justification.
In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florence never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more pregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going to attack a Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the Florentine people, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs into her bosom when they were expelled from their own country. That in the history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, of her having done an injury to the Florentines; and that if they had been injured by her enslavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and now by the present governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant. That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the people, he should have less scruple, but as this was impossible, he could not consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence should be plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to pay little or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would consider the matter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He thought that what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences might be esteemed useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise should be called advantageous in which the evils were certain and the utility doubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would be attended; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarm even a people that had long been in repose, much more one wearied, as they were, by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might be gained was the acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great; but the hazards were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion to render the conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to believe that the Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them to make the acquisition; for the former only consented in appearance, in order to avoid the semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with Florentine money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as regarded the duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new wars and expenses; for, being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might again assail them; and that if, after having undertaken it, their enterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them the fullest hope of victory, the duke would not want an opportunity of frustrating their labors, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops, and then sending them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He therefore advised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward the tyrant in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible; for there was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under the tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently managed, that city would soon get into such a condition that he could not retain it, and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall into their power. But he saw that his discourse did not please them, and that his words were unheeded; he would, however, predict this to them, that they were about to commence a war in which they would expend vast sums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of Lucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city, feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and hostile, and that in time she would become an obstacle to the greatness of their own republic.
In response to this, Niccolo da Uzzano said that the city of Florence had never embarked on a more unjust or dangerous project, or one more likely to bring about misfortune, than this. First of all, they were planning to attack a Guelph city that had always been friendly to the Florentine people and had often put itself at great risk to welcome the Guelphs when they were expelled from their own land. In the history of the past, there was no instance, while Lucca was free, of her ever having harmed the Florentines; if they had been hurt by her oppressors, like Castruccio before and now the current governor, the problem lay not with the city itself but with its tyrant. If they could confront the latter without harming the people, he would be less hesitant, but since that was impossible, he could not agree to let a city that had been friendly to Florence be robbed of its wealth. However, as it was common these days to pay little attention to fairness or injustice, he would consider the matter purely regarding Florence's benefit. He thought that while something that didn't likely lead to harmful results could be seen as beneficial, it was hard to see how a venture could be called advantageous when the negative outcomes were certain and the benefits uncertain. The definite downsides were the costs involved, which he anticipated would be substantial enough to alarm even a people used to peace, let alone one worn down by a long and costly war. The potential benefit was gaining Lucca, which he admitted was significant, but the risks were so enormous and unpredictable that he believed conquest would be nearly impossible. He couldn’t convince himself that the Venetians or Filippo would let them easily take control; the Venetians only pretended to agree to avoid appearing ungrateful after gaining so much territory with Florentine funding. As for the duke, he would be thrilled to see them caught up in new wars and expenses because, being worn out and defeated on all sides, he could strike at them again. Moreover, if they succeeded in their attempt on Lucca and seemed on the brink of victory, the duke would find ways to undermine their efforts, like secretly supporting the Lucchese with money or faking the disbandment of his troops before sending them in as if they were mercenaries. Therefore, he advised that they abandon the idea and deal with the tyrant in a way that would create as many enemies for him as possible; the best way to weaken Lucca was to let them remain under the tyrant’s rule, suffering and drained by him. If handled wisely, the city would soon reach a point where it could no longer be held, and being unable to govern itself, it would inevitably fall into their hands. But he noticed that they were not pleased with his words and disregarded him; still, he would warn them that they were about to start a war where they would spend vast sums, face significant internal dangers, and instead of dominating Lucca, they would free it from its tyrant, turning a once friendly, weak city into a free and hostile one, which in time would become a threat to the greatness of their own republic.
The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote, as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were against the enterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they appointed a Council of Ten for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines the places he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as their captain. The commissaries having arrived with the army in the country of the Lucchese, divided their forces; one part of which, under Astorre, extended itself along the plain, toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while Rinaldo, with the other division, took the direction of the hills, presuming that when the citizens found themselves deprived of the surrounding country, they would easily submit. The proceedings of the commissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy many places, but from the complaints made against them of mismanaging the operations of the war; and Astorre Gianni had certainly given very sufficient cause for the charges against him.
The question was debated on both sides, and they moved forward to vote, as usual. Only ninety-eight of the citizens present opposed the enterprise. With a decision in favor of war, they appointed a Council of Ten to manage it and hired soldiers, both cavalry and infantry. Astorre Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed as commissaries, and Niccolo Fortebraccio, who agreed to hand over the places he had taken to the Florentines, was contracted to lead the mission as their captain. Once the commissaries arrived with the army in the territory of the Lucchese, they split their forces; one part, led by Astorre, moved across the plain towards Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while Rinaldo, with the other group, headed towards the hills, thinking that the citizens would easily surrender when they saw themselves cut off from the surrounding areas. Unfortunately, the commissaries' actions were not successful—not because they failed to capture many places, but due to complaints about their management of the war. Astorre Gianni had definitely given enough reason for the accusations against him.
There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, called Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the commissary, presented themselves before him and begged he would receive them as faithful subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended to accept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to take possession of all the passes and strong positions of the valley, assembled the men in the principal church, took them all prisoners, and then caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole country, with the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction in favor of consecrated places, and violating the women, both married and single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not only the magistracy, but the whole city.
There is a fertile and populated valley near Pietrasanta, called Seravezza, whose residents, upon hearing about the commissary's arrival, came forward and asked him to accept them as loyal subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended to agree with their request but quickly ordered his troops to seize all the passes and strong points in the valley. He gathered the people in the main church, captured them all, and then had his men loot and destroy the entire area with extreme greed and brutality, showing no mercy even for sacred places, and assaulting women, both married and single. When this news reached Florence, it upset not just the magistracy but the entire city.
CHAPTER V
The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory—Complaints against Rinaldo degli Albizzi—The commissaries changed—Filippo Brunelleschi proposes to submerge the country about Lucca—Pagolo Guinigi asks assistance of the duke of Milan—The duke sends Francesco Sforza—Pagolo Guinigi expelled—The Florentines routed by the forces of the duke—The acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory—Conclusion of the war.
The people of Seravezza reach out to the Signory—Complaints against Rinaldo degli Albizzi—The commissioners are replaced—Filippo Brunelleschi suggests flooding the area around Lucca—Pagolo Guinigi seeks help from the duke of Milan—The duke sends Francesco Sforza—Pagolo Guinigi is expelled—The Florentines are defeated by the duke's forces—The Lucchese make gains after the victory—End of the war.
A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped the hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one in the streets with their miserable situation; and by the advice of those who, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being of the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to the Council of Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one of them spoke to the following effect: "We feel assured, magnificent lords, that we shall find credit and compassion from the Signory, when you learn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and in what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your ancient houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and has often proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted by the Ghibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves too, have always revered the name of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party. While the Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly submitted to their government; but when enslaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old friends to join the Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him more through force than good will. And God knows how often we have prayed, that we might have an opportunity of showing our attachment to our ancient party. But how blind are mankind in their wishes! That which we desired for our safety has proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that your ensigns were approaching, we hastened to meet your commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient lords; placed our valley, our persons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to his good faith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to support his cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing of the man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name; a more deadly pest, a more savage beast, a more horrid monster never was imagined in the human mind; for, having assembled us in our church under pretense of wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burned and destroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged every place, destroyed everything, violated the women, dishonored the virgins, and dragging them from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the brutality of his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people we merited such treatment, or if he had vanquished us armed in our defense, we should have less reason for complaint; we should have accused ourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogance had deservedly brought the calamity upon us; but after having freely presented ourselves to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with such unfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we might have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, and spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we did not wish to slander so just and pious a republic, with the baseness and perfidy of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known them before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate (though indeed they are insatiable), and with one-half of our property have saved the rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled to have recourse to you, and beg that you will succor the distresses of your subjects, that others may not be deterred by our example from submitting themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distress cannot prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of the wrath of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and his people betrayed in his bosom." Having said this they threw themselves on the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and their country might be restored to them; and that if the Signory could not give them back their honor, they would, at least, restore husbands to their wives, and children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affair having already been made known, and now by the living words of the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of the magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who being tried, was found guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of the inhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restored to them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were compensated for the rest.
A few people from the valley of Seravezza, having escaped from the commissary, came to Florence and told everyone in the streets about their miserable situation. Following the advice of those who either were outraged by his wickedness or belonged to the opposing party and wanted to punish the commissary, they went to the Council of Ten and requested a meeting. When this was granted, one of them spoke as follows: "We are confident, magnificent lords, that you will believe and sympathize with us when you hear how your commissary has taken control of our land and how he has treated us. Our valley, as the records of your noble houses clearly demonstrate, has always been Guelph, and has often been a safe haven for your citizens when they were persecuted by the Ghibellines. Our ancestors, along with us, have always respected the name of this great republic as the leader of our faction. While the Lucchese were Guelphs, we willingly accepted their rule; but when we were enslaved by the tyrant, who abandoned his old allies to join the Ghibelline side, we obeyed him more out of force than choice. And God knows how many times we prayed for the chance to show our loyalty to our old party. But how blind people are in their desires! What we hoped would protect us ended up leading to our destruction. As soon as we learned your banners were approaching, we rushed to welcome your commissary, not as an enemy, but as the representative of our ancient lords; we placed our valley, ourselves, and our fortunes in his hands, trusting he had, if not the heart of a Florentine, at least that of a decent man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to endure his cruelty, we must speak out. Your commissary has nothing of a man but his appearance, nor of a Florentine but his name; a greater scourge, a more savage beast, a more dreadful monster has never existed in the human mind; for, under the guise of wanting to talk with us, he gathered us in our church and took us prisoner. He then burned and devastated the entire valley, stole our belongings, laid waste to everywhere, destroyed everything, violated women, dishonored virgins, and pulled them from their mothers' arms to surrender them to the brutality of his soldiers. If we had deserved such treatment for any offense against the Florentine people, or if he had defeated us while we were armed in our defense, we would have had some justification for complaint; we would have blamed ourselves and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogance had justly caused this disaster; but after voluntarily coming to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with such cold-hearted savagery is more than we can bear. And although we could have filled Lombardy with complaints and accusations against this city, and spread the tale of our misfortunes throughout Italy, we did not want to sully such a just and virtuous republic with the treachery of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and greed, had we known them before our ruin was complete, we would have tried to satisfy (though they are indeed insatiable), and with half of our possessions, we could have saved the rest. But that opportunity is gone; we must turn to you and ask that you help relieve the suffering of your subjects, so that others are not discouraged from submitting to your authority by our example. And if our extreme suffering cannot persuade you to assist us, be moved by your fear of God’s wrath, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and his people betrayed in his care." After saying this, they threw themselves on the ground, crying out and pleading for their property and country to be returned to them; and that if the Signory could not restore their honor, they would at least bring husbands back to their wives and children back to their fathers. The horror of the situation, already known, and now directly stated by the victims, stirred the compassion of the magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who was tried, found guilty, and reprimanded. They sought the goods of the people of Seravezza; everything that could be recovered was returned to them, and as time and circumstances allowed, they were compensated for the rest.
Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried on the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own private emolument; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost all desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder the country, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and, not content with what his own satellites took, he purchased that of the soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he became a merchant. These calumnies coming to his ears, disturbed the temper of this proud but upright man, more than quite became his dignity. He was so exasperated against the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to Florence, and, presenting himself before the Council of Ten, he said that he well knew how difficult and dangerous a thing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided city, for the one listens to every report, the other pursues improper measures; they neglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appears doubtful; so that victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and if vanquished, universal condemnation is incurred; from one's own party through envy, and from enemies through hatred, persecution results. He confessed that the baseness of the present calumnies had conquered his patience and changed the temper of his mind; but he would say, he had never, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what appeared to him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates would in future be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the latter might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their country; that as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they ought at least to be protected from calumny; and that being citizens themselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations, they might easily conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed with slander. The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit, to soothe the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of the expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, instead of overrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca. As the weather had become extremely cold, the forces established themselves at Campannole, which seemed to the commissaries waste of time; and wishing to draw nearer the place, the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had insisted they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not hear of any excuse.
Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, saying he continued the war not for the benefit of the people of Florence, but for his own gain. As soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost all interest in capturing Lucca; it was enough for him to raid the area, fill his estates with livestock, and his home with spoils. Not satisfied with what his own followers took, he bought from the soldiers, turning himself from a commissary into a merchant. When these slanders reached him, they upset this proud yet honest man more than was fitting for his dignity. He became so angered at the citizens and the magistrates that without waiting for or asking permission, he returned to Florence and, standing before the Council of Ten, declared that he understood how challenging and dangerous it was to serve a rebellious population and a divided city, where one side listens to every rumor and the other pursues foolish actions. They ignore rewarding good behavior and instead criticize anything that seems questionable; thus, victories earn no applause, mistakes are blamed by all, and if defeated, there’s universal condemnation from one’s own side due to envy, and from foes due to hatred, leading to persecution. He admitted that the nasty calumnies currently against him had tested his patience and changed his mindset; however, he maintained that he had never shied away from doing what he believed was beneficial to the city out of fear of false accusations. Still, he hoped future magistrates would be quicker to defend their fellow citizens, so they would continue striving for their country's prosperity. Since it wasn't common in Florence to reward triumphs for success, they should at least be shielded from slander. Being citizens themselves, and always at risk of false accusations, they could easily understand how painful it is for an honest person to be weighed down by gossip. The Ten tried their best to ease his anger and entrusted the expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who instead of ravaging the countryside, moved closer to Lucca. As the weather turned extremely cold, the troops settled at Campannole, which the commissaries considered a waste of time; wanting to get closer to the city, the soldiers refused to comply, even though the Ten insisted they camp before the city and would not accept any excuses.
At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect, named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, and whose merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statue in marble was erected in the principal church, with an inscription underneath, which still bears testimony to those who read it, of his great talents. This man pointed out, that in consequence of the relative positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the wastes of the river might be made to inundate the surrounding country, and place the city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point appeared so clear, and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable, that the Ten were induced to make the experiment. The result, however, was quite contrary to their expectation, and produced the utmost disorder in the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised high embankments in the direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of the Serchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself, so that having first prevented the water from taking the course designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the plain, and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as they wished, to take a more remote position.
At that time, there lived in Florence a very distinguished architect named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, whose works filled our city, and whose talent was so remarkable that after his death, a marble statue was erected in the main church with an inscription beneath it that still testifies to his great abilities. This man pointed out that because of the relative positions of the Serchio River and the city of Lucca, the river's excess could flood the surrounding area and turn the city into a sort of lake. His reasoning seemed so clear, and the benefit to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable, that the Ten decided to try it out. However, the outcome was completely opposite to what they expected and caused huge chaos in the Florentine camp. The Lucchese built high embankments toward the ditch that our people had created to channel the Serchio's waters, and one night, they broke through the embankment of the ditch itself, preventing the water from following the architect's planned route. Instead, they made it overflow into the plain, forcing the Florentines to move to a more distant position rather than advancing on the city as they had hoped.
The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected, sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca, with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus closely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative of the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan, to request assistance from the duke; but finding him indisposed to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part of the people, to deliver their governor up to him and give him possession of the place; at the same time intimating, that if he did not immediately follow this advice, he would not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention of Pagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxious to obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting aside all other considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who was engaged in his service, to make a public request for permission to go to Naples; and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception, and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccacino Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrival of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to Librafatta, and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any better motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended by Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it would have been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a Buggiano which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same neighborhood.
The plan failed, so the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected, sent Giovanni Guicciardini as a representative. He set up camp outside Lucca as quickly as possible. Pagolo Guinigi, feeling the pressure, was advised by Antonio del Rosso, who was then the Siennese representative in Lucca, to send Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to Milan to ask for help from the duke. However, when they found the duke unwilling to help, they secretly promised on behalf of the people to hand over their governor and give him control of the city. They warned that if he didn't act on this advice immediately, he wouldn't have another chance since Pagolo intended to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were eager to take it. This idea alarmed the duke so much that he set aside all other matters and had Count Francesco Sforza, who was in his service, publicly ask for permission to go to Naples. Once he got that, he moved his forces directly to Lucca, even though the Florentines, realizing the plot and fearing the outcome, sent Boccacino Alamanni, a friend of the count's, to thwart this plan. When the count arrived in Lucca, the Florentines relocated their camp to Librafatta, and the count went straight to Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto was the lieutenant governor. Driven more by fear than anything else, he fled to Pistoia. If it hadn't been for Giovanni Malavolti, who was in command and defended the place, it would have been lost. After failing in his attempt, the count went to Borgo a Buggiano, which he captured, and he burned the castle of Stigliano nearby.
The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must have recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is insufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count a large sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and give it up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had from Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreed with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he could not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on condition of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this agreement, to induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he consented that they should expel their tyrant.
The Florentines, learning about these disasters, realized they needed to use the same strategies that had helped them in the past. Understanding that with mercenary soldiers, when force isn't enough, bribery often works, they offered the count a large sum of money if he would leave the city and hand it over to them. The count, seeing that he couldn't get any more money from Lucca, decided to take it from those who could afford it and reached an agreement with the Florentines. He wouldn't hand over Lucca, as he couldn't agree to that for the sake of his reputation, but he would withdraw his troops and abandon the city in exchange for fifty thousand ducats. To persuade the Lucchese to make excuses to the duke on his behalf, he agreed to let them remove their tyrant.
Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin of Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo. The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in search of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but were resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the keys of the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, but the keys and himself were in their power; he only begged that as his command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might conclude in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo and his son to the duke, and they afterward died in prison.
Antonio del Rosso, as we mentioned earlier, was the Siennese ambassador in Lucca, and with the count's approval, he orchestrated the downfall of Pagolo Guinigi. The main conspirators were Pierro Cennami and Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count lived by the Serchio River, not far from the city, accompanied by Lanzilao, Pagolo's son. The conspirators, around forty of them, went out armed at night looking for Pagolo, who, upon hearing their commotion, approached them, surprised, and asked why they were there. Piero Cennami replied that they had long been ruled by him, led into battle against their enemies, facing death by either hunger or the sword, but they were now determined to govern themselves and demanded the keys to the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was gone, but the keys and himself were in their hands; he only asked that since his rule had begun and continued without violence, it should end the same way. Count Francesco took Pagolo and his son to the duke, and they later died in prison.
The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared for her defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese so closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of the duke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as he previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle ensued, in which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his men escaping to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as the enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation of the great body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault with, and therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the management of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They were, however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any other, declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to the war at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed with money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had been intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered. These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that the captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed by the party opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared, though full of indignation. However his friends, from regard to their own character, adopted such a course with the Capitano as induced him to abandon the inquiry.
The count's departure freed Lucca from her tyrant and the Florentines from their fear of his soldiers. Lucca prepared for defense while the Florentines resumed the siege. They appointed the count of Urbino to lead their forces, and he pressured the Lucchese so intensely that they had to ask for the duke's help again, who sent Niccolo Piccinino under the same pretense as before with Count Francesco. The Florentine troops confronted him on his way to Lucca, and a battle broke out at the Serchio crossing, where the Florentines were defeated, with the commissary and a few men escaping to Pisa. This loss terrified the Florentines, and since the whole undertaking had been supported by the majority of the people, they didn’t know who to blame. Consequently, they vented their frustration on those in charge of the war, reviving accusations against Rinaldo. However, they were especially harsh on Giovanni Guicciardini, claiming that if he had wanted to, he could have ended the war after Count Francesco left, but he had been bribed because he sent a large amount of money home, naming the person entrusted to deliver it and the recipients. These complaints escalated to the point where the captain of the people, swayed by public opinion and pressured by anti-war factions, called him to trial. Giovanni showed up, although he was furious. However, his friends, concerned about their own reputations, took actions with the Capitano that led him to drop the inquiry.
After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that had belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except Beintina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a conspiracy been discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on the other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a greater power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the Siennese, and the governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the defense of Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their forces. Having by this step declared his design, the Venetians and the Florentines renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany and Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought with variety of fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to terms for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this arrangement the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied many fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each party resumed its original possessions.
After this victory, the Lucchese not only took back the areas that had belonged to them but also occupied all of Pisa's territory except Beintina, Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; if a conspiracy that had formed in Pisa hadn't been discovered, they would have secured that city too. The Florentines prepared for battle once again, appointing Micheletto, a student of Sforza, as their leader. The duke, on the other hand, built on this victory by encouraging the Genoese, the Siennese, and the governor of Piombino to join a coalition for the defense of Lucca and to hire Niccolo Piccinino to lead their forces. With this move, the Venetians and the Florentines renewed their alliance, and the war escalated openly in Tuscany and Lombardy, where several battles were fought with mixed results. Eventually, both sides, exhausted, agreed to cease hostilities in May 1433. Through this arrangement, the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied several fortresses belonging to one another, returned them all, and each group reclaimed its original territories.
CHAPTER VI
Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings—The greatness of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens—The opinion of Niccolo da Uzzano—Scandalous divisions of the Florentines—Death of Niccolo da Uzzano—Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures against Cosmo—Cosmo arrested in the palace—He is apprehensive of attempts against his life.
Cosmo de' Medici, his character and way of doing things—The greatness of Cosmo stirs jealousy among the citizens—The viewpoint of Niccolo da Uzzano—Scandalous divisions among the Florentines—Death of Niccolo da Uzzano—Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, takes actions against Cosmo—Cosmo is arrested in the palace—He fears for his life.
During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constant activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that those who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likely to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo was one of the most prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor, extremely liberal and humane. He never attempted anything against parties, or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the unwearied generosity of his disposition, made himself partisans of all ranks of the citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties of those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by its pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected and as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his adversaries compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favor of his friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo de' Medici and Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his power; the former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence and sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed the advice of wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party was rather distinguished by the name of Puccio than by his own.
During the war, the city's negative influences were constantly at play. Cosmo de' Medici, after Giovanni's death, became more involved in public affairs and acted with more enthusiasm and confidence towards his friends than his father had, making those who celebrated Giovanni’s death realize they had no reason to rejoice. Cosmo was one of the most sensible individuals; he had a serious yet polite demeanor and was extremely generous and compassionate. He never took action against factions or leaders, but treated everyone generously, earning the support of citizens across all social classes. This approach made things more difficult for those in power, and Cosmo hoped that by pursuing it, he could live in Florence as respected and secure as any other citizen; and if his rivals’ ambitions forced him to change his strategy, he could rely on arms and the support of his friends to become even more powerful. Averardo de' Medici and Puccio Pucci played key roles in his rise to power; the former with his boldness and the latter with his exceptional wisdom and insight helped boost his status. In fact, Puccio’s wise counsel was so highly regarded that Cosmo’s faction was often referred to more by Puccio’s name than his own.
By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased. Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the adverse faction were sent to assist in the management, as being men of greater influence in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being unable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate them; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were many), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never supposed to be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. This disposition aggravated the offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited the indignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his commission without leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the people to require the appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from this arose all the other charges which were made against the magistrates and the commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal ones feigned, and the true and the false were equally believed by the people, who were almost universally their foes.
In this divided city, the campaign against Lucca was launched, and the bitterness of party rivalry only grew stronger. Although Cosmo's supporters were in favor, many from the opposing faction were brought in to help manage things, as they were seen as more influential in the state. Averardo de' Medici and his allies, unable to stop this, worked tirelessly to slander them; and whenever something went wrong (which happened often), it was never seen as a result of bad luck or the enemy's efforts, but simply due to the incompetence of the commissary. This attitude worsened the issues caused by Astorre Gianni, fueled the anger of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, leading to his resignation without permission. It also forced the captain of the people to call for Giovanni Guicciardini, which led to all the other accusations against the magistrates and the commissaries. Real problems were exaggerated, fake ones invented, and both the true and the false were equally believed by the people, who were mostly against them.
All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and they had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, but without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing them to increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any attempt to remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to take offense; and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubles within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent to the ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him alone in his study, and very pensive, endeavored, with the best reasons he could advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion. Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: "It would be better for thee and thy house, as well as for our republic, if thou and those who follow thee in this opinion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said of thee; for advice proceeding from the hoary head of long experience would be wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to me, that those who talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would do well to consider what is their strength, and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party, that of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians. If the fact corresponded with the name, the victory would still be most uncertain, and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyed by the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than with hope. We have, however, still further cause for apprehension from the division of our party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never so fully declared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether they are most our friends our those of our opponents. There are many families, even many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through envy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two or three of the most important; you may think of the others at your leisure. Of the sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo, has thrown himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of the sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account of their hatred of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well what we are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the plebeians, we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better; for were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not be able to resist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence, the priority of our position, but this arises from the former reputation of the government, which has now continued fifty years; and whenever we come to the proof, or they discover our weakness we shall lose it. If you were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment our influence and diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires to be perceived and believed by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the case; for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although we entertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have it not; but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are, that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private persons only, but to the public; and not to Florentines only, but to the condottieri, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any citizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the universal interest he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another to higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, or condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And though they are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be so esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city, naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot lend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in an attempt to expel him (which might easily happen under a favorable Signory), how could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who would constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in the city) prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being so numerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we should never be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short time he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had driven him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his nature would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But let us suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not return, I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated; for if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo, and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power and authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know of no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only say, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens usurping the sovereignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us from Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a course on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few, you would be able to oppose the will of the many; for the citizens, some from ignorance and others from malice, are ready to sell the republic at any time, and fortune has so much favored them, that they have found a purchaser. Take my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with regard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in our party as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of neither side, you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide for your own comfort and do no injury to any."
All these events and unusual ways of handling things were well known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; they often met to discuss solutions but with no success. They understood the danger of letting these issues grow and the challenges involved in resolving them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the first to take issue; as the war raged outside and troubles brewed within, Niccolo Barbadoro, wanting to persuade him to agree to Cosmo's downfall, visited him at his home. Finding him alone in his study and deep in thought, he tried his best to persuade him to team up with Rinaldo to expel Cosmo. Niccolo da Uzzano responded: "It would be better for you and your family, as well as for our republic, if you and your followers had silver beards instead of gold, as is said about you; because advice from someone with gray hair and long experience would be wiser and more beneficial to everyone. It seems to me that those who speak of driving Cosmo out of Florence should consider their own strength compared to his. You named one group, the nobility, and the other, the plebeians. Even if the labels matched reality, victory would still be uncertain, and the example of the former nobility of this city, who were crushed by the plebeians, should make us more fearful than hopeful. However, we have even more reasons to worry about the rift in our group and the alliance of our enemies. First, Neri di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our leading citizens, have never clearly expressed their views, making it hard to determine if they are on our side or that of our opponents. There are many families, many households, divided; several oppose us out of jealousy towards brothers or relatives. I'll remind you of two or three key examples; you can think of the rest later. Of the sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, out of envy of Rinaldo, has aligned himself with them. In the Guicciardini family, among the sons of Luigi, Piero is against Giovanni and supports our enemies. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us due to their hatred for their uncle Francesco. So, if we reflect carefully on who we are compared to our enemies, I don’t see why we should be called NOBLE any more than they are. If it's because they have the plebeians' support, we find ourselves in a worse position, not a better one; because if it comes to violence or votes, we wouldn't be able to stand against them. It's true we still maintain our dignity, our place in the hierarchy, but that's thanks to a reputation built over fifty years; whenever we face the reality of the situation or they reveal our weaknesses, we will lose it. If you say our cause's justice should enhance our influence and diminish theirs, I reply that this justice needs to be recognized and believed by others, not just by us; and that’s not the case. Our claim of justice relies on the fear that Cosmo wants to become the city's prince. Even if we suspect this and think it’s true, others don’t share the same view; worse still, they accuse us of the very ambition we attribute to him. The actions that make us suspicious of Cosmo—his indiscriminate lending of money, not only to individuals but also to the public; not just to Florentines, but also to the condottieri, the mercenary soldiers—indicate that he helps any citizen in need of official aid, and with the widespread support he garners in the city, he elevates one friend after another to greater honors. Therefore, if we were to list reasons for expelling him, we’d end up saying he’s kind, generous, and beloved by everyone. Now tell me, what law forbids, disapproves, or condemns people for being good, generous, and kind-hearted? While these traits can certainly be used by those seeking power, they don’t appear as such to the public, nor do we have enough strength to change that opinion; because our actions have cost us the trust, and the city, which tends to be factional and corrupt, won’t heed such accusations. Even if we did manage to expel him (which could easily happen under a favorable government), how could we prevent his return, surrounded as we would be by his countless friends, who would constantly blame us and long to see him back? It would be impossible; they are too numerous and have the support of the people, so we could never feel secure from them. For every one of his visible supporters you might exclude, you would create just as many enemies, leading to a quick return for him, resulting in the simple outcome that we expelled a good man and he returned as a bad one; because his character would be tainted by those who brought him back, and out of obligation, he couldn’t oppose them. And if you intend to kill him, you would struggle to achieve that with the magistrates, for his wealth and your compromised morals will always save him. But let’s say he was dead, or that he was exiled and didn’t return; I fail to see how our republic would improve. If we rid her of Cosmo, we would immediately hand her over to Rinaldo, and I firmly wish that no citizen should ever surpass others in power and authority. But if one of them must prevail, I see no reason to prefer Rinaldo over Cosmo. I can only pray that God protects the city from any of its citizens seeking to seize power; but if our sins have warranted it, then I pray for mercy to spare us from Rinaldo. Therefore, I urge you not to advocate for a path that is harmful in every way, nor think that, with a few allies, you could oppose the will of many; because the citizens, some out of ignorance and others out of malice, are ready to sell the republic at any moment, and fortune has favored them by providing a buyer. So, take my advice: strive to live moderately; regarding freedom, you’ll find equal reason for suspicion in our group as with our enemies. And when troubles arise, being neutral, you will be agreeable to both sides, thus securing your own comfort without causing harm to anyone."
These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being ended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under no restraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo, considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreated and urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to take up arms and deliver the country from him who, from the malevolence of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably reducing it to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side, kept the city full of apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was created, the numbers of each party composing it were made publicly known, and upon drawing for the Signory the whole city was aroused. Every case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made a subject of contention among them. Secrets were divulged, good and evil alike became objects of favor and opposition, the benevolent and the wicked were alike assailed, and no magistrate fulfilled the duties of his office with integrity.
These words somewhat calmed Barbadoro's eagerness, allowing a sense of peace during the war with Lucca. However, once that conflict ended and Niccolo da Uzzano passed away, the city, now at peace and free from restrictions, quickly fell into unhealthy rivalries. Rinaldo, seeing himself as the leader of the faction, constantly urged every citizen he thought could become Gonfalonier to take up arms and save the country from the few who were malicious and the many who were unaware, which was inevitably leading it toward oppression. Rinaldo's actions, along with those from the opposing side, filled the city with fear, so that whenever a new magistrate was appointed, the numbers from each faction were publicly announced, and the whole city became agitated during the draw for the Signory. Every case, no matter how minor, became a source of conflict among them. Secrets were revealed, both good and bad were used as tools for favoritism or opposition, the kind-hearted and the cruel faced attacks alike, and no magistrate performed their duties with honesty.
In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the power of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become Gonfalonier, paid his arrears of taxes, that he might not, by being indebted to the public, be incapacitated for holding the office. The drawing soon after took place, and fortune, opposed to our welfare, caused Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and October. Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the party of the nobility, and all who wished for repose, rejoiced to find he had attained that dignity; that it now rested with him to act in such a manner as to realize their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged upon the danger of disunion, and endeavored to show that there was no means of attaining the blessing of unity but by the destruction of Cosmo, for he alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, kept them depressed; that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered, he would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good citizen, in order to prevent such a calamity, to assemble the people in the piazza, and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new Gonfalonier how Salvestro de' Medici was able, though unjustly, to restrain the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their ancestors, shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged; and argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against so many, might surely be easily performed with justice in its favor against one! He encouraged him with the assurance that their friends would be ready in arms to support him; that he need not regard the plebeians, who adored Cosmo, since their assistance would be of no greater avail than Giorgio Scali had found it on a similar occasion; and that with regard to his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for when he was under the power of the Signory, his riches would be so too. In conclusion, he averred that this course would unite and secure the republic, and crown the Gonfalonier with glory. Bernardo briefly replied, that he thought it necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the time was suitable for action, he should provide himself with forces, being assured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported by his colleagues.
In this confusing time, Rinaldo, eager to lessen Cosmo's influence, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become Gonfalonier, paid his overdue taxes so that he wouldn’t be held back from holding office due to public debts. The drawing soon took place, and unfortunately, Bernardo was appointed for the months of September and October. Rinaldo immediately met with him and expressed how pleased the noble faction and everyone who wanted peace were that he had reached that position; it was now up to him to act in a way that fulfilled their optimistic expectations. He then emphasized the danger of division and attempted to show that the only way to achieve the blessing of unity was by eliminating Cosmo, who, with the popularity gained from his vast wealth, kept them down; he was already so powerful that if not stopped, he would soon become the prince. It was the duty of a good citizen, Rinaldo argued, to gather the people in the piazza to restore freedom to their country and prevent such a disaster. Rinaldo also reminded the new Gonfalonier how Salvestro de' Medici, though unfairly, had managed to limit the power of the Guelphs, to whom the government rightly belonged through the blood of their ancestors shed for that cause, and reasoned that what he managed to unjustly achieve against many could surely be done justly against one! He encouraged him with the promise that their allies would be ready to fight for him; that he didn’t need to worry about the commoners, who worshipped Cosmo, since their support would be no more effective than Giorgio Scali found it on a similar occasion; and that regarding his wealth, there was no need for concern because when he was under the control of the Signory, his riches would be too. In conclusion, he maintained that this approach would unite and secure the republic and bring glory to the Gonfalonier. Bernardo briefly responded that he believed it was necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo suggested, and since the time was right for action, he would gather forces, confident that, based on what Rinaldo said, he would be supported by his colleagues.
Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers, and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though many friends dissuaded him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his own innocence than to the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had entered the palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men, and accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to the piazza, when the Signory assembled the people, and created a Balia of two hundred persons for the reformation of the city. With the least possible delay they entered upon the consideration of reform, and of the life or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished, others to be put to death, and several were silent, either from compassion toward him or for fear of the rest, so that these differences prevented them from coming to any conclusion.
Bernardo began his official duties, prepared his followers, and after discussing plans with Rinaldo, called for Cosmo. Despite many friends advising him against it, Cosmo answered the call, relying more on his innocence than on the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he entered the palace, he was arrested. Rinaldo, leading a large group of armed men and nearly all of his supporters, went to the piazza, where the Signory gathered the people and formed a Balia of two hundred individuals to reform the city. They quickly started discussing reforms and Cosmo's potential fate. Some wanted him banished, others wanted him executed, and a few remained silent, either out of sympathy for him or fear of the others, which prevented them from reaching any decision.
There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which occupies the whole of one floor, and is called the Alberghettino, in which Cosmo was confined, under the charge of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing the assembly of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, he was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more less his private enemies should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner. He scarcely took any food, so that in four days he ate only a small quantity of bread, Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, "Cosmo, you are afraid of being poisoned, and are evidently hastening your end with hunger. You wrong me if you think I would be a party to such an atrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in much danger, since you have so many friends both within the palace and without; but if you should eventually lose it, be assured they will use some other medium than myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue my hands in the blood of any, still less in yours, who never injured me; therefore cheer up, take some food, and preserve your life for your friends and your country. And that you may do so with greater assurance, I will partake of your meals with you." These words were of great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thanking him for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising, if ever the opportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful.
There’s an apartment in the tower of the palace that takes up an entire floor, called the Alberghettino, where Cosmo was kept under the watch of Federigo Malavolti. While there, he could hear the council meetings, the sounds of arms coming from the plaza, and the constant ringing of the bell summoning the Balia. He felt extremely anxious for his safety, even more so about the possibility that his enemies might have him killed in some unexpected way. He barely ate, and in four days, he only consumed a small amount of bread. Noticing his distress, Federigo said to him, “Cosmo, you’re worried about being poisoned, and you’re only speeding up your demise by not eating. You’re mistaken if you think I’d be involved in such a terrible act. I don't believe your life is in much danger since you have many friends inside and outside the palace; however, if you were to lose it, be assured it would never be by my hand, especially since you’ve never harmed me. So cheer up, eat something, and keep yourself alive for your friends and your country. To give you more confidence, I’ll share your meals with you.” These words brought great relief to Cosmo, who, with tears in his eyes, hugged and kissed Federigo, thanking him sincerely for his kindness and promising that if he ever had the chance, he wouldn’t be ungrateful.
CHAPTER VII
Cosmo is banished to Padua—Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts to restore the nobility—New disturbances occasioned by Rinaldo degli Albizzi—Rinaldo takes arms against the Signory—His designs are disconcerted—Pope Eugenius in Florence—He endeavors to reconcile the parties—Cosmo is recalled—Rinaldo and his party banished—Glorious return of Cosmo.
Cosmo is exiled to Padua—Rinaldo degli Albizzi tries to restore the nobility—New troubles caused by Rinaldo degli Albizzi—Rinaldo takes up arms against the Signory—His plans are thwarted—Pope Eugenius visits Florence—He tries to bring the factions together—Cosmo is brought back—Rinaldo and his supporters are exiled—Cosmo makes a triumphant return.
Cosmo in some degree recovered his spirits, and while the citizens were disputing about him, Federigo, by way of recreation, brought an acquaintance of the Gonfalonier to take supper with him, an amusing and facetious person, whose name was Il Farnagaccio. The repast being nearly over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to advantage, for he knew the man very intimately, gave a sign to Federigo to leave the apartment, and he, guessing the cause, under pretense of going for something that was wanted on the table, left them together. Cosmo, after a few friendly expressions addressed to Il Farnagaccio, gave him a small slip of paper, and desired him to go to the director of the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova, for one thousand one hundred ducats; he was to take the hundred for himself, and carry the thousand to the Gonfalonier, and beg that he would take some suitable occasion of coming to see him. Farnagaccio undertook the commission, the money was paid, Bernardo became more humane, and Cosmo was banished to Padua, contrary to the wish of Rinaldo, who earnestly desired his death. Averardo and many others of the house of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio and Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied with the banishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the power of a Balia, the Eight of War and the Capitano of the People. After his sentence, Cosmo on the third of October, 1433, came before the Signory, by whom the boundary to which he was restricted was specified; and they advised him to avoid passing it, unless he wished them to proceed with greater severity both against himself and his property. Cosmo received his sentence with a cheerful look, assuring the Signory that wherever they determined to send him, he would willingly remain. He earnestly begged, that as they had preserved his life they would protect it, for he knew there were many in the piazza who were desirous to take it; and assured them, that wherever he might be, himself and his means were entirely at the service of the city, the people, and the Signory. He was respectfully attended by the Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, then conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him to be escorted by a strong armed force to his place of banishment. Wherever the cavalcade passed, Cosmo was honorably received, and was publicly visited by the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to one in the highest station.
Cosmo somewhat regained his spirits, and while the citizens were arguing about him, Federigo, looking for a way to unwind, invited a friend of the Gonfalonier to dinner—an entertaining and witty guy named Il Farnagaccio. As the meal was coming to an end, Cosmo, thinking he could make good use of this visit since he knew the man well, signaled Federigo to leave the room. Federigo, understanding his intent, pretended to go find something needed for the table and left them alone. After exchanging a few friendly words with Il Farnagaccio, Cosmo handed him a small piece of paper and asked him to go to the director of the Santa Maria Nuova hospital for one thousand one hundred ducats; he was to keep the hundred for himself and deliver the thousand to the Gonfalonier, asking him to find a good time to come and see Cosmo. Farnagaccio accepted the task, the money was delivered, Bernardo became more compassionate, and Cosmo was exiled to Padua, against the wishes of Rinaldo, who was intent on having him killed. Averardo and several others from the Medici family were also exiled, along with Puccio and Giovanni Pucci. To quiet those who were unhappy about Cosmo’s banishment, the Eight of War and the Capitano of the People were given the authority of a Balia. After his sentencing, Cosmo appeared before the Signory on October 3, 1433, where they outlined the limits of his exile and advised him to stay within them unless he wanted them to take more severe action against him and his possessions. Cosmo accepted his sentence with a bright demeanor, assuring the Signory that he would willingly go wherever they decided to send him. He earnestly requested that since they had spared his life, they would protect it, knowing that many in the piazza wanted him dead; he assured them that wherever he was, he and his resources were completely at the service of the city, the people, and the Signory. He was respectfully attended by the Gonfalonier, who kept him in the palace until night, then took him to his house for dinner and arranged for him to be escorted by a strong armed guard to his place of exile. Wherever the procession went, Cosmo was received with honor and was publicly visited by the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect owed to someone of the highest status.
Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally beloved, seemed to be universally sunk in despondency; victors and the vanquished were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if inspired with a presage of his future calamities, in order not to appear deficient to himself or his party, assembled many citizens, his friends, and informed them that he foresaw their approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be overcome by the prayers, the tears, and the money of their enemies; and that they did not seem aware they would soon themselves have to entreat and weep, when their prayers would not be listened to, or their tears excite compassion; and that of the money received, they would have to restore the principal, and pay the interest in tortures, exile, and death; that it would have been much better for them to have done nothing than to have left Cosmo alive, and his friends in Florence; for great offenders ought either to remain untouched, or be destroyed; that there was now no remedy but to strengthen themselves in the city, so that upon the renewed attempts of their enemies, which would soon take place, they might drive them out with arms, since they had not sufficient civil authority to expel them. The remedy to be adopted, he said, was one that he had long before advocated, which was to regain the friendship of the grandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honors of the city, and thus make themselves strong with that party, since their adversaries had joined the plebeians. That by this means they would become the more powerful side, for they would possess greater energy, more comprehensive talent and an augmented share of influence; and that if this last and only remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means could be made use of to preserve the government among so many enemies, or prevent their own ruin and that of the city.
Florence, grieving the loss of such a great citizen who was loved by all, seemed to be deeply depressed; both victors and the defeated were filled with fear. Rinaldo, sensing the impending disaster, gathered many citizens who were his friends and told them that he predicted their coming downfall for allowing themselves to be swayed by the prayers, tears, and money of their enemies. He warned them that they didn't seem to realize they would soon find themselves begging and crying, when their prayers would go unheard and their tears would not evoke pity; that the money they received would have to be returned, along with a debt paid in suffering, exile, and death. He stated that it would have been far better for them to have done nothing than to have spared Cosmo and his friends in Florence; that serious offenders should either go unpunished or be eliminated. He argued that their only option now was to strengthen themselves within the city, so that when their enemies inevitably tried to attack again, they could force them out with arms, since they lacked the civil authority to do so otherwise. The solution he proposed was one he had previously suggested: to win back the support of the powerful families by restoring and granting them all the honors of the city, thereby aligning themselves with that faction, since their opponents had allied with the common people. He assured them that through this strategy, they would become the stronger side, possessing more energy, broader talents, and increased influence; and that if this final and only solution was not pursued, he didn’t know what other means could be employed to maintain their government amidst so many enemies or to prevent their own downfall and that of the city.
Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to this plan, on account of the pride and insupportable nature of the nobility; and said, that it would be folly to place themselves again under such inevitable tyranny for the sake of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians. Rinaldo, finding his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his own misfortune and that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven itself, which had resolved upon it, rather than to human ignorance and blunders. In this juncture of affairs, no remedial measure being attempted, a letter was found written by Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cosmo, acquainting him with the disposition of the city in his favor, and advising him, if possible, to excite a war, and gain the friendship of Neri di Gino; for he imagined the city to be in want of money, and as she would not find anyone to serve her, the remembrance of him would be revived in the minds of the citizens, and they would desire his return; and that if Neri were detached from Rinaldo, the party of the latter would be so weakened, as to be unable to defend themselves. This letter coming to the hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the torture, and sent into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter Cosmo's party.
Mariotto Baldovinetti, a member of the assembly, opposed this plan because of the pride and unbearable nature of the nobility. He argued that it would be foolish to submit to such inevitable tyranny just to avoid imaginary threats from the common people. Rinaldo, seeing that his advice was poorly received, frustrated by his own misfortune and that of his group, blamed the whole situation on fate rather than on human errors and misunderstandings. At this critical moment, with no solutions being attempted, a letter was found that Agnolo Acciajuoli had written to Cosmo, informing him of the city's support for him and advising him, if possible, to instigate a war and win the friendship of Neri di Gino. He believed the city was in need of funds, and since they would struggle to find anyone to assist them, memories of him would resurface in the citizens' minds, leading them to want his return. He also thought that if Neri were to turn against Rinaldo, Rinaldo's faction would be so weakened that they couldn’t defend themselves. Once this letter reached the magistrates, Agnolo was captured, tortured, and exiled. However, this example did not deter Cosmo's supporters at all.
It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, and the end of August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco was drawn Gonfalonier for the two succeeding months, and with him eight signors, all partisans of Cosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party; and as it is usual for three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracy and the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called together the heads of his party. He endeavored to show them their certain and immediate danger, and that their only remedy was to take arms, and cause Donato Velluti, who was yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the piazza and create a Balia. He would then deprive the new Signory of the magistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting purses, and by means of a new Squittini, provide themselves with friends. Many thought this course safe and requisite; others, that it was too violent, and likely to be attended with great evil. Among those who disliked it was Palla Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle, and humane person, better adapted for literary pursuits than for restraining a party, or opposing civil strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising at their commencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, and generally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the fear of external wars (the duke's forces being upon the confines of Romagna), would occupy the minds of the Signory more than internal dissensions; but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take place unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt whatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, which being done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among the people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded, that the new Signory should come in; that their proceedings should be watched, and if they were found attempting anything against the party, each should take arms, and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated near the palace, and whence they might proceed wherever it was found necessary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated.
It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been exiled, and at the end of August 1434, Niccolo di Cocco was appointed Gonfalonier for the next two months, along with eight signors, all supporters of Cosmo. This terrified Rinaldo and his group; typically, there's a three-day wait before the new Signory takes over and the old one hands over its power. So, Rinaldo gathered the leaders of his party again. He tried to convince them of the immediate danger they faced and that their only option was to take up arms and have Donato Velluti, who was still Gonfalonier, gather the people in the piazza to create a Balia. He could then remove the new Signory from power, appoint another one, destroy the current voting boxes, and through a new Squittini, ensure they had allies. Many thought this plan was necessary and safe; others felt it was too extreme and could lead to serious problems. Among those against it was Palla Strozzi, a peaceful, gentle, and kind person, better suited for literary pursuits than for managing a faction or dealing with civil conflict. He argued that bold and clever plans may seem promising at first but are usually hard to carry out and often end badly; he believed the fear of external wars (since the duke's forces were near the borders of Romagna) would preoccupy the Signory more than internal conflicts. However, he also said that if any action were to be taken, it would not go unnoticed, giving them enough time to prepare, act, and take necessary steps for the common good. This would cause less uproar among the people and reduce their risk. Thus, they decided the new Signory should take office, their actions should be monitored, and if they made any moves against their party, everyone would take up arms and gather in the piazza of San Pulinari, close to the palace, from where they could proceed as necessary. After reaching this agreement, Rinaldo's supporters went their separate ways.
The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gonfalonier, in order to acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him, sent Donato Velluti, his predecessor, to prison, upon the charge of having applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored to sound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of his return, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and, by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo thought further delay would be dangerous: he therefore left his house with a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi and Niccolo Barbadoro. The force accompanying them was composed of several citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers then in Florence: and all assembled according to appointment in the piazza of San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, though each had assembled a large number of men, kept in their houses; and therefore Rinaldo sent a messenger to request their attendance and to reprove their delay. Giovanni replied, that he should lend sufficient aid against their enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent his brother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After many messages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by two of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on meeting him, sharply reproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come with the others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage; both of which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve such a character as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thought this abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies when victorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself; but for himself (Rinaldo) whatever might happen, he had the consolation of knowing, that previously to the crisis he had never neglected his duty in council, and that when it occurred he had used every possible exertion to repel it with arms; but that Palla and the others would experience aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three occasions betrayed their country; first when they saved Cosmo; next when they disregarded his advice; and now the third time by not coming armed in her defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Palla made no reply audible to those around, but, muttering something as he left them, returned to his house.
The new government took office, and the Gonfalonier, wanting to build his reputation and discourage anyone who might challenge him, imprisoned Donato Velluti, his predecessor, accusing him of misusing public funds. He then tried to gauge his colleagues' feelings about Cosmo. Noticing they wanted him back, he reached out to the leaders of the Medici party and, with their advice, called in the rival leaders: Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After this summons, Rinaldo realized that waiting any longer could be risky. He left his house with a large group of armed men and quickly met up with Ridolfo Peruzzi and Niccolo Barbadoro. Their group included several citizens and many disbanded soldiers who were in Florence, and they all gathered as planned in the piazza of San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, each with a significant number of men, stayed at home. As a result, Rinaldo sent a messenger to ask them to come and to criticize their delay. Giovanni responded that he would support them against their enemies, but by staying home, he could prevent his brother Piero from defending the palace. After several messages, Palla arrived at San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by two unarmed people on foot. When Rinaldo saw him, he chastised him sharply for his negligence, saying that his refusal to join the others showed either a lack of principle or a lack of courage—both of which everyone should avoid if they wanted to keep the reputation he had built. He warned that if Palla thought this shameful behavior would lead their enemies to spare him from death or exile if victorious, he was mistaken. Rinaldo, no matter what happened, found comfort in knowing that he had never neglected his duty in council and had done everything possible to defend it with arms when the crisis arose. Meanwhile, Palla and the others would regret even more when they realized they had betrayed their country three times: first by saving Cosmo, then by ignoring his advice, and now by failing to show up armed as they had promised to defend it. Palla offered no audible response to these accusations but muttered something under his breath as he left and returned home.
The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, finding themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having no one to consult they knew not what course to adopt. However, Rinaldo, by delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation of forces which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave them courage to provide for their defense, and allowed many others to join them, who advised that means should be used to induce their adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon, some of the least suspected, went on the part of the Signory to Rinaldo, and said, they did not know what occasion they had given his friends for thus assembling in arms; that they never had any intention of offending him, and if they had spoken of Cosmo, they had no design of recalling him; so if their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be dispelled, for that if they came to the palace they would be graciously received, and all their complaints attended to. These words produced no change in Rinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their safety by resigning their offices, and said that then the government of the city would be reorganized, for the mutual benefit of all.
The Signory, realizing that Rinaldo and his group had taken up arms, found themselves deserted and locked the palace. Without anyone to consult, they were unsure of what to do. Meanwhile, Rinaldo delayed going to the piazza, waiting for reinforcements that never arrived, which led him to miss the chance for victory and gave his opponents the confidence to prepare their defense. This allowed many others to join them, suggesting ways to persuade their enemies to lay down their arms. As a result, some of the least suspected members of the Signory approached Rinaldo and claimed they didn't know why his friends had gathered in arms. They insisted they never intended to offend him and that if they had mentioned Cosmo, it wasn’t to bring him back. They offered to dispel any fears, stating that if they came to the palace, they would be welcomed, and all their grievances would be addressed. These words did not change Rinaldo's mind; he told them to ensure their safety by resigning their offices and said that then the city's government could be reorganized for everyone's benefit.
It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions contrary, that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by the discourse of the citizens, said, that all he desired was to prevent the return of Cosmo, and this being granted to them seemed a sufficient victory; nor would he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood; he would therefore obey the Signory; and accordingly went with his people to the palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. Thus Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's want of courage, and Ridolfo's desertion, deprived their party of all chance of success; while the ardor of the citizens abated, and the pope's authority did not contribute to its revival.
It rarely happens that when authorities are equal and opinions differ, a good resolution is reached. Ridolfo Peruzzi, influenced by the citizens' discussion, said that all he wanted was to prevent Cosmo's return, and having that granted to them felt like enough of a victory; he wouldn’t, to achieve something greater, fill the city with blood. So, he decided to obey the Signory and went with his followers to the palace, where he was warmly welcomed. As a result, Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's lack of courage, and Ridolfo's abandonment took away any chance of success for their party, while the citizens' enthusiasm faded, and the pope's authority did nothing to revive it.
Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from Rome by the people. These disturbances coming to his knowledge, he thought it a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sent the patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to entreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted he had sufficient influence with the Signory to insure his safety and satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers to Santa Maria Nuova, where the pope resided. Eugenius gave him to understand, that the Signory had empowered him to settle the differences between them, and that all would be arranged to his satisfaction, if he laid down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and the fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to him, placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking that at all events the authority of his holiness would insure his safety. Eugenius then sent word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest who remained without, that they were to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the signors; upon which they immediately dispersed, and laid aside their weapons.
Pope Eugenius was in Florence at this time, having been forced out of Rome by the people. When he heard about the unrest, he felt it was his duty as a leader to calm the situation. He sent patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's closest friend, to ask Rinaldo to meet with him, trusting that he could convince the Signory to ensure Rinaldo's safety and peace without harm or bloodshed to the citizens. Persuaded by his friend, Rinaldo went with all his followers to Santa Maria Nuova, where the pope was staying. Eugenius informed him that the Signory had given him the authority to resolve their disputes and that everything would be settled to Rinaldo's satisfaction if he surrendered his weapons. After seeing Palla's lack of enthusiasm and Ridolfo Peruzzi's unreliability, and with no better option available, Rinaldo chose to trust the pope, believing that his holiness's authority would protect him. Eugenius then instructed Niccolo Barbadoro and the others waiting outside to put down their weapons, as Rinaldo was staying with the pope to negotiate terms with the signors. They all immediately dispersed and laid down their arms.
The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiate an arrangement by means of the pope; but at the same time sent secretly to the mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what other forces they could collect, were brought into Florence by night. Having taken possession of all the strong positions in the city, they assembled the people in the piazza and created a new balia, which, without delay, restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him to their country; and banished, of the opposite party, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, with so many other citizens, that there were few places in Italy which did not contain some, and many others beyond her limits were full of them. By this and similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of worth, and of much wealth and industry.
The Signory, noticing their enemies were disarmed, kept negotiating a deal through the pope. At the same time, they secretly sent for infantry from the mountains of Pistoia, which, along with other forces they could gather, were brought into Florence at night. Once they took control of all the strong positions in the city, they gathered the people in the piazza and established a new balia, which quickly restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him. They also banished, from the opposing party, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, along with so many other citizens that there were few places in Italy without some, and many others beyond her borders were filled with them. Through this and similar events, Florence lost many valuable individuals, as well as a significant amount of wealth and industry.
The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his entreaties were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, and condoled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through his confidence in him, but advised him to be patient, and hope for some favorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo replied, "The want of confidence in those who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed in you, have ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself principally for having thought that you, who were expelled from your own country, could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient experience of the freaks of fortune; and as I have never trusted greatly to prosperity, I shall suffer less inconvenience from adversity; and I know that when she pleases she can become more favorable. But if she should never change, I shall not be very desirous of living in a city in which individuals are more powerful than the laws; for that country alone is desirable in which property and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they may easily be taken from us, and where friends, from fear of losing their property, are compelled to abandon each other in their greatest need. Besides, it has always been less painful to good men to hear of the misfortunes of their country than to witness them; and an honorable exile is always held in greater esteem than slavery at home." He then left the pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own measures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile.
The pope, seeing such misfortunes hit those whom he had convinced to lay down their arms, was very upset. He expressed sympathy to Rinaldo for the injuries he had suffered due to his trust in him, but advised him to be patient and hope for a favorable change in fortune. Rinaldo responded, "The lack of trust from those who should have believed in me, and the immense trust I placed in you, have ruined both me and my group. But I primarily blame myself for thinking that you, who were kicked out of your own country, could protect me in mine. I've experienced enough of fate's whims; since I've never relied too much on good fortune, I’ll suffer less from hardship. I know that when fate wants to, she can be more favorable. But if she never changes, I won’t be eager to live in a city where individuals hold more power than the laws; the only desirable place is one where property and friendships can be enjoyed safely, not where they can easily be taken away from us, and where friends, fearing for their property, are forced to abandon each other in times of greatest need. Besides, it has always been less painful for good people to hear about their country’s misfortunes than to witness them; and an honorable exile is always considered better than living in slavery at home." He then left the pope and, filled with anger, blaming himself, his own actions, and the indifference of his friends, went into exile.
Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned to Florence; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming home triumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of people, or such unqualified demonstrations of regard as he was upon his return from banishment; for by universal consent he was hailed as the benefactor of the people, and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.
Cosmo, on the other hand, knowing about his recall, went back to Florence; and it rarely happens that any citizen, coming home after a victory, receives such a huge crowd of people or such genuine displays of affection as he did upon returning from exile; for everyone agreed that he was celebrated as the benefactor of the people and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.
BOOK V
CHAPTER I
The vicissitudes of empires—The state of Italy—The military factions of Sforza and Braccio—The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack the pope, who is expelled by the Romans—War between the pope and the duke of Milan—The Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope—Peace between the pope and the duke of Milan—Tyranny practiced by the party favorable to the Medici.
The ups and downs of empires—The situation in Italy—The military groups of Sforza and Braccio—The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack the pope, resulting in his expulsion by the Romans—War breaks out between the pope and the duke of Milan—The Florentines and the Venetians help the pope—A peace treaty is reached between the pope and the duke of Milan—Tyranny enforced by the faction that supports the Medici.
It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they are subject, pass from order into confusion, and afterward recur to a state of order again; for the nature of mundane affairs not allowing them to continue in an even course, when they have arrived at their greatest perfection, they soon begin to decline. In the same manner, having been reduced by disorder, and sunk to their utmost state of depression, unable to descend lower, they, of necessity, reascend; and thus from good they gradually decline to evil, and from evil again return to good. The reason is, that valor produces peace; peace, repose; repose, disorder; disorder, ruin; so from disorder order springs; from order virtue, and from this, glory and good fortune. Hence, wise men have observed, that the age of literary excellence is subsequent to that of distinction in arms; and that in cities and provinces, great warriors are produced before philosophers. Arms having secured victory, and victory peace, the buoyant vigor of the martial mind cannot be enfeebled by a more excusable indulgence than that of letters; nor can indolence, with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well regulated community. Cato was aware of this when the philosophers, Diogenes and Carneades, were sent ambassadors to the senate by the Athenians; for perceiving with what earnest admiration the Roman youth began to follow them, and knowing the evils that might result to his country from this specious idleness, he enacted that no philosopher should be allowed to enter Rome. Provinces by this means sink to ruin, from which, men's sufferings having made them wiser, they again recur to order, if they be not overwhelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, by turns happy and unhappy; and although nothing has subsequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at all corresponding to her ancient greatness (which under a well-organized monarchy might have been gloriously effected), still there was so much bravery and intelligence in some of the new cities and governments that afterward sprang up, that although none ever acquired dominion over the rest, they were, nevertheless, so balanced and regulated among themselves, as to enable them to live in freedom, and defend their country from the barbarians.
Provinces often go through ups and downs, shifting from order to chaos and then back to order again. The nature of worldly affairs prevents them from maintaining a steady course; once they reach their peak, they tend to decline. Similarly, after being brought low by disorder and hitting rock bottom, they inevitably rise again. Hence, they shift from good to bad and back to good. This happens because bravery leads to peace; peace brings rest; rest can lead to disorder; and disorder results in ruin. However, from disorder, order arises; from order, virtue emerges, and from virtue come glory and good fortune. Consequently, wise people note that periods of literary achievement usually follow those of military greatness, where great warriors often emerge before philosophers in cities and provinces. Once arms secure victory and victory brings peace, the energetic spirit of the warrior is not weakened by the more acceptable indulgence of letters, nor can laziness sneak into a well-ordered society. Cato understood this when Diogenes and Carneades came as ambassadors to the Senate from the Athenians. Seeing how admiringly the Roman youth were drawn to them, and knowing the potential dangers this kind of idle thinking posed to his country, he made it illegal for any philosopher to enter Rome. This led to provinces falling into ruin, from which, having learned from their suffering, they return to order, unless they're crushed by a significant force. These dynamics caused Italy, first under the ancient Tuscans and then under the Romans, to alternate between prosperity and misery; although nothing has emerged from the ruins of Rome that matches its former greatness (which could have been achieved under a well-structured monarchy), the new cities and governments that arose later displayed enough bravery and intelligence that, even without any one of them dominating the others, they were balanced and organized enough to live freely and defend their land from barbarian invaders.
Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed a smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power and authority; for being situated in the middle of Italy, wealthy, and prepared for action, they either defended themselves against such as thought proper to assail them, or decided victory in favor of those to whom they became allies. From the valor, therefore, of these new governments, if no seasons occurred of long-continued peace, neither were any exposed to the calamities of war; for that cannot be called peace in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor can those be considered wars in which no men are slain, cities plundered, or sovereignties overthrown; for the practice of arms fell into such a state of decay, that wars were commenced without fear, continued without danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military energy which is in other countries exhausted by a long peace, was wasted in Italy by the contemptible manner in which hostilities were carried on, as will be clearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from which it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into Italy, and she again sunk under subjection to them. Although the transactions of our princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with admiration of their virtue and greatness like those of the ancients, perhaps they may on other accounts be regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses of high spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak and disorderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which took place in this wasted world, we shall not have to record the bravery of the soldier, the prudence of the general, or the patriotism of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice, deceit, and cunning, princes, warriors, and leaders of republics conducted themselves, to support a reputation they never deserved. This, perhaps, will not be less useful than a knowledge of ancient history; for, if the latter excites the liberal mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be avoided and decried.
Among these governments, the Florentines, despite having a smaller territory, were just as powerful and influential as any. Positioned in the center of Italy, wealthy, and ready for action, they either defended themselves against those who attacked them or contributed to the victories of their allies. Because of the bravery of these new governments, while long periods of peace were rare, they also didn’t suffer the full horrors of war; peace cannot be considered genuine if states are often fighting each other, nor can conflicts be called wars where no one is killed, cities aren't looted, and no kingdoms are toppled. The practice of warfare had declined to such an extent that wars began without fear, continued without risk, and ended without loss. Thus, the military strength that in other countries would fade away from extended peace was wasted in Italy due to the petty nature of the conflicts, as will be clearly shown in the events described from 1434 to 1494, illustrating how barbarians were allowed back into Italy, leading to her subjugation once more. While the actions of our princes, both at home and abroad, may not inspire admiration for their virtue and greatness like the ancients did, they might still be of interest for other reasons, highlighting how a large number of spirited people were kept in check by weak and chaotic forces. And even if we don’t document the heroism of soldiers, the wisdom of generals, or the patriotism of citizens in recounting the events of this troubled world, we will see how princes, warriors, and leaders of republics employed trickery, deceit, and cunning to maintain a reputation they never truly earned. This may prove to be just as useful as understanding ancient history; for while the latter inspires the noble mind to emulate, the former will reveal what should be avoided and condemned.
Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that when, by consent of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon disturbed by those who retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war nor repose by peace. Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed to lay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war, directed their efforts against the church. There were at this time two factions or armed parties in Italy, the Sforzesca and the Braccesca. The leader of the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of the latter, Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under the banner of one or other of these parties almost all the forces of Italy were assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca was in greatest repute, as well from the bravery of the count himself, as from the promise which the duke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter, Madonna Bianca, the prospect of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence. After the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various causes attacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated by the ancient enmity which Braccio had always entertained against the church; the count was induced by ambition: so that Niccolo assailed Rome, and the count took possession of La Marca.
Italy was left in such a state by her rulers that when peace was finally restored with the agreement of her princes, it was quickly disrupted by those who kept their armies. As a result, glory was not achieved through war, nor was there any real peace to be found. So when the league and the duke of Milan agreed to disarm in 1433, the soldiers, eager for conflict, turned their aggression toward the church. At that time, there were two factions or armed groups in Italy: the Sforzesca and the Braccesca. The leader of the former was Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, while the latter was led by Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Almost all of Italy’s military forces rallied under one of these banners. Among the two, the Sforzesca was more esteemed, both because of the bravery of the count himself and due to the promise the duke of Milan had made him regarding his illegitimate daughter, Madonna Bianca, which considerably boosted his influence. After the peace of Lombardy, these forces attacked Pope Eugenius for various reasons. Niccolo Fortebraccio was driven by the longstanding hostility that Braccio had always had against the church, while the count was motivated by ambition, leading Niccolo to assault Rome and the count to seize La Marca.
The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from their city: and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, where seeing the imminent danger of his situation, being abandoned by the princes (for they were unwilling again to take up arms in his cause, after having been so anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms with the count, and ceded to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to the injury of having occupied it, he had added insult; for in signing the place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said in Latin, according to the Latin custom, Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo. Neither was he satisfied with this concession, but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the church, which was also granted; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the prospect of a dangerous war than of an ignominious peace. The count, having been thus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked Niccolo Fortebraccio, and during many months various encounters took place between them, from all which greater injury resulted to the pope and his subjects, than to either of the belligerents. At length, by the intervention of the duke of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce, was made, by which both became princes in the territories of the church.
The Romans, trying to avoid war, drove Pope Eugenius out of their city. After barely escaping, he made his way to Florence. Realizing he was in serious danger and feeling abandoned by the princes—who were reluctant to take up arms for him again after being so ready to lay them down—he reached an agreement with the count and gave him control of La Marca. This was particularly insulting, given that he had to cede an area he had occupied. When he signed the document from which he communicated with his agents, he stated in Latin, as was customary, Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo. Not satisfied with this concession, he insisted on being named Gonfalonier of the church, which was granted to him. Eugenius was clearly more worried about the risks of a dangerous war than about an embarrassing peace. After the count reconciled with the pope, he went after Niccolo Fortebraccio, leading to several months of clashes. These skirmishes caused more harm to the pope and his subjects than to either of the warring parties. Eventually, with the help of the duke of Milan, a truce was established, allowing both to become princes in the church's territories.
The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Romagna by Batista da Canneto, who at Bologna slew some of the family of the Grifoni, and expelled from the city the governor who resided there for the pope, along with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain the government, he applied for assistance to Filippo; and the pope, to avenge himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians and Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very soon two large armies were on foot in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded for the duke, Gattamelata and Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians and Florentines. They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the Florentines and Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was sent prisoner to Milan where, either through grief for his loss or by some unfair means, he died in a few days.
The war that ended in Rome flared up again in Romagna, led by Batista da Canneto, who in Bologna killed some members of the Grifoni family and drove out the governor appointed by the pope, along with others who opposed him. To secure his hold on power, he sought help from Filippo; meanwhile, the pope, wanting to retaliate for the insult, turned to the Venetians and Florentines for support. Both sides received assistance, and soon, two large armies were active in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded for the duke, while Gattamelata and Niccolo da Tolentino led the forces of the Venetians and Florentines. They clashed near Imola, where a battle took place, resulting in a defeat for the Florentines and Venetians, and Niccolo da Tolentino was captured and sent to Milan, where he died within a few days, either out of sorrow for his loss or through foul means.
The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, or thinking the League after their defeat would not be in haste to resume hostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the pope and his colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore appointed the Count Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive Niccolo Fortebraccio from the territories of the church, and thus terminate the war which had been commenced in favor of the pontiff. The Romans, finding the pope supported by so large an army, sought a reconciliation with him, and being successful, admitted his commissary into the city. Among the places possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio, were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of which, not being able to keep the field, he fled, and the count besieged him there. Niccolo's brave defense making it probable that the war would be of considerable duration, the duke deemed to necessary to prevent the League from obtaining the victory, and said that if this were not effected he would very soon have to look at the defense of his own territories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he commanded Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of Romagna; and the League, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany than to occupy Ascesi, ordered the count to prevent the passage of Niccolo, who was already, with his army, at Furli. The count accordingly moved with his forces, and came to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca and the care of his own territories to his brother Lione; and while Niccolo Piccinino was endeavoring to pass by, and the count to prevent him, Fortebraccio attacked Lione with great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces, and pursuing the advantage of his victory, at once possessed himself of many places in La Marca. This circumstance greatly perplexed the count, who thought he had lost all his territories; so, leaving part of his force to check Piccinino, with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio, whom he attacked and conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner in the battle, and soon after died of his wounds. This victory restored to the pontiff all the places that had been taken from him by Fortebraccio, and compelled the duke of Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the intercession of Niccolo da Esta, marquis of Ferrara; the duke restoring to the church the places he had taken from her, and his forces retiring into Lombardy. Batista da Canneto, as in the case with all who retain authority only by the consent and forces of another, when the duke's people had quitted Romagna, unable with his own power to keep possession of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the head of the opposite party, returned to his country.
The duke, after his victory, either exhausted from the recent wars or believing the League would hesitate to resume fighting after their defeat, chose not to pursue his success, giving the pope and his allies time to regroup. They appointed Count Francesco as their leader and set out to drive Niccolo Fortebraccio from the church’s territories, aiming to end the war that had started in favor of the pope. The Romans, seeing the pope backed by such a large army, sought to reconcile with him, and they successfully welcomed his representative into the city. Among the territories held by Niccolo Fortebraccio were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to which he fled when he could no longer maintain his position, leading the count to besiege him there. Given Niccolo's strong defense, it seemed likely that the war would drag on, so the duke felt it was crucial to stop the League from achieving victory, warning that if they did, he would soon have to protect his own lands. To divert the count from the siege, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to head into Tuscany via Romagna; the League, deeming it more vital to defend Tuscany than occupy Ascesi, instructed the count to block Niccolo's advance, who was already at Furli with his army. The count moved his forces to Cesena, leaving the war in La Marca and the safety of his territories to his brother Lione. While Niccolo Piccinino was attempting to pass, the count was trying to stop him, and during this time, Fortebraccio launched a bold attack on Lione, capturing him, routing his troops, and seizing many towns in La Marca in the wake of his victory. This situation greatly troubled the count, who feared he had lost all his lands, so he left part of his forces to keep an eye on Piccinino and pursued Fortebraccio, whom he attacked and defeated. Fortebraccio was captured in the battle and soon died from his wounds. This victory returned all the territories Fortebraccio had taken from the pontiff and forced the duke of Milan to seek peace, which was brokered through Niccolo da Esta, the marquis of Ferrara; the duke returned the territories he had seized from the church, and his forces retreated into Lombardy. Batista da Canneto, like all who maintain power solely through the support and strength of others, fled when the duke's men left Romagna, unable to hold Bologna on his own, while Antonio Bentivogli, the leader of the opposing faction, returned to his homeland.
All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return, those who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by the opposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of the government; and the Signory for the months of November and December, not content with what their predecessors had done in favor of their party extended the term and changed the residences of several who were banished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to these evils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed on account of their wealth, their family connections or private animosities, than for the sake of the party to which they adhered, so that if these prescriptions had been accompanied with bloodshed, they would have resembled those of Octavius and Sylla, though in reality they were not without some stains; for Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, and four other citizens, among whom were Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo Barbadori, passing the confines to which they were limited, proceeded to Venice, where the Venetians, valuing the friendship of Cosmo de' Medici more than their own honor, sent them prisoners to him, and they were basely put to death. This circumstance greatly increased the influence of that party, and struck their enemies with terror, finding that such a powerful republic would so humble itself to the Florentines. This, however, was supposed to have been done, not so much out of kindness to Cosmo, as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by means of bloodshed make greater certainty of division among the citizens, for the Venetians knew there was no other obstacle to their ambition so great as the union of her people.
All of this happened during Cosmo's exile. After he returned, those who had helped him, along with many people harmed by the opposing side, were determined to secure their grip on power. The Signory, in November and December, not satisfied with what their predecessors had done for their faction, extended the term and changed the homes of several people who had been banished, increasing the number of exiles. Additionally, it was noted that citizens were more troubled because of their wealth, family ties, or personal grudges than because of the faction they supported. If these actions had resulted in bloodshed, they would have been similar to those of Octavius and Sulla, though in reality, they were not without some bloodshed; Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was executed, and four other citizens, including Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo Barbadori, ventured beyond their limits to Venice, where the Venetians, valuing their friendship with Cosmo de' Medici more than their own honor, handed them over as prisoners, and they were brutally executed. This event significantly boosted that faction's power and instilled fear in their enemies, realizing that such a strong republic would stoop so low to the Florentines. However, this was thought to have been done not so much out of goodwill towards Cosmo, but to stir up conflict in Florence, using bloodshed to create deeper divisions among the citizens, as the Venetians understood that the union of the Florentines was their greatest obstacle to ambition.
The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of the state, those in possession of the government now began to strengthen their party by conferring benefits upon such as were in a condition to serve them, and the family of the Alberti, with all who had been banished by the former government, were recalled. All the nobility, with few exceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and the possessions of the exiles were divided among themselves, upon each paying a small acknowledgment. They then fortified themselves with new laws and provisos, made new Squittini, withdrawing the names of their adversaries from the purses, and filling them with those of their friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they considered that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere chance of drawing, did not afford the government sufficient security, they therefore resolved that the magistrates possessing the power of life and death should always be chosen from among the leaders of their own party, and therefore that the Accoppiatori, or persons selected for the imborsation of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to retire from office, should make the new appointments. They gave to eight of the guard authority to proceed capitally, and provided that the exiles, when their term of banishment was complete, should not be allowed to return, unless from the Signory and Colleagues, which were thirty-seven in number, the consent of thirty-four was obtained. It was made unlawful to write to or to receive letters from them; every word, sign, or action that gave offense to the ruling party was punished with the utmost rigor; and if there was still in Florence any suspected person whom these regulations did not reach, he was oppressed with taxes imposed for the occasion. Thus in a short time, having expelled or impoverished the whole of the adverse party, they established themselves firmly in the government. Not to be destitute of external assistance, and to deprive others of it, who might use it against themselves, they entered into a league, offensive and defensive, with the pope, the Venetians, and the duke of Milan.
After clearing the city of enemies or anyone suspected of being against the state, those in power began to solidify their position by rewarding people who could support them. The Alberti family, along with all those who had been exiled by the previous government, were brought back. Most of the nobility were stripped of their titles and reduced to the same status as common people, and the properties of the exiles were divided among themselves, with each one making a small payment to do so. They then strengthened their hold with new laws and regulations, created new Squittini, changing the names of their opponents in the process and replacing them with their friends. Learning from the downfall of their enemies, they decided that leaving major government positions to chance was not secure enough, so they agreed that the magistrates who had the power of life and death should always be chosen from their own party's leaders. Thus, the Accoppiatori, or the individuals chosen to manage the new Squittini, along with the Signory, who had to leave office, would make these new appointments. They gave eight members of the guard the authority to carry out capital punishment and decided that exiles could only return after their banishment if they received consent from thirty-four out of the thirty-seven members of the Signory and their colleagues. It became illegal to write to or receive letters from them; any word, gesture, or action that offended those in power was met with the strictest punishment, and anyone in Florence who might be suspected of opposing these rules was burdened with special taxes. In a short time, by either expelling or impoverishing the entire opposing faction, they solidified their control over the government. To ensure they had external support and to cut off resources from others who might use them against them, they formed a league for mutual defense and offense with the pope, the Venetians, and the duke of Milan.
CHAPTER II
Death of Giovanni II.—René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon aspire to the kingdom—Alfonso is routed and taken by the Genoese—Alfonso being a prisoner of the duke of Milan, obtains his friendship—The Genoese disgusted with the duke of Milan—Divisions among the Genoese—The Genoese, by means of Francesco Spinola, expel the duke's governor—League against the duke of Milan—Rinaldo degli Albizzi advises the duke to make war against the Florentines—His discourse to the duke—The duke adopts measures injurious to the Florentines—Niccolo Piccinino appointed to command the duke's forces—Preparations of the Florentines—Piccinino routed before Barga.
Death of Giovanni II. — René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon seek the kingdom — Alfonso is defeated and captured by the Genoese — While being held as a prisoner by the Duke of Milan, he gains his friendship — The Genoese become frustrated with the Duke of Milan — There are divisions among the Genoese — The Genoese, with the help of Francesco Spinola, expel the duke's governor — A coalition forms against the Duke of Milan — Rinaldo degli Albizzi advises the duke to go to war against the Florentines — His speech to the duke — The duke takes actions harmful to the Florentines — Niccolo Piccinino is appointed to lead the duke's forces — The Florentines prepare — Piccinino is defeated before Barga.
The affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna, queen of Naples, died, and by her will appointed René of Anjou to be her successor. Alfonso, king of Aragon, was at this time in Sicily, and having obtained the concurrence of many barons, prepared to take possession of the kingdom. The Neapolitans, with whom a greater number of barons were also associated, favored René. The pope was unwilling that either of them should obtain it; but desired the affairs of Naples to be administered by a governor of his own appointing.
The situation in Florence was like this: Giovanna, the queen of Naples, passed away, and in her will, she named René of Anjou as her successor. At that time, Alfonso, the king of Aragon, was in Sicily and had gained the support of many barons, getting ready to take control of the kingdom. The Neapolitans, along with a larger group of barons, were in favor of René. The pope didn’t want either of them to take the throne; instead, he wanted the affairs of Naples to be managed by a governor he appointed himself.
In the meantime Alfonso entered the kingdom, and was received by the duke of Sessa; he brought with him some princes, whom he had engaged in his service, with the design (already possessing Capua, which the prince of Taranto held in his name) of subduing the Neapolitans, and sent his fleet to attack Gaeta, which had declared itself in their favor. They therefore demanded assistance of the duke of Milan, who persuaded the Genoese to undertake their defense; and they, to satisfy the duke their sovereign, and protect the merchandise they possessed, both at Naples and Gaeta, armed a powerful fleet. Alfonso hearing of this, augmented his own naval force, went in person to meet the Genoese, and coming up with them near the island of Ponzio, an engagement ensued, in which the Aragonese were defeated, and Alfonso, with many of the princes of his suite, made prisoners, and sent by the Genoese to the Filippo.
In the meantime, Alfonso entered the kingdom and was welcomed by the duke of Sessa. He brought some princes along with him, whom he had hired for his service, planning to conquer the Neapolitans since he already controlled Capua, which the prince of Taranto held in his name. He sent his fleet to attack Gaeta, which had declared support for them. They then sought help from the duke of Milan, who convinced the Genoese to defend them. To satisfy their ruler and protect the goods they had in Naples and Gaeta, the Genoese equipped a strong fleet. When Alfonso learned of this, he bolstered his own naval forces, went personally to confront the Genoese, and engaged them near the island of Ponzio. A battle broke out, resulting in a defeat for the Aragonese, and Alfonso, along with many of his royal companions, was captured and sent by the Genoese to Filippo.
This victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being jealous of the duke's power, thought it would give him a great opportunity of being sovereign of the whole country. But so contrary are the views of men, that he took a directly opposite course. Alfonso was a man of great sagacity, and as soon as an opportunity presented itself of communicating with Filippo, he proved to him how completely he contravened his own interests, by favoring René and opposing himself; for it would be the business of the former, on becoming king of Naples, to introduce the French into Milan; that in an emergency he might have assistance at hand, without the necessity of having to solicit a passage for his friends. But he could not possibly secure this advantage without effecting the ruin of the duke, and making his dominions a French province; and that the contrary of all this would result from himself becoming lord of Naples; for having only the French to fear, he would be compelled to love and caress, nay even to obey those who had it in their power to open a passage for his enemies. That thus the title of king of king of Naples would be with himself (Alfonso), but the power and authority with Filippo; so that it was much more the duke's business than his own to consider the danger of one course and the advantage of the other; unless he rather wished to gratify his private prejudices than to give security to his dominions. In the one case he would be a free prince, in the other, placed between two powerful sovereigns, he would either be robbed of his territories or live in constant fear, and have to obey them like a slave. These arguments so greatly influenced the duke, that, changing his design, he set Alfonso at liberty, sent him honorably to Genoa and then to Naples. From thence the king went to Gaeta, which as soon as his liberation had become known, was taken possession of by some nobles of his party.
This victory frightened the princes of Italy, who, jealous of the duke's power, thought it would give him a great chance to rule the whole country. But people's perspectives can be quite the opposite, and he went in a completely different direction. Alfonso was a very wise man, and as soon as he had a chance to communicate with Filippo, he showed him how much he undermined his own interests by supporting René and opposing him; for when René became king of Naples, he would bring the French into Milan, making it easier for himself to have allies close by without having to ask for help for his friends. However, he couldn't secure this benefit without ruining the duke and turning his lands into a French territory; and the opposite would happen if he became the lord of Naples; since he would only have the French to fear, he'd have to care for and even obey those who could help his enemies. Thus, the title of king of Naples would belong to Alfonso, but the real power and authority would lie with Filippo; so it was much more in the duke's interest than in his own to consider the risks of one path versus the benefits of the other—unless he preferred to satisfy his personal grudges rather than ensure the safety of his realms. In one option, he would be a free prince; in the other, caught between two powerful sovereigns, he would either lose his lands or live in constant fear and have to obey them like a servant. These arguments profoundly affected the duke, leading him to change his plans, set Alfonso free, and send him honorably to Genoa and then to Naples. From there, the king went to Gaeta, which, as soon as news of his release spread, was seized by some nobles loyal to him.
The Genoese, seeing that the duke, without the least regard for them, had liberated the king, and gained credit to himself through the dangers and expense which they had incurred; that he enjoyed all the honor of the liberation, and they were themselves exposed to the odium of the capture, and the injuries consequent upon the king's defeat, were greatly exasperated. In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment of her liberty, a magistrate is created with the consent of the people, whom they call the Doge; not that he is absolutely a prince, or that he alone has the power of determining matters of government; but that, as the head of the state, he proposes those questions or subjects which have to be considered and determined by the magistrates and the councils. In that city are many noble families so powerful, that they are with great difficulty induced to submit to the authority of the law. Of these, the most powerful are the Fregosa and the Adorna, from whom arise the dissensions of the city, and the impotence of her civil regulations; for the possession of this high office being contested by means inadmissible in well-regulated communities, and most commonly with arms in their hands, it always occurs that one party is oppressed and the other triumphant; and sometimes those who fail in the pursuit have recourse to the arms of strangers, and the country they are not allowed to rule they subject to foreign authority. Hence it happens, that those who govern in Lombardy most commonly command in Genoa, as occurred at the time Alfonso of Aragon was made prisoner. Among the leading Genoese who had been instrumental in subjecting the republic to Filippo, was Francesco Spinola, who, soon after he had reduced his country to bondage, as always happens in such cases, became suspected by the duke. Indignant at this, he withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at Gaeta, and being there when the naval expedition was in preparation, and having conducted himself with great bravery in the action, he thought he had again merited so much of the duke's confidence as would obtain for him permission to remain undisturbed at Genoa. But the duke still retained his suspicions; for he could not believe that a vacillating defender of his own country's liberty would be faithful to himself; and Francesco Spinola resolved again to try his fortune, and if possible restore freedom to his country, and honorable safety for himself; for he was there was no probability of regaining the forfeited affection of his fellow-citizens, but by resolving at his own peril to remedy the misfortunes which he had been so instrumental in producing. Finding the indignation against the duke universal, on account of the liberation of the king, he thought the moment propitious for the execution of his design. He communicated his ideas to some whom he knew to be similarly inclined, and his arguments ensured their co-operation.
The Genoese, noticing that the duke had freed the king with no consideration for them and gained praise for himself despite the risks and costs they had endured, were very frustrated. He received all the credit for the king's liberation while they faced the fallout from his defeat. In the city of Genoa, when they enjoyed their freedom, a magistrate was appointed with the people's consent, known as the Doge. This person isn’t truly a prince, nor do they have absolute power over government decisions; instead, as the head of state, they present issues for discussion and resolution by the magistrates and councils. In this city, there are many noble families so powerful that they are hard to bring under the authority of the law. Among them, the most powerful are the Fregosa and the Adorna, whose rivalries cause many of the city's conflicts and weaken civil order. The struggle for this prestigious position is often fought through means unacceptable in well-ordered communities, frequently leading to armed conflict. As a result, one side often prevails over the other, and those who fail may enlist foreign forces, ultimately subjecting their own land to outside control. Consequently, those who govern in Lombardy often have power in Genoa, as happened when Alfonso of Aragon was captured. One of the key Genoese figures who helped bring the republic under Filippo's rule was Francesco Spinola, who, shortly after he had subjugated his country, became suspect in the duke's eyes. Upset by this, he chose to go into a sort of voluntary exile in Gaeta. While there, when the naval campaign was being planned, he distinguished himself in battle and believed he had regained enough of the duke's trust to be allowed to return to Genoa without a problem. But the duke still harbored doubts, unable to believe that an inconsistent defender of his own country's freedom would be loyal to him. So, Francesco Spinola decided to take another chance and, if possible, restore freedom to his country and a safe position for himself. He realized there was little chance of winning back the love of his fellow citizens unless he took it upon himself to address the troubles he had helped create. Noticing widespread anger against the duke due to the king's liberation, he recognized this as a good time to pursue his plans. He shared his thoughts with some whom he knew felt the same way, and his persuasive arguments gained their support.
The great festival of St. John the Baptist being come, when Arismeno, the new governor sent by the duke, was to enter Genoa, and he being already arrived, accompanied by Opicino, the former governor, and many Genoese citizens, Francesco Spinola thought further delay improper; and, issuing from his house with those acquainted with his design, all armed, they raised the cry of liberty. It was wonderful to see how eagerly the citizens and people assembled at the word; so that those who for any reason might be favorable to Filippo, not only had no time to arm, but scarcely to consider the means of escape. Arismeno, with some Genoese, fled to the fortress which was held for the duke, Opicino, thinking that if he could reach the palace, where two thousand men were in arms, and at his command, he might be able either to effect his own safety, or induce his friends to defend themselves, took that direction; but before he arrived at the piazza he was slain, his body divided into many pieces and scattered about the city. The Genoese having placed the government in the hands of free magistrates, in a few days recovered the castle, and the other strongholds possessed by the duke, and delivered themselves entirely from his yoke.
The great festival of St. John the Baptist had arrived, and Arismeno, the new governor sent by the duke, was about to enter Genoa. He had already arrived, accompanied by Opicino, the former governor, and many citizens of Genoa. Francesco Spinola felt that any further delay was unacceptable. Coming out of his house with those who knew his plan, all armed, they shouted for liberty. It was amazing to see how quickly the citizens came together at the call; those who might have supported Filippo had no time to arm themselves and barely a moment to think about how to escape. Arismeno, with some Genoese, ran to the fortress held for the duke. Opicino believed that if he could reach the palace, where two thousand armed men were at his command, he could either save himself or persuade his friends to defend themselves. However, before he arrived at the piazza, he was killed, his body cut into many pieces and scattered throughout the city. The Genoese placed their government in the hands of free magistrates, and within a few days, they reclaimed the castle and the other strongholds held by the duke, freeing themselves entirely from his control.
These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the princes of Italy with the apprehension that the duke would become too powerful, now gave them hope, seeing the turn they had taken, of being able to restrain him; and, notwithstanding the recent league, the Florentines and Venetians entered into alliance with the Genoese. Rinaldo degli Albizzi and the other leading Florentine exiles, observing the altered aspect of affairs, conceived hopes of being able to induce the duke to make war against Florence, and having arrived at Milan, Rinaldo addressed him in the following manner: "If we, who were once your enemies, come now confidently to supplicate your assistance to enable us to return to our country, neither you, nor anyone, who considers the course and vicissitudes of human affairs, can be at all surprised; for of our past conduct toward yourself and our present intentions toward our country, we can adduce palpable and abundant reasons. No good man will ever reproach another who endeavors to defend his country, whatever be his mode of doing so; neither have we had any design of injuring you, but only to preserve our country from detriment; and we appeal to yourself, whether, during the greatest victories of our league, when you were really desirous of peace, we were not even more anxious for it than yourself; so that we do not think we have done aught to make us despair altogether of favor from you. Nor can our country itself complain that we now exhort you to use those arms against her, from which we have so pertinaciously defended her; for that state alone merits the love of all her citizens, which cares with equal affection for all; not one that favors a few, and casts from her the great mass of her children. Nor are the arms that men use against their country to be universally condemned; for communities, although composed of many, resemble individual bodies; and as in these, many infirmities arise which cannot be cured without the application of fire or of steel, so in the former, there often occur such numerous and great evils, that a good and merciful citizen, when there is a necessity for the sword, would be much more to blame in leaving her uncured, than by using this remedy for her preservation. What greater disease can afflict a republic than slavery? and what remedy is more desirable for adoption than the one by which alone it can be effectually removed? No wars are just but those that are necessary; and force is merciful when it presents the only hope of relief. I know not what necessity can be greater than ours, or what compassion can exceed that which rescues our country from slavery. Our cause is therefore just, and our purpose merciful, as both yourself and we may be easily convinced. The amplest justice is on your side; for the Florentines have not hesitated, after a peace concluded with so much solemnity, to enter into league with those who have rebelled against you; so that if our cause is insufficient to excite you against them, let your own just indignation do so; and the more so, seeing the facility of the undertaking. You need be under no apprehension from the memory of the past, in which you may have observed the power of that people and their pertinency in self-defense; though these might reasonably excite fear, if they were still animated by the valor of former times. But now, all is entirely the reverse; for what power can be expected in a city that has recently expelled the greatest part of her wealth and industry? What indomitable resolution need be apprehended from the people whom so many and such recent enmities have disunited? The disunion which still prevails will prevent wealthy citizens advancing money as they used to do on former occasions; for though men willingly contribute according to their means, when they see their own credit, glory, and private advantage dependent upon it, or when there is a hope of regaining in peace what has been spent in war, but not when equally oppressed under all circumstances, when in war they suffer the injuries of the enemy, and in peace, the insolence of those who govern them. Besides this, the people feel more deeply the avarice of their rulers, than the rapacity of the enemy; for there is hope of being ultimately relieved from the latter evil, but none from the former. Thus, in the last war, you had to contend with the whole city; but now with only a small portion. You attempted to take the government from many good citizens; but now you oppose only a few bad ones. You then endeavored to deprive a city of her liberty, now you come to restore it. As it is unreasonable to suppose that under such disparity of circumstances, the result should be the same, you have now every reason to anticipate an easy victory; and how much it will strengthen your own government, you may easily judge; having Tuscany friendly, and bound by so powerful an obligation, in your enterprises, she will be even of more service to you than Milan. And, although, on former occasions, such an acquisition might be looked upon as ambitious and unwarrantable, it will now be considered merciful and just. Then do not let this opportunity escape, and be assured, that although your attempts against the city have been attended with difficulty, expense, and disgrace, this will with facility procure you incalculable advantage and an honorable renown."
These transactions, which initially worried the princes of Italy because they feared the duke would become too powerful, now gave them hope as they saw things shifting, believing they could keep him in check. Despite the recent alliance, the Florentines and Venetians formed a partnership with the Genoese. Rinaldo degli Albizzi and other prominent Florentine exiles, noticing the change in circumstances, began to hope they could persuade the duke to wage war against Florence. Upon arriving in Milan, Rinaldo spoke to him as follows: "If we, who were once your enemies, now come to ask for your help to return to our homeland, neither you nor anyone mindful of the twists and turns of life should be surprised. Our past actions towards you and our current intentions for our country provide clear and ample reasons. No good person would blame another for trying to protect his country, no matter how he goes about it; we have never intended to harm you, but only to save our homeland from damage. We can point out that during the peak victories of our alliance, when you truly wanted peace, we were even more eager for it than you were. Therefore, we don't believe we've done anything to completely lose your favor. Our country can't complain that we now urge you to use the weapons we have stubbornly defended her with; any state that values the love of all its citizens must treat everyone with equal care, not just favor a select few while neglecting the majority. Moreover, the arms people use against their homeland shouldn’t be universally condemned; communities, despite being made up of many, are like individual bodies. Just as individual bodies may suffer ailments that require fire or steel for healing, states often face such severe problems that a good and kind citizen should be more at fault for failing to heal them than for using tough measures to preserve them. What greater calamity can plague a republic than slavery? And what remedy is more necessary than the one that can truly free it? Only wars that are essential are just, and force can be compassionate when it brings the only hope for relief. I can't think of a greater necessity than ours, or a more compassionate act than freeing our country from slavery. Our cause is therefore just, and our goal is merciful, as both you and we can easily agree. The highest justice is on your side; for the Florentines did not hesitate, after a peace signed with great solemnity, to ally with those who have rebelled against you. So if our cause isn't enough to motivate you against them, let your own rightful anger do so, especially considering how easy this undertaking is. You shouldn't worry about recalling the past, where you may have seen that people’s strength and determination to defend themselves were significant; such things might scare you if they still had the courage of earlier times. But now, everything is quite the opposite; what power can a city exhibit that has recently expelled most of its wealth and workforce? What unwavering determination should concern you from those divided by so many recent conflicts? The ongoing disunity will stop wealthy citizens from lending money as they once did; because while people willingly contribute when their reputation, glory, and personal gain are at stake or there’s hope to recover what was spent in war during peacetime, they won't do so when they all suffer the same oppression, being attacked by the enemy in war and facing the arrogance of their rulers in peace. Additionally, people feel their rulers’ greed more deeply than the enemy’s greed; there’s a glimmer of hope to be freed from the latter but none from the former. Thus, in the last war, you were up against the entire city; now you're only facing a small group. You tried to take the government from many good citizens; now you're opposing just a few bad ones. Previously, you sought to take away the city’s freedom; now you come to restore it. Given such a difference in circumstances, it’s unreasonable to think the outcome should be the same. You now have every reason to expect an easy victory; and you can easily see how much stronger your own government will become. With Tuscany friendly and so heavily obligated to assist you, she will offer you even more support than Milan. And although in the past such an acquisition might have seemed ambitious and unjustified, it will now be seen as compassionate and fair. So don’t let this opportunity slip away, and be assured, that while your previous efforts against the city were fraught with difficulty, cost, and embarrassment, this will easily bring you immense benefits and honorable recognition."
Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hostilities against the Florentines, for he was incited to it by hereditary hatred and blind ambition, and still more, by the fresh injuries which the league with the Genoese involved; yet his past expenses, the dangerous measures necessary, the remembrance of his recent losses, and the vain hopes of the exiles, alarmed him. As soon as he had learned the revolt of Genoa, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to proceed thither with all his cavalry and whatever infantry he could raise, for the purpose of recovering her, before the citizens had time to become settled and establish a government; for he trusted greatly in the fortress within the city, which was held for him. And although Niccolo drove the Genoese from the mountains, took from them the valley of Pozeveri, where they had entrenched themselves, and obliged them to seek refuge within the walls of the city, he still found such an insurmountable obstacle in the resolute defense of the citizens, that he was compelled to withdraw. On this, at the suggestion of the Florentine exiles, he commanded Niccolo to attack them on the eastern side, upon the confines of Pisa in the Genoese territory, and to push the war with his utmost vigor, thinking this plan would manifest and develop the course best to be adopted. Niccolo therefore besieged and took Serezana, and having committed great ravages, by way of further alarming the Florentines he proceeded to Lucca, spreading a report that it was his intention to go to Naples to render assistance to the king of Aragon. Upon these new events Pope Eugenius left Florence and proceeded to Bologna, where he endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement between the league and the duke, intimating to the latter, that if he would not consent to some treaty, the pontiff must send Francesco Sforza to assist the league, for the latter was now his confederate, and served in his pay. Although the pope greatly exerted himself in this affair, his endeavors were unavailing; for the duke would not listen to any proposal that did not leave him the possession of Genoa, and the league had resolved that she should remain free; and, therefore, each party, having no other resource, prepared to continue the war.
The duke didn’t need much convincing to go to war against the Florentines; his deep-seated hatred and blind ambition drove him, along with the recent grievances from his alliance with the Genoese. However, he was nervous about his past expenses, the risky strategies he would need to employ, his recent losses, and the empty hopes of the exiles. As soon as he heard about Genoa’s rebellion, he sent Niccolo Piccinino there with all his cavalry and any infantry he could gather to take back the city before the citizens could settle in and establish a government. He had high hopes for the fortress within the city that was under his control. Although Niccolo managed to push the Genoese out of the mountains and take the valley of Pozeveri, forcing them to retreat behind the city walls, he faced strong resistance from the citizens, which forced him to pull back. Following this, at the suggestion of the Florentine exiles, he ordered Niccolo to attack from the eastern side, near Pisa, and to escalate the war as much as possible, believing this approach would show the best course of action. Niccolo then besieged and captured Serezana and caused significant destruction; to further scare the Florentines, he moved on to Lucca, spreading the rumor that he planned to go to Naples to aid the king of Aragon. After these developments, Pope Eugenius left Florence for Bologna, where he tried to mediate a peace between the league and the duke, warning the duke that if he didn’t agree to a treaty, the pope would have to send Francesco Sforza to support the league, as they were now allies and he was being paid by them. Despite the pope’s efforts, he was unsuccessful; the duke refused any deal that didn’t allow him to keep control of Genoa, while the league was determined to keep the city free. Consequently, both sides, having no other options, prepared to continue the conflict.
In the meantime Niccolo Piccinino arrived at Lucca, and the Florentines, being doubtful what course to adopt, ordered Neri di Gino to lead their forces into the Pisan territory, induced the pontiff to allow Count Francesco to join him, and with their forces they halted at San Gonda. Piccinino then demanded admission into the kingdom of Naples, and this being refused, he threatened to force a passage. The armies were equal, both in regard of numbers and the capacity of their leaders, and unwilling to tempt fortune during the bad weather, it being the month of December, they remained several days without attacking each other. The first movement was made by Niccolo Piccinino, who being informed that if he attacked Vico Pisano by night, he could easily take possession of the place, made the attempt, and having failed, ravaged the surrounding country, and then burned and plundered the town of San Giovanni alla Vena. This enterprise, though of little consequence, excited him to make further attempts, the more so from being assured that the count and Neri were yet in their quarters, and he attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto, both which places he took. Still the Florentine forces would not stir; not that the count entertained any fear, but because, out of regard to the pope, who still labored to effect an accommodation, the government of Florence had deferred giving their final consent to the war. This course, which the Florentines adopted from prudence, was considered by the enemy to be only the result of timidity, and with increased boldness they led their forces up to Barga, which they resolved to besiege. This new attack made the Florentines set aside all other considerations, and resolve not only to relieve Barga, but to invade the Lucchese territory. Accordingly the count proceeded in pursuit of Niccolo, and coming up with him before Barga, an engagement took place, in which Piccinino was overcome, and compelled to raise the siege.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino arrived in Lucca, and the Florentines, unsure of what to do, ordered Neri di Gino to lead their forces into Pisan territory. They convinced the pope to let Count Francesco join him, and together they camped at San Gonda. Piccinino then requested access to the kingdom of Naples, and when this was denied, he threatened to force his way in. The armies were equal in size and leadership abilities, and reluctant to risk a battle in the bad December weather, they stayed several days without engaging. The first move came from Niccolo Piccinino, who learned that if he attacked Vico Pisano at night, he could easily capture it. He made the attempt but failed, instead wreaking havoc on the surrounding area and then burning and looting the town of San Giovanni alla Vena. This maneuver, though not significant, fueled his desire to try again, especially since he was confident that the count and Neri were still encamped nearby. He attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto, successfully capturing both. Still, the Florentine forces didn’t move; not because the count was afraid, but out of respect for the pope, who was still trying to negotiate peace, the government of Florence hesitated to give final approval for war. This cautious approach was seen by the enemy as cowardice, and with renewed confidence, they moved their forces toward Barga, which they planned to besiege. This new threat prompted the Florentines to abandon all other considerations and commit to not only relieving Barga but also invading Lucchese territory. Consequently, the count pursued Niccolo, and upon catching up with him near Barga, a battle ensued, resulting in Piccinino’s defeat and forcing him to lift the siege.
The Venetians considering the duke to have broken the peace, send Giovan Francesco da Gonzaga, their captain, to Ghiaradadda, who, by severely wasting the duke's territories, induced him to recall Niccolo Piccinino from Tuscany. This circumstance, together with the victory obtained over Niccolo, emboldened the Florentines to attempt the recovery of Lucca, since the duke, whom alone they feared, was engaged with the Venetians, and the Lucchese having received the enemy into their city, and allowed him to attack them, would have no ground of complaint.
The Venetians, believing the duke had broken the peace, sent their captain, Giovan Francesco da Gonzaga, to Ghiaradadda. He severely damaged the duke's territories, which prompted the duke to recall Niccolo Piccinino from Tuscany. This situation, along with the victory over Niccolo, gave the Florentines the confidence to try to take back Lucca, since the duke, whom they feared the most, was busy dealing with the Venetians. The Lucchese, having let the enemy into their city and allowing them to attack, wouldn’t have any reason to complain.
CHAPTER III
The Florentines go to war with Lucca—Discourse of a citizen of Lucca to animate the plebeians against the Florentines—The Lucchese resolve to defend themselves—They are assisted by the duke of Milan—Treaty between the Florentines and the Venetians—Francesco Sforza, captain of the league, refuses to cross the Po in the service of the Venetians and returns to Tuscany—The bad faith of the Venetians toward the Florentines—Cosmo de' Medici at Venice—Peace between the Florentines and the Lucchese—The Florentines effect a reconciliation between the pope and the Count di Poppi—The pope consecrates the church of Santa Reparata—Council of Florence.
The Florentines go to war with Lucca—A citizen of Lucca speaks to inspire the common people against the Florentines—The people of Lucca decide to defend themselves—They receive help from the duke of Milan—A treaty is made between the Florentines and the Venetians—Francesco Sforza, the leader of the alliance, refuses to cross the Po River for the Venetians and returns to Tuscany—The Venetians betray the Florentines—Cosimo de' Medici visits Venice—A peace agreement is reached between the Florentines and the Lucchese—The Florentines facilitate a reconciliation between the pope and Count di Poppi—The pope consecrates the church of Santa Reparata—The Council of Florence.
The count commenced operations against Lucca in April, 1437, and the Florentines, desirous of recovering what they had themselves lost before they attacked others, retook Santa Maria in Castello, and all the places which Piccinino had occupied. Then, entering the Lucchese territory, they besieged Camaiore, the inhabitants of which, although faithful to their rulers, being influenced more by immediate danger than by attachment to their distant friends, surrendered. In the same manner, they obtained Massa and Serezana. Toward the end of May they proceeded in the direction of Lucca, burning the towns, destroying the growing crops, grain, trees, and vines, driving away the cattle, and leaving nothing undone to injure the enemy. The Lucchese, finding themselves abandoned by the duke, and hopeless of defending the open country, forsook it; entrenched and fortified the city, which they doubted not, being well garrisoned, they would be able to defend for a time, and that, in the interim, some event would occur for their relief, as had been the case during the former wars which the Florentines had carried on against them. Their only apprehension arose from the fickle minds of the plebeians, who, becoming weary of the siege, would have more consideration of their own danger than of other's liberty, and would thus compel them to submit to some disgraceful and ruinous capitulation. In order to animate them to defense, they were assembled in the public piazza, and some of the eldest and most esteemed of the citizens addressed them in the following terms: "You are doubtless aware that what is done from necessity involves neither censure nor applause; therefore, if you should accuse us of having caused the present war, by receiving the ducal forces into the city, and allowing them to commit hostilities against the Florentines, you are greatly mistaken. You are well acquainted with the ancient enmity of the Florentines against you, which is not occasioned by any injuries you have done them, or by fear on their part, but by our weakness and their own ambition; for the one gives them hope of being able to oppress us, and the other incites them to attempt it. It is then vain to imagine that any merit of yours can extinguish that desire in them, or that any offense you can commit, can provoke them to greater animosity. They endeavor to deprive you of your liberty; you must resolve to defend it; and whatever they may undertake against us for that purpose, although we may lament, we need not wonder. We may well grieve, therefore, that they attack us, take possession of our towns, burn our houses, and waste our country. But who is so simple as to be surprised at it? for were it in our power, we should do just the same to them, or even worse. They declare war against us now, they say, for having received Niccolo; but if we had not received him, they would have done the same and assigned some other ground for it; and if the evil had been delayed, it would most probably have been greater. Therefore, you must not imagine it to be occasioned by his arrival, but rather by your own ill fortune and their ambition; for we could not have refused admission to the duke's forces, and, being come, we could not prevent their aggressions. You know, that without the aid of some powerful ally we are incapable of self-defense, and that none can render us this service more powerfully or faithfully than the duke. He restored our liberty; it is reasonable to expect he will defend it. He has always been the greatest foe of our inveterate enemies; if, therefore, to avoid incensing the Florentines we had excited his anger, we should have lost our best friend, and rendered our enemy more powerful and more disposed to oppress us; so that it is far preferable to have this war upon our hands, and enjoy the favor of the duke, than to be in peace without it. Besides, we are justified in expecting that he will rescue us from the dangers into which we are brought on his account, if we only do not abandon our own cause. You all know how fiercely the Florentines have frequently assailed us, and with what glory we have maintained our defense. We have often been deprived of every hope, except in God and the casualties which time might produce, and both have proved our friends. And as they have delivered us formerly, why should they not continue to do so. Then we were forsaken by the whole of Italy; now we have the duke in our favor; besides we have a right to suppose that the Venetians will not hastily attack us; for they will not willingly see the power of Florence increased. On a former occasion the Florentines were more at liberty; they had greater hope of assistance, and were more powerful in themselves, while we were in every respect weaker; for then a tyrant governed us, now we defend ourselves; then the glory of our defense was another's, now it is our own; then they were in harmony, now they are disunited, all Italy being filled with their banished citizens. But were we without the hope which these favorable circumstances present, our extreme necessity should make us firmly resolved on our defense. It is reasonable to fear every enemy, for all seek their own glory and your ruin; above all others, you have to dread the Florentines, for they would not be satisfied by submission and tribute, or the dominion of our city, but they would possess our entire substance and persons, that they might satiate their cruelty with our blood, and their avarice with our property, so that all ranks ought to dread them. Therefore do not be troubled at seeing our crops destroyed, our towns burned, our fortresses occupied; for if we preserve the city, the rest will be saved as a matter of course; if we lose her, all else would be of no advantage to us; for while retaining our liberty, the enemy can hold them only with the greatest difficulty, while losing it they would be preserved in vain. Arm, therefore; and when in the fight, remember that the reward of victory will be safety, not only to your country, but to your homes, your wives, and your children." The speaker's last words were received with the utmost enthusiasm by the people, who promised one and all to die rather than abandon their cause, or submit to any terms that could violate their liberty. They then made arrangements for the defense of the city.
The count started his campaign against Lucca in April 1437, and the Florentines, eager to reclaim what they had lost before they could attack others, recaptured Santa Maria in Castello and all the areas that Piccinino had taken. They then moved into Lucchese territory and laid siege to Camaiore. The residents, although loyal to their rulers, were more influenced by immediate threats than by loyalty to their distant allies, so they surrendered. Similarly, they took Massa and Serezana. By the end of May, they moved toward Lucca, burning towns, destroying crops, grain, trees, and vines, driving away livestock, and doing everything possible to harm the enemy. The Lucchese, feeling abandoned by the duke and hopeless about defending the open countryside, abandoned it, fortifying the city instead, confident that, being well-garrisoned, they could hold it for a while and that something might happen to help them, as had occurred in previous wars against the Florentines. Their only worry was the unpredictable attitudes of the common people, who, growing tired of the siege, might prioritize their own safety over the freedom of others and force them into a shameful and destructive surrender. To inspire them to defend themselves, they gathered in the public square, and some of the eldest and most respected citizens addressed them, saying: "You know that actions taken out of necessity don’t deserve blame or praise; therefore, if you accuse us of starting this war by letting the ducal forces into the city and allowing them to attack the Florentines, you are very mistaken. You are well aware of the long-standing hostility of the Florentines toward you, which is not due to any wrongs you have done to them or fear on their part, but rather our weakness and their ambition; one leads them to believe they can oppress us, while the other drives them to try. It's foolish to think that anything you do can eliminate their desire to conquer us, or that any offense will make them hate us more. They want to take your freedom; you must be prepared to defend it. Whatever actions they take against us for this purpose, while we might grieve, we shouldn't be surprised. We have a right to feel sorrow for their attacks, for losing our towns, burning our homes, and ruining our land. But who would be naive enough to be shocked by it? If we could, we would do the same to them or even worse. They claim they are at war with us because we welcomed Niccolo, but if we hadn't let him in, they would have found some other reason to attack us. Delaying the conflict would likely have made it worse. So don’t believe this is solely about his arrival; it stems from your misfortune and their ambition. We had no choice but to allow the duke's forces in, and once they were here, we couldn’t stop them from attacking. You know we can't defend ourselves without a strong ally, and no one can provide that support more effectively or faithfully than the duke. He restored our freedom, so it’s only reasonable to expect him to protect it. He has always been our greatest enemy’s opponent; if we had angered him to appease the Florentines, we would have lost our best ally and made our enemy stronger and more inclined to oppress us. It's much better to face this war and have the duke's backing than to enjoy peace without it. Moreover, we have every reason to believe he will rescue us from the dangers caused by his involvement, as long as we don’t abandon our cause. You all know how fiercely the Florentines have attacked us, and how honorably we've defended ourselves. We’ve often been left with no hope except our trust in God and the turn of fate, both of which have been our friends. Given how they have helped us before, why wouldn't they continue to do so? Back then, we were abandoned by all of Italy; now we have the duke on our side. Besides, we can reasonably assume that the Venetians won’t rush to attack us, as they wouldn't want to see Florence's power grow. In the past, the Florentines were freer, had greater hopes for assistance, and were more powerful, while we were weaker; we had a tyrant then, but now we defend ourselves; the glory of our defense was someone else’s then, but now it’s ours; they were united then, but now they are fractured, with all of Italy filled with their exiled citizens. But even without these favorable circumstances, our desperate situation should make us determined to defend ourselves. It’s wise to fear every enemy, as they all seek their own glory and your destruction; above all, you should fear the Florentines, because they won't be satisfied with submission, tribute, or ruling our city; they want our entire lives and resources so they can quench their thirst for brutality with our blood and their greed with our possessions, making it essential for everyone to fear them. So don’t be disheartened by our crops being destroyed, our towns burned, or our fortresses seized; if we keep the city, everything else will follow; if we lose it, nothing will matter; while we maintain our freedom, the enemy can only hold onto them with great difficulty, and losing our freedom would make everything pointless. So prepare yourselves; and when the battle comes, remember that the reward for victory will be not only the safety of your land but also your homes, your wives, and your children." The crowd responded enthusiastically to the speaker's final words, pledging collectively to die before they would abandon their cause or agree to any terms that could compromise their freedom. They then organized the defense of the city.
In the meantime, the Florentine forces were not idle; and after innumerable mischiefs done to the country took Monte Carlo by capitulation. They then besieged Uzzano, in order that the Lucchese, being pressed on all sides, might despair of assistance, and be compelled to submission by famine. The fortress was very strong, and defended by a numerous garrison, so that its capture would be by no means an easy undertaking. The Lucchese, as might be expected, seeing the imminent peril of their situation, had recourse to the duke, and employed prayers and remonstrances to induce him to render them aid. They enlarged upon their own merits and the offenses of the Florentines; and showed how greatly it would attach the duke's friends to him to find they were defended, and how much disaffection it would spread among them, if they were left to be overwhelmed by the enemy; that if they lost their liberties and their lives, he would lose his honor and his friends, and forfeit the confidence of all who from affection might be induced to incur dangers in his behalf; and added tears to entreaties, so that if he were unmoved by gratitude to them, he might be induced to their defense by motives of compassion. The duke, influenced by his inveterate hostility against the Florentines, his new obligation to the Lucchese, and, above all, by his desire to prevent so great an acquisition from falling into the hands of his ancient enemies, determined either to send a strong force into Tuscany, or vigorously to assail the Venetians, so as to compel the Florentines to give up their enterprise and go to their relief.
In the meantime, the Florentine forces weren't inactive; after causing countless troubles for the region, they captured Monte Carlo through negotiation. They then laid siege to Uzzano, hoping that the Lucchese, feeling the pressure from all sides, would lose hope for help and be forced to surrender due to starvation. The fortress was very strong and defended by a large garrison, making it a tough target to take. As was expected, the Lucchese, seeing the danger of their situation, turned to the duke for help, using both pleas and arguments to persuade him to assist them. They emphasized their own merits and the wrongs done by the Florentines, explaining how much it would strengthen the duke's allies to see them defended, and how much discontent it would create if they were left to be crushed by the enemy. They warned that if they lost their freedoms and lives, he would lose his honor and friends, and would undermine the trust of those who might be willing to take risks for him out of loyalty. They even added tears to their requests, hoping that if he wasn't moved by gratitude, he might still feel compelled to defend them out of compassion. The duke, driven by his deep-seated dislike for the Florentines, his new obligation to the Lucchese, and especially his desire to prevent such a significant gain from falling into the hands of his old enemies, decided to either send a strong force into Tuscany or launch a vigorous attack on the Venetians to force the Florentines to abandon their plans and rush to their aid.
It was soon known in Florence that the duke was preparing to send forces into Tuscany. This made the Florentines apprehensive for the success of their enterprise; and in order to retain the duke in Lombardy, they requested the Venetians to press him with their utmost strength. But they also were alarmed, the marquis of Mantua having abandoned them and gone over to the duke; and thus, finding themselves almost defenseless, they replied, "that instead of increasing their responsibilities, they should be unable to perform their part in the war, unless the Count Francesco were sent to them to take the command of the army, and with the special understanding that he should engage to cross the Po in person. They declined to fulfil their former engagements unless he were bound to do so; for they could not carry on the war without a leader, or repose confidence in any except the count; and he himself would be useless to them, unless he came under an obligation to carry on the war whenever they might think needful." The Florentines thought the war ought to be pushed vigorously in Lombardy; but they saw that if they lost the count their enterprise against Lucca was ruined; and they knew well that the demand of the Venetians arose less from any need they had of the count, than from their desire to frustrate this expedition. The count, on the other hand, was ready to pass into Lombardy whenever the league might require him, but would not alter the tenor of his engagement; for he was unwilling to sacrifice the hope of the alliance promised to him by the duke.
It soon became clear in Florence that the duke was getting ready to send troops into Tuscany. This made the Florentines nervous about their plans, so they asked the Venetians to pressure him with all their might. However, the Venetians were also worried, as the marquis of Mantua had abandoned them and joined the duke. Feeling almost defenseless, they responded that rather than taking on more responsibilities, they wouldn’t be able to fulfill their role in the war unless Count Francesco was sent to lead the army, and he needed to agree to personally cross the Po River. They refused to uphold their previous commitments unless he was obligated to do so, as they wouldn’t be able to continue the war without a leader, or trust anyone but the count; and he wouldn’t be useful to them unless he committed to fighting whenever they deemed it necessary. The Florentines believed the war should be pursued aggressively in Lombardy, but they realized that losing the count would ruin their plan against Lucca. They understood that the Venetians' request for the count was less about their need for him and more about their desire to sabotage this expedition. On the other hand, the count was prepared to move into Lombardy whenever the league needed him, but he wouldn’t change the terms of his agreement since he didn’t want to give up the hope of the alliance promised to him by the duke.
The Florentines were thus embarrassed by two contrary impulses, the wish to possess Lucca, and the dread of a war with Milan. As commonly happens, fear was the most powerful, and they consented, after the capture of Uzzano, that the count should go into Lombardy. There still remained another difficulty, which, depending on circumstances beyond the reach of their influence, created more doubts and uneasiness than the former; the count would not consent to pass the Po, and the Venetians refused to accept him on any other condition. Seeing no other method of arrangement, than that each should make liberal concessions, the Florentines induced the count to cross the river by a letter addressed to the Signory of Florence, intimating that this private promise did not invalidate any public engagement, and that he might still refrain from crossing; hence it resulted that the Venetians, having commenced the war, would be compelled to proceed, and that the evil apprehended by the Florentines would be averted. To the Venetians, on the other hand, they averred that this private letter was sufficiently binding, and therefore they ought to be content; for if they could save the count from breaking with his father-in-law, it was well to do so, and that it could be of no advantage either to themselves or the Venetians to publish it without some manifest necessity. It was thus determined that the count should pass into Lombardy; and having taken Uzzano, and raised bastions about Lucca to restrain in her inhabitants, placed the management of the siege in the hands of the commissaries, crossed the Apennines, and proceeded to Reggio, when the Venetians, alarmed at his progress, and in order to discover his intentions, insisted upon his immediately crossing the Po, and joining the other forces. The count refused compliance, and many mutual recriminations took place between him and Andrea Mauroceno, their messenger on this occasion, each charging the other with arrogance and treachery: after many protestations, the one of being under no obligation to perform that service, and the other of not being bound to any payment, they parted, the count to return to Tuscany, the other to Venice.
The Florentines found themselves torn between two conflicting desires: wanting to take Lucca and fearing a war with Milan. As often happens, fear was stronger, and after capturing Uzzano, they agreed to let the count go into Lombardy. However, another challenge arose, one that was beyond their control and created more uncertainty than the first; the count wouldn’t agree to cross the Po River, and the Venetians wouldn’t accept him under any other terms. Seeing no other way to work things out except for both sides to make generous concessions, the Florentines convinced the count to cross the river with a letter sent to the Signory of Florence, stating that this private promise wouldn’t interfere with any public commitment, and he could still choose not to cross. This meant that the Venetians, having started the war, would have to continue, and the Florentines’ fears would be avoided. To the Venetians, they argued that this private letter was binding enough, so they should be satisfied; if they could prevent the count from breaking with his father-in-law, it would be beneficial, and there was no advantage for either side in making it public unless absolutely necessary. It was agreed that the count would proceed to Lombardy. After taking Uzzano and building fortifications around Lucca to keep its residents in check, he handed over the siege's management to the officials, crossed the Apennines, and headed to Reggio. The Venetians, worried about his advance and wanting to learn his plans, insisted that he immediately cross the Po and join the other troops. The count refused, leading to accusations exchanged between him and Andrea Mauroceno, their messenger, each blaming the other for being arrogant and deceitful. After many declarations—one claiming he had no duty to perform the requested service, and the other saying he was not obligated to any payment—they parted ways, the count returning to Tuscany and Mauroceno heading back to Venice.
The Florentines had sent the count to encamp in the Pisan territory, and were in hopes of inducing him to renew the war against the Lucchese, but found him indisposed to do so, for the duke, having been informed that out of regard to him he had refused to cross the Po, thought that by this means he might also save the Lucchese, and begged the count to endeavor to effect an accommodation between the Florentines and the Lucchese, including himself in it, if he were able, declaring, at the same time, the promised marriage should be solemnized whenever he thought proper. The prospect of this connection had great influence with the count, for, as the duke had no sons, it gave him hope of becoming sovereign of Milan. For this reason he gradually abated his exertions in the war, declared he would not proceed unless the Venetians fulfilled their engagement as to the payment, and also retained him in the command; that the discharge of the debt would not alone be sufficient, for desiring to live peaceably in his own dominions, he needed some alliance other than that of the Florentines, and that he must regard his own interests, shrewdly hinting that if abandoned by the Venetians, he would come to terms with the duke.
The Florentines had sent the count to set up camp in Pisan territory, hoping to persuade him to restart the war against the Lucchese. However, they found him unwilling to do so, because the duke, having learned that the count had refused to cross the Po out of consideration for him, believed this could also help the Lucchese. He asked the count to help arrange a settlement between the Florentines and the Lucchese, including himself in the negotiations if possible, while declaring that the promised marriage could be held whenever the count deemed appropriate. This potential alliance significantly influenced the count, as the duke had no sons, giving him hope of becoming the sovereign of Milan. For this reason, he gradually reduced his efforts in the war, stating he wouldn’t take further action unless the Venetians fulfilled their financial commitments and kept him in command. He pointed out that simply paying the debt wouldn’t be enough; wanting to live peacefully in his own territories, he needed an alliance beyond that of the Florentines, and he made it clear that if he was abandoned by the Venetians, he would consider making a deal with the duke.
These indirect and crafty methods of procedure were highly offensive to the Florentines, for they found their expedition against Lucca frustrated, and trembled for the safety of their own territories if ever the count and the duke should enter into a mutual alliance. To induce the Venetians to retain the count in the command, Cosmo de' Medici went to Venice, hoping his influence would prevail with them, and discussed the subject at great length before the senate, pointing out the condition of the Italian states, the disposition of their armies, and the great preponderance possessed by the duke. He concluded by saying, that if the count and the duke were to unite their forces, they (the Venetians) might return to the sea, and the Florentines would have to fight for their liberty. To this the Venetians replied, that they were acquainted with their own strength and that of the Italians, and thought themselves able at all events to provide for their own defense; that it was not their custom to pay soldiers for serving others; that as the Florentines had used the count's services, they must pay him themselves; with respect to the security of their own states, it was rather desirable to check the count's pride than to pay him, for the ambition of men is boundless, and if he were now paid without serving, he would soon make some other demand, still more unreasonable and dangerous. It therefore seemed necessary to curb his insolence, and not allow it to increase till it became incorrigible; and that if the Florentines, from fear or any other motive, wished to preserve his friendship, they must pay him themselves. Cosmo returned without having effected any part of his object.
These sneaky and tricky methods were very annoying to the Florentines because they felt their efforts against Lucca were blocked and they worried about the safety of their own lands if the count and the duke formed an alliance. To persuade the Venetians to keep the count in charge, Cosmo de' Medici traveled to Venice, hoping his influence would win them over. He spoke extensively before the senate, highlighting the situation of the Italian states, the readiness of their armies, and the significant power held by the duke. He finished by warning that if the count and the duke joined forces, the Venetians might have to retreat to the sea, leaving the Florentines to fight for their freedom. The Venetians replied that they knew their own strength and that of the Italians, believing they could defend themselves regardless. They stated it wasn't their practice to pay soldiers to serve others. Since the Florentines had used the count's services, they ought to compensate him directly. Regarding their own state's security, they felt it was better to control the count’s arrogance than to keep paying him, as human ambition knows no bounds; if they paid him now without any service, he would likely demand something even more unreasonable and risky later. Therefore, it seemed necessary to rein in his arrogance before it got out of hand, and if the Florentines wished to maintain his friendship out of fear or any other reason, they would have to pay him themselves. Cosmo returned without achieving any of his goals.
The Florentines used the weightiest arguments they could adopt to prevent the count from quitting the service of the League, a course he was himself reluctant to follow, but his desire to conclude the marriage so embarrassed him, that any trivial accident would have been sufficient to determine his course, as indeed shortly happened. The count had left his territories in La Marca to the care of Il Furlano, one of his principal condottieri, who was so far influenced by the duke as to take command under him, and quit the count's service. This circumstance caused the latter to lay aside every idea but that of his own safety, and to come to agreement with the duke; among the terms of which compact was one that he should not be expected to interfere in the affairs of Romagna and Tuscany. The count then urged the Florentines to come to terms with the Lucchese, and so convinced them of the necessity of this, that seeing no better course to adopt, they complied in April, 1438, by which treaty the Lucchese retained their liberty, and the Florentines Monte Carlo and a few other fortresses. After this, being full of exasperation, they despatched letters to every part of Italy, overcharged with complaints, affecting to show that since God and men were averse to the Lucchese coming under their dominion, they had made peace with them. And it seldom happens that any suffer so much for the loss of their own lawful property as they did because they could not obtain the possessions of others.
The Florentines used their strongest arguments to keep the count from leaving the League, a decision he was hesitant to make. However, his eagerness to finalize the marriage put him in a difficult position, where even a minor event could sway his decision, which indeed happened soon after. The count had left his lands in La Marca under the watch of Il Furlano, one of his main condottieri, who was influenced enough by the duke to take command under him and leave the count's service. This situation made the count focus solely on his own safety and reach an agreement with the duke. One of the terms of this agreement was that he wouldn’t be expected to interfere in Romagna and Tuscany's affairs. The count then urged the Florentines to reach an agreement with the Lucchese and convinced them of its necessity. Seeing no better option, they complied in April 1438, resulting in a treaty where the Lucchese kept their freedom while the Florentines gained Monte Carlo and a few other fortresses. Afterward, filled with frustration, they sent letters across Italy, overflowing with complaints, claiming that since God and men opposed the Lucchese becoming part of their dominion, they had to make peace with them. It is rare for anyone to suffer so much from losing their own rightful property as the Florentines did because they couldn’t acquire what belonged to others.
Though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand, they did not allow the proceedings of their neighbors to pass unnoticed, or neglect the decoration of their city. As before observed, Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead. He had married a daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, at the decease of his son-in-law, held the Borgo San Sepolcro, and other fortresses of that district, and while Niccolo lived, governed them in his name. Claiming them as his daughter's portion, he refused to give them up to the pope, who demanded them as property held of the church, and who, upon his refusal, sent the patriarch with forces to take possession of them. The count, finding himself unable to sustain the attack, offered them to the Florentines, who declined them; but the pope having returned to Florence, they interceded with him in the count's behalf. Difficulties arising, the patriarch attacked the Casentino, took Prato Vecchio, and Romena, and offered them also to the Florentines, who refused them likewise, unless the pope would consent they should restore them to the count, to which, after much hesitation, he acceded, on condition that the Florentines should prevail with the Count di Poppi to restore the Borgo to him. The pope was thus satisfied, and the Florentines having so far completed the building of their cathedral church of Santa Reparata, which had been commenced long ago, as to enable them to perform divine service in it, requested his holiness to consecrate it. To this the pontiff willingly agreed, and the Florentines, to exhibit the wealth of the city and the splendor of the edifice, and do greater honor to the pope, erected a platform from Santa Maria Novella, where he resided, to the cathedral he was about to consecrate, six feet in height and twelve feet wide, covered with rich drapery, for the accommodation of the pontiff and his court, upon which they proceeded to the building, accompanied by those civic magistrates, and other officers who were appointed to take part in the procession. The usual ceremonies of consecration having been completed, the pope, to show his affection for the city, conferred the honor of knighthood upon Giuliano Davanzati, their Gonfalonier of Justice, and a citizen of the highest reputation; and the Signory, not to appear less gracious than the pope, granted to the new created knight the government of Pisa for one year.
Even though the Florentines were busy with many matters, they didn’t let their neighbors’ actions go unnoticed or neglect sprucing up their city. As previously mentioned, Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead. He had married a daughter of the Count di Poppi, who, after the death of his son-in-law, held Borgo San Sepolcro and other fortresses in that area, governing them in Niccolo's name while he was alive. Claiming these lands as his daughter's dowry, he refused to hand them over to the pope, who wanted them back as church property. When the Count refused, the pope sent the patriarch with troops to take control. Unable to resist the attack, the count offered those territories to the Florentines, but they turned him down. However, after the pope returned to Florence, they advocated for him. When complications arose, the patriarch attacked the Casentino, capturing Prato Vecchio and Romena, and offered them to the Florentines, who also rejected the offer unless the pope agreed that they could return them to the count. The pope hesitated but eventually agreed, on the condition that the Florentines persuade the Count di Poppi to return Borgo to him. The pope was satisfied, and the Florentines had made enough progress on their cathedral, Santa Reparata, to hold services there, so they requested the pope to consecrate it. The pope readily agreed, and the Florentines, to showcase the city’s wealth and the building's grandeur, set up a platform from Santa Maria Novella, where he was staying, to the cathedral, six feet high and twelve feet wide, draped in rich fabric for the pope and his court's comfort, while they proceeded to the cathedral accompanied by civic magistrates and other officials involved in the procession. Once the usual consecration ceremonies were done, the pope, to express his fondness for the city, knighted Giuliano Davanzati, their Gonfalonier of Justice, a well-respected citizen. In turn, the Signory, wanting to match the pope’s generosity, appointed the newly knighted Giuliano as governor of Pisa for one year.
There were at that time certain differences between the Roman and the Greek churches, which prevented perfect conformity in divine service; and at the last council of Bâle, the prelates of the Western church having spoken at great length upon the subject, it was resolved that efforts should be made to bring the emperor and the Greek prelates to the council at Bâle, to endeavor to reconcile the Greek church with the Roman. Though this resolution was derogatory to the majesty of the Greek empire, and offensive to its clergy, yet being then oppressed by the Turks, and fearing their inability for defense, in order to have a better ground for requesting assistance, they submitted; and therefore, the emperor, the patriarch, with other prelates and barons of Greece, to comply with the resolution of the council, assembled at Bâle, came to Venice; but being terrified by the plague then prevailing, it was resolved to terminate their differences at Florence. The Roman and Greek prelates having held a conference during several days, in which many long discussions took place, the Greeks yielded, and agreed to adopt the ritual of the church of Rome.
At that time, there were some differences between the Roman and Greek churches that prevented complete agreement in worship. During the last council in Bâle, the leaders of the Western church discussed this issue extensively and decided to invite the emperor and the Greek leaders to the council in Bâle to try to reconcile the Greek church with the Roman church. Although this decision undermined the authority of the Greek empire and was upsetting to its clergy, they were under pressure from the Turks and worried about their ability to defend themselves. To seek assistance, they agreed to participate. As a result, the emperor, the patriarch, and other leaders from Greece traveled to Venice to comply with the council's decision. However, due to the fear of the plague at the time, they decided to resolve their differences in Florence. After several days of conference and many lengthy discussions between the Roman and Greek leaders, the Greeks eventually agreed to adopt the rituals of the Roman church.
CHAPTER IV
New wars in Italy—Niccolo Piccinino, in concert with the duke of Milan, deceives the pope, and takes many places from the church—Niccolo attacks the Venetians—Fears and precautions of the Florentines—The Venetians request assistance of the Florentines and of Sforza—League against the duke of Milan—The Florentines resolve to send the count to assist the Venetians—Neri di Gino Capponi at Venice—His discourse to the senate—Extreme joy of the Venetians.
New wars in Italy—Niccolo Piccinino, working with the duke of Milan, tricks the pope and takes several locations from the church—Niccolo attacks the Venetians—The Florentines are worried and take precautions—The Venetians ask for help from the Florentines and Sforza—They form a coalition against the duke of Milan—The Florentines decide to send the count to help the Venetians—Neri di Gino Capponi in Venice—His speech to the senate—The Venetians are extremely joyful.
Peace being restored between the Lucchese and Florentines, and the duke and the count having become friends, hopes were entertained that the arms of Italy would be laid aside, although those in the kingdom of Naples, between René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon, could find repose only by the ruin of one party or the other. And though the pope was dissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of his territories, and the ambition of the duke and the Venetians was obvious, still it was thought that the pontiff, from necessity, and the others from weariness, would be advocates of peace. However, a different state of feeling prevailed, for neither the duke nor the Venetians were satisfied with their condition; so that hostilities were resumed, and Lombardy and Tuscany were again harassed by the horrors of war. The proud mind of the duke could not endure that the Venetians should possess Bergamo and Brescia, and he was still further annoyed, by hearing, that they were constantly in arms, and in the daily practice of annoying some portion of his territories. He thought, however, that he should not only be able to restrain them, but to recover the places he had lost, if the pope, the Florentines, and the count could be induced to forego the Venetian alliance. He therefore resolved to take Romagna from the pontiff, imagining that his holiness could not injure him, and that the Florentines, finding the conflagration so near, either for their own sake would refrain from interference, or if they did not, could not conveniently attack him. The duke was also aware of the resentment of the Florentines against the Venetians, on account of the affair of Lucca, and he therefore judged they would be the less eager to take arms against him on their behalf. With regard to the Count Francesco, he trusted that their new friendship, and the hope of his alliance would keep him quiet. To give as little color as possible for complaint, and to lull suspicion, particularly, because in consequence of his treaty with the count, the latter could not attack Romagna, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino, as if instigated by his own ambition to do so.
Peace was restored between the Lucchese and the Florentines, and with the duke and the count becoming friends, there were hopes that Italy's armies would lay down their weapons. However, in the kingdom of Naples, the conflict between René of Anjou and Alfonso of Aragon could only end with one side's defeat. Although the pope was unhappy about losing so much territory and the ambitions of the duke and the Venetians were clear, it was believed that the pope, out of necessity, and the others, out of exhaustion, would support peace. Yet, a different sentiment prevailed, as neither the duke nor the Venetians were content with their situation. As a result, hostilities resumed, and Lombardy and Tuscany were once again torn apart by the horrors of war. The proud duke couldn’t stand the thought of the Venetians holding Bergamo and Brescia and was further irritated by their ongoing armed presence, constantly threatening parts of his territory. However, he believed that he could not only control them but also regain what he had lost, as long as he could persuade the pope, the Florentines, and the count to abandon their alliance with the Venetians. He decided to seize Romagna from the pope, thinking that the pope wouldn't retaliate and that the Florentines, seeing the threat so close, would either choose not to interfere for their own sake or, if they did, wouldn't be able to attack him effectively. The duke was also aware of the Florentines' anger toward the Venetians over the Lucca incident, so he figured they would be less inclined to fight him on their behalf. Regarding Count Francesco, he hoped that their new friendship and the prospect of alliance would keep him from causing trouble. To minimize grounds for complaints and keep suspicion at bay, especially since the count, due to his treaty with the duke, couldn't attack Romagna, he ordered Niccolo Piccinino to act as if driven by his own ambitions.
When the agreement between the duke and the count was concluded, Niccolo was in Romagna, and in pursuance of his instructions from the duke, affected to be highly incensed, that a connection had been established between him and the count, his inveterate enemy. He therefore withdrew himself and his forces to Camurata, a place between Furli and Ravenna, which he fortified, as if designing to remain there some time, or till a new enterprise should present itself. The report of his resentment being diffused, Niccolo gave the pope to understand how much the duke was under obligation to him, and how ungrateful he proved; and he was persuaded that, possessing nearly all the arms of Italy, under the two principal generals, he could render himself sole ruler: but if his holiness pleased, of the two principal generals whom he fancied he possessed, one would become his enemy, and the other be rendered useless; for, if money were provided him, and he were kept in pay, he would attack the territories held of the church by the count, who being compelled to look to his own interests, could not subserve the ambition of Filippo. The pope giving entire credence to this representation, on account of its apparent reasonableness, sent Niccolo five thousand ducats and loaded him with promises of states for himself and his children. And though many informed him of the deception, he could not give credit to them, nor would he endure the conversation of any who seemed to doubt the integrity of Niccolo's professions. The city of Ravenna was held for the church by Ostasio da Polenta. Niccolo finding further delay would be detrimental, since his son Francesco had, to the pope's great dishonor, pillaged Spoleto, determined to attack Ravenna, either because he judged the enterprise easy, or because he had a secret understanding with Ostasio, for in a few days after the attack, the place capitulated. He then took Bologna, Imola, and Furli; and (what is worthy of remark) of twenty fortresses held in that country for the pope, not one escaped falling into his hands. Not satisfied with these injuries inflicted on the pontiff, he resolved to banter him by his words as well as ridicule him by his deeds, and wrote, that he had only done as his holiness deserved, for having unblushingly attempted to divide two such attached friends as the duke and himself, and for having dispersed over Italy letters intimating that he had quitted the duke to take part with the Venetians. Having taken possession of Romagna, Niccolo left it under the charge of his son, Francesco, and with the greater part of his troops, went into Lombardy, where joining the remainder of the duke's forces, he attacked the country about Brescia, and having soon completely conquered it, besieged the city itself.
When the agreement between the duke and the count was finalized, Niccolo was in Romagna. Following the duke's instructions, he pretended to be very angry that a connection had been made between him and the count, his long-time enemy. He then withdrew himself and his forces to Camurata, a location between Furli and Ravenna, which he fortified, as if planning to stay there for a while or until a new opportunity arose. As news of his anger spread, Niccolo informed the pope of how much the duke owed him and how ungrateful the duke was being. He believed that, with nearly all the armed forces in Italy under the two main generals, he could become the sole ruler. However, if the pope wished, one of the two main generals he believed he had under his control would turn against him, and the other would become ineffective; for if he were provided with money and kept on salary, he would attack the lands held by the church that were under the count's control. The count, focused on his own interests, couldn't further Filippo's ambitions. The pope, believing this explanation because it seemed reasonable, sent Niccolo five thousand ducats and burdened him with promises of land for himself and his children. Despite many warning him of the deceit, he couldn’t believe them and wouldn’t tolerate anyone who seemed to doubt Niccolo's honesty. The city of Ravenna was held for the church by Ostasio da Polenta. Niccolo, realizing any further delay would be harmful since his son Francesco had, to the pope's embarrassment, looted Spoleto, decided to attack Ravenna, either because he thought it would be an easy task or because he had some secret deal with Ostasio. Within a few days of the attack, the city surrendered. He then took Bologna, Imola, and Furli; notably, not a single one of the twenty fortresses controlled in that region for the pope escaped falling into his hands. Not content with the harm he had caused the pontiff, he decided to mock him with his words as well as ridicule him with his actions, writing that he had only done as the pope deserved for shamelessly trying to separate two close allies like the duke and himself, and for sending letters across Italy suggesting he had left the duke to side with the Venetians. After taking control of Romagna, Niccolo left it in his son Francesco's care and, with most of his troops, went into Lombardy, where he joined the rest of the duke’s forces and attacked the area around Brescia, quickly conquering it and laying siege to the city itself.
The duke, who desired the Venetians to be left defenseless, excused himself to the pope, the Florentines, and the count, saying, that if the doings of Niccolo were contrary to the terms of the treaty, they were equally contrary to his wishes, and by secret messengers, assured them that when an occasion presented itself, he would give them a convincing proof that they had been performed in disobedience to his instructions. Neither the count nor the Florentines believed him, but thought, with reason, that these enterprises had been carried on to keep them at bay, till he had subdued the Venetians, who, being full of pride, and thinking themselves able alone to resist the duke, had not deigned to ask for any assistance, but carried on the war under their captain, Gattamelata.
The duke, who wanted the Venetians to be left defenseless, explained to the pope, the Florentines, and the count that if Niccolo's actions went against the treaty, they also went against his wishes. He assured them through secret messengers that when the opportunity arose, he would provide clear evidence that those actions were taken in defiance of his orders. Neither the count nor the Florentines believed him, rightly thinking that these activities were meant to keep them at bay until he had defeated the Venetians, who, full of pride and believing they could resist the duke on their own, had not bothered to ask for any help, instead waging war under their captain, Gattamelata.
Count Francesco would have wished, with the consent of the Florentines, to go to the assistance of king René, if the events of Romagna and Lombardy had not hindered him; and the Florentines would willingly have consented, from their ancient friendship to the French dynasty, but the duke was entirely in favor of Alfonso. Each being engaged in wars near home, refrained from distant undertakings. The Florentines, finding Romagna occupied with the duke's forces, and the Venetians defeated, as if foreseeing their own ruin in that of others, entreated the count to come to Tuscany, where they might consider what should be done to resist Filippo's power, which was now greater than it had ever before been; assuring him that if his insolence were not in some way curbed, all the powers of Italy would soon have to submit to him. The count felt the force of the fears entertained by the Florentines, but his desire to secure the duke's alliance kept him in suspense; and the duke, aware of this desire, gave him the greatest assurance that his hopes would be realized as shortly as possible, if he abstained from hostilities against him. As the lady was now of marriageable age, the duke had frequently made all suitable preparations for the celebration of the ceremony, but on one pretext or another they had always been wholly set aside. He now, to give the count greater confidence, added deeds to his words, and sent him thirty thousand florins, which, by the terms of the marriage contract, he had engaged to pay.
Count Francesco would have liked to help King René with the Florentines' approval, but the events in Romagna and Lombardy got in the way. The Florentines would have been happy to agree, because of their long-standing friendship with the French dynasty, but the duke was fully backing Alfonso. Both were involved in local wars, so they avoided any distant campaigns. The Florentines, seeing Romagna under the duke's control and the Venetians beaten, felt they might face ruin alongside others and pleaded with the count to come to Tuscany to discuss how to resist Filippo's power, which was now stronger than ever. They assured him that if his arrogance wasn't checked, all the powers of Italy would soon have to bow to him. The count understood the Florentines' fears, but he wanted to secure the duke's support, which left him uncertain. The duke, knowing this, promised him that his hopes would be realized soon if he stayed away from conflict. As the lady was now of marriageable age, the duke had often made all the necessary arrangements for the wedding, but for one reason or another, they had always been completely set aside. To give the count more confidence, he took action and sent him thirty thousand florins, which he had committed to pay as part of the marriage contract.
Still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehemence than ever; the Venetians constantly suffered fresh losses of territory, and the fleets they equipped upon the rivers were taken by the duke's forces; the country around Verona and Brescia was entirely occupied, and the two cities themselves so pressed, that their speedy fall was generally anticipated. The marquis of Mantua, who for many years had led the forces of their republic, quite unexpectedly resigned his command, and went over to the duke's service. Thus the course which pride prevented them from adopting at the commencement of the war, fear compelled them to take during its progress; for knowing there was no help for them but in the friendship of the Florentines and the count, they began to make overtures to obtain it, though with shame and apprehension; for they were afraid of receiving a reply similar to that which they had given the Florentines, when the latter applied for assistance in the enterprise against Lucca and the count's affairs. However, they found the Florentines more easily induced to render aid than they expected, or their conduct deserved; so much more were the former swayed by hatred of their ancient enemy, than by resentment of the ingratitude of their old and habitual friends. Having foreseen the necessity into which the Venetians must come, they had informed the count that their ruin must involve his own; that he was deceived if he thought the duke, while fortune, would esteem him more than if he were in adversity; that the duke was induced to promise him his daughter by the fear he entertained of him; that what necessity occasions to be promised, it also causes to be performed; and it was therefore desirable to keep the duke in that necessity, which could be done without supporting the power of the Venetians. Therefore he might perceive, that if the Venetians were compelled to abandon their inland territories, he would not only lose the advantages derivable from them, but also those to be obtained from such as feared them; and that if he considered well the powers of Italy, he would see that some were poor, and others hostile; that the Florentines alone were not, as he had often said, sufficient for his support; so that on every account it was best to keep the Venetians powerful by land. These arguments, conjoined with the hatred which the count had conceived against Filippo, by supposing himself duped with regard to the promised alliance, induced him to consent to a new treaty; but still he would not consent to cross the Po. The agreement was concluded in February, 1438; the Venetians agreeing to pay two-thirds of the expense of the war, the Florentines one-third, and each engaging to defend the states which the count possessed in La Marca. Nor were these the only forces of the league, for the lord of Faenza, the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti da Rimino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joined them. They endeavored, by very liberal offers, to gain over the marquis of Mantua, but could not prevail against the friendship and stipend of the duke; and the lord of Faenza, after having entered into compact with the league, being tempted by more advantageous terms, went over to him. This made them despair of being able to effect an early settlement of the troubles of Romagna.
The war in Lombardy ramped up more than ever; the Venetians faced continuous losses of territory, and the fleets they sent out on the rivers were captured by the duke's forces. The areas around Verona and Brescia were fully occupied, and both cities were so pressured that their quick downfall was widely expected. The marquis of Mantua, who had led the republic's forces for many years, unexpectedly stepped down from his command and shifted his loyalty to the duke. Thus, out of pride, they had avoided seeking help at the start of the war, only to be forced into it by fear as it progressed; realizing their only hope lay in the friendship of the Florentines and the count, they began to reach out for it, though with shame and anxiety, fearing a response similar to the rejection they had given the Florentines when they sought help against Lucca and the count's interests. However, they found the Florentines more willing to assist than they had anticipated, or than their actions warranted; the Florentines were driven more by a desire to strike back at their old enemy than by resentment over the Venetians’ ingratitude. Aware of the impending necessity faced by the Venetians, they informed the count that their destruction would also lead to his own; he was mistaken if he thought the duke would value him more in fortune than in adversity; the duke promised him his daughter out of fear of him; and that promises made under duress must lead to actions, which meant it was essential to keep the duke in that state of need, achievable without bolstering the Venetians' power. Therefore, he should see that if the Venetians had to give up their inland territories, he would not only lose their benefits but also those from those who feared them; and if he carefully considered the powers in Italy, he'd realize some were weak, while others were hostile; that the Florentines alone were not, as he had often claimed, sufficient support; so, for various reasons, it was best to keep the Venetians strong on land. These points, combined with the count's growing animosity toward Filippo for feeling deceived regarding the promised alliance, led him to agree to a new treaty; yet he still was unwilling to move across the Po. The agreement was finalized in February 1438; the Venetians agreed to cover two-thirds of the war costs, the Florentines one-third, with both sides committing to defend the territories the count held in La Marca. But these were not the only forces in the alliance; the lord of Faenza, the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti da Rimini, and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joined. They tried to win over the marquis of Mantua with generous offers but couldn’t overcome his loyalty to the duke. The lord of Faenza, after joining the league, was lured by better terms and defected to the duke. This made them despair of reaching a quick resolution to the troubles in Romagna.
The affairs of Lombardy were in this condition: Brescia was so closely besieged by the duke's forces, that constant apprehensions were entertained of her being compelled by famine to a surrender; while Verona was so pressed, that a similar fate was expected to await her, and if one of these cities were lost, all the other preparations for the war might be considered useless, and the expenses already incurred as completely wasted. For this there was no remedy, but to send the count into Lombardy; and to this measure three obstacles presented themselves. The first was, to induce him to cross the Po, and prosecute the war in whatever locality might be found most advisable; the second, that the count being at a distance, the Florentines would be left almost at the mercy of the duke, who, issuing from any of his fortresses, might with part of his troops keep the count at bay, and with the rest introduce into Tuscany the Florentine exiles, whom the existing government already dreaded; the third was, to determine what route the count should take to arrive safely in the Paduan territory, and join the Venetian forces. Of these three difficulties, the second, which particularly regarded the Florentines, was the most serious; but, knowing the necessity of the case, and wearied out by the Venetians, who with unceasing importunity demanded the count, intimating that without him they should abandon all hope, they resolved to relieve their allies rather than listen to the suggestions of their own fears. There still remained the question about the route to be taken, for the safety of which they determined the Venetians should provide; and as they had sent Neri Capponi to treat with the count and induce him to cross the Po, they determined that the same person should also proceed to Venice, in order to make the benefit the more acceptable to the Signory, and see that all possible security were given to the passage of the forces.
The situation in Lombardy was as follows: Brescia was under heavy siege by the duke's troops, raising constant fears that it would succumb to starvation and be forced to surrender; meanwhile, Verona was under similar pressure, and if either city fell, all the other war preparations would be rendered pointless, with the money already spent completely wasted. To address this, the only option was to send the count to Lombardy; however, there were three major obstacles to this plan. The first was convincing him to cross the Po and carry on the fight wherever it seemed most strategic; the second was that with the count far away, the Florentines would be left nearly defenseless against the duke, who could use some of his forces to keep the count occupied while sending the rest into Tuscany with the Florentine exiles that the current government feared; the third was deciding what route the count should take to safely reach the Paduan region and join up with the Venetian forces. Of these three challenges, the second, particularly affecting the Florentines, was the most critical; however, recognizing the urgency of the situation and being worn down by the Venetians, who incessantly demanded the count, insisting that without him they would lose all hope, they decided to help their allies rather than give in to their own fears. The remaining issue was the choice of route, for which they resolved that the Venetians would be responsible for ensuring safety; they had already sent Neri Capponi to negotiate with the count to convince him to cross the Po, and they agreed that the same person should also go to Venice to make the arrangement more appealing to the Signory and ensure that all possible security measures were in place for the movement of troops.
Neri embarked at Cesena and went to Venice; nor was any prince ever received with so much honor as he was; for upon his arrival, and the matters which his intervention was to decide and determine, the safety of the republic seemed to depend. Being introduced to the senate, and in presence of the Doge, he said, "The Signory of Florence, most serene prince, has always perceived in the duke's greatness the source of ruin both to this republic and our own, and that the safety of both states depends upon their separate strength and mutual confidence. If such had been the opinion of this illustrious Signory, we should ourselves have been in better condition, and your republic would have been free from the dangers that now threaten it. But as at the proper crisis you withheld from us confidence and aid, we could not come to the relief of your distress, nor could you, being conscious of this, freely ask us; for neither in your prosperity nor adversity have you clearly perceived our motives. You have not observed, that those whose deeds have once incurred our hatred, can never become entitled to our regard; nor can those who have once merited our affection ever after absolutely cancel their claim. Our attachment to your most serene Signory is well known to you all, for you have often seen Lombardy filled with our forces and our money for your assistance. Our hereditary enmity to Filippo and his house is universally known, and it is impossible that love or hatred, strengthened by the growth of years, can be eradicated from our minds by any recent act either of kindness or neglect. We have always thought, and are still of the same opinion, that we might now remain neutral, greatly to the duke's satisfaction, and with little hazard to ourselves; for if by your ruin he were to become lord of Lombardy, we should still have sufficient influence in Italy in free us from any apprehension on our own account; for every increase of power and territory augments that animosity and envy, from which arise wars and the dismemberment of states. We are also aware what heavy expenses and imminent perils we should avoid, by declining to involve ourselves in these disputes; and how easily the field of battle may be transferred from Lombardy to Tuscany, by our interference in your behalf. Yet all these apprehensions are at once overborne by our ancient affection for the senate and people of Venice, and we have resolved to come to your relief with the same zeal with which we should have armed in our own defense, had we been attacked. Therefore, the senate of Florence, judging it primarily necessary to relieve Verona and Brescia, and thinking this impossible without the count, have sent me, in the first instance, to persuade him to pass into Lombardy, and carry on the war wherever it may be most needful; for you are aware he is under no obligation to cross the Po. To induce him to do so, I have advanced such arguments as are suggested by the circumstances themselves, and which would prevail with us. He, being invincible in arms, cannot be surpassed in courtesy, and the liberality he sees the Florentines exercise toward you, he has resolved to outdo; for he is well aware to what dangers Tuscany will be exposed after his departure, and since we have made your affairs our primary consideration, he has also resolved to make his own subservient to yours. I come, therefore, to tender his services, with seven thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, ready at once to march against the enemy, wherever he may be. And I beg of you, so do my lords at Florence and the count, that as his forces exceed the number he has engaged to furnish you, out of your liberality, would remunerate him, that he may not repent of having come to your assistance, nor we, who have prevailed with him to do so." This discourse of Neri to the senate was listened to with that profound attention which an oracle might be imagined to command; and his audience were so moved by it, that they could not restrain themselves, till the prince had replied, as strict decorum on such occasions required, but rising from their seats, with uplifted hands, and most of them with tears in their eyes, they thanked the Florentines for their generous conduct, and the ambassador for his unusual dispatch; and promised that time should never cancel the remembrance of such goodness, either in their own hearts, or their children's; and that their country, thenceforth, should be common to the Florentines with themselves.
Neri arrived in Cesena and then traveled to Venice; no prince has ever been welcomed with such honor as he was. His arrival was crucial because the safety of the republic seemed to rely on the issues he was there to address. When he was introduced to the senate in front of the Doge, he said, "The Signory of Florence, most serene prince, has always seen the duke's power as a threat to both this republic and our own, and that the safety of both states rests on their individual strength and mutual trust. If this esteemed Signory had shared that belief, we would be in a better position, and your republic wouldn't face the current dangers. But since you withheld your trust and support at a critical time, we could not come to your aid, nor could you ask us freely; you've failed to see our true motives in both your good and bad times. You have not recognized that those whose actions have drawn our ire can never regain our regard, nor can those who once earned our affection completely lose that claim. Our loyalty to your most serene Signory is well known, as you have often seen Lombardy filled with our troops and resources for your support. Our long-standing enmity with Filippo and his house is widely recognized, and it's impossible for feelings of love or hatred, which have grown over the years, to be erased by any recent act of kindness or neglect. We have always believed, and still do, that we could remain neutral, benefiting the duke while posing little risk to ourselves; for if he were to become lord of Lombardy through your downfall, we would still hold enough influence in Italy to protect our own interests. Every increase in power and territory fuels the animosity and envy that lead to wars and the breakdown of states. We are also aware of the heavy expenses and imminent dangers we could avoid by staying out of these conflicts, and how easily the battleground could shift from Lombardy to Tuscany due to our involvement in your affairs. Yet all these concerns are overshadowed by our longstanding affection for the senate and people of Venice, and we have decided to come to your aid with the same determination we would have shown had we been attacked. Therefore, the senate of Florence, believing it crucial to assist Verona and Brescia and seeing this as impossible without the count, has sent me first to persuade him to move into Lombardy and wage war where it's most needed; as you know, he is not obligated to cross the Po. To convince him to do so, I have presented arguments based on the situation itself that would persuade us. Being invincible in battle, he also excels in generosity, and he has resolved to outshine the Florentines in their kindness toward you; he understands the dangers Tuscany will face after his departure, and since we have prioritized your situation, he has also chosen to make his own interests subordinate to yours. I come, therefore, to offer his services, with seven thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, ready to march against the enemy wherever needed. I ask you, as do my lords in Florence and the count, that since his forces exceed the number he promised you, you would generously compensate him, so he doesn't regret coming to your aid, nor do we, for convincing him to do so." Neri’s speech was received with the deep attention usually reserved for an oracle, and his audience was so moved by it that they could hardly contain themselves until the prince responded, as decorum required. They rose from their seats with raised hands, many with tears in their eyes, thanking the Florentines for their generosity and the ambassador for his swift action, promising that they would never forget such kindness, either in their hearts or in their children's, and that from then on, their country would be shared with the Florentines.
CHAPTER V
Francesco Sforza marches to assist the Venetians, and relieves Verona—He attempts to relieve Brescia but fails—The Venetians routed by Piccinino upon the Lake of Garda—Piccinino routed by Sforza; the method of his escape—Piccinino surprises Verona—Description of Verona—Recovered by Sforza—The duke of Milan makes war against the Florentines—Apprehensions of the Florentines—Cardinal Vitelleschi their enemy.
Francesco Sforza marches to help the Venetians and frees Verona. He tries to relieve Brescia but fails. The Venetians are defeated by Piccinino on Lake Garda. Sforza defeats Piccinino, who then escapes—here's how he did it. Piccinino surprises Verona. A description of Verona follows. Sforza recovers it. The Duke of Milan declares war on the Florentines, which worries them. Cardinal Vitelleschi is their enemy.
When their demonstrations of gratitude had subsided, the Venetian senate, by the aid of Neri di Gino, began to consider the route the count ought to take, and how to provide him with necessaries. There were four several roads; one by Ravenna, along the beach, which on account of its being in many places interrupted by the sea and by marshes, was not approved. The next was the most direct, but rendered inconvenient by a tower called the Uccellino, which being held for the duke, it would be necessary to capture; and to do this, would occupy more time than could be spared with safety to Verona and Brescia. The third was by the brink of the lake; but as the Po had overflowed its banks, to pass in this direction was impossible. The fourth was by the way of Bologna to Ponte Puledrano, Cento, and Pieve; then between the Bondeno and the Finale to Ferrara, and thence they might by land or water enter the Paduan territory, and join the Venetian forces. This route, though attended with many difficulties, and in some parts liable to be disputed by the enemy, was chosen as the least objectionable. The count having received his instructions, commenced his march, and by exerting the utmost celerity, reached the Paduan territory on the twentieth of June. The arrival of this distinguished commander in Lombardy filled Venice and all her dependencies with hope; for the Venetians, who only an instant before had been in fear for their very existence, began to contemplate new conquests.
Once their expressions of gratitude had settled down, the Venetian senate, with the help of Neri di Gino, started to figure out the best route for the count to take and how to supply him with what he needed. There were four possible roads; one went by Ravenna along the coast, but it wasn't favored because it was often interrupted by the sea and marshes. The next route was the most direct, but it was made difficult by a tower called the Uccellino, which was held by the duke, and capturing it would take more time than could be spared, considering the safety of Verona and Brescia. The third option was along the edge of the lake, but it was impossible to take this path since the Po had overflowed its banks. The fourth option was to go through Bologna to Ponte Puledrano, Cento, and Pieve, then between Bondeno and Finale to Ferrara, where they could then enter Paduan territory by land or water and join the Venetian forces. This route, though it had many challenges and was likely to be contested by the enemy in some areas, was chosen as the best option. After receiving his instructions, the count began his march and, moving as quickly as possible, reached Paduan territory on June 20th. The arrival of this notable commander in Lombardy filled Venice and all its dependencies with hope; the Venetians, who just moments ago had been afraid for their very survival, started to think about new conquests.
The count, before he made any other attempt, hastened to the relief of Verona; and to counteract his design, Niccolo led his forces to Soave, a castle situated between the Vincentino and the Veronese, and entrenched himself by a ditch that extended from Soave to the marshes of the Adige. The count, finding his passage by the plain cut off, resolved to proceed by the mountains, and thus reach Verona, thinking Niccolo would imagine this way to be so rugged and elevated as to be impracticable, or if he thought otherwise, he would not be in time to prevent him; so, with provisions for eight days, he took the mountain path, and with his forces, arrived in the plain, below Soave. Niccolo had, even upon this route, erected some bastions for the purpose of preventing him, but they were insufficient for the purpose; and finding the enemy had, contrary to his expectations, effected a passage, to avoid a disadvantageous engagement he crossed to the opposite side of the Adige, and the count entered Verona without opposition.
The count, before trying anything else, quickly went to help Verona; and to thwart his plans, Niccolo took his troops to Soave, a castle located between the Vincentino and the Veronese. He set up defenses with a ditch that ran from Soave to the marshes of the Adige. The count, seeing his route through the plain blocked, decided to take the mountains to reach Verona, believing Niccolo would think this path was too rough and steep to be practical, or if he didn’t, he wouldn’t arrive in time to stop him. So, with supplies for eight days, he chose the mountain route and, with his forces, reached the plain below Soave. Niccolo had even built some fortifications along this route to block him, but they weren’t effective. Realizing the enemy had successfully crossed despite his expectations, Niccolo moved to the other side of the Adige to avoid an unfavorable battle, and the count entered Verona without any resistance.
Having happily succeeded in his first project, that of relieving Verona, the count now endeavored to render a similar service to Brescia. This city is situated so close to the Lake of Garda, that although besieged by land, provisions may always be sent into it by water. On this account the duke had assembled a large force in the immediate vicinity of the lake, and at the commencement of his victories occupied all the places which by its means might relieve Brescia. The Venetians also had galleys upon the lake, but they were unequal to a contest with those of the duke. The count therefore deemed it advisable to aid the Venetian fleet with his land forces, by which means he hoped to obtain without much difficulty those places which kept Brescia in blockade. He therefore encamped before Bardolino, a fortress situated upon the lake, trusting that after it was taken the others would surrender. But fortune opposed this design, for a great part of his troops fell sick; so, giving up the enterprise, he went to Zevio, a Veronese castle, in a healthy and plentiful situation. Niccolo, upon the count's retreat, not to let slip an opportunity of making himself master of the lake, left his camp at Vegasio, and with a body of picked men took the way thither, attacked the Venetian fleet with the utmost impetuosity, and took nearly the whole of it. By this victory almost all the fortresses upon the lake fell into his hands.
Having successfully completed his first project of relieving Verona, the count now aimed to do the same for Brescia. This city is so close to Lake Garda that even though it was being besieged from land, provisions could always be sent in by water. Because of this, the duke had gathered a large force near the lake and had taken control of all the locations that could provide relief to Brescia at the start of his victories. The Venetians also had galleys on the lake, but they were no match for the duke's ships. Therefore, the count thought it wise to support the Venetian fleet with his ground troops, hoping to capture the locations that were keeping Brescia under siege with relative ease. He set up camp before Bardolino, a fortress on the lake, believing that once it was taken, the others would surrender. However, luck was not on his side, as a large portion of his troops fell ill; thus, he abandoned the mission and moved to Zevio, a Veronese castle in a healthier and more abundant area. After the count retreated, Niccolo seized the opportunity to gain control of the lake; he left his camp at Vegasio and, with a select group of men, took the route there, attacked the Venetian fleet fiercely, and captured nearly all of it. This victory allowed him to take over almost all the fortresses on the lake.
The Venetians, alarmed at this loss, and fearing that in consequence of it Brescia would surrender, solicited the count, by letters and messengers, to go to its relief; and he, perceiving that all hope of rendering assistance from the lake was cut off, and that to attempt an approach by land, on account of the ditches, bastions, and other defenses erected by Niccolo, was marching to certain destruction, determined that as the passage by the mountains had enabled him to relieve Verona, it should also contribute to the preservation of Brescia. Having taken this resolution, the count left Zevio, and by way of the Val d'Acri went to the Lake of St. Andrea, and thence to Torboli and Peneda, upon the Lake of Garda. He then proceeded to Tenna, and besieged the fortress, which it was necessary to occupy before he could reach Brescia.
The Venetians, worried about this loss and fearing that Brescia would give up as a result, requested the count through letters and messengers to come to their aid. He realized that any hope of helping from the lake was gone, and trying to approach by land would mean certain failure due to the ditches, bastions, and other defenses set up by Niccolo. He decided that just as the route through the mountains had helped him save Verona, it could also help save Brescia. With that decision made, the count left Zevio, traveled through the Val d'Acri to Lake St. Andrea, and then to Torboli and Peneda on Lake Garda. He then moved on to Tenna and laid siege to the fortress, which he needed to capture before he could get to Brescia.
Niccolo, on being acquainted with the count's design, led his army to Peschiera. He then, with the marquis of Mantua and a chosen body of men, went to meet him, and coming to an engagement, was routed, his people dispersed, and many of them taken, while others fled to the fleet, and some to the main body of his army. It was now nightfall, and Niccolo had escaped to Tenna, but he knew that if he were to remain there till morning, he must inevitably fall into the enemy's hands; therefore, to avoid a catastrophe which might be regarded as almost fatal, he resolved to make a dangerous experiment. Of all his attendants he had only with him a single servant, a Dutchman, of great personal strength, and who had always been devotedly attached to him. Niccolo induced this man to take him upon his shoulders in a sack, as if he had been carrying property of his master's, and to bear him to a place of security. The enemy's lines surrounded Tenna, but on account of the previous day's victory, all was in disorder, and no guard was kept, so that the Dutchman, disguised as a trooper, passed through them without any opposition, and brought his master in safety to his own troops.
Niccolo, learning about the count's plan, led his army to Peschiera. He then, along with the marquis of Mantua and a select group of men, went to confront him. During the battle, he was defeated; his forces scattered, many were captured, while others fled to the fleet or regrouped with the main body of his army. Night had fallen, and Niccolo managed to escape to Tenna, but he realized that if he stayed there until morning, he would surely fall into the enemy's hands. To avoid a disaster that could be seen as nearly fatal, he decided to take a risky chance. He had only one attendant with him, a Dutchman known for his strength, who had always been fiercely loyal. Niccolo convinced this man to carry him on his shoulders in a sack, pretending that he was transporting his master's goods, and to take him to safety. The enemy had surrounded Tenna, but because of the previous day’s victory, everything was in chaos, and no guard was stationed. As a result, the Dutchman, disguised as a soldier, slipped through their lines without any trouble and safely brought his master back to his own troops.
Had this victory been as carefully improved as it was fortunately obtained, Brescia would have derived from it greater relief and the Venetians more permanent advantage; but they, having thoughtlessly let it slip, the rejoicings were soon over, and Brescia remained in her former difficulties. Niccolo, having returned to his forces, resolved by some extraordinary exertion to cancel the impression of his death, and deprive the Venetians of the change of relieving Brescia. He was acquainted with the topography of the citadel of Verona, and had learned from prisoners whom he had taken, that it was badly guarded, and might be very easily recovered. He perceived at once that fortune presented him with an opportunity of regaining the laurels he had lately lost, and of changing the joy of the enemy for their recent victory into sorrow for a succeeding disaster. The city of Verona is situated in Lombardy, at the foot of the mountains which divide Italy from Germany, so that it occupies part both of hill and plain. The river Adige rises in the valley of Trento, and entering Italy, does not immediately traverse the country, but winding to the left, along the base of the hills, enters Verona, and crosses the city, which it divides unequally, giving much the larger portion to the plain. On the mountain side of the river are two fortresses, formidable rather from their situation than from their actual strength, for being very elevated they command the whole place. One is called San Piero, the other San Felice. On the opposite side of the Adige, upon the plain, with their backs against the city walls, are two other fortresses, about a mile distant from each other, one called the Old the other the New Citadel, and a wall extends between them that may be compared to a bowstring, of which the city wall is the arc. The space comprehended within this segment is very populous, and is called the Borgo of St. Zeno. Niccolo Piccinino designed to capture these fortresses and the Borgo, and he hoped to succeed without much difficulty, as well on account of the ordinary negligence of the guard, which their recent successes would probably increase, as because in war no enterprise is more likely to be successful than one which by the enemy is deemed impossible. With a body of picked men, and accompanied by the marquis of Mantua, he proceeded by night to Verona, silently scaled the walls, and took the New Citadel: then entering the place with his troops, he forced the gate of S. Antonio, and introduced the whole of his cavalry. The Venetian garrison of the Old Citadel hearing an uproar, when the guards of the New were slaughtered, and again when the gate was forced, being now aware of the presence of enemies, raised an alarm, and called the people to arms. The citizens awaking in the utmost confusion, some of the boldest armed and hastened to the rector's piazza. In the meantime, Niccolo's forces had pillaged the Borgo of San Zeno; and proceeding onward were ascertained by the people to be the duke's forces, but being defenseless they advised the Venetian rectors to take refuge in the fortresses, and thus save themselves and the place; as it was more advisable to preserve their lives and so rich a city for better fortune, than by endeavoring to repel the present evil, encounter certain death, and incur universal pillage. Upon this the rectors and all the Venetian party, fled to the fortress of San Felice. Some of the first citizens, anxious to avoid being plundered by the troops, presented themselves before Niccolo and the marquis of Mantua, and begged they would rather take possession of a rich city, with honor to themselves, than of a poor one to their own disgrace; particularly as they had not induced either the favor of its former possessors, or the animosity of its present masters, by self-defense. The marquis and Niccolo encouraged them, and protected their property to the utmost of their power during such a state of military license. As they felt sure the count would endeavor to recover the city, they made every possible exertion to gain possession of the fortresses, and those they could not seize they cut off from the rest of the place by ditches and barricades, so that the enemy might be shut out.
If this victory had been as carefully utilized as it was luckily achieved, Brescia would have gained more support from it and the Venetians would have benefited more in the long run. However, they let it slip away thoughtlessly, and the celebrations ended quickly, leaving Brescia in her previous troubles. Niccolo, back with his troops, decided to take extraordinary measures to erase the memory of his death and prevent the Venetians from relieving Brescia. He was familiar with the layout of the citadel of Verona and had learned from captured prisoners that it was poorly defended and could be easily retaken. He immediately recognized that fortune had given him a chance to reclaim the glory he had recently lost, turning the enemy's joy from their recent victory into sorrow from a new disaster. The city of Verona is located in Lombardy, at the base of the mountains that separate Italy from Germany, straddling both hillside and plain. The Adige River, which rises in the Trento valley, enters Italy and doesn’t immediately cross the country but winds to the left along the hills before entering Verona and running through the city, dividing it unevenly, with most of it on the plain side. On the mountainside of the river are two fortresses, more imposing due to their location than their actual strength, as they are high enough to oversee the entire area. One is called San Piero, and the other San Felice. On the opposite side of the Adige, on the plain, with their backs against the city walls, are two other fortresses about a mile apart, known as the Old and New Citadel, with a wall between them resembling a bowstring, where the city wall forms the arc. The area within this segment is densely populated and called the Borgo of St. Zeno. Niccolo Piccinino aimed to capture these fortresses and the Borgo, hoping to do so with little difficulty because the guards would likely be negligent after their recent successes, and in warfare, nothing is more likely to succeed than an operation the enemy considers impossible. With a group of elite soldiers, and accompanied by the Marquis of Mantua, he made his way to Verona at night, silently scaled the walls, and took the New Citadel. He then entered the city with his troops, forced the gate of S. Antonio, and let in his whole cavalry. The Venetian garrison of the Old Citadel, hearing the chaos as the guards of the New Citadel were killed and realizing the enemies were already inside, raised the alarm and called the citizens to arms. The citizens woke up in utter confusion; some of the bravest armed themselves and rushed to the rector's piazza. Meanwhile, Niccolo's forces had looted the Borgo of San Zeno. The people soon realized they were the duke's troops, but feeling defenseless, they advised the Venetian rectors to seek refuge in the fortresses to save themselves and the city, suggesting it was wiser to preserve their lives and such a wealthy city for better times than to confront certain death and face total plunder. Consequently, the rectors and all the Venetian faction fled to the fortress of San Felice. Some of the foremost citizens, eager to prevent being robbed by the troops, approached Niccolo and the Marquis of Mantua, urging them to capture a wealthy city with honor rather than a poor one that would bring disgrace to themselves, especially since they hadn’t gained favor with its former owners or made enemies of its current rulers through self-defense. The Marquis and Niccolo encouraged them and did their best to protect their belongings in such lawless times. Knowing the count would attempt to retake the city, they worked tirelessly to secure the fortresses, and those they couldn't capture were isolated from the rest of the city with ditches and barricades to keep the enemy out.
The Count Francesco was with his army at Tenna; and when the report was first brought to him he refused to credit it; but being assured of the fact by parties whom it would have been ridiculous to doubt, he resolved, by the exertion of uncommon celerity, to repair the evil negligence had occasioned; and though all his officers advised the abandonment of Verona and Brescia, and a march to Vicenza, lest he might be besieged by the enemy in his present situation, he refused, but resolved to attempt the recovery of Verona. During the consultation, he turned to the Venetian commissaries and to Bernardo de' Medici, who was there as commissary for the Florentines, and promised them the recovery of the place if one of the fortresses should hold out. Having collected his forces, he proceeded with the utmost speed to Verona. Observing his approach, Niccolo thought he designed, according to the advice he had received, to go to Vicenza, but finding him continue to draw near, and taking the direction of San Felice, he prepared for its defense—though too late; for the barricades were not completed; his men were dispersed in quest of plunder, or extorting money from the inhabitants by way of ransom; and he could not collect them in time to prevent the count's troops from entering the fortress. They then descended into the city, which they happily recovered, to Niccolo's disgrace, and with the loss of great numbers of his men. He himself, with the marquis of Mantua, first took refuge in the citadel, and thence escaping into the country, fled to Mantua, where, having assembled the relics of their army, they hastened to join those who were at the siege of Brescia. Thus in four days Verona was lost and again recovered from the duke. The count, after this victory, it being now winter and the weather very severe, having first with considerable difficulty thrown provisions into Brescia, went into quarters at Verona, and ordered, that during the cold season, galleys should be provided at Torboli, that upon the return of spring, they might be in a condition to proceed vigorously to effect the permanent relief of Brescia.
The Count Francesco was with his army at Tenna, and when he first heard the news, he wouldn't believe it. However, once he was reassured by sources he couldn't ignore, he decided to act quickly to fix the damage caused by negligence. Even though all his officers urged him to abandon Verona and Brescia and march to Vicenza to avoid getting besieged, he refused and insisted on trying to take back Verona. During the discussion, he turned to the Venetian commissioners and Bernardo de' Medici, who was there representing the Florentines, and promised them the recovery of the city if one of the fortifications held out. After gathering his forces, he rushed to Verona. Niccolo, noticing his approach, initially thought he planned to head to Vicenza, but upon seeing him close in and heading toward San Felice, he prepared for its defense—though it was too late. The barricades weren’t finished, his men were scattered in search of loot, or extorting cash from the locals as ransom, and he couldn't gather them in time to stop the Count's troops from entering the fortress. They then moved into the city, which they successfully reclaimed, to Niccolo's shame, and at the cost of many of his men. He, along with the Marquis of Mantua, first sought refuge in the citadel and then escaped into the countryside, fleeing to Mantua, where they gathered the remnants of their army and hurried to join those besieging Brescia. Thus, in just four days, Verona was lost and then regained from the duke. After this victory, with winter setting in and the weather turning harsh, the Count, after a challenging task of sending supplies to Brescia, took up quarters in Verona. He ordered that during the winter, galleys be prepared at Torboli so that when spring returned, they could act decisively for the permanent relief of Brescia.
The duke, finding the war suspended for a time, the hope he had entertained of occupying Brescia and Verona annihilated, and the money and counsels of the Florentines the cause of this, and seeing that neither the injuries they had received from the Venetians could alienate them, nor all the promises he had made attach them to himself, he determined, in order to make them feel more closely the effects of the course they had adopted, to attack Tuscany; to which he was strenuously advised by the Florentine exiles and Niccolo. The latter advocated this from his desire to recover the states of Braccio, and expel the count from La Marca; the former, from their wish to return home, and each by suitable arguments endeavored to induce the duke to follow the plan congenial to their own views. Niccolo argued that he might be sent into Tuscany, and continue the siege of Brescia; for he was master of the lake, the fortresses were well provided, and their officers were qualified to oppose the count should he undertake any fresh enterprise; which it was not likely he would do without first relieving Brescia, a thing impossible; and thus the duke might carry on the war in Tuscany, without giving up his attempts in Lombardy; intimating that the Florentines would be compelled, as soon as he entered Tuscany, to recall the count to avoid complete ruin; and whatever course they took, victory to the duke must be the result. The exiles affirmed, that if Niccolo with his army were to approach Florence, the people oppressed with taxes, and wearied out by the insolence of the great, would most assuredly not oppose him, and pointed out the facility of reaching Florence; for the way by the Casentino would be open to them, through the friendship of Rinaldo and the Count di Poppi; and thus the duke, who was previously inclined to the attempt, was induced by their joint persuasions to make it. The Venetians, on the other hand, though the winter was severe, incessantly urged the count to relieve Brescia with all his forces. The count questioned the possibility of so doing, and advised them to wait the return of spring, in the meantime strengthening their fleet as much as possible, and then assist it both by land and water. This rendered the Venetians dissatisfied; they were dilatory in furnishing provisions, and consequently many deserted from their army.
The duke, realizing that the war was temporarily paused, his hope of taking Brescia and Verona gone, and recognizing that the Florentines' money and advice were to blame for this, saw that neither the injuries they had suffered from the Venetians could drive them away, nor could all his promises keep them loyal to him. He decided that to make them feel the consequences of their actions more directly, he would attack Tuscany, encouraged by the Florentine exiles and Niccolo. Niccolo supported this idea because he wanted to reclaim Braccio's territories and drive the count out of La Marca; the exiles wanted to return home and each used appropriate arguments to convince the duke to follow their plans. Niccolo suggested that he could be sent into Tuscany while maintaining the siege of Brescia; he was in control of the lake, the fortifications were well stocked, and their commanders were capable of resisting the count should he decide to launch a new offensive, which was unlikely without first relieving Brescia, something impossible to accomplish. Therefore, the duke could wage war in Tuscany without abandoning his efforts in Lombardy, hinting that the Florentines would have no choice but to call the count back to avoid total disaster, ensuring victory for the duke regardless of their decisions. The exiles claimed that if Niccolo with his army drew near Florence, the burdened population, strained by taxes and exhausted from the arrogance of the elite, would definitely not oppose him, highlighting how easy it would be to reach Florence; the route through Casentino would be open to them, thanks to the support of Rinaldo and the Count di Poppi. Thus, the duke, who was already considering the venture, was persuaded by their combined arguments to go ahead with it. Meanwhile, the Venetians, despite the harsh winter, constantly urged the count to muster all his forces to relieve Brescia. The count questioned whether that would be possible and advised them to wait for spring, using the time to strengthen their fleet and then assist it both on land and sea. This frustrated the Venetians; they were slow to supply provisions, leading many to desert their ranks.
The Florentines, being informed of these transactions, became alarmed, perceiving the war threatening themselves, and the little progress made in Lombardy. Nor did the suspicion entertained by them of the troops of the church give them less uneasiness; not that the pope was their enemy, but because they saw those forces more under the sway of the patriarch, who was their greatest foe. Giovanni Vitelleschi of Corneto was at first apostolic notary, then bishop of Recanati, and afterward patriarch of Alexandria; but at last, becoming a cardinal, he was called Cardinal of Florence. He was bold and cunning; and, having obtained great influence, was appointed to command all the forces of the church, and conduct all the enterprises of the pontiff, whether in Tuscany, Romagna, the kingdom of Naples, or in Rome. Hence he acquired so much power over the pontiff, and the papal troops, that the former was afraid of commanding him, and the latter obeyed no one else. The cardinal's presence at Rome, when the report came of Niccolo's design to march into Tuscany, redoubled the fear of the Florentines; for, since Rinaldo was expelled, he had become an enemy of the republic, from finding that the arrangements made by his means were not only disregarded, but converted to Rinaldo's prejudice, and caused the laying down of arms, which had given his enemies an opportunity of banishing him. In consequence of this, the government thought it would be advisable to restore and indemnify Rinaldo, in case Niccolo came into Tuscany and were joined by him. Their apprehensions were increased by their being unable to account for Niccolo's departure from Lombardy, and his leaving one enterprise almost completed, to undertake another so entirely doubtful; which they could not reconcile with their ideas of consistency, except by supposing some new design had been adopted, or some hidden treachery intended. They communicated their fears to the pope, who was now sensible of his error in having endowed the cardinal with too much authority.
The Florentines, learning of these events, became worried, realizing that the war was threatening them and that there had been little progress in Lombardy. Their unease was only heightened by their suspicions about the church's troops; not that the pope was their enemy, but because they felt those forces were more under the control of the patriarch, who was their biggest adversary. Giovanni Vitelleschi of Corneto started as the apostolic notary, then became the bishop of Recanati, and later the patriarch of Alexandria; eventually, he was made a cardinal and was referred to as the Cardinal of Florence. He was bold and shrewd, and after gaining significant influence, he was put in charge of all the church’s forces and tasked with carrying out all the pontiff's missions, whether in Tuscany, Romagna, the Kingdom of Naples, or Rome. This allowed him to gain so much power over the pontiff and the papal troops that the former feared giving him orders, and the latter obeyed no one else. The cardinal's presence in Rome when news broke of Niccolo's plan to invade Tuscany heightened the Florentines' fears; since Rinaldo had been expelled, he had become an enemy of the republic, realizing that the arrangements he had facilitated were not only ignored but turned against him, which led to the disarmament that allowed his enemies to banish him. As a result, the government thought it wise to restore and compensate Rinaldo in case Niccolo came into Tuscany and joined forces with him. Their concerns grew as they struggled to understand Niccolo's departure from Lombardy, leaving one nearly completed venture to take on another that seemed so uncertain; they couldn't reconcile this with their understanding of loyalty, except by assuming he had adopted a new plan or was plotting some hidden betrayal. They shared their worries with the pope, who was now aware of his mistake in giving the cardinal too much power.
CHAPTER VI
The pope imprisons the cardinal and assists the Florentines—Difference of opinion between the count and the Venetians respecting the management of the war. The Florentines reconcile them—The count wishes to go into Tuscany to oppose Piccinino, but is prevented by the Venetians—Niccolo Piccinino in Tuscany—He takes Marradi, and plunders the neighborhood of Florence—Description of Marradi—Cowardice of Bartolomeo Orlandini—Brave resistance of Castel San Niccolo—San Niccolo surrenders—Piccinino attempts to take Cortona, but fails.
The pope puts the cardinal in prison and helps the Florentines—There’s a disagreement between the count and the Venetians over how to handle the war. The Florentines bring them together—The count wants to head into Tuscany to confront Piccinino but is stopped by the Venetians—Niccolo Piccinino is in Tuscany—He captures Marradi and loots the area around Florence—Description of Marradi—Cowardice of Bartolomeo Orlandini—Brave defense of Castel San Niccolo—San Niccolo surrenders—Piccinino tries to take Cortona but fails.
While the Florentines were thus anxious, fortune disclosed the means of securing themselves against the patriarch's malevolence. The republic everywhere exercised the very closest espionage over epistolary communication, in order to discover if any persons were plotting against the state. It happened that letters were intercepted at Monte Pulciano, which had been written by the patriarch to Niccolo without the pope's knowledge; and although they were written in an unusual character, and the sense so involved that no distinct idea could be extracted, the obscurity itself, and the whole aspect of the matter so alarmed the pontiff, that he resolved to seize the person of the cardinal, a duty he committed to Antonio Rido, of Padua, who had the command of the castle of St. Angelo, and who, after receiving his instructions, soon found an opportunity of carrying them into effect. The patriarch, having determined to go into Tuscany, prepared to leave Rome on the following day, and ordered the castellan to be upon the drawbridge of the fortress in the morning, for he wished to speak with him as he passed. Antonio perceived this to be the favorable moment, informed his people what they were to do, and awaited the arrival of the patriarch upon the bridge, which adjoined the building, and might for the purpose of security be raised or lowered as occasion required. The appointed time found him punctual; and Antonio, having drawn him, as if for the convenience of conversation, on to the bridge, gave a signal to his men, who immediately raised it, and in a moment the cardinal, from being a commander of armies, found himself a prisoner of the castellan. The patriarch's followers at first began to use threats, but being informed of the pope's directions they were appeased. The castellan comforting him with kind words, he replied, that "the great do not make each other prisoners to let them go again; and that those whom it is proper to take, it is not well to set free." He shortly afterward died in prison. The pope appointed Lodovico, patriarch of Aquileia, to command his troops; and, though previously unwilling to interfere in the wars of the league and the duke, he was now content to take part in them, and engaged to furnish four thousand horse and two thousand foot for the defense of Tuscany.
While the Florentines were anxious, fortune revealed a way for them to protect themselves from the patriarch's hostility. The republic closely monitored all written communication to find out if anyone was plotting against the state. Letters were intercepted in Monte Pulciano, written by the patriarch to Niccolo without the pope's knowledge. Although the letters were written in an unusual script and were so convoluted that no clear message could be understood, the ambiguity and the overall situation alarmed the pope. He decided to capture the cardinal, a task he assigned to Antonio Rido of Padua, who commanded the castle of St. Angelo. After receiving his instructions, Antonio quickly found a chance to act. The patriarch planned to head into Tuscany and prepared to leave Rome the next day. He ordered the castellan to be on the drawbridge of the fortress in the morning because he wanted to talk to him as he passed. Antonio recognized this as the perfect moment, informed his men of what to do, and waited for the patriarch on the bridge next to the building, which could be raised or lowered for security. The appointed time arrived, and when the patriarch showed up, Antonio moved him onto the bridge for a more convenient conversation, then signaled to his men, who immediately raised the drawbridge. In an instant, the cardinal went from being a military commander to a prisoner of the castellan. The patriarch's followers initially threatened, but once they learned of the pope's orders, they calmed down. The castellan reassured him with kind words, to which he replied that "great men do not capture one another only to release them; once someone is to be taken, it’s not wise to let them go." He soon died in prison. The pope appointed Lodovico, patriarch of Aquileia, to lead his troops. Although he had previously been reluctant to get involved in the wars of the league and the duke, he was now willing to join and agreed to provide four thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry to defend Tuscany.
The Florentines, freed from this cause for anxiety, were still apprehensive of Niccolo, and feared confusion in the affairs of Lombardy, from the differences of opinion that existed between the count and the Venetians. In order the better to become acquainted with the intentions of the parties, they sent Neri di Gini Capponi and Giuliano Davanzati to Venice, with instructions to assist in the arrangement of the approaching campaign; and ordered that Neri, having discovered how the Venetians were disposed, should proceed to the count, learn his designs, and induce him to adopt the course that would be most advantageous to the League. The ambassadors had only reached Ferrara, when they were told that Niccolo Piccinino had crossed the Po with six thousand horse. This made them travel with increased speed; and, having arrived at Venice, they found the Signory fully resolved that Brescia should be relieved without waiting for the return of spring; for they said that "the city would be unable to hold out so long, the fleet could not be in readiness, and that seeing no more immediate relief, she would submit to the enemy; which would render the duke universally victorious, and cause them to lose the whole of their inland possessions." Neri then proceeded to Verona to ascertain the count's opinion, who argued, for many reasons, that to march to Brescia before the return of spring would be quite useless, or even worse; for the situation of Brescia, being considered in conjunction with the season, nothing could be expected to result but disorder and fruitless toil to the troops; so that, when the suitable period should arrive, he would be compelled to return to Verona with his army, to recover from the injuries sustained in the winter, and provide necessaries for the summer; and thus the time available for the war would be wasted in marching and countermarching. Orsatto Justiniani and Giovanni Pisani were deputed on the part of Venice to the count at Verona, having been sent to consider these affairs, and with them it was agreed that the Venetians should pay the count ninety thousand ducats for the coming year, and to each of the soldiers forty ducats; that he should set out immediately with the whole army and attack the duke, in order to compel him, for his own preservation, to recall Niccolo into Lombardy. After this agreement the ambassadors returned to Venice; and the Venetians, having so large an amount of money to raise, were very remiss with their commissariat.
The Florentines, relieved from their worries, still felt uneasy about Niccolo and feared chaos in Lombardy due to the disagreements between the count and the Venetians. To better understand the parties' intentions, they sent Neri di Gini Capponi and Giuliano Davanzati to Venice with instructions to help organize the upcoming campaign. Neri was tasked with finding out the Venetians' stance, reporting back to the count, learning his plans, and persuading him to choose the best course for the League. The ambassadors had only reached Ferrara when they heard that Niccolo Piccinino had crossed the Po with six thousand cavalry. This news made them rush, and upon arriving in Venice, they found that the Signory was determined to relieve Brescia without waiting for spring. They argued that "the city couldn’t hold out that long, the fleet wouldn’t be ready, and with no nearby help, Brescia would surrender to the enemy, allowing the duke to win completely and lose all their inland territories." Neri then went to Verona to gauge the count’s opinion, who argued for several reasons that marching to Brescia before spring would be pointless or even counterproductive. Considering Brescia's position and the season, he believed it would lead only to chaos and wasted efforts for the troops. When the right time came, he would have to return to Verona with his army to recover from winter’s toll and prepare for summer, wasting the available time on unnecessary marching. Orsatto Justiniani and Giovanni Pisani were sent by Venice to meet with the count in Verona to discuss these matters, and it was agreed that the Venetians would pay the count ninety thousand ducats for the coming year, plus forty ducats for each soldier. He was to set out immediately with the whole army and attack the duke, forcing him to recall Niccolo to Lombardy for his own safety. After reaching this agreement, the ambassadors returned to Venice, and the Venetians, needing to raise such a large amount of money, were quite slow with their supply efforts.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino pursued his route, and arrived in Romagna, where he prevailed upon the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti to desert the Venetians and enter the duke's service. This circumstance occasioned much uneasiness in Venice, and still more at Florence; for they thought that with the aid of the Malatesti they might resist Niccolo; but finding them gone over to the enemy, they were in fear lest their captain, Piero Giampagolo Orsini, who was in the territories of the Malatesti, should be disarmed and rendered powerless. The count also felt alarmed, for, through Niccolo's presence in Tuscany, he was afraid of losing La Marca; and, urged by a desire to look after his own affairs, he hastened to Venice, and being introduced to the Doge, informed him that the interests of the League required his presence in Tuscany; for the war ought to be carried on where the leader and forces of the enemy were, and not where his garrisons and towns were situated; for when the army is vanquished the war is finished; but to take towns and leave the armament entire, usually allowed the war to break out again with greater virulence; that Tuscany and La Marca would be lost if Niccolo were not vigorously resisted, and that, if lost, there would be no possibility of the preservation of Lombardy. But supposing the danger to Lombardy not so imminent, he did not intend to abandon his own subjects and friends, and that having come into Lombardy as a prince, he did not intend to return a mere condottiere. To this the Doge replied, it was quite manifest that, if he left Lombardy, or even recrossed the Po, all their inland territories would be lost; in that case they were unwilling to spend any more money in their defense. For it would be folly to attempt defending a place which must, after all, inevitably be lost; and that it is less disgraceful and less injurious to lose dominions only, then to lose both territory and money. That if the loss of their inland possessions should actually result, it would then be seen how highly important to the preservation of Romagna and Tuscany the reputation of the Venetians had been. On these accounts they were of quite a different opinion from the count; for they saw that whoever was victor in Lombardy would be so everywhere else, that conquest would be easily attainable now, when the territories of the duke were left almost defenseless by the departure of Niccolo, and that he would be ruined before he could order Niccolo's recall, or provide himself with any other remedy; that whoever attentively considered these things would see, that the duke had sent Niccolo into Tuscany for no other reason than to withdraw the count from his enterprise, and cause the war, which was now at his own door, to be removed to a greater distance. That if the count were to follow Niccolo, unless at the instigation of some very pressing necessity, he would find his plan successful, and rejoice in the adoption of it; but if he were to remain in Lombardy, and allow Tuscany to shift for herself, the duke would, when too late, see the imprudence of his conduct, and find that he had lost his territories in Lombardy and gained nothing in Tuscany. Each party having spoken, it was determined to wait a few days to see what would result from the agreement of the Malatesti with Niccolo; whether the Florentines could avail themselves of Piero Giampagolo, and whether the pope intended to join the League with all the earnestness he had promised. Not many days after these resolutions were adopted, it was ascertained that the Malatesti had made the agreement more from fear than any ill-will toward the League; that Piero Giampagolo had proceeded with his force toward Tuscany, and that the pope was more disposed than ever to assist them. This favorable intelligence dissipated the count's fears, and he consented to remain in Lombardy, and that Neri Capponi should return to Florence with a thousand of his own horse, and five hundred from the other parties. It was further agreed, that if the affairs of Tuscany should require the count's presence, Neri should write to him, and he would proceed thither to the exclusion of every other consideration. Neri arrived at Florence with his forces in April, and Giampagolo joined them the same day.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino continued on his path and reached Romagna, where he convinced the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti to abandon the Venetians and join the duke's service. This caused a lot of concern in Venice and even more in Florence; they believed that with the Malatesti's help, they could withstand Niccolo. However, upon discovering that the Malatesti had switched sides, they feared that their leader, Piero Giampagolo Orsini, who was in Malatesti territory, would be left defenseless and powerless. The count was also worried, as Niccolo's presence in Tuscany made him afraid of losing La Marca. Driven by a desire to manage his own affairs, he rushed to Venice and, after meeting with the Doge, informed him that the League’s interests required him in Tuscany; the war needed to be fought where the enemy's leader and forces were, not in areas where just his garrisons and towns resided. He argued that if the army was defeated, the war would end, but capturing towns while leaving the enemy's forces intact often led to the war restarting with even more intensity. He cautioned that Tuscany and La Marca would be lost if Niccolo wasn't strongly opposed, and if they fell, Lombardy's preservation would be impossible. Even if the threat to Lombardy wasn't urgent, he didn’t plan to abandon his subjects and allies, stating that he had come to Lombardy as a prince and didn’t intend to return as just a condottiere. The Doge replied, making it clear that if he left Lombardy or crossed the Po, all their inland territories would be at risk; in that case, they wouldn’t be willing to spend more money on defense. It would be foolish to defend a place that was destined to be lost eventually, and it would be less disgraceful and harmful to lose territories alone than to lose both territory and money. If they did lose their inland possessions, it would highlight how crucial Venetian reputation was for preserving Romagna and Tuscany. For these reasons, they disagreed with the count; they believed that whoever triumphed in Lombardy would also win elsewhere, and that victory was easily achievable now since Niccolo’s departure left the duke's lands almost defenseless, putting him in jeopardy before he could recall Niccolo or find another solution. Those who considered the situation carefully would realize that the duke had sent Niccolo to Tuscany only to divert the count from his mission and to push the war, now at his doorstep, further away. If the count followed Niccolo without an urgent reason, he would find success in that choice and be pleased with it; however, if he stayed in Lombardy and left Tuscany to fend for itself, the duke would, too late, recognize the foolishness of his actions, realizing he had lost his Lombard territories while gaining nothing in Tuscany. After both sides had spoken, they decided to wait a few days to see the outcome of the Malatesti’s agreement with Niccolo, whether the Florentines could enlist Piero Giampagolo's help, and whether the pope intended to join the League with the sincerity he had promised. A few days after these decisions were made, it became clear that the Malatesti had agreed more out of fear than any animosity toward the League, that Piero Giampagolo was advancing his forces toward Tuscany, and that the pope was more inclined than ever to assist them. This positive news eased the count’s worries, and he agreed to stay in Lombardy while Neri Capponi returned to Florence with a thousand of his own troops and five hundred from other factions. They also agreed that if Tuscany needed the count’s presence, Neri would message him, and he would head there without hesitation. Neri arrived in Florence with his forces in April, and Giampagolo joined them on the same day.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino, the affairs of Romagna being settled, purposed making a descent into Tuscany, and designing to go by the mountain passes of San Benedetto and the valley of Montone, found them so well guarded by the contrivance of Niccolo da Pisa, that his utmost exertions would be useless in that direction. As the Florentines, upon this sudden attack, were unprovided with troops and officers, they had sent into the defiles of these hills many of their citizens, with infantry raised upon the emergency to guard them, among whom was Bartolomeo Orlandini, a cavaliere, to whom was intrusted the defense of the castle of Marradi and the adjacent passes. Niccolo Piccinino, finding the route by San Benedetto impracticable, on account of the bravery of its commander, thought the cowardice of the officer who defended that of Marradi would render the passage easy. Marradi is a castle situated at the foot of the mountains which separate Tuscany from Romagna; and, though destitute of walls, the river, the mountains, and the inhabitants, make it a place of great strength; for the peasantry are warlike and faithful, and the rapid current undermining the banks has left them of such tremendous height that it is impossible to approach it from the valley if a small bridge over the stream be defended; while on the mountain side the precipices are so steep and perpendicular as to render it almost impregnable. In spite of these advantages, the pusillanimity of Bartolomeo Orlandini rendered the men cowardly and the fortress untenable; for as soon as he heard of the enemy's approach he abandoned the place, fled with all his forces, and did not stop till he reached the town of San Lorenzo. Niccolo, entering the deserted fortress, wondered it had not been defended, and, rejoicing over his acquisition, descended into the valley of the Mugello, where he took some castles, and halted with his army at Pulicciano. Thence he overran the country as far as the mountains of Fiesole; and his audacity so increased that he crossed the Arno, plundering and destroying everything to within three miles of Florence.
In the meantime, Niccolo Piccinino, having settled affairs in Romagna, planned to invade Tuscany. He intended to go through the mountain passes of San Benedetto and the valley of Montone but found them so well guarded by Niccolo da Pisa that any effort on his part would be futile. The Florentines, caught off guard by this sudden attack, had sent many of their citizens into the hills with infantry quickly raised to defend them, including Bartolomeo Orlandini, a knight in charge of protecting the castle of Marradi and its surrounding routes. When Niccolo Piccinino realized that the route through San Benedetto was not possible due to the bravery of its commander, he figured that the cowardice of the officer in charge of Marradi would make that passage easy. Marradi is a castle located at the foot of the mountains dividing Tuscany from Romagna; and although it lacks walls, the river, mountains, and local residents make it a stronghold. The peasantry are brave and loyal, and the rapidly eroding banks make them so steep that it's nearly impossible to approach from the valley if the small bridge over the stream is defended. On the mountain side, the cliffs are so steep and vertical that it becomes almost indestructible. Despite these advantages, Bartolomeo Orlandini's timidity demoralized the men and rendered the fortress defenseless. As soon as he learned of the enemy's approach, he abandoned the position, fled with all his troops, and didn't stop until he reached the town of San Lorenzo. Niccolo, entering the deserted fortress, was astonished it hadn't been defended and, pleased with his acquisition, moved down into the valley of the Mugello, where he captured some castles and camped with his army at Pulicciano. From there, he ravaged the region all the way to the mountains of Fiesole, and his boldness grew to the point where he crossed the Arno, looting and destroying everything within three miles of Florence.
The Florentines, however, were not dismayed. Their first concern was to give security to the government, for which they had no cause for apprehension, so universal was the good will of the people toward Cosmo; and besides this, they had restricted the principal offices to a few citizens of the highest class, who with their vigilance would have kept the populace in order, even if they had been discontented or desirous of change. They also knew by the compact made in Lombardy what forces Neri would bring with him, and expected the troops of the pope. These prospects sustained their courage till the arrival of Neri di Gino, who, on account of the disorders and fears of the city, determined to set out immediately and check Niccolo. With the cavalry he possessed, and a body of infantry raised entirely from the people, he recovered Remole from the hands of the enemy, where having encamped, he put a stop to all further depredations, and gave the inhabitants hopes of repelling the enemy from the neighborhood. Niccolo finding that, although the Florentines were without troops, no disturbance had arisen, and learning what entire composure prevailed in the city, thought he was wasting time, and resolved to undertake some other enterprise to induce them to send forces after him, and give him a chance of coming to an engagement, by means of which, if victorious, he trusted everything would succeed to his wishes.
The Florentines, however, were not discouraged. Their main priority was to ensure the government’s stability, for they had no reason to worry, given the widespread support for Cosmo among the people. Additionally, they had limited the key positions to a select few citizens of the highest status, who would keep the public in check, even if they felt discontented or wanted change. They were also aware from the agreement made in Lombardy about the forces Neri would bring with him and anticipated the pope’s troops. These expectations boosted their confidence until the arrival of Neri di Gino, who, worried about the chaos and fears in the city, decided to set out immediately to confront Niccolo. With the cavalry he had and a group of infantry made entirely of locals, he reclaimed Remole from the enemy. After setting up camp there, he halted any further raids and gave the residents hope that they could ward off the enemy from the area. Niccolo, realizing that even without troops the Florentines were not causing any disturbance, and noticing the complete calm in the city, felt he was wasting his time. He resolved to pursue another plan to provoke them into sending forces after him, hoping it would lead to a confrontation where, if victorious, he believed everything would go his way.
Francesco, Count di Poppi, was in the army of Niccolo, having deserted the Florentines, with whom he was in league, when the enemy entered the Mugello; and though with the intention of securing him as soon as they had an idea of his design, they increased his appointments, and made him commissary over all the places in his vicinity; still, so powerful is the attachment to party, that no benefit or fear could eradicate the affection he bore toward Rinaldo and the late government; so that as soon as he knew Niccolo was at hand he joined him, and with the utmost solicitude entreated him to leave the city and pass into the Casentino, pointing out to him the strength of the country, and how easily he might thence harass his enemies. Niccolo followed his advice, and arriving in the Casentino, took Romena and Bibbiena, and then pitched his camp before Castel San Niccolo. This fortress is situated at the foot of the mountains which divide the Casentino from the Val d'Arno; and being in an elevated situation, and well garrisoned, it was difficult to take, though Niccolo, with catapults and other engines, assailed it without intermission. The siege had continued more than twenty days, during which the Florentines had collected all their forces, having assembled under several leaders, three thousand horse, at Fegghine, commanded by Piero Giampagolo Orsini, their captain, and Neri Capponi and Bernardo de' Medici, commissaries. Four messengers, from Castel San Niccolo, were sent to them to entreat succor. The commissaries having examined the site, found it could not be relieved, except from the Alpine regions, in the direction of the Val d'Arno, the summit of which was more easily attainable by the enemy than by themselves, on account of their greater proximity, and because the Florentines could not approach without observation; so that it would be making a desperate attempt, and might occasion the destruction of the forces. The commissaries, therefore, commended their fidelity, and ordered that when they could hold out no longer, they should surrender. Niccolo took the fortress after a siege of thirty-two days; and the loss of so much time, for the attainment of so small an advantage, was the principle cause of the failure of his expedition; for had he remained with his forces near Florence, he would have almost deprived the government of all power to compel the citizens to furnish money: nor would they so easily have assembled forces and taken other precautions, if the enemy had been close upon them, as they did while he was at a distance. Besides this, many would have been disposed to quiet their apprehensions of Niccolo, by concluding a peace; particularly, as the contest was likely to be of some duration. The desire of the Count di Poppi to avenge himself on the inhabitants of San Niccolo, long his enemies, occasioned his advice to Piccinino, who adopted it for the purpose of pleasing him; and this caused the ruin of both. It seldom happens, that the gratification of private feelings, fails to be injurious to the general convenience.
Francesco, Count di Poppi, was in Niccolo's army after deserting the Florentines, with whom he had allied himself when the enemy invaded Mugello. Despite their efforts to secure him once they suspected his plans—by increasing his pay and making him the commissary over the nearby areas—his loyalty to Rinaldo and the previous government was so strong that neither benefit nor fear could change it. As soon as he learned that Niccolo was nearby, he joined him and eagerly urged him to leave the city and move into Casentino, highlighting the area's advantages and how easily he could disrupt his enemies from there. Niccolo took his advice, and after reaching Casentino, he captured Romena and Bibbiena, then set up camp in front of Castel San Niccolo. This fortress, located at the foot of the mountains that separate Casentino from Val d'Arno, was hard to conquer due to its high position and strong garrison, even though Niccolo relentlessly attacked it with catapults and other siege equipment. The siege lasted over twenty days, during which the Florentines gathered all their forces under various leaders, including three thousand cavalry at Fegghine led by Captain Piero Giampagolo Orsini, along with Neri Capponi and Bernardo de' Medici as commissaries. Four messengers from Castel San Niccolo were sent to request assistance. After assessing the situation, the commissaries concluded that the fortress couldn't be relieved except from the Alpine regions toward Val d'Arno, where the enemy had a closer approach. Because of their proximity and the fact that the Florentines could not advance without being noticed, attempting to provide aid would be reckless and could lead to the destruction of their forces. Therefore, the commissaries praised their loyalty and instructed them to surrender when they could no longer hold out. Niccolo finally took the fortress after a thirty-two-day siege; the significant delay for such a minor gain was a major reason for the failure of his campaign. If he had stayed near Florence, he could have nearly stripped the government of its ability to force citizens to raise funds, and it wouldn’t have been as easy for them to gather forces and prepare if the enemy had been closer. Furthermore, many might have wanted to settle their fears about Niccolo by opting for peace, especially since the conflict appeared to be protracted. The Count di Poppi’s desire for revenge against the people of San Niccolo, who had long been his enemies, influenced his advice to Piccinino, who followed it to gain his favor, leading to the downfall of both. It’s rare that fulfilling personal grievances doesn’t harm the overall good.
Niccolo, pursuing his good fortune, took Rassina and Chiusi. The Count di Poppi advised him to halt in these parts, arguing that he might divide his people between Chiusi, Caprese, and the Pieve, render himself master of this branch of the Apennines, and descend at pleasure into the Casentino, the Val d'Arno, the Val di Chiane, or the Val di Tavere, as well as be prepared for every movement of the enemy. But Niccolo, considering the sterility of these places, told him, "his horses could not eat stones," and went to the Borgo San Sepolcro, where he was amicably received, but found that the people of Citta di Castello, who were friendly to the Florentines, could not be induced to yield to his overtures. Wishing to have Perugia at his disposal, he proceeded thither with forty horse, and being one of her citizens, met with a kind reception. But in a few days he became suspected, and having attempted unsuccessfully to tamper with the legate and people of Perugia, he took eight thousand ducats from them, and returned to his army. He then set on foot secret measures, to seduce Cortona from the Florentines, but the affair being discovered, his attempts were fruitless. Among the principal citizens was Bartolomeo di Senso, who being appointed to the evening watch of one of the gates, a countryman, his friend, told him, that if he went he would be slain. Bartolomeo, requesting to know what was meant, he became acquainted with the whole affair, and revealed it to the governor of the place, who, having secured the leaders of the conspiracy, and doubled the guards at the gates, waited till the time appointed for the coming of Niccolo, who finding his purpose discovered, returned to his encampment.
Niccolo, seeking his good fortune, took Rassina and Chiusi. The Count di Poppi suggested he stay in the area, arguing that he could split his forces between Chiusi, Caprese, and the Pieve, gain control of this part of the Apennines, and easily move into the Casentino, the Val d'Arno, the Val di Chiane, or the Val di Tavere, while also being ready for any enemy movements. But Niccolo, noting the barrenness of these areas, told him, "his horses can’t eat stones," and moved on to Borgo San Sepolcro, where he was welcomed, but found that the people of Citta di Castello, who supported the Florentines, wouldn't respond to his offers. Wanting to take control of Perugia, he went there with forty horsemen, and being one of their own, he was received warmly. However, in a few days, he became suspect, and after failing to manipulate the legate and the people of Perugia, he took eight thousand ducats from them and returned to his army. He then started secret plans to sway Cortona away from the Florentines, but when the plot was discovered, his efforts were in vain. Among the main citizens was Bartolomeo di Senso, who was on evening watch at one of the gates. A countryman and friend warned him that if he went, he would be killed. Bartolomeo asked for clarification and learned about the whole plot, which he reported to the governor. The governor then captured the conspiracy leaders and increased guards at the gates, waiting for Niccolo’s arrival. When Niccolo realized his plans were uncovered, he returned to his camp.
CHAPTER VII
Brescia relieved by Sforza—His other victories—Piccinino is recalled into Lombardy—He endeavors to bring the Florentines to an engagement—He is routed before Anghiari—Serious disorders in the camp of the Florentines after the victory—Death of Rinaldo degli Albizzi—His character—Neri Capponi goes to recover the Casentino—The Count di Poppi surrenders—His discourse upon quitting his possessions.
Brescia is relieved by Sforza—His other victories—Piccinino is called back to Lombardy—He tries to draw the Florentines into battle—He is defeated before Anghiari—Major unrest in the Florentine camp after the victory—Death of Rinaldo degli Albizzi—His character—Neri Capponi heads to reclaim the Casentino—The Count di Poppi surrenders—His speech upon leaving his lands.
While these events were taking place in Tuscany, so little to the advantage of the duke, his affairs in Lombardy were in a still worse condition. The Count Francesco, as soon as the season would permit, took the field with his army, and the Venetians having again covered the lake with their galleys, he determined first of all to drive the duke from the water; judging, that this once effected, his remaining task would be easy. He therefore, with the Venetian fleet, attacked that of the duke, and destroyed it. His land forces took the castles held for Filippo, and the ducal troops who were besieging Brescia, being informed of these transactions, withdrew; and thus, the city, after standing a three years' siege, was at length relieved. The count then went in quest of the enemy, whose forces were encamped before Soncino, a fortress situated upon the River Oglio; these he dislodged and compelled to retreat to Cremona, where the duke again collected his forces, and prepared for his defense. But the count constantly pressing him more closely, he became apprehensive of losing either the whole, or the greater part, of his territories; and perceiving the unfortunate step he had taken, in sending Niccolo into Tuscany, in order to correct his error, he wrote to acquaint him with what had transpired, desiring him, with all possible dispatch, to leave Tuscany and return to Lombardy.
While these events were happening in Tuscany, which wasn't in the duke's favor at all, his situation in Lombardy was even worse. As soon as the weather allowed, Count Francesco took his army into the field, and with the Venetians again covering the lake with their galleys, he decided the first step should be to push the duke away from the water; he figured that once that was done, everything else would be easy. So, together with the Venetian fleet, he attacked the duke's navy and destroyed it. His ground forces seized the castles held by Filippo, and when the ducal troops that were besieging Brescia heard about this, they pulled back; thus, after three years under siege, the city was finally freed. The count then sought out the enemy, whose forces were camped outside Soncino, a fortress by the River Oglio; he drove them out and forced them to retreat to Cremona, where the duke regrouped his troops and prepared to defend himself. However, as the count kept pressing him harder, the duke grew worried about losing either all or most of his lands; realizing the mistake he made by sending Niccolo to Tuscany, he wrote to him to update him on the situation and urgently asked him to leave Tuscany and return to Lombardy.
In the meantime, the Florentines, under their commissaries, had drawn together their forces, and being joined by those of the pope, halted at Anghiari, a castle placed at the foot of the mountains that divide the Val di Tavere from the Val di Chiane, distant four miles from the Borgo San Sepolcro, on a level road, and in a country suitable for the evolutions of cavalry or a battlefield. As the Signory had heard of the count's victory and the recall of Niccolo, they imagined that without again drawing a sword or disturbing the dust under their horses' feet, the victory was their own, and the war at an end, they wrote to the commissaries, desiring them to avoid an engagement, as Niccolo could not remain much longer in Tuscany. These instructions coming to the knowledge of Piccinino, and perceiving the necessity of his speedy return, to leave nothing unattempted, he determined to engage the enemy, expecting to find them unprepared, and not disposed for battle. In this determination he was confirmed by Rinaldo, the Count di Poppi, and other Florentine exiles, who saw their inevitable ruin in the departure of Niccolo, and hoped, that if he engaged the enemy, they would either be victorious, or vanquished without dishonor. This resolution being adopted, Niccolo led his army, unperceived by the enemy, from Citta di Castello to the Borgo, where he enlisted two thousand men, who, trusting the general's talents and promises, followed him in hope of plunder. Niccolo then led his forces in battle array toward Anghiari, and had arrived within two miles of the place, when Micheletto Attendulo observed great clouds of dust, and conjecturing at once, that it must be occasioned by the enemy's approach, immediately called the troops to arms. Great confusion prevailed in the Florentine camp, for the ordinary negligence and want of discipline were now increased by their presuming the enemy to be at a distance, and they were more disposed to fight than to battle; so that everyone was unarmed, and some wandering from the camp, either led by their desire to avoid the excessive heat, or in pursuit of amusement. So great was the diligence of the commissaries and of the captain, that before the enemy's arrival, the men were mounted and prepared to resist their attack; and as Micheletto was the first to observe their approach, he was also first armed and ready to meet them, and with his troops hastened to the bridge which crosses the river at a short distance from Anghiari. Pietro Giampagolo having previous to the surprise, filled up the ditches on either side of the road, and leveled the ground between the bridge and Anghiari, and Micheletto having taken his position in front of the former, the legate and Simoncino, who led the troops of the church, took post on the right, and the commissaries of the Florentines, with Pietro Giampagolo, their captain, on the left; the infantry being drawn up along the banks of the river. Thus, the only course the enemy could take, was the direct one over the bridge; nor had the Florentines any other field for their exertions, excepting that their infantry were ordered, in case their cavalry were attacked in flank by the hostile infantry, to assail them with their cross bows, and prevent them from wounding the flanks of the horses crossing the bridge. Micheletto bravely withstood the enemy's charge upon the bridge; but Astorre and Francesco Piccinino coming up, with a picked body of men, attacked him so vigorously, that he was compelled to give way, and was pushed as far as the foot of the hill which rises toward the Borgo d'Anghiari; but they were in turn repulsed and driven over the bridge, by the troops that took them in flank. The battle continued two hours, during which each side had frequent possession of the bridge, and their attempts upon it were attended with equal success; but on both sides of the river, the disadvantage of Niccolo was manifest; for when his people crossed the bridge, they found the enemy unbroken, and the ground being leveled, they could manoeuvre without difficulty, and the weary be relieved by such as were fresh. But when the Florentines crossed, Niccolo could not relieve those that were harassed, on account of the hindrance interposed by the ditches and embankments on each side of the road; thus whenever his troops got possession of the bridge, they were soon repulsed by the fresh forces of the Florentines; but when the bridge was taken by the Florentines, and they passed over and proceeded upon the road, Niccolo having no opportunity to reinforce his troops, being prevented by the impetuosity of the enemy and the inconvenience of the ground, the rear guard became mingled with the van, and occasioned the utmost confusion and disorder; they were forced to flee, and hastened at full speed toward the Borgo. The Florentine troops fell upon the plunder, which was very valuable in horses, prisoners, and military stores, for not more than a thousand of the enemy's cavalry reached the town. The people of the Borgo, who had followed Niccolo in the hope of plunder, became booty themselves, all of them being taken, and obliged to pay a ransom. The colors and carriages were also captured. This victory was much more advantageous to the Florentines than injurious to the duke; for, had they been conquered, Tuscany would have been his own; but he, by his defeat, only lost the horses and accoutrements of his army, which could be replaced without any very serious expense. Nor was there ever an instance of wars being carried on in an enemy's country with less injury to the assailants than at this; for in so great a defeat, and in a battle which continued four hours, only one man died, and he, not from wounds inflicted by hostile weapons, or any honorable means, but, having fallen from his horse, was trampled to death. Combatants then engaged with little danger; being nearly all mounted, covered with armor, and preserved from death whenever they chose to surrender, there was no necessity for risking their lives; while fighting, their armor defended them, and when they could resist no longer, they yielded and were safe.
In the meantime, the Florentines, led by their officials, gathered their forces and, with the pope's troops joining them, stopped at Anghiari, a castle at the base of the mountains that separate Val di Tavere from Val di Chiane, about four miles from Borgo San Sepolcro, on a flat road and in terrain suitable for cavalry maneuvers or a battlefield. Since the Signory had heard of the count's victory and the recall of Niccolo, they believed that without drawing a sword or stirring any dust under their horses' hooves, the victory was theirs and the war was over. They wrote to the officials, instructing them to avoid engaging in battle, as Niccolo couldn't stay in Tuscany much longer. When Piccinino learned of these instructions and realized the urgency of returning, determined not to leave anything to chance, he decided to engage the enemy, expecting they would be unprepared and unwilling to fight. This decision was supported by Rinaldo, the Count di Poppi, and other Florentine exiles, who saw their doom in Niccolo's departure and hoped that if he attacked, they could either win or be defeated without shame. With this resolution, Niccolo secretly moved his army from Citta di Castello to the Borgo, where he recruited two thousand men who, trusting in their leader's skills and promises, followed him hoping for loot. Niccolo then led his forces toward Anghiari, and had just arrived within two miles when Micheletto Attendulo noticed large clouds of dust and immediately suspected it was from the enemy's approach, calling the troops to arms. Chaos broke out in the Florentine camp; their usual carelessness and lack of discipline worsened as they assumed the enemy was far away, making them more inclined to skirmish than to fight. Many were unarmed, with some straying from the camp to escape the heat or seek entertainment. The commissaries and their captain acted quickly, getting the troops mounted and ready to repel the enemy before they arrived. Micheletto was the first to see the enemy coming, so he was also the first to gear up and ready himself to confront them. He and his troops rushed to the bridge crossing the river a short distance from Anghiari. Pietro Giampagolo had, before the surprise, filled in the ditches on either side of the road and leveled the ground between the bridge and Anghiari. With Micheletto positioned in front of the bridge, the legate and Simoncino, who led the church troops, took position on the right, while the Florentine commissaries and their captain, Pietro Giampagolo, took the left, with the infantry stationed along the river banks. The only route the enemy could take was directly across the bridge, and the Florentines had no other strategy aside from instructing their infantry to support the cavalry against flank attacks from the enemy's infantry with crossbows, preventing them from injuring the cavalry crossing the bridge. Micheletto bravely withstood the enemy's charge at the bridge, but Astorre and Francesco Piccinino, leading an elite group, attacked him fiercely, forcing him to retreat to the foot of the hill rising towards Borgo d'Anghiari. However, they were then repelled and pushed back across the bridge by troops attacking them from the side. The battle lasted for two hours, with each side alternating control of the bridge, and both making attempts with comparable success. However, Niccolo's disadvantage was evident on both sides of the river; whenever his forces crossed the bridge, they found the enemy still intact, and the even ground allowed them to maneuver easily, letting fresh troops relieve those who were tired. But when the Florentines crossed, Niccolo couldn’t help his exhausted men due to the obstacles created by ditches and embankments flanking the road. Thus, whenever his troops managed to hold the bridge, they were soon pushed back by the fresh forces of the Florentines. When the bridge fell to the Florentines, their advance meant Niccolo had no way to reinforce his troops, hampered by the enemy's aggressive advances and the challenging terrain, leading to a chaotic mixture of his rear guard and front-line soldiers, creating great confusion. They were forced to flee in haste back towards the Borgo. The Florentine troops seized the valuable plunder, including horses, prisoners, and military supplies, as only about a thousand of the enemy's cavalry managed to reach the town. The townsfolk of the Borgo, who had followed Niccolo seeking loot, were captured and had to pay ransom. The flags and supplies were also taken. This victory was far more beneficial for the Florentines than harmful to the duke; had he lost, Tuscany would have belonged to him, but his defeat only cost him the horses and gear of his army, which could easily be replaced without significant expense. There wasn’t another instance of warfare in an enemy's territory causing less damage to the attackers than this battle; in such a significant defeat and in a four-hour battle, only one man died—not from enemy wounds or any noble means, but from falling off his horse and being trampled to death. Combatants faced little risk; nearly all were mounted, armored, and had ways to avoid death when they chose to surrender, rendering the need to risk their lives unnecessary; while fighting, their armor protected them, and when they could no longer fight, they surrendered and found safety.
This battle, from the circumstances which attended and followed it, presents a striking example of the wretched state of military discipline in those times. The enemy's forces being defeated and driven into the Borgo, the commissaries desired to pursue them, in order to make the victory complete, but not a single condottiere or soldier would obey, alleging, as a sufficient reason for their refusal, that they must take care of the booty and attend to their wounded; and, what is still more surprising, the next day, without permission from the commissaries, or the least regard for their commanders, they went to Arezzo, and, having secured their plunder, returned to Anghiari; a thing so contrary to military order and all subordination, that the merest shadow of a regular army would easily and most justly have wrested from them the victory they had so undeservedly obtained. Added to this, the men-at-arms, or heavy-armed horse, who had been taken prisoners, whom the commissaries wished to be detained that they might not rejoin the enemy, were set at liberty, contrary to their orders. It is astonishing, that an army so constructed should have sufficient energy to obtain the victory, or that any should be found so imbecile as to allow such a disorderly rabble to vanquish them. The time occupied by the Florentine forces in going and returning from Arezzo, gave Niccolo opportunity of escaping from the Borgo, and proceeding toward Romagna. Along with him also fled the Florentine exiles, who, finding no hope of their return home, took up their abodes in various parts of Italy, each according to his own convenience. Rinaldo made choice of Ancona; and, to gain admission to the celestial country, having lost the terrestrial, he performed a pilgrimage to the holy sepulcher; whence having returned, he died suddenly while at table at the celebration of the marriage of one of his daughters; an instance of fortune's favor, in removing him from the troubles of this world upon the least sorrowful day of his exile. Rinaldo d'Albizzi appeared respectable under every change of condition; and would have been more so had he lived in a united city, for many qualities were injurious to him in a factious community, which in an harmonious one would have done him honor.
This battle, along with the events that happened before and after, clearly shows the terrible state of military discipline at that time. The enemy's forces were defeated and pushed back into the Borgo, and the supply officers wanted to pursue them to make the victory complete, but not a single mercenary or soldier would obey. They claimed that they had to take care of the spoils and attend to their wounded as a valid excuse for their refusal. Even more surprisingly, the next day, without permission from the supply officers or any respect for their leaders, they went to Arezzo, secured their loot, and then returned to Anghiari. This behavior was completely against military order and any sense of hierarchy—if there had been even a semblance of a proper army, they would have easily and justly taken back the victory they had so undeservedly earned. Additionally, the armored cavalry who had been captured, whom the supply officers wanted to detain to prevent them from rejoining the enemy, were released against orders. It's astonishing that an army like this could muster enough energy to achieve victory, or that anyone could be foolish enough to let such a disorganized group defeat them. The time the Florentine forces spent going to and returning from Arezzo gave Niccolo a chance to escape from the Borgo and head toward Romagna. Along with him, the Florentine exiles fled as well; seeing no chance of returning home, they settled in various parts of Italy for their own convenience. Rinaldo chose Ancona, and to gain entry to the afterlife, having lost the earthly one, he went on a pilgrimage to the holy sepulcher. After returning, he died unexpectedly while dining at the wedding celebration of one of his daughters, a fortunate way for him to be removed from the troubles of this world on the least sorrowful day of his exile. Rinaldo d'Albizzi held his dignity in every change of circumstance, and he would have been even more respected had he lived in a unified city, as many of his qualities that were detrimental in a factional community would have honored him in a harmonious one.
When the forces returned from Arezzo, Niccolo being then gone, the commissaries presented themselves at the Borgo, the people of which were willing to submit to the Florentines; but their offer was declined, and while negotiations were pending, the pope's legate imagined the commissaries designed to take it from the church. Hard words were exchanged and hostilities might have ensued between the Florentine and ecclesiastical forces, if the misunderstanding had continued much longer; but as it was brought to the conclusion desired by the legate, peace was restored.
When the forces came back from Arezzo, with Niccolo already gone, the officials showed up at the Borgo, where the people were ready to accept the Florentines; however, their offer was rejected. While talks were ongoing, the pope's representative thought the officials planned to take control of it from the church. Harsh words were exchanged, and conflict could have arisen between the Florentine and church forces if the misunderstanding had lasted much longer. Fortunately, it ended in a way that satisfied the representative, and peace was restored.
While the affair of the Borgo San Sepolcro was in progress, Niccolo Piccinino was supposed to have marched toward Rome; other accounts said La Marca, and hence the legate and the count's forces moved toward Perugia to relieve La Marca or Rome, as the case might be, and Bernardo de Medici accompanied them. Neri led the Florentine forces to recover the Casentino, and pitched his camp before Rassina, which he took, together with Bibbiena, Prato Vecchio, and Romena. From thence he proceeded to Poppi and invested it on two sides with his forces, in one direction toward the plain of Certomondo, in the other upon the hill extending to Fronzole. The count finding himself abandoned to his fate, had shut himself up in Poppi, not with any hope of assistance, but with a view to make the best terms he could. Neri pressing him, he offered to capitulate, and obtained reasonable conditions, namely, security for himself and family, with leave to take whatever he could carry away, on condition of ceding his territories and government to the Florentines. When he perceived the full extent of his misfortune, standing upon the bridge which crosses the Arno, close to Poppi, he turned to Neri in great distress, and said, "Had I well considered my own position and the power of the Florentines, I should now have been a friend of the republic and congratulating you on your victory, not an enemy compelled to supplicate some alleviation of my woe. The recent events which to you bring glory and joy, to me are full of wretchedness and sorrow. Once I possessed horses, arms, subjects, grandeur and wealth: can it be surprising that I part with them reluctantly? But as you possess both the power and the inclination to command the whole of Tuscany, we must of necessity obey you; and had I not committed this error, my misfortune would not have occurred, and your liberality could not have been exercised; so, that if you were to rescue me from entire ruin, you would give the world a lasting proof of your clemency. Therefore, let your pity pass by my fault, and allow me to retain this single house to leave to the descendants of those from whom your fathers have received innumerable benefits." To this Neri replied: "That his having expected great results from men who were capable of doing only very little, had led him to commit so great a fault against the republic of Florence; that, every circumstance considered, he must surrender all those places to the Florentines, as an enemy, which he was unwilling to hold as a friend: that he had set such an example, as it would be most highly impolitic to encourage; for, upon a change of fortune, it might injure the republic, and it was not himself they feared, but his power while lord of the Casentino. If, however, he could live as a prince in Germany, the citizens would be very much gratified; and out of love to those ancestors of whom he had spoken, they would be glad to assist him." To this, the count, in great anger, replied: "He wished the Florentines at a much greater distance." Attempting no longer to preserve the least urbanity of demeanor, he ceded the place and all its dependencies to the Florentines, and with his treasure, wife, and children, took his departure, mourning the loss of a territory which his forefathers had held during four hundred years. When all these victories were known at Florence, the government and people were transported with joy. Benedetto de' Medici, finding the report of Niccolo having proceeded either to Rome or to La Marca, incorrect, returned with his forces to Neri, and they proceeded together to Florence, where the highest honors were decreed to them which it was customary with the city to bestow upon her victorious citizens, and they were received by the Signory, the Capitani di Parte, and the whole city, in triumphal pomp.
While the situation in Borgo San Sepolcro was unfolding, Niccolo Piccinino was said to have marched toward Rome; other reports claimed he headed to La Marca, prompting the legate and the count's forces to move toward Perugia to support either La Marca or Rome, depending on the circumstances, with Bernardo de Medici accompanying them. Neri led the Florentine troops to reclaim the Casentino and set up camp before Rassina, which he captured, along with Bibbiena, Prato Vecchio, and Romena. He then moved on to Poppi and surrounded it from two sides, one direction aimed at the Certomondo plain and the other toward the hill leading to Fronzole. The count, realizing he was left to his fate, had shut himself inside Poppi, not hoping for help but trying to negotiate the best settlement possible. As Neri pressured him, he offered to surrender, securing reasonable terms – safety for himself and his family, permission to take whatever he could carry, in exchange for giving up his lands and authority to the Florentines. When he fully grasped his misfortune, he stood on the bridge crossing the Arno, near Poppi, and said to Neri in deep distress, "If I had considered my situation and the strength of the Florentines, I would be a friend of the republic celebrating your victory instead of an enemy begging for some relief from my despair. The recent events that bring you glory and happiness bring me nothing but misery and grief. I once had horses, arms, subjects, status, and wealth; can you blame me for being reluctant to part with them? But since you have both the power and the will to control all of Tuscany, we must follow you; and if I hadn't made this mistake, my downfall wouldn't have happened, and your kindness wouldn’t be needed. If you save me from total ruin, you would show the world your mercy. So, please overlook my fault and let me keep this one house to pass on to the descendants of those whose ancestors your families have benefited greatly." Neri responded, "Your expectation of significant outcomes from those who can do very little has caused you to make a serious mistake against the republic of Florence. Considering everything, you must surrender all those places to the Florentines as an enemy, which you wouldn’t want to hold as a friend. You’ve set an example that it would be very unwise to support; if fortunes change, it could harm the republic, and it's not you they fear but your power as the lord of the Casentino. However, if you could live as a prince in Germany, the citizens would be very pleased; out of respect for those ancestors you mentioned, they would gladly help you." To this, the count retorted angrily, "I wish the Florentines were much farther away." Dropping any pretense of civility, he surrendered the place and all its dependencies to the Florentines and, with his wealth, wife, and children, left, lamenting the loss of a territory held by his ancestors for four hundred years. When news of these victories reached Florence, the government and the people were overjoyed. Benedetto de' Medici, finding out the reports of Niccolo either going to Rome or La Marca were incorrect, returned to Neri with his forces, and together they went to Florence, where they were honored with the highest accolades customary for victorious citizens, welcomed in triumph by the Signory, the Capitani di Parte, and the whole city.
BOOK VI
CHAPTER I
Reflections on the object of war and the use of victory—Niccolo reinforces his army—The duke of Milan endeavors to recover the services of Count Francesco Sforza—Suspicions of the Venetians—They acquire Ravenna—The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the pope—Piccinino makes an excursion during the winter—The count besieged in his camp before Martinengo—The insolence of Niccolo Piccinino—The duke in revenge makes peace with the league—Sforza assisted by the Florentines.
Reflections on the purpose of war and the use of victory—Niccolo strengthens his army—The Duke of Milan tries to regain the services of Count Francesco Sforza—The Venetians are suspicious—They take Ravenna—The Florentines buy the Borgo San Sepolcro from the pope—Piccinino ventures out during the winter—The count is besieged in his camp outside Martinengo—The arrogance of Niccolo Piccinino—The duke, seeking revenge, makes peace with the league—Sforza is supported by the Florentines.
Those who make war have always and very naturally designed to enrich themselves and impoverish the enemy; neither is victory sought or conquest desirable, except to strengthen themselves and weaken the enemy. Hence it follows, that those who are impoverished by victory or debilitated by conquest, must either have gone beyond, or fallen short of, the end for which wars are made. A republic or a prince is enriched by the victories he obtains, when the enemy is crushed and possession is retained of the plunder and ransom. Victory is injurious when the foe escapes, or when the soldiers appropriate the booty and ransom. In such a case, losses are unfortunate, and conquests still more so; for the vanquished suffers the injuries inflicted by the enemy, and the victor those occasioned by his friends, which being less justifiable, must cause the greater pain, particularly from a consideration of his being thus compelled to oppress his people by an increased burden of taxation. A ruler possessing any degree of humanity, cannot rejoice in a victory that afflicts his subjects. The victories of the ancient and well organized republics, enabled them to fill their treasuries with gold and silver won from their enemies, to distribute gratuities to the people, reduce taxation, and by games and solemn festivals, disseminate universal joy. But the victories obtained in the times of which we speak, first emptied the treasury, and then impoverished the people, without giving the victorious party security from the enemy. This arose entirely from the disorders inherent in their mode of warfare; for the vanquished soldiery, divesting themselves of their accoutrements, and being neither slain nor detained prisoners, only deferred a renewed attack on the conqueror, till their leader had furnished them with arms and horses. Besides this, both ransom and booty being appropriated by the troops, the victorious princes could not make use of them for raising fresh forces, but were compelled to draw the necessary means from their subjects' purses, and this was the only result of victory experienced by the people, except that it diminished the ruler's reluctance to such a course, and made him less particular about his mode of oppressing them. To such a state had the practice of war been brought by the sort of soldiery then on foot, that the victor and the vanquished, when desirous of their services, alike needed fresh supplies of money; for the one had to re-equip them, and the other to bribe them; the vanquished could not fight without being remounted, and the conquerors would not take the field without a new gratuity. Hence it followed, that the one derived little advantage from the victory, and the other was the less injured by defeat; for the routed party had to be re-equipped, and the victorious could not pursue his advantage.
Those who wage war have always aimed to enrich themselves and weaken their enemies; victory or conquest is only pursued to strengthen themselves and diminish the enemy’s power. Therefore, those who suffer from victory or are weakened by conquest must either have overreached or failed to achieve the purpose for which wars are fought. A republic or ruler benefits from the victories they win when they crush the enemy and keep the spoils and ransom. Victory is a disadvantage if the enemy escapes or if soldiers take the loot and ransoms for themselves. In this case, losses are unfortunate, and conquests are even worse; because the defeated suffer from the injuries inflicted by the enemy, while the victor suffers from harm caused by his own men, which is even more painful, especially since it forces him to burden his people with increased taxes. A ruler with any sense of humanity cannot take pleasure in a victory that harms his subjects. The victories of the ancient, well-organized republics allowed them to fill their treasuries with gold and silver taken from their enemies, distribute bonuses to the people, lower taxes, and bring widespread joy through games and festivals. But the victories in the times we discuss first drained the treasury and then impoverished the people, without providing the victors any security from their enemies. This was entirely due to the chaos in their style of warfare; the defeated soldiers, shedding their armor and not being killed or captured, only postponed their next attack on the conqueror until their leader could provide them with new weapons and horses. Additionally, as the soldiers took both ransom and spoils, the victorious rulers could not use these for raising new forces and were forced to extract the necessary resources from their subjects, which was the only outcome of victory for the people, other than it making the ruler more willing to oppress them without hesitation. The nature of warfare had reached a point where both the victor and the vanquished needed fresh funds when seeking their services; the victor had to re-equip his troops, while the defeated had to be bribed. The defeated could not fight without being restocked, and the conquerors would not go into battle without further pay. Thus, it followed that the victor gained little advantage from victory, and the vanquished was less hurt by defeat; for the defeated had to be re-equipped, and the victor could not capitalize on his advantage.
From this disorderly and perverse method of procedure, it arose, that before Niccolo's defeat became known throughout Italy, he had again reorganized his forces, and harassed the enemy with greater vigor than before. Hence, also, it happened, that after his disaster at Tenna, he so soon occupied Verona: that being deprived of his army at Verona, he was shortly able to appear with a large force in Tuscany; that being completely defeated at Anghiari, before he reached Tuscany, he was more powerful in the field than ever. He was thus enabled to give the duke of Milan hopes of defending Lombardy, which by his absence appeared to be lost; for while Niccolo spread consternation throughout Tuscany, disasters in the former province so alarmed the duke, that he was afraid his utter ruin would ensue before Niccolo, whom he had recalled, could come to his relief, and check the impetuous progress of the count. Under these impressions, the duke, to insure by policy that success which he could not command by arms, had recourse to remedies, which on similar occasions had frequently served his turn. He sent Niccolo da Esti, prince of Ferrara, to the count who was then at Peschiera, to persuade him, "That this war was not to his advantage; for if the duke became so ruined as to be unable to maintain his position among the states of Italy, the count would be the first to suffer; for he would cease to be of importance either with the Venetians or the Florentines; and to prove the sincerity of his wish for peace, he offered to fulfill the engagement he had entered into with regard to his daughter, and send her to Ferrara; so that as soon as peace was established, the union might take place." The count replied, "That if the duke really wished for peace, he might easily be gratified, as the Florentines and the Venetians were equally anxious for it. True, it was, he could with difficulty credit him, knowing that he had never made peace but from necessity, and when this no longer pressed him, again desired war. Neither could he give credence to what he had said concerning the marriage, having been so repeatedly deceived; yet when peace was concluded, he would take the advice of his friends upon that subject."
From this chaotic and unethical way of doing things, it happened that before Niccolo’s defeat was known all over Italy, he had once again reorganized his troops and attacked the enemy with more intensity than before. Thus, after his setback at Tenna, he quickly took over Verona; despite losing his army at Verona, he was soon able to show up with a large force in Tuscany. Even after being utterly defeated at Anghiari, before reaching Tuscany, he was stronger in the field than ever. This allowed him to give the Duke of Milan hope of defending Lombardy, which seemed lost due to his absence; while Niccolo created panic throughout Tuscany, disasters in the former region so frightened the duke that he feared complete ruin before Niccolo, whom he had called back, could arrive to help and counter the swift advances of the count. Under these circumstances, the duke, seeking to secure success through strategy that he could not achieve through military might, resorted to tactics that had often worked for him in similar situations. He sent Niccolo da Esti, the prince of Ferrara, to the count, who was then at Peschiera, to convince him that "this war was not in his best interest; for if the duke became so weakened that he could no longer maintain his standing among the states of Italy, the count would be the first to suffer; he would lose his significance to both the Venetians and the Florentines. To demonstrate his genuine desire for peace, he offered to fulfill his commitment regarding his daughter and send her to Ferrara; so that once peace was established, the marriage could happen." The count responded, "If the duke truly wanted peace, he could easily achieve it, as both the Florentines and the Venetians also wanted peace. It was true that he could hardly believe him, knowing that he had only made peace out of necessity, and when that pressure was off, he sought war again. He also couldn’t trust what he said about the marriage, having been deceived so many times; however, once peace was achieved, he would listen to his friends regarding that matter."
The Venetians, who were sometimes needlessly jealous of their soldiery, became greatly alarmed at these proceedings; and not without reason. The count was aware of this, and wishing to remove their apprehensions, pursued the war with unusual vigor; but his mind had become so unsettled by ambition, and the Venetians' by jealousy, that little further progress was made during the remainder of the summer, and upon the return of Niccolo into Lombardy, winter having already commenced, the armies withdrew into quarters, the count to Verona, the Florentine forces to Tuscany, the duke's to Cremona, and those of the pope to Romagna. The latter, after having been victorious at Anghiari, made an unsuccessful attack upon Furli and Bologna, with a view to wrest them from Niccolo Piccinino; but they were gallantly defended by his son Francesco. However, the arrival of the papal forces so alarmed the people of Ravenna with the fear of becoming subject to the church, that, by consent of Ostasio di Polenta their lord, they placed themselves under the power of the Venetians; who, in return for the territory, and that Ostasio might never retake by force what he had imprudently given them, sent him and his son to Candia, where they died. In the course of these affairs, the pope, notwithstanding the victory at Anghiari, became so in want of money, that he sold the fortress of Borgo San Sepolcro to the Florentines for 25,000 ducats.
The Venetians, sometimes overly protective of their soldiers, became very worried about these events; and they had good reason. The count knew this and, wanting to ease their fears, pursued the war with notable intensity. However, both his ambition and the Venetians' jealousy left their minds unsettled, leading to little progress during the rest of the summer. When Niccolo returned to Lombardy, winter was already setting in, and the armies withdrew to their quarters: the count to Verona, the Florentine forces to Tuscany, the duke's to Cremona, and the pope's to Romagna. The pope, after winning at Anghiari, tried to launch an attack on Furli and Bologna to take them from Niccolo Piccinino, but they were bravely defended by his son, Francesco. Nonetheless, the arrival of the papal forces frightened the people of Ravenna into fearing they'd fall under church control, so, with the agreement of their lord, Ostasio di Polenta, they put themselves under Venetian power. In exchange for the territory, and to ensure Ostasio couldn't forcefully reclaim what he had foolishly given away, they sent him and his son to Candia, where they died. Amid all these events, the pope, despite the victory at Anghiari, found himself short on cash and ended up selling the fortress of Borgo San Sepolcro to the Florentines for 25,000 ducats.
Affairs being thus situated, each party supposed winter would protect them from the evils of war, and thought no more of peace. This was particularly the case with the duke, who, being rendered doubly secure by the season and by the presence of Niccolo, broke off all attempts to effect a reconciliation with the count, reorganized Niccolo's forces, and made every requisite preparation for the future struggle. The count being informed of this, went to Venice to consult with the senate on the course to be pursued during the next year. Niccolo, on the other hand, being quite prepared, and seeing the enemy unprovided, did not await the return of spring, but crossed the Adda during severe weather, occupied the whole Brescian territory, except Oddula and Acri, and made prisoners two thousand horse belonging to Francesco's forces, who had no apprehension of an attack. But the greatest source of anxiety to the count, and alarm to the Venetians, was the desertion of his service by Ciarpellone, one of his principal officers. Francesco, on learning these matters, immediately left Venice, and, arriving at Brescia, found that Niccolo, after doing all the mischief he could, had retired to his quarters; and therefore, finding the war concluded for the present was not disposed to rekindle it, but rather to use the opportunity afforded by the season and his enemies, of reorganizing his forces, so as to be able, when spring arrived, to avenge himself for his former injuries. To this end he induced the Venetians to recall the forces they had in Tuscany, in the Florentine service, and to order that to succeed Gattamelata, who was dead, Micheletto Attendulo should take the command.
With things as they were, each side thought winter would shield them from the hardships of war, and they stopped considering peace. This was especially true for the duke, who felt doubly secure because of the season and the presence of Niccolo. He halted all attempts to reconcile with the count, reorganized Niccolo's forces, and made all necessary preparations for the upcoming conflict. The count, learning of this, went to Venice to discuss with the senate what actions to take in the coming year. Meanwhile, Niccolo, fully prepared and seeing that the enemy was unready, didn’t wait for spring to return. He crossed the Adda during harsh weather, took control of the entire Brescian territory, except for Oddula and Acri, and captured two thousand horsemen from Francesco’s forces, who were caught off guard. But the biggest worry for the count, and a cause of concern for the Venetians, was the defection of Ciarpellone, one of his key officers. Upon finding out about these events, Francesco quickly left Venice and arrived in Brescia, where he discovered that Niccolo, after causing as much damage as possible, had retreated to his quarters. Consequently, he decided against reigniting the war for the moment. Instead, he aimed to take advantage of the season and his enemies' situation to regroup his forces, planning to seek revenge for his past losses when spring arrived. To support this, he convinced the Venetians to recall their troops from Tuscany, serving the Florentines, and to appoint Micheletto Attendulo as the new commander, succeeding the deceased Gattamelata.
On the approach of spring, Niccolo Piccinino was the first to take the field, and encamped before Cignano, a fortress twelve miles from Brescia; the count marched to its relief, and the war between them was conducted in the usual manner. The count, apprehensive for the city of Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, a castle so situated that the possession of it would enable him to relieve the former, which was closely pressed by Niccolo, who, having foreseen that the enemy could impede him only from the direction of Martinengo, had put the castle into a complete state of defense, so that the count was obliged to lend his whole force to the siege. Upon this, Niccolo placed his troops in a situation calculated to intercept the count's provisions, and fortified himself with trenches and bastions in such a manner that he could not be attacked without the most manifest hazard to his assailant. Hence the besiegers were more distressed than the people of Martinengo whom they besieged. The count could not hold his position for want of food, nor quit it without imminent danger; so that the duke's victory appeared certain, and defeat equally inevitable to the count and the Venetians.
As spring approached, Niccolo Piccinino was the first to take the field and set up camp outside Cignano, a fortress twelve miles from Brescia. The count marched to its aid, and their conflict unfolded in the usual way. The count, worried about the city of Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, a castle positioned such that controlling it would allow him to relieve the former, which was under heavy pressure from Niccolo. Anticipating that the enemy could only obstruct him from Martinengo, Niccolo had fortified the castle thoroughly, leaving the count no choice but to commit all his forces to the siege. In response, Niccolo positioned his troops to cut off the count's supplies and strengthened his defenses with trenches and bastions, making it nearly impossible for the count to attack without risking severe losses. Consequently, the besiegers found themselves in a worse situation than the people of Martinengo they were trying to capture. The count couldn't maintain his position due to a lack of food, nor could he abandon it without facing serious danger, which made Niccolo's victory seem certain, while defeat felt inevitable for the count and the Venetians.
But fortune, never destitute of means to assist her favorites, or to injure others, caused the hope of victory to operate so powerfully upon Niccolo Piccinino, and made him assume such a tone of unbounded insolence, that, losing all respect for himself and the duke, he sent him word that, having served under his ensign for so long, without obtaining sufficient land to serve him for a grave, he wished to know from himself what was to be the reward of his labors; for it was in his power to make him master of Lombardy, and place all his enemies in his power; and, as a certain victory ought to be attended by a sure remuneration, he desired the duke to concede to him the city of Piacenza, that when weary with his lengthened services he might at last betake himself to repose. Nor did he hesitate, in conclusion, to threaten, if his request were not granted, to abandon the enterprise. This injurious and most insolent mode of proceeding highly offended the duke, and, on further consideration, he determined rather to let the expedition altogether fail, than consent to his general's demand. Thus, what all the dangers he had incurred, and the threats of his enemies, could not draw from him, the insolent behavior of his friends made him willing to propose. He resolved to come to terms with the count, and sent Antonio Guido Buono, of Tortona, to offer his daughter and conditions of peace, which were accepted with great pleasure by the count, and also by the colleagues as far as themselves were concerned. The terms being secretly arranged, the duke sent to command Niccolo to make a truce with the count for one year; intimating, that being exhausted with the expense, he could not forego a certain peace for a doubtful victory. Niccolo was utterly astonished at this resolution, and could not imagine what had induced the duke to lose such a glorious opportunity; nor could he surmise that, to avoid rewarding his friends, he would save his enemies, and therefore to the utmost of his power he opposed this resolution; and the duke was obliged, in order to induce his compliance, to threaten that if he did not obey he would give him up to his soldiers and his enemies. Niccolo submitted, with the feelings of one compelled to leave country and friends, complaining of his hard fate, that fortune and the duke were robbing him of the victory over his enemies. The truce being arranged, the marriage of the duke's daughter, Bianca, to the count was solemnized, the duke giving Cremona for her portion. This being over, peace was concluded in November, 1441, at which Francesco Barbadico and Pagolo Trono were present for the Venetians, and for the Florentines Agnolo Acciajuoli. Peschiera, Asola, and Lonato, castles in the Mantuan territory, were assigned to the Venetians.
But fate, always ready to help her favorites or harm others, made Niccolo Piccinino's hope for victory so strong that he became incredibly arrogant. Losing all respect for himself and the duke, he told the duke that after serving under his banner for so long without getting enough land even for a grave, he wanted to know what his reward would be. He claimed that the duke could make him the master of Lombardy and control all his enemies. Believing that a certain victory should come with guaranteed rewards, he asked the duke to grant him the city of Piacenza, so he could finally rest after his long service. He even threatened to abandon the venture altogether if his request was not met. This disrespectful and brazen behavior greatly angered the duke, and upon further reflection, he decided he would rather let the entire expedition fail than give in to his general's demands. Thus, what danger from foes could not force from him, the insolence of his friends made him consider. He resolved to negotiate with the count and sent Antonio Guido Buono from Tortona to propose peace and offer the count his daughter, which pleased both the count and his associates. Once the terms were secretly settled, the duke instructed Niccolo to agree to a truce with the count for one year, explaining that being drained by expenses, he could not sacrifice a certain peace for an uncertain victory. Niccolo was utterly taken aback by this decision and couldn’t understand why the duke would let such a glorious opportunity slip away; nor could he guess that, to avoid rewarding his friends, he would end up saving his enemies. Thus, he strenuously opposed the duke's decision, and the duke was compelled to threaten him with being handed over to his soldiers and enemies to make him comply. Niccolo reluctantly agreed, feeling forced to abandon his country and friends, lamenting that fate and the duke were robbing him of victory over his enemies. Once the truce was established, the duke's daughter, Bianca, was married to the count, with Cremona as her dowry. After this, peace was finalized in November 1441, with Francesco Barbadico and Pagolo Trono representing the Venetians, and Agnolo Acciajuoli for the Florentines. The castles of Peschiera, Asola, and Lonato in the Mantuan territory were assigned to the Venetians.
The war in Lombardy was concluded; but the dissensions in the kingdom of Naples continued, and the inability to compose them occasioned the resumption of those arms which had been so recently laid aside. Alfonso, of Aragon, had, during these wars, taken from René the whole kingdom except Naples; so that, thinking he had the victory in his power, he resolved during the siege of Naples to take Benevento, and his other possessions in that neighborhood, from the count; and thought he might easily accomplish this while the latter was engaged in the wars of Lombardy. Having heard of the conclusion of peace, Alfonso feared the count would not only come for the purpose of recovering his territories, but also to favor René; and René himself had hope of his assistance for the same reason. The latter, therefore, sent to the count, begging he would come to the relief of a friend, and avenge himself of an enemy. On the other hand, Alfonso entreated Filippo, for the sake of the friendship which subsisted between them, to find the count some other occupation, that, being engaged in greater affairs, he might not have an opportunity of interfering between them. Filippo complied with this request, without seeming to be aware that he violated the peace recently made, so greatly to his disadvantage. He therefore signified to pope Eugenius, that the present was a favorable opportunity for recovering the territories which the count had taken from the church; and, that he might be in a condition to use it, offered him the services of Niccolo Piccinino, and engaged to pay him during the war; who, since the peace of Lombardy, had remained with his forces in Romagna. Eugenius eagerly took the advice, induced by his hatred of the count, and his desire to recover his lost possessions; feeling assured that, although on a former occasion he had been duped by Niccolo, it would be improper, now that the duke interfered, to suspect any deceit; and, joining his forces to those of Niccolo, he assailed La Marca. The count, astonished at such an unexpected attack, assembled his troops, and went to meet the enemy. In the meantime, King Alfonso took possession of Naples, so that the whole kingdom, except Castelnuova, was in his power. Leaving a strong guard at Castelnuova René set out and came to Florence, where he was most honorably received; and having remained a few days, finding he could not continue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles.
The war in Lombardy had ended, but conflicts in the kingdom of Naples continued, and the failure to resolve them led to the resumption of fighting that had recently stopped. Alfonso of Aragon had taken nearly all of René's kingdom during these wars, except for Naples. Believing he was on the verge of victory, he planned to capture Benevento and other nearby territories from the count during the siege of Naples, thinking he could easily do this while the count was preoccupied with the wars in Lombardy. After hearing about the peace agreement, Alfonso worried that the count would come not only to regain his lands but also to support René, who was counting on the count's help for the same reason. René then reached out to the count, asking him to come to the aid of a friend and seek revenge on an enemy. On the other hand, Alfonso urged Filippo, due to the friendship between them, to find the count another task, so he would be too busy to interfere. Filippo agreed to this request without realizing it breached the recent peace, which was greatly against his interests. He informed Pope Eugenius that this was a perfect time to recover the lands the count had taken from the church. To help with this, he offered Eugenius the services of Niccolo Piccinino, promising to pay him during the war; Niccolo had remained with his forces in Romagna since the peace in Lombardy. Eugenius eagerly accepted the advice, fueled by his hatred for the count and his desire to reclaim lost lands, convinced that although he had previously been deceived by Niccolo, it would be inappropriate to suspect any trickery now that the duke was involved. Joining forces with Niccolo, he attacked La Marca. The count, shocked by such a sudden attack, gathered his troops to confront the enemy. Meanwhile, King Alfonso seized Naples, leaving only Castelnuova outside his control. After establishing a strong guard in Castelnuova, René traveled to Florence, where he was given a warm welcome. After a few days, realizing he could not continue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles.
In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count found himself assailed in the Marca Inferiore, both by the pope and Niccolo. He applied to the Venetians and the Florentines for assistance, in men and money, assuring them that if they did not determine to restrain the pope and king, during his life, they would soon afterward find their very existence endangered, for both would join Filippo and divide Italy among them. The Florentines and Venetians hesitated for a time, both to consider the propriety of drawing upon themselves the enmity of the pope and the king, and because they were then engaged in the affairs of the Bolognese. Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino from Bologna, and for defense against the duke, who favored Francesco, he demanded and received assistance of the Venetians and Florentines; so that, being occupied with these matters they could not resolve to assist the count, but Annibale, having routed Francesco Piccinino, and those affairs seeming to be settled, they resolved to support him. Designing however to make sure of the duke, they offered to renew the league with him, to which he was not averse; for, although he consented that war should be made against the count, while King René was in arms, yet finding him now conquered, and deprived of the whole kingdom, he was not willing that the count should be despoiled of his territories; and therefore, not only consented that assistance should be given him, but wrote to Alfonso to be good enough to retire to his kingdom, and discontinue hostilities against the count; and although reluctantly, yet in acknowledgment of his obligations to the duke, Alfonso determined to satisfy him, and withdrew with his forces beyond the Tronto.
In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count found himself under attack in the Marca Inferiore from both the pope and Niccolo. He reached out to the Venetians and the Florentines for help, both in troops and funds, assuring them that if they didn't decide to stop the pope and king during his lifetime, they would soon find their very existence at risk since both would ally with Filippo and split Italy between them. The Florentines and Venetians hesitated for a while, weighing the risks of provoking the pope and the king while also being involved in the situation with the Bolognese. Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino out of Bologna and, needing protection against the duke who supported Francesco, he called for and received help from the Venetians and Florentines. Since they were busy with these issues, they couldn’t commit to helping the count right away. However, after Annibale defeated Francesco Piccinino and things seemed settled, they decided to support him. Wanting to ensure the duke's support, they offered to renew their alliance with him, which he agreed to. Although he had consented to go to war against the count while King René was still a threat, now that he was defeated and lost his entire kingdom, the duke didn’t want the count to lose his lands. Therefore, he not only agreed to provide assistance to the count but also wrote to Alfonso, asking him to withdraw to his kingdom and stop hostilities against the count. Reluctantly, yet recognizing his obligations to the duke, Alfonso decided to comply and pulled back his forces beyond the Tronto.
CHAPTER II
Discords of Florence—Jealousy excited against Neri di Gino Capponi—Baldaccio d'Anghiari murdered—Reform of government in favor of the Medici—Enterprises of Sforza and Piccinino—Death of Niccolo Piccinino—End of the war—Disturbances in Bologna—Annibale Bentivoglio slain by Battista Canneschi, and the latter by the people—Santi, supposed to be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, is called to govern the city of Bologna—Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him—Perfidious designs of the duke of Milan against Sforza—General war in Italy—Losses of the duke of Milan—The duke has recourse to the count, who makes peace with him—Offers of the duke and the Venetians to the count—The Venetians furtively deprive the count of Cremona.
Discords in Florence—Jealousy stirred up against Neri di Gino Capponi—Baldaccio d'Anghiari is murdered—Reform of the government in favor of the Medici—Actions of Sforza and Piccinino—Death of Niccolo Piccinino—End of the war—Turbulence in Bologna—Annibale Bentivoglio killed by Battista Canneschi, who is then killed by the people—Santi, believed to be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, is called to govern the city of Bologna—Speech from Cosimo de' Medici to him—Deceitful plans of the duke of Milan against Sforza—General war in Italy—Losses suffered by the duke of Milan—The duke turns to the count, who makes peace with him—Offers from the duke and the Venetians to the count—The Venetians secretly take Cremona from the count.
While the affairs of Romagna proceeded thus, the city of Florence was not tranquil. Among the citizens of highest reputation in the government, was Neri di Gino Capponi, of whose influence Cosmo de' Medici had more apprehension than any other; for to the great authority which he possessed in the city was added his influence with the soldiery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces he had won their affection by his courage and talents; and the remembrance of his own and his father's victories (the latter having taken Pisa, and he himself having overcome Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him to be beloved by many, and feared by those who were averse to having associates in the government. Among the leaders of the Florentine army was Baldaccio d'Anghiari, an excellent soldier, for in those times there was not one in Italy who surpassed him in vigor either of body or mind; and possessing so much influence with the infantry, whose leader he had always been, many thought they would follow him wherever he chose to lead them. Baldaccio was the intimate friend of Neri, who loved him for his talents, of which he had been a constant witness. This excited great suspicion in the other citizens, who, thinking it alike dangerous either to discharge or retain him in their service, determined to destroy him, and fortune seemed to favor their design. Bartolommeo Orlandini was Gonfalonier of Justice; the same person who was sent to the defense of Marradi, when Niccolo Piccinino came into Tuscany, as we have related above, and so basely abandoned the pass, which by its nature was almost impregnable. So flagrant an instance of cowardice was very offensive to Baldaccio, who, on many occasions, both by words and letters, had contributed to make the disgraceful fact known to all. The shame and vexation of Bartolommeo were extreme, so that of all things he wished to avenge himself, thinking, with the death of his accuser, to efface the stain upon his character.
While the situation in Romagna unfolded, the city of Florence was far from peaceful. Among the most prominent citizens in the government was Neri di Gino Capponi, whose influence made Cosmo de' Medici more apprehensive than anyone else; the considerable authority he held in the city was complemented by his sway over the soldiers. Having frequently led the Florentine forces, he had gained their loyalty through his bravery and skills. The memories of his own and his father's victories (his father having captured Pisa, and he himself having defeated Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) made him admired by many and feared by those against having partners in governance. Among the leaders of the Florentine army was Baldaccio d'Anghiari, an outstanding soldier, for at that time, there was no one in Italy who matched him in physical or mental strength; having significant influence over the infantry, whom he had always led, many thought they would follow him wherever he decided to take them. Baldaccio was a close friend of Neri, who valued him for his abilities, of which he had always been a witness. This raised considerable suspicion among the other citizens, who believed it was equally dangerous to either dismiss or keep him in their service, so they resolved to eliminate him, and luck seemed to support their plan. Bartolommeo Orlandini was the Gonfalonier of Justice; he was the same person who was sent to defend Marradi when Niccolo Piccinino entered Tuscany, as we previously mentioned, and who shamefully abandoned the nearly impregnable pass. Such a blatant act of cowardice was very offensive to Baldaccio, who had repeatedly exposed the disgraceful incident through both words and letters. Bartolommeo’s shame and frustration were intense, and he wished for nothing more than to take revenge, believing that the death of his accuser would erase the blemish on his reputation.
This feeling of Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to other citizens, so that they easily persuaded him to put Baldaccio to death, and at one avenge himself, and deliver his country from a man whom they must either retain at great peril, or discharge to their greater confusion. Bartolommeo having therefore resolved to murder him, concealed in his own apartment at the palace several young men, all armed; and Baldaccio, entering the piazza, whither it was his daily custom to come, to confer with the magistrates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier sent for him, and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting him in the corridor, which leads to the chambers of the Signory, they took a few turns together discoursing of his office, when being close to the door of the apartments in which the assassins were concealed, Bartolommeo gave them the signal, upon which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and unarmed, they slew him, and threw the body out of the window which looks from the palace toward the dogano, or customhouse. It was thence carried into the piazza, where the head being severed, it remained the whole day exposed to the gaze of the people. Baldaccio was married, and had only one child, a boy, who survived him but a short time; and his wife, Annalena, thus deprived of both husband and offspring, rejected every proposal for a second union. She converted her house into a monastery, to which she withdrew, and, being joined by many noble ladies, lived in holy seclusion to the end of her days. The convent she founded, and which is named from her, preserves her story in perpetual remembrance.
This feeling of Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to other citizens, so they easily convinced him to have Baldaccio killed, allowing him to take revenge and free his country from a man they could either keep at great risk or let go to their greater shame. Having decided to murder him, Bartolommeo hid several young men, all armed, in his own apartment at the palace. Baldaccio, as was his daily routine, entered the piazza to meet with the magistrates about his command. The Gonfalonier called for him, and without any suspicion, he complied. They met in the corridor leading to the chambers of the Signory and talked about his position for a bit. When they were close to the door of the room where the assassins were hiding, Bartolommeo signaled them. They rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and unarmed, they killed him and threw his body out of the window facing the dogano, or customhouse. It was then carried into the piazza, where they severed his head, and it remained on display for the whole day for the people to see. Baldaccio was married and had only one child, a boy, who did not live long after him. His wife, Annalena, having lost both her husband and child, turned down every proposal for a second marriage. She converted her home into a monastery, where she withdrew, and many noble ladies joined her, living in holy seclusion for the rest of their lives. The convent she founded, named after her, keeps her story alive in memory.
This circumstance served to weaken Neri's power, and made him lose both influence and friends. Nor did this satisfy the citizens who held the reins of government; for it being ten years since their acquisition of power, and the authority of the Balia expired, many began to exhibit more boldness, both in words and deeds, than seemed consistent with their safety; and the leaders of the party judged, that if they wished to preserve their influence, some means must be adopted to increase it. To this end, in 1444 the councils created a new Balia, which reformed the government, gave authority to a limited number to create the Signory, re-established the Chancery of Reformations, depriving Filippo Peruzzi of his office of president in it, and appointing another wholly under their influence. They prolonged the term of exile to those who were banished; put Giovanni di Simone Vespucci in prison; deprived the Accoppiatori of their enemies of the honors of government, and with them the sons of Piero Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, Bartolommeo Fortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. By these means they strengthened their authority and influence, and humbled their enemies, or those whom they suspected of being so.
This situation weakened Neri's power and caused him to lose both influence and friends. This didn't satisfy the citizens in control of the government; it had been ten years since they took power, and with the authority of the Balia expired, many began to speak and act more boldly than was safe for them. The leaders of the party realized that if they wanted to maintain their influence, they needed to find a way to increase it. To achieve this, in 1444, the councils created a new Balia, which reformed the government, allowed a limited number of people to create the Signory, re-established the Chancery of Reformations, removed Filippo Peruzzi from his position as president, and appointed someone else who was completely under their control. They extended the exile of those who had been banished; imprisoned Giovanni di Simone Vespucci; stripped the Accoppiatori of the honors of government along with the sons of Piero Baroncelli, the entire Seragli, Bartolommeo Fortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. Through these actions, they strengthened their authority and influence and weakened their enemies or anyone they suspected of being one.
Having thus recovered and confirmed their government, they then turned their attention to external affairs. As observed above, Niccolo Piccinino was abandoned by King Alfonso, and the count having been aggrandized by the assistance of the Florentines, attacked and routed him near Fermo, where, after losing nearly the whole of his troops, Niccolo fled to Montecchio, which he fortified in such a manner that in a short time he had again assembled so large an army as enabled him to make head against the count; particularly as the season was now come for them to withdraw into quarters. His principal endeavor during the winter was to collect troops, and in this he was assisted both by the pope and Alfonso; so that, upon the approach of spring, both leaders took the field, and Niccolo, being the strongest, reduced the count to extreme necessity, and would have conquered him if the duke had not contrived to frustrate his designs. Filippo sent to beg he would come to him with all speed, for he wished to have a personal interview, that he might communicate matters of the highest importance. Niccolo, anxious to hear them, abandoned a certain victory for a very doubtful advantage; and leaving his son Francesco to command the army, hastened to Milan. The count being informed of the circumstance, would not let slip the opportunity of fighting in the absence of Niccolo; and, coming to an engagement near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the father's forces and took the son prisoner. Niccolo having arrived at Milan saw that the duke had duped him, and learning the defeat of his army and the capture of his son, he died of grief in 1445, at the age of sixty-four, having been a brave rather than a fortunate leader. He left two sons, Francesco and Jacopo, who, possessing less talent than their father, were still more unfortunate; so that the arms of the family became almost annihilated, while those of Sforza, being favored by fortune, attained augmented glory. The pope, seeing Niccolo's army defeated and himself dead, having little hope of assistance from Aragon, sought peace with the count, and, by the intervention of the Florentines, succeeded. Of La Marca, the pope only retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati; all the rest remained in the count's possession.
After recovering and solidifying their government, they shifted their focus to external matters. As mentioned earlier, Niccolo Piccinino was abandoned by King Alfonso, and with help from the Florentines, the count attacked and defeated him near Fermo. Niccolo lost almost all of his troops and fled to Montecchio, where he fortified it so well that he quickly assembled a large enough army to challenge the count, especially since it was now time for both sides to settle into winter quarters. During the winter, his main goal was to gather troops, aided by both the pope and Alfonso. As spring approached, both leaders took to the field, and with Niccolo being the stronger one, he pushed the count into dire straits. He would have defeated him if the duke hadn’t found a way to sabotage his plans. Filippo sent a message asking Niccolo to come to him urgently for a personal meeting to discuss very important matters. Eager to hear what Filippo had to say, Niccolo gave up a certain victory for an uncertain opportunity and left his son Francesco to lead the army while he rushed to Milan. Once the count learned about this, he took advantage of Niccolo's absence and engaged in battle near the castle of Monte Loro, defeating Niccolo's forces and capturing his son. When Niccolo arrived in Milan, he realized the duke had tricked him and upon learning of his army's defeat and his son's capture, he died of grief in 1445 at the age of sixty-four, remembered as a brave but unfortunate leader. He left behind two sons, Francesco and Jacopo, who were less talented than their father and even more unfortunate, leading to the near destruction of their family's military power while the Sforzas, favored by fortune, gained greater glory. With Niccolo's army defeated and with little hope of help from Aragon, the pope sought peace with the count and, through the Florentines' mediation, succeeded. Of La Marca, the pope only retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati; the rest remained in the count's control.
Peace being restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy would have obtained repose had it not been disturbed by the Bolognese. There were in Bologna two very powerful families, the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. Of the latter, Annibale was the head; of the former, Battista, who, as a means of confirming their mutual confidence, had contracted family alliances; but among men who have the same objects of ambition in view, it is easy to form connections, but difficult to establish friendship. The Bolognese were in a league with the Venetians and Florentines, which had been effected by the influence of Annibale, after they had driven out Francesco Piccinino; and Battista, knowing how earnestly the duke desired to have the city favorable to him, proposed to assassinate Annibale, and put Bologna into his power. This being agreed upon, on the twenty-fifth of June, 1445, he attacked Annibale with his men, and slew him: and then, with shouts of "the duke, the duke," rode through the city. The Venetian and Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at the time, and at first kept themselves within doors; but finding that the people, instead of favoring the murderers, assembled in the piazza, armed in great numbers, mourning the death of Annibale, they joined them; and, assembling what forces they could, attacked the Canneschi, soon overpowered them, slew part, and drove the remainder out of the city. Battista, unable to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture, took refuge in a vault of his house, used for storing grain. The friends of the Bentivogli, having sought him all day, and knowing he had not left the city, so terrified his servants, that one of them, a groom, disclosed the place of his concealment, and being drawn forth in complete armor he was slain, his body dragged about the streets, and afterward burned. Thus the duke's authority was sufficient to prompt the enterprise, but his force was not at hand to support it.
Once peace was restored to La Marca, all of Italy could have found calm, if not for the disturbances from Bologna. In Bologna, there were two powerful families: the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. The head of the Bentivogli was Annibale, while Battista led the Canneschi. To strengthen their mutual trust, they arranged family alliances; however, it’s easy to build connections among those with similar ambitions but hard to form true friendships. The Bolognese formed an alliance with the Venetians and Florentines, influenced by Annibale, after they had driven out Francesco Piccinino. Knowing how much the duke wanted the city to support him, Battista plotted to assassinate Annibale and take control of Bologna. On June 25, 1445, he launched an attack on Annibale, killing him and then riding through the city shouting "the duke, the duke." The Venetian and Florentine commissioners were in Bologna at the time and initially stayed indoors, but when they saw the people, instead of supporting the murderers, gathering in the piazza armed and grieving for Annibale, they joined forces with them. Gathering whatever troops they could, they attacked the Canneschi, quickly overpowering them, killing some, and driving the rest from the city. Battista, unable to escape or be captured by his enemies, took refuge in a grain storage vault in his house. His friends searched for him all day, and knowing he hadn’t left the city, they terrified his servants until one, a groom, revealed his hiding place. Battista was dragged out in full armor and was killed; his body was paraded through the streets and later burned. Thus, while the duke's authority encouraged the plot, he lacked the forces to back it up.
The tumults being settled by the death of Battista, and the flight of the Canneschi, Bologna still remained in the greatest confusion. There not being one of the house of Bentivogli of age to govern, Annibale having left but one son whose name was Giovanni, only six years old, it was apprehended that disunion would ensue among the Bentivogli, and cause the return of the Cannecshi, and the ruin both of their own country and party. While in this state of apprehension, Francesco, sometime Count di Poppi, being at Bologna, informed the rulers of the city, that if they wished to be governed by one of the blood of Annibale, he could tell them of one; and related that about twenty years ago, Ercole, cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became acquainted with a girl of the castle, of whom was born a son named Santi, whom Ercole, on many occasions acknowledged to be his own, nor could he deny it, for whoever knew him and saw the boy, could not fail to observe the strongest resemblance. The citizens gave credit to the tale, and immediately sent to Florence to see the young man, and procure of Cosmo and Neri permission to return with him to Bologna. The reputed father of Santi was dead, and he lived under the protection of his uncle, whose name was Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, childless, and a friend of Neri, to whom the matter becoming known, he thought it ought neither to be despised nor too hastily accepted; and that it would be best for Santi and those who had been sent from Bologna, to confer in the presence of Cosmo. They were accordingly introduced, and Santi was not merely honored but adored by them, so greatly were they influenced by the spirit of party. However, nothing was done at the time, except that Cosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to him thus: "No one can better advise you in this matter than yourself; for you have to take that course to which your own mind prompts you. If you be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, you will naturally aspire to those pursuits which are proper to your family and worthy of your father; but if you be the son of Agnolo da Cascese, you will remain in Florence, and basely spend the remainder of your days in some branch of the woolen trade." These words greatly influenced the youth, who, though he had at first almost refused to adopt such a course, said, he would submit himself wholly to what Cosmo and Neri should determine. They, assenting to the request of the Bolognese, provided suitable apparel, horses, and servants; and in a few days he was escorted by a numerous cavalcade to Bologna, where the guardianship of Annibale's son and of the city were placed in his hands. He conducted himself so prudently, that although all his ancestors had been slain by their enemies, he lived in peace and died respected by everyone.
After the chaos caused by Battista's death and the Canneschi's escape, Bologna was still in a state of great confusion. There wasn't anyone from the Bentivogli family old enough to lead, as Annibale had left only one son, Giovanni, who was just six years old. There were concerns that this might lead to division within the Bentivogli family, potentially allowing the Canneschi to return and resulting in the downfall of both their homeland and their faction. In this state of worry, Francesco, former Count of Poppi, who was in Bologna, informed the city leaders that if they wanted a member of Annibale's bloodline to rule, he could introduce one. He explained that about twenty years earlier, Ercole, Annibale's cousin, met a girl from a castle in Poppi and fathered a son named Santi, whom Ercole had acknowledged multiple times as his own. It was clear to anyone who knew them that Santi looked just like him. The citizens believed the story and promptly sent a message to Florence, asking to meet the young man and get permission from Cosmo and Neri to bring him back to Bologna. Santi's presumed father had passed away, and he was living under the care of his uncle, Antonio da Cascese, who was wealthy, had no children, and was a friend of Neri. Once Neri learned about the situation, he felt it was something worth considering but needed to be approached carefully. He thought it would be best for Santi and the Bolognese delegates to discuss things in front of Cosmo. They were introduced, and Santi was not only respected but idolized by them, driven by their party spirit. However, nothing was decided at that moment, except for Cosmo taking Santi aside and saying, "No one can advise you better than yourself in this matter; you have to choose the path that your heart tells you. If you are indeed the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, you will naturally aim for pursuits fit for your family and worthy of your father; but if you are the son of Agnolo da Cascese, you will stay in Florence and spend your days in some lowly position in the wool trade." These words had a strong impact on Santi, who initially hesitated to follow this course but then agreed to abide by whatever Cosmo and Neri decided. They, honoring the Bolognese request, provided him with suitable clothing, horses, and attendants; within a few days, he was escorted by a large entourage back to Bologna, where he was entrusted with the guardianship of Annibale's son and the city. He acted so wisely that, despite all his ancestors being killed by their enemies, he lived in peace and was respected by everyone until his death.
After the death of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La Marca, Filippo wishing to procure a leader of his forces, secretly negotiated with Ciarpellone, one of the principal captains of Count Francesco, and arrangements having been made, Ciarpellone asked permission to go to Milan to take possession of certain castles which had been given him by Filippo during the late wars. The count suspecting what was in progress, in order to prevent the duke from accommodating himself at his expense, caused Ciarpellone to be arrested, and soon afterward put to death; alleging that he had been detected plotting against him. Filippo was highly annoyed and indignant, which the Venetians and the Florentines were glad to observe, for their greatest fear was, that the duke and the count should become friends.
After Niccolo Piccinino died and the peace of La Marca was established, Filippo wanted to find a leader for his forces. He secretly negotiated with Ciarpellone, one of Count Francesco's top captains. Once arrangements were made, Ciarpellone asked to go to Milan to take control of some castles that Filippo had given him during the recent wars. The count, suspicious of what was happening, arrested Ciarpellone to prevent the duke from strengthening his position at his expense and soon had him executed, claiming he was caught plotting against him. Filippo was very upset and angry, which the Venetians and Florentines were pleased to see, as their biggest fear was that the duke and the count would become allies.
The duke's anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca. Gismondo Malatesti, lord of Rimino, being son-in-law of the count, expected to obtain Pesaro; but the count, having obtained possession, gave it to his brother, Alessandro. Gismondo, offended at this, was still further exasperated at finding that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by the count's assistance, gained possession of Urbino. He therefore joined the duke, and solicited the pope and the king to make war against the count, who, to give Gismondo a taste of the war he so much desired, resolved to take the initiative, and attacked him immediately. Thus Romagna and La Marca were again in complete confusion, for Filippo, the king, and the pope, sent powerful assistance to Gismondo, while the Florentines and Venetians supplied the count with money, though not with men. Nor was Filippo satisfied with the war in Romagna, but also desired to take Cremona and Pontremoli from the count; but Pontremoli was defended by the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians. Thus the war was renewed in Lombardy, and after several engagements in the Cremonese, Francesco Piccinino, the leader of the duke's forces, was routed at Casale, by Micheletto and the Venetian troops. This victory gave the Venetians hope of obtaining the duke's dominions. They sent a commissary to Cremona, attacked the Ghiaradadda, and took the whole of it, except Crema. Then crossing the Adda, they overran the country as far as Milan. Upon this the duke had recourse to Alfonso, and entreated his assistance, pointing out the danger his kingdom would incur if Lombardy were to fall into the hands of the Venetians. Alfonso promised to send him troops, but apprised him of the difficulties which would attend their passage, without the permission of the count.
The duke's anger led to the renewal of war in La Marca. Gismondo Malatesti, lord of Rimino and the count's son-in-law, expected to take over Pesaro. However, the count, after acquiring it, gave it to his brother, Alessandro. Gismondo was upset by this and became even more frustrated when he discovered that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, gained control of Urbino with the count's help. So, he allied with the duke and urged the pope and the king to wage war against the count. In response, the count decided to give Gismondo the taste of war he craved and attacked him immediately. As a result, Romagna and La Marca fell into chaos again, with King Filippo and the pope sending strong support to Gismondo while the Florentines and Venetians provided financial assistance to the count, though not troops. Filippo wasn't content with the conflict in Romagna; he also aimed to seize Cremona and Pontremoli from the count, but Pontremoli was defended by the Florentines and Cremona by the Venetians. Thus, war reignited in Lombardy, and after several battles around Cremona, Francesco Piccinino, the duke's commander, was defeated at Casale by Micheletto and the Venetian forces. This victory gave the Venetians hope of taking the duke's lands. They sent an official to Cremona, attacked the Ghiaradadda, and captured nearly all of it except Crema. Then, crossing the Adda, they swept through the countryside all the way to Milan. In response, the duke turned to Alfonso for help, highlighting the danger his kingdom faced if Lombardy fell to the Venetians. Alfonso agreed to send troops but warned him about the challenges they would face in passing through without the count's permission.
Filippo, driven to extremity, then had recourse to Francesco, and begged he would not abandon his father-in-law, now that he had become old and blind. The count was offended with the duke for making war against him; but he was jealous of the increasing greatness of the Venetians, and he himself began to be in want of money, for the League supplied him sparingly. The Florentines, being no longer in fear of the duke, ceased to stand in need of the count, and the Venetians desired his ruin; for they thought Lombardy could not be taken from him except by this means; yet while Filippo sought to gain him over, and offered him the entire command of his forces, on condition that he should restore La Marca to the pope and quit the Venetian alliance, ambassadors were sent to him by that republic, promising him Milan, if they took it, and the perpetual command of their forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, and prevent Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The offers of the Venetians were great, as also were their claims upon him, having begun the war in order to save him from losing Cremona; while the injuries received from the duke were fresh in his memory, and his promises had lost all influence, still the count hesitated; for on the one hand, were to be considered his obligations to the League, his pledged faith, their recent services, and his hopes of the future, all which had their influence on him; on the other, were the entreaties of his father-in-law, and above all, the bane which he feared would be concealed under the specious offers of the Venetians, for he doubted not, that both with regard to Milan and their other promises, if they were victorious, he would be at their mercy, to which no prudent men would ever submit if he could avoid it. These difficulties in the way of his forming a determination, were obviated by the ambition of the Venetians, who, seeing a chance of occupying Cremona, from secret intelligence with that city, under a different pretext, sent troops into its neighborhood; but the affair was discovered by those who commanded Cremona for the count, and measures were adopted which prevented its success. Thus without obtaining Cremona, they lost the count's friendship, who, now being free from all other considerations, joined the duke.
Filippo, pushed to his limits, turned to Francesco and begged him not to abandon his father-in-law, who had become old and blind. The count was upset with the duke for waging war against him, but he was envious of the rising power of the Venetians, and he was starting to need money since the League was supporting him only a little. The Florentines, no longer afraid of the duke, no longer needed the count’s help, and the Venetians wanted to see him destroyed; they believed Lombardy could only be taken from him this way. While Filippo tried to win him over and offered him full command of his forces if he would return La Marca to the pope and leave the Venetian alliance, the Venetian republic sent ambassadors to him, promising him Milan if they captured it, and the permanent command of their forces if he would escalate the war in La Marca and stop Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The Venetian offers were appealing, as were their claims on him, having initiated the war to protect him from losing Cremona. However, the recent wrongs he suffered from the duke were still fresh in his mind, and his promises had lost their impact, yet the count still hesitated. On one hand, he had to consider his obligations to the League, his sworn loyalty, their recent support, and his future hopes, all of which influenced him; on the other hand, were the pleas of his father-in-law and, most importantly, the danger he feared was hidden under the tempting offers from the Venetians. He doubted that both regarding Milan and their other promises, if they were victorious, he would be at their mercy, and no wise person would willingly submit to that if they could avoid it. These challenges in making a decision were sidelined by the ambitions of the Venetians, who, seeing an opportunity to seize Cremona, sent troops into its vicinity under a different pretext due to secret intelligence with the city. However, those in charge of Cremona for the count discovered the plan and took action to thwart it. Thus, without capturing Cremona, they lost the count’s friendship, who, now free from all other concerns, allied himself with the duke.
CHAPTER III
Death of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan—The Milanese appoint Sforza their captain—Milan becomes a republic—The pope endeavors to restore peace to Italy—The Venetians oppose this design—Alfonso attacks the Florentines—The neighborhood of Piombino becomes the principal theater of war—Scarcity in the Florentine camp—Disorders occur in the Neapolitan and Florentine armies—Alfonso sues for peace and is compelled to retreat—Pavia surrenders to the count—Displeasure of the Milanese—The count besieges Caravaggio—The Venetians endeavor to relieve the place—They are routed by the count before Caravaggio.
Death of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan—The people of Milan appoint Sforza as their leader—Milan becomes a republic—The pope tries to bring peace to Italy—The Venetians resist this effort—Alfonso attacks the Florentines—The area around Piombino becomes the main battlefield—There’s a shortage in the Florentine camp—There are disturbances in the Neapolitan and Florentine armies—Alfonso seeks peace and is forced to retreat—Pavia surrenders to the count—The Milanese are unhappy—The count lays siege to Caravaggio—The Venetians try to relieve the siege—They are defeated by the count before Caravaggio.
Pope Eugenius being dead, was succeeded by Nicholas V. The count had his whole army at Cotignola, ready to pass into Lombardy, when intelligence was brought him of the death of Filippo, which happened on the last day of August, 1447. This event greatly afflicted him, for he doubted whether his troops were in readiness, on account of their arrears of pay; he feared the Venetians, who were his armed enemies, he having recently forsaken them and taken part with the duke; he was in apprehension from Alfonso, his inveterate foe; he had no hope from the pontiff or the Florentines; for the latter were allies of the Venetians, and he had seized the territories of the former. However, he resolved to face his fortune and be guided by circumstances; for it often happens, that when engaged in business valuable ideas are suggested, which in a state of inaction would never have occurred. He had great hopes, that if the Milanese were disposed to defend themselves against the ambition of the Venetians, they could make use of no other power but his. Therefore, he proceeded confidently into the Bolognese territory, thence to Modena and Reggio, halted with his forces upon the Lenza, and sent to offer his services at Milan. On the death of the duke, part of the Milanese were inclined to establish a republic; others wished to choose a prince, and of these, one part favored the count, and another Alfonso. However, the majority being in favor of freedom, they prevailed over the rest, and organized a republic, to which many cities of the Duchy refused obedience; for they, too, desired to live in the enjoyment of their liberty, and even those who did not embrace such views, refused to submit to the sovereignty of the Milanese. Lodi and Piacenza surrendered themselves to the Venetians; Pavia and Parma became free. This confused state of things being known to the count, he proceeded to Cremona, where his ambassadors and those of the Milanese arranged for him to command the forces of the new republic, with the same remuneration he had received from the duke at the time of his decease. To this they added the possession of Brescia, until Verona was recovered, when he should have that city and restore Brescia to the Milanese.
Pope Eugenius passed away and was succeeded by Nicholas V. The count had his entire army at Cotignola, ready to move into Lombardy, when he received word of Filippo's death, which occurred on the last day of August, 1447. This news deeply troubled him because he was unsure if his troops were ready due to their overdue pay. He was concerned about the Venetians, his armed enemies, having recently abandoned them to side with the duke. He was also worried about Alfonso, his long-time adversary. He had no support from the pope or the Florentines, as the latter were allied with the Venetians, and he had taken the former's territory. Nevertheless, he decided to face his situation and adapt to circumstances since it's often true that valuable ideas emerge when actively engaged in business, which wouldn’t have occurred during idleness. He was hopeful that if the Milanese were willing to defend themselves against the ambitions of the Venetians, they could rely only on him. So, he confidently moved into the Bolognese territory, then to Modena and Reggio, stopping with his forces on the Lenza, and sent word to offer his services in Milan. After the duke's death, some of the Milanese wanted to form a republic, while others wished to choose a prince, with some favoring the count and others favoring Alfonso. However, the majority wanted freedom and managed to establish a republic, while many cities in the Duchy refused to comply, yearning for their own liberty, even those who didn't share this sentiment resisted Milanese rule. Lodi and Piacenza submitted to the Venetians, while Pavia and Parma declared themselves free. Once the count learned of this chaotic situation, he went to Cremona, where his envoys and those of the Milanese arranged for him to lead the forces of the new republic, with the same pay he had received from the duke before his death. They also granted him the control of Brescia until Verona was reclaimed, after which he would receive that city and return Brescia to the Milanese.
Before the duke's death, Pope Nicholas, after his assumption of the pontificate, sought to restore peace among the princes of Italy, and with this object endeavored, in conjunction with the ambassadors sent by the Florentines to congratulate him on his accession, to appoint a diet at Ferrara to attempt either the arrangement of a long truce, or the establishment of peace. A congress was accordingly held in that city, of the pope's legate and the Venetian, ducal, and Florentine representatives. King Alfonso had no envoy there. He was at Tivoli with a great body of horse and foot, and favorable to the duke; both having resolved, that having gained the count over to their side, they would openly attack the Florentines and Venetians, and till the arrival of the count in Lombardy, take part in the treaty for peace at Ferrara, at which, though the king did not appear, he engaged to concur in whatever course the duke should adopt. The conference lasted several days, and after many debates, resolved on either a truce for five years, or a permanent peace, whichsoever the duke should approve; and the ducal ambassadors, having returned to Milan to learn his decision, found him dead. Notwithstanding this, the Milanese were disposed to adopt the resolutions of the assembly, but the Venetians refused, indulging great hopes of becoming masters of Lombardy, particularly as Lodi and Piacenza, immediately after the duke's death, had submitted to them. They trusted that either by force or by treaty they could strip Milan of her power; and then so press her, as to compel her also to surrender before any assistance could arrive; and they were the more confident of this from seeing the Florentines involved in war with King Alfonso.
Before the duke's death, Pope Nicholas, after taking on the role of pope, tried to bring peace among the princes of Italy. To do this, he worked with the ambassadors sent by the Florentines to congratulate him on his new position and aimed to set up a meeting in Ferrara to seek either a long truce or a peace agreement. A congress was held in that city, attended by the pope's legate and representatives from Venice, the duke, and Florence. King Alfonso did not send anyone there. He was in Tivoli with a large number of soldiers, supporting the duke; they had both decided that once they secured the count’s allegiance, they would openly attack the Florentines and Venetians. Until the count arrived in Lombardy, they would participate in the peace talks in Ferrara, where, although the king did not attend, he promised to agree with whatever the duke decided. The discussions lasted several days, and after much debate, they agreed on either a five-year truce or a permanent peace, depending on the duke's approval. However, when the ducal ambassadors returned to Milan to find out his decision, they discovered he had died. Nonetheless, the people of Milan were inclined to accept the decisions made at the meeting, but the Venetians disagreed, hoping to take control of Lombardy, especially since Lodi and Piacenza had submitted to them right after the duke's death. They believed they could either force Milan to give up its power or negotiate its surrender before any help could arrive. They felt more confident about this because the Florentines were engaged in a war with King Alfonso.
The king being at Tivoli, and designing to pursue his enterprise against Tuscany, as had been arranged between himself and Filippo, judging that the war now commenced in Lombardy would give him both time and opportunity, and wishing to have a footing in the Florentine state before he openly commenced hostilities, opened a secret understanding with the fortress of Cennina, in the Val d'Arno Superiore, and took possession of it. The Florentines, surprised with this unexpected event, perceiving the king already in action, and resolved to do them all the injury in his power, hired forces, created a council of ten for management of the war, and prepared for the conflict in their usual manner. The king was already in the Siennese, and used his utmost endeavors to reduce the city, but the inhabitants of Sienna were firm in their attachment to the Florentines, and refused to receive him within their walls or into any of their territories. They furnished him with provisions, alleging in excuse, the enemy's power and their inability to resist. The king, finding he could not enter by the Val d'Arno, as he had first intended, both because Cennina had been already retaken, and because the Florentines were now in some measure prepared for their defense, turned toward Volterra, and occupied many fortresses in that territory. Thence he proceeded toward Pisa, and with the assistance of Fazio and Arrigo de' Conti, of the Gherardesca, took some castles, and issuing from them, assailed Campiglia, but could not take it, the place being defended by the Florentines, and it being now in the depth of winter. Upon this the king, leaving garrisons in the places he had taken to harass the surrounding country, withdrew with the remainder of his army to quarters in the Siennese. The Florentines, aided by the season, used the most active exertions to provide themselves troops, whose captains were Federigo, lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Malatesti da Rimino, who, though mutual foes, were kept so united by the prudence of the commissaries, Neri di Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici, that they broke up their quarters while the weather was still very severe and recovered not only the places that had been taken in the territory of Pisa, but also the Pomerancie in the neighborhood of Volterra, and so checked the king's troops, which at first had overrun the Maremma, that they could scarcely retain the places they had been left to garrison.
The king was in Tivoli and planned to carry out his campaign against Tuscany, as arranged with Filippo. He believed that the war now happening in Lombardy would give him both the time and opportunity he needed, and he wanted to establish a presence in the Florentine state before officially starting hostilities. So, he secretly reached an agreement with the fortress of Cennina in the Val d'Arno Superiore and took control of it. The Florentines, caught off guard by this unexpected development, realized the king was already taking action and was determined to cause them as much harm as possible. They hired troops, set up a council of ten to manage the war, and prepared for the conflict in their usual way. The king had already moved into the Siennese and made every effort to capture the city, but the Sienna residents remained loyal to the Florentines and refused to let him enter their walls or territory. They supplied him with provisions, claiming they could not resist the enemy's strength. Realizing he could not enter through the Val d'Arno as he had initially planned—since Cennina had already been retaken and the Florentines were somewhat prepared for defense—he shifted his focus to Volterra and occupied several fortresses in that area. Then he moved toward Pisa, and with help from Fazio and Arrigo de' Conti of the Gherardesca family, took some castles. He then attacked Campiglia but couldn’t capture it, as it was defended by the Florentines and it was the middle of winter. Consequently, the king left garrisons in the captured places to disrupt the surrounding areas and withdrew the rest of his army to winter quarters in Siennese. The Florentines, aided by the season, worked hard to gather troops, led by Federigo, lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Malatesti da Rimini, who, despite being rivals, were kept working together by the skill of the commissioners, Neri di Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici. They broke up their winter quarters while the weather was still harsh and not only reclaimed the places that had been taken in the Pisa territory but also regained the Pomerancie near Volterra, successfully pushing back the king's troops, who at first had overrun the Maremma and could hardly hold onto the areas they had been left to garrison.
Upon the return of the spring the commissaries halted with their whole force, consisting of five thousand horse and two thousand foot, at the Spedaletto. The king approached with his army, amounting to fifteen thousand men, within three miles of Campiglia, but when it was expected he would attack the place he fell upon Piombino, hoping, as it was insufficiently provided, to take it with very little trouble, and thus acquire a very important position, the loss of which would be severely felt by the Florentines; for from it he would be able to exhaust them with a long war, obtain his own provision by sea, and harass the whole territory of Pisa. They were greatly alarmed at this attack, and, considering that if they could remain with their army among the woods of Campiglia, the king would be compelled to retire either in defeat or disgrace. With this view they equipped four galleys at Livorno, and having succeeded in throwing three hundred infantry into Piombino, took up their own position at the Caldane, a place where it would be difficult to attack them; and they thought it would be dangerous to encamp among the thickets of the plain.
When spring returned, the commissaries stopped with their entire force, which included five thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, at the Spedaletto. The king moved his army, totaling fifteen thousand men, within three miles of Campiglia. However, instead of attacking Campiglia as expected, he targeted Piombino, thinking he could easily capture it since it was poorly defended. Taking Piombino would provide a crucial position whose loss would severely impact the Florentines; from there, he could wear them down with a prolonged war, secure his supplies by sea, and trouble the entire Pisa region. The Florentines were very alarmed by this attack. They believed that if they could keep their army hidden in the woods of Campiglia, the king would have to retreat in either defeat or disgrace. To prepare, they outfitted four galleys at Livorno, successfully landed three hundred infantry in Piombino, and positioned themselves at Caldane, a place difficult to attack. They thought camping in the thickets of the plain would be too risky.
The Florentine army depended for provisions on the surrounding places, which, being poor and thinly inhabited, had difficulty in supplying them. Consequently the troops suffered, particularly from want of wine, for none being produced in that vicinity, and unable to procure it from more distant places, it was impossible to obtain a sufficient quantity. But the king, though closely pressed by the Florentines, was well provided except in forage, for he obtained everything else by sea. The Florentines, desirous to supply themselves in the same manner, loaded four vessels with provisions, but, upon their approach, they were attacked by seven of the king's galleys, which took two of them and put the rest to flight. This disaster made them despair of procuring provisions, so that two hundred men of a foraging party, principally for want of wine, deserted to the king, and the rest complained that they could not live without it, in a situation where the heat was so excessive and the water bad. The commissaries therefore determined to quit the place, and endeavor to recover those castles which still remained in the enemy's power; who, on his part, though not suffering from want of provisions, and greatly superior in numbers, found his enterprise a failure, from the ravages made in his army by those diseases which the hot season produces in marshy localities; and which prevailed to such an extent that many died daily, and nearly all were affected. These circumstances occasioned overtures of peace. The king demanded fifty thousand florins, and the possession of Piombino. When the terms were under consideration, many citizens, desirous of peace, would have accepted them, declaring there was no hope of bringing to a favorable conclusion a war which required so much money to carry it on. But Neri Capponi going to Florence, placed the matter in a more correct light, and it was then unanimously determined to reject the proposal, and take the lord of Piombino under their protection, with an alliance offensive and defensive, provided he did not abandon them, but assist in their defense as hitherto. The king being informed of this resolution, saw that, with his reduced army, he could not gain the place, and withdrew in the same condition as if completely routed, leaving behind him two thousand dead. With the remainder of his sick troops he retired to the Siennese territory, and thence to his kingdom, incensed against the Florentines, and threatening them with new wars upon the return of spring.
The Florentine army relied on nearby areas for supplies, which, being poor and sparsely populated, struggled to meet their needs. As a result, the troops suffered, especially from the lack of wine, since none was produced in the area, and getting it from further away was impossible. Meanwhile, the king, although pressured by the Florentines, was well-supplied except for forage, as he could get everything else by sea. The Florentines, eager to do the same, loaded four ships with provisions, but when they approached, seven of the king's galleys attacked them, capturing two and forcing the others to flee. This setback left them despairing of getting enough provisions, leading two hundred men from a foraging party to desert to the king mainly because they lacked wine, while the rest complained they couldn't survive without it, especially in the extreme heat with poor water. Consequently, the commissaries decided to leave the area and try to recover the castles still held by the enemy. The king, despite not having a supply issue and having a larger force, faced failure in his campaign due to illnesses caused by the hot season in swampy regions, which affected so many that daily deaths were common, and nearly everyone was sick. These conditions led to peace negotiations. The king demanded fifty thousand florins and control of Piombino. While discussing the terms, many citizens, eager for peace, were willing to accept them, arguing there was no hope of successfully continuing a costly war. However, Neri Capponi went to Florence and presented a clearer perspective, leading to a unanimous decision to reject the proposal and offer protection to the lord of Piombino, with a mutual offensive and defensive alliance, provided he didn't abandon them and continued to support their defense as he had before. When the king learned of this decision, he realized that with his diminished army, he couldn't take the place and retreated as if he had been completely defeated, leaving behind two thousand dead. With the remaining sick troops, he withdrew to the territory of Siena and then back to his kingdom, angered with the Florentines and threatening them with new wars in the spring.
While these events were proceeding in Tuscany the Count Sforza, having become leader of the Milanese forces, strenuously endeavored to secure the friendship of Francesco Piccinino, who was also in their service, that he might support him in his enterprises, or be less disposed to do him injury. He then took the field with his army, upon which the people of Pavia, conscious of their inability to resist him, and unwilling to obey the Milanese, offered to submit themselves to his authority, on condition that he should not subject them to the power of Milan. The count desired the possession of Pavia, and considered the circumstance a happy omen, as it would enable him to give a color to his designs. He was not restrained from treachery either by fear or shame; for great men consider failure disgraceful,—a fraudulent success the contrary. But he was apprehensive that his possession of the city would excite the animosity of the Milanese, and perhaps induce them to throw themselves under the power of the Venetians. If he refused to accept the offer, he would have occasion to fear the duke of Savoy, to whom many citizens were inclined to submit themselves; and either alternative would deprive him of the sovereignty of Lombardy. Concluding there was less danger in taking possession of the city than in allowing another to have it, he determined to accept the proposal of the people of Pavia, trusting he would be able to satisfy the Milanese, to whom he pointed out the danger they must have incurred had he not complied with it; for her citizens would have surrendered themselves to the Venetians or to the duke of Savoy; so that in either case they would have been deprived of the government, and therefore they ought to be more willing to have himself as their neighbor and friend, than a hostile power such as either of the others, and their enemy. The Milanese were upon this occasion greatly perplexed, imagining they had discovered the count's ambition, and the end he had in view; but they thought it desirable to conceal their fears, for they did not know, if the count were to desert them, to whom they could have recourse except the Venetians, whose pride and tyranny they naturally dreaded. They therefore resolved not to break with the count, but by his assistance remedy the evils with which they were threatened, hoping that when freed from them they might rescue themselves from him also; for at that time they were assailed not only by the Venetians but by the Genoese and the duke of Savoy, in the name of Charles of Orleans, the son of a sister of Filippo, but whom the count easily vanquished. Thus their only remaining enemies were the Venetians, who, with a powerful army, determined to occupy their territories, and had already taken possession of Lodi and Piacenza, before which latter place the count encamped; and, after a long siege, took and pillaged the city. Winter being set in, he led his forces into quarters, and then withdrew to Cremona, where, during the cold season, he remained in repose with his wife.
While these events were happening in Tuscany, Count Sforza, now the leader of the Milanese forces, worked hard to win the support of Francesco Piccinino, who also served them, hoping that Piccinino would back him in his plans or at least be less likely to harm him. He then took his army into the field, and the people of Pavia, knowing they couldn’t resist him and unwilling to obey the Milanese, offered to submit to his authority as long as he wouldn’t bring them under the control of Milan. The count wanted to take over Pavia and saw this as a good sign, as it would help him justify his ambitions. He felt no restraint from dishonesty, driven by the belief that powerful people find disgrace in failure but see fraudulent success as a win. However, he worried that taking the city could anger the Milanese and lead them to seek help from the Venetians. If he turned down their offer, he would have to fear the Duke of Savoy, whom many citizens wanted to side with, and either choice would cost him control over Lombardy. Concluding that taking the city held less risk than letting someone else have it, he decided to accept Pavia's proposal, believing he could convince the Milanese that they would face danger if he didn't comply—since their citizens could easily turn to the Venetians or the Duke of Savoy. In either scenario, they would lose their sovereignty, making it better for them to have him as an ally than a hostile power. The Milanese, feeling confused and thinking they had uncovered the count's ambitions, chose to hide their fears, uncertain of whom to turn to if the count abandoned them—except for the Venetians, whose arrogance and tyranny they feared. As a result, they resolved not to sever ties with the count but to use his help to address their threats, hoping that once they resolved those, they could free themselves from him too. At that time, they were facing not just the Venetians but also the Genoese and the Duke of Savoy, who were acting on behalf of Charles of Orleans, the nephew of Filippo, but the count easily defeated them. Thus, their only remaining foes were the Venetians, who, with a strong army, aimed to seize their lands and had already taken Lodi and Piacenza, where the count camped. After a lengthy siege, he captured and plundered the city. As winter approached, he settled his forces into quarters and then moved to Cremona, where he spent the cold season resting with his wife.
In the spring, the Venetian and Milanese armies again took the field. It was the design of the Milanese, first to recover Lodi and then to come to terms with the Venetians; for the expenses of the war had become very great, and they were doubtful of their general's sincerity, so that they were anxious alike for the repose of peace, and for security against the count. They therefore resolved that the army should march to the siege of Carravaggio, hoping that Lodi would surrender, on that fortress being wrested from the enemy's hands. The count obeyed, though he would have preferred crossing the Adda and attacking the Brescian territory. Having encamped before Caravaggio, he so strongly entrenched himself, that if the enemy attempted to relieve the place, they would have to attack him at a great disadvantage. The Venetian army, led by Micheletto, approached within two bowshots of the enemy's camp, and many skirmishes ensued. The count continued to press the fortress, and reduced it to the very last extremity, which greatly distressed the Venetians, since they knew the loss of it would involve the total failure of their expedition. Very different views were entertained by their military officers respecting the best mode of relieving the place, but they saw no course open except to attack the enemy in his trenches, in spite of all obstacles. The castle was, however, considered of such paramount importance, that the Venetian senate, though naturally timid, and averse to all hazardous undertakings, chose rather to risk everything than allow it to fall into the hands of the enemy.
In the spring, the armies of Venice and Milan took to the battlefield again. The Milanese aimed to first retake Lodi and then negotiate with the Venetians, as the war costs had escalated significantly and they doubted their general's honesty. They were eager for both peace and protection from the count. They decided that the army would march to lay siege to Carravaggio, hoping that Lodi would surrender once that stronghold was taken from the enemy. The count agreed to this plan, although he would have preferred to cross the Adda River and attack the Brescia territory. Once they set up camp before Carravaggio, he fortified his position so well that if the enemy tried to relieve the place, they would be at a severe disadvantage. The Venetian army, led by Micheletto, moved within two arrow shots of the enemy camp, leading to several skirmishes. The count continued to press the siege, putting the fortress in dire straits, which heavily worried the Venetians, as losing it would mean the complete failure of their campaign. Their military officers had very different opinions on the best way to relieve the fortress, but they ultimately saw no option but to attack the enemy in their trenches, despite the challenges. The castle was viewed as so critically important that the Venetian senate, though generally cautious and reluctant to engage in risky ventures, decided to risk everything rather than let it fall into enemy hands.
They therefore resolved to attack the count at all events, and early the next morning commenced their assault upon a point which was least defended. At the first charge, as commonly happens in a surprise, Francesco's whole army was thrown into dismay. Order, however, was soon so completely restored by the count, that the enemy, after various efforts to gain the outworks, were repulsed and put to flight; and so entirely routed, that of twelve thousand horse only one thousand escaped the hands of the Milanese, who took possession of all the carriages and military stores; nor had the Venetians ever before suffered such a thorough rout and overthrow. Among the plunder and prisoners, crouching down, as if to escape observation, was found a Venetian commissary, who, in the course of the war and before the fight, had spoken contemptuously of the count, calling him "bastard," and "base-born." Being made prisoner, he remembered his faults, and fearing punishment, being taken before the count, was agonized with terror; and, as is usual with mean minds (in prosperity insolent, in adversity abject and cringing), prostrated himself, weeping and begging pardon for the offenses he had committed. The count, taking him by the arm, raised him up, and encouraged him to hope for the best. He then said he wondered how a man so prudent and respectable as himself, could so far err as to speak disparagingly of those who did not merit it; and as regarded the insinuations which he had made against him, he really did not know how Sforza his father, and Madonna Lucia his mother, had proceeded together, not having been there, and having no opportunity of interfering in the matter, so that he was not liable either to blame or praise. However, he knew very well, that in regard to his own actions he had conducted himself so that no one could blame him; and in proof of this he would refer both the Venetian senate and himself to what had happened that day. He then advised him in future to be more respectful in speaking of others, and more cautious in regard to his own proceedings.
They decided to attack the count no matter what, and early the next morning, they began their assault on the least defended point. In the first charge, as often happens in a surprise attack, Francesco's entire army was thrown into chaos. However, the count quickly restored order, and the enemy, after several attempts to take the outer defenses, was pushed back and fled. They were so completely defeated that out of twelve thousand cavalry, only one thousand escaped the Milanese, who seized all the wagons and military supplies; the Venetians had never before experienced such a complete rout. Among the loot and prisoners, they found a Venetian commissary crouching down as if trying to avoid being seen. During the war and before the battle, he had spoken disrespectfully of the count, calling him a "bastard" and "base-born." Now a prisoner, he recalled his past mistakes and, fearing punishment, was terrified when brought before the count. In line with how small-minded people often act (arrogant when successful, but weak and groveling in defeat), he threw himself on the ground, crying and asking for forgiveness for his offenses. The count took him by the arm, lifted him up, and encouraged him to hope for the best. He then expressed surprise that such a wise and respectable person could make such a mistake by speaking poorly of those who didn’t deserve it. Regarding the accusations he had made against him, he honestly didn’t know how Sforza, his father, and Madonna Lucia, his mother, had come together since he wasn’t there and had no chance to get involved, so he wasn’t at fault or deserving of praise. However, he was very aware that he had acted in a way that no one could criticize him for; and to prove this, he would point both the Venetian senate and himself to what had happened that day. He then advised the commissary to be more respectful when talking about others and to be more careful regarding his own actions in the future.
CHAPTER IV
The count's successes—The Venetians come to terms with him—Views of the Venetians—Indignation of the Milanese against the count—Their ambassador's address to him—The count's moderation and reply—The count and the Milanese prepare for war—Milanese ambassadors at Venice—League of the Venetians and Milanese—The count dupes the Venetians and Milanese—He applies for assistance to the Florentines—Diversity of opinions in Florence on the subject—Neri di Gino Capponi averse to assisting the count—Cosmo de' Medici disposed to do so—The Florentines sent ambassadors to the count.
The count's successes—The Venetians reach an agreement with him—Perspectives of the Venetians—The Milanese outrage against the count—Their ambassador's speech to him—The count's restraint and response—The count and the Milanese prepare for war—Milanese ambassadors in Venice—Alliance between the Venetians and Milanese—The count tricks the Venetians and Milanese—He seeks help from the Florentines—Varied opinions in Florence on the matter—Neri di Gino Capponi against helping the count—Cosmo de' Medici willing to do so—The Florentines send ambassadors to the count.
After this victory, the count marched into the Brescian territory, occupied the whole country, and then pitched his camp within two miles of the city. The Venetians, having well-grounded fears that Brescia would be next attacked, provided the best defense in their power. They then collected the relics of their army, and, by virtue of the treaty, demanded assistance of the Florentines; who, being relieved from the war with Alfonso, sent them one thousand foot and two thousand horse, by whose aid the Venetians were in a condition to treat for peace. At one time it seemed the fate of their republic to lose by war and win by negotiation; for what was taken from them in battle was frequently restored twofold on the restoration of peace. They knew the Milanese were jealous of the count, and that he wished to be not their captain merely, but their sovereign; and as it was in their power to make peace with either of the two (the one desiring it from ambition, the other from fear), they determined to make choice of the count, and offer him assistance to effect his design; persuading themselves, that as the Milanese would perceive they had been duped by him, they would in revenge place themselves in the power of any one rather than in his; and that, becoming unable either to defend themselves or trust the count, they would be compelled, having no other resource, to fall into their hands. Having taken this resolution, they sounded the count, and found him quite disposed for peace, evidently desirous that the honor and advantage of the victory at Caravaggio should be his own, and not accrue to the Milanese. The parties therefore entered into an agreement, in which the Venetians undertook to pay the count thirteen thousand florins per month, till he should obtain Milan, and to furnish him, during the continuance of the war, four thousand horse and two thousand foot. The count engaged to restore to the Venetians the towns, prisoners, and whatever else had been taken by him during the late campaigns, and content himself with those territories which the duke possessed at the time of his death.
After this victory, the count marched into the Brescia area, took control of the entire region, and set up camp just two miles from the city. The Venetians, worried that Brescia might be the next target, prepared the best defense they could. They regrouped their army and, under the treaty's terms, requested help from the Florentines, who, now free from their conflict with Alfonso, sent them one thousand foot soldiers and two thousand cavalry. With this support, the Venetians were in a position to negotiate for peace. At one point, it seemed their republic was destined to suffer losses in battle but gain advantages through negotiation; what they lost in conflict was often returned twofold once peace was established. They recognized the Milanese were wary of the count and knew he aspired not just to be their leader but their ruler. Since they could negotiate peace with either party—one motivated by ambition, the other by fear—they chose to ally with the count and offered their assistance to help him achieve his goals. They believed that once the Milanese realized they had been misled by him, they would, out of revenge, prefer to submit to anyone but him; and as they found themselves unable to defend against or trust the count, they would have no choice but to fall under Venetian control. Having made this decision, they approached the count and discovered he was very open to peace, clearly eager for the honors and benefits of the victory at Caravaggio to belong to him, not the Milanese. Consequently, the parties agreed that the Venetians would pay the count thirteen thousand florins each month until he secured Milan and would provide him with four thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry for the duration of the conflict. The count agreed to return to the Venetians the towns, prisoners, and any other property he had taken during the recent campaigns and to be satisfied with the territories the duke held at the time of his death.
When this treaty became known at Milan, it grieved the citizens more than the victory at Caravaggio had exhilarated them. The rulers of the city mourned, the people complained, women and children wept, and all exclaimed against the count as false and perfidious. Although they could not hope that either prayers or promises would divert him from his ungrateful design, they sent ambassadors to see with what kind of color he would invest his unprincipled proceedings, and being admitted to his presence, one of them spoke to the following effect;—"It is customary with those who wish to obtain a favor, to make use either of prayers, presents, or threats, that pity, convenience, or fear, may induce a compliance with their requests. But as with cruel, avaricious, or, in their own conceit, powerful men, these arguments have no weight, it is vain to hope, either to soften them by prayers, win them by presents, or alarm them by menaces. We, therefore, being now, though late, aware of thy pride, cruelty, and ambition, come hither, not to ask aught, nor with the hope, even if we were so disposed, of obtaining it, but to remind thee of the benefits thou hast received from the people of Milan, and to prove with what heartless ingratitude thou hast repaid them, that at least, under the many evils oppressing us, we may derive some gratification from telling thee how and by whom they have been produced. Thou canst not have forgotten thy wretched condition at the death of the duke Filippo; the king and the pope were both thine enemies; thou hadst abandoned the Florentines and the Venetians, who, on account of their just indignation, and because they stood in no further need of thee, were almost become thy declared enemies. Thou wert exhausted by thy wars against the church; with few followers, no friends, or any money; hopeless of being able to preserve either thy territories or thy reputation. From these circumstances thy ruin must have ensued, but for our simplicity; we received thee to our home, actuated by reverence for the happy memory of our duke, with whom, being connected by marriage and renewed alliance, we believed thy affection would descend to those who had inherited his authority, and that, if to the benefits he had conferred on thee, our own were added, the friendship we sought to establish would not only be firm, but inseparable; with this impression, we added Verona or Brescia to thy previous appointments. What more could we either give or promise thee? What else couldst thou, not from us merely, but from any others, have either had or expected? Thou receivedst from us an unhoped-for benefit, and we, in return, an unmerited wrong. Neither hast thou deferred until now the manifestation of thy base designs; for no sooner wert thou appointed to command our armies, than, contrary to every dictate of propriety, thou didst accept Pavia, which plainly showed what was to be the result of thy friendship; but we bore with the injury, in hope that the greatness of the advantage would satisfy thy ambition. Alas! those who grasp at all cannot be satisfied with a part. Thou didst promise that we should possess the conquests which thou might afterward make; for thou wert well aware that what was given at many times might be withdrawn at once, as was the case after the victory at Caravaggio, purchased by our money and blood, and followed by our ruin. Oh! unhappy states, which have to guard against their oppressor; but much more wretched those who have to trust to mercenary and faithless arms like thine! May our example instruct posterity, since that of Thebes and Philip of Macedon, who, after victory over her enemies, from being her captain became her foe and her prince, could not avail us.
When this treaty became known in Milan, it upset the citizens more than the victory at Caravaggio had thrilled them. The city leaders mourned, the people protested, women and children cried, and everyone condemned the count as deceitful and treacherous. Even though they had no hope that prayers or promises would change his ungrateful plan, they sent ambassadors to see how he would justify his unethical actions. When they met him, one of them said: “It's common for people seeking a favor to use prayers, gifts, or threats to persuade others through sympathy, convenience, or fear. But with ruthless, greedy, or self-important people, those tactics have no effect. It's pointless to think you can soften them with pleas, win them over with gifts, or intimidate them with threats. So, now that we've recognized your pride, cruelty, and ambition, we come not to ask for anything or hope to receive any favor, even if we were inclined to, but to remind you of the benefits you’ve received from the people of Milan and to show how heartlessly you’ve repaid them. At the very least, amid all the troubles that weigh on us, we want to let you know how and by whom they’ve been created. You can’t have forgotten your miserable state after Duke Filippo's death; both the king and the pope were your enemies. You had abandoned the Florentines and Venetians, who, out of their rightful anger and because they had no more need of you, were almost your declared enemies. You were drained by your wars against the church, with few followers, no friends, and no money; you were without hope of preserving either your lands or your reputation. From this situation, your downfall would have followed, if not for our kindness. We took you in, out of respect for the happy memory of our duke, with whom you were connected by marriage and renewed alliance. We believed your loyalty would extend to those who inherited his power, and that by adding our own benefits to those he gave you, the friendship we sought to establish would not just be strong, but inseparable. With this belief, we also granted you Verona or Brescia alongside your previous positions. What more could we offer or promise you? What else could you have expected, not just from us but from anyone else? You received an unexpected benefit from us, and we, in return, faced an undeserved betrayal. You did not wait until now to reveal your treacherous plans; as soon as you were appointed to command our armies, you immediately accepted Pavia, which clearly showed what your friendship would lead to. But we tolerated the injury, hoping that the magnitude of the advantage would satisfy your ambition. Alas! Those who covet everything can never be satisfied with just a part. You promised that we would hold the conquests you might make later; you knew that what is given multiple times can be taken away all at once, as happened after the victory at Caravaggio, bought with our money and blood, which was followed by our ruin. Oh! Poor states, that must guard against their oppressors; but even worse are those who must rely on mercenary and untrustworthy forces like yours! May our experience serve as a warning for future generations, since the example of Thebes and Philip of Macedon, who after defeating her enemies became her adversary and ruler, did not save us.
"The only fault of which we are conscious is our over-weening confidence in one whom we ought not to have trusted; for thy past life, thy restless mind, incapable of repose, ought to have put us on our guard; neither ought we to have confided in one who betrayed the lord of Lucca, set a fine upon the Florentines and the Venetians, defied the duke, despised the king, and besides all this, persecuted the church of God, and the Divinity himself with innumerable atrocities. We ought not to have fancied that so many potentates possessed less influence over the mind of Francesco Sforza, than the Milanese; or that he would preserve unblemished that faith towards us which he had on so many occasions broken with them. Still this want of caution in us does not excuse the perfidy in thee; nor can it obliterate the infamy with which our just complaints will blacken thy character throughout the world, or prevent the remorse of thy conscience, when our arms are used for our own destruction; for thou wilt see that the sufferings due to parricides are fully deserved by thee. And though ambition should blind thine eyes, the whole world, witness to thine iniquity, will compel thee to open them; God himself will unclose them, if perjuries, if violated faith, if treacheries displease him, and if, as ever, he is still the enemy of the wicked. Do not, therefore, promise thyself any certainty of victory; for the just wrath of the Almighty will weigh heavily upon thee; and we are resolved to lose our liberty only with our lives; but if we found we could not ultimately defend it, we would submit ourselves to anyone rather than to thee. And if our sins be so great that in spite of our utmost resolution, we should still fall into thy hands, be quite assured, that the sovereignty which is commenced in deceit and villainy, will terminate either in thyself or thy children with ignominy and blood."
"The only fault we're aware of is our excessive trust in someone we shouldn’t have relied on; your past behavior and your restless mind, unable to find peace, should have alerted us. We shouldn’t have trusted someone who betrayed the lord of Lucca, imposed fines on the Florentines and the Venetians, defied the duke, disrespected the king, and on top of all this, persecuted the church and God himself with countless atrocities. We shouldn’t have thought that so many powerful leaders had less sway over Francesco Sforza than the people of Milan; or that he would maintain the loyalty to us that he has broken with them numerous times. However, our lack of caution doesn't excuse your betrayal; nor can it erase the shame that our rightful accusations will bring to your name around the world, or stop the guilt in your conscience, when our efforts lead to our own downfall; for you will face the deserved suffering of a traitor. And even if ambition blinds you, the whole world, a witness to your wrongdoing, will force you to see the truth; God will open your eyes too, if lies, broken promises, and treachery offend Him, and if He is still, as always, an enemy of the wicked. So do not expect any certainty of victory; the rightful anger of the Almighty will weigh heavily on you; and we are determined to lose our freedom only with our lives; but if we find that we cannot ultimately defend it, we would rather submit to anyone than to you. And if our sins are so severe that despite our best efforts, we still fall into your hands, be assured that a rule built on deceit and villainy will end in disgrace and blood for either you or your children."
The count, though not insensible to the just reproaches of the Milanese, did not exhibit either by words or gestures any unusual excitement, and replied, that "He willingly attributed to their angry feelings all the serious charges of their indiscreet harangue; and he would reply to them in detail, were he in the presence of anyone who could decide their differences; for it would be evident that he had not injured the Milanese, but only taken care that they should not injure him. They well knew how they had proceeded after the victory of Caravaggio; for, instead of rewarding him with either Verona or Brescia, they sought peace with the Venetians, that all the blame of the quarrel might rest on him, themselves obtaining the fruit of victory, the credit of peace, and all the advantages that could be derived from the war. It would thus be manifest they had no right to complain, when he had effected the arrangements which they first attempted to make; and that if he had deferred to do so a little longer, he would have had reason to accuse them of the ingratitude with which they were now charging him. Whether the charge were true or false, that God, whom they had invoked to avenge their injuries, would show at the conclusion of the war, and would demonstrate which was most his friend, and who had most justice on their side."
The count, while aware of the valid criticisms from the Milanese, remained calm and didn’t show any unusual agitation in his words or actions. He responded that he “attributed all their serious accusations from their indiscreet speech to their angry feelings; and he would respond to them in detail if he were with someone who could resolve their disputes. It would be clear that he hadn’t harmed the Milanese but had only ensured that they didn’t harm him. They knew very well how they acted after the victory at Caravaggio; instead of rewarding him with either Verona or Brescia, they chose to make peace with the Venetians, so all the blame for the conflict would fall on him while they reaped the rewards of victory, the credit for peace, and all the benefits of the war. It was therefore obvious they had no right to complain when he made the arrangements they had initially tried to set up; and if he had waited a bit longer to do so, he would have had reason to blame them for the ingratitude they were now accusing him of. Whether the accusation was true or false, only God, whom they had called upon to avenge their grievances, would reveal at the end of the war who was truly his friend and who had the greater claim to justice.”
Upon the departure of the ambassadors, the count determined to attack the Milanese, who prepared for their defense, and appointed Francesco and Jacopo Piccinino (attached to their cause, on account of the ancient feud of the families of Braccio and Sforza) to conduct their forces in support of liberty; at least till they could deprive the count of the aid of the Venetians, who they did not think would long be either friendly or faithful to him. On the other hand, the count, perfectly aware of this, thought it not imprudent, supposing the obligation of the treaty insufficient, to bind them by the ties of interest; and, therefore, in assigning to each their portion of the enterprise, he consented that the Venetians should attack Crema, and himself, with the other forces, assail the remainder of the territory. The advantage of this arrangement kept the Venetians so long in alliance with the count, that he was enabled to conquer the whole of the Milanese territory, and to press the city so closely, that the inhabitants could not provide themselves with necessaries; despairing of success, they sent envoys to the Venetians to beg they would compassionate their distress, and, as ought to be the case between republics, assist them in defense of their liberty against a tyrant, whom, if once master of their city, they would be unable to restrain; neither did they think he would be content with the boundaries assigned him by the treaty, but would expect all the dependencies of Milan.
After the ambassadors left, the count decided to attack the people of Milan, who were getting ready to defend themselves. He appointed Francesco and Jacopo Piccinino—loyal to their cause because of the long-standing feud between the Braccio and Sforza families—to lead their troops in support of their freedom; at least until they could cut the count off from the help of the Venetians, whom they believed wouldn’t remain friendly or loyal for long. On the flip side, the count was well aware of this and thought it wise, considering that the treaty obligations weren't strong enough, to secure their loyalty through mutual interests. So, he divided the tasks, allowing the Venetians to attack Crema while he would lead the other forces to strike the remaining areas. This arrangement kept the Venetians allied with the count for so long that he managed to conquer all of Milanese territory and to pressure the city so intensely that the residents couldn’t get the supplies they needed. Desperate for help, they sent envoys to the Venetians, pleading for their understanding and asking them to support their fight for freedom against a tyrant, saying that if he took control of their city, they wouldn’t be able to stop him. They also feared he wouldn’t be satisfied with the borders set by the treaty but would want all of Milan’s territories.
The Venetians had not yet taken Crema, and wishing before they changed sides, to effect this point, they PUBLICLY answered the envoys, that their engagements with the count prevented them from defending the Milanese; but SECRETLY, gave them every assurance of their wish to do so.
The Venetians still hadn't taken Crema, and before they switched sides, they wanted to achieve this goal. They publicly told the envoys that their commitments to the count stopped them from defending the Milanese, but secretly, they assured them that they wanted to help.
The count had approached so near Milan with his forces, that he was disputing the suburbs with the inhabitants, when the Venetians having taken Crema, thought they need no longer hesitate to declare in favor of the Milanese, with whom they made peace and entered into alliance; among the terms of which was the defense of their liberty unimpaired. Having come to this agreement, they ordered their forces to withdraw from the count's camp and to return to the Venetian territory. They informed him of the peace made with the Milanese, and gave him twenty days to consider what course he would adopt. He was not surprised at the step taken by the Venetians, for he had long foreseen it, and expected its occurrence daily; but when it actually took place, he could not avoid feeling regret and displeasure similar to what the Milanese had experienced when he abandoned them. He took two days to consider the reply he would make to the ambassadors whom the Venetians had sent to inform him of the treaty, and during this time he determined to dupe the Venetians, and not abandon his enterprise; therefore, appearing openly to accept the proposal for peace, he sent his ambassadors to Venice with full credentials to effect the ratification, but gave them secret orders not to do so, and with pretexts or caviling to put it off. To give the Venetians greater assurance of his sincerity, he made a truce with the Milanese for a month, withdrew from Milan and divided his forces among the places he had taken. This course was the occasion of his victory and the ruin of the Milanese; for the Venetians, confident of peace, were slow in preparing for war, and the Milanese finding the truce concluded, the enemy withdrawn, and the Venetians their friends, felt assured that the count had determined to abandon his design. This idea injured them in two ways: one, by neglecting to provide for their defense; the next, that, being seed-time, they sowed a large quantity of grain in the country which the enemy had evacuated, and thus brought famine upon themselves. On the other hand, all that was injurious to his enemies favored the count, and the time gave him opportunity to take breath and provide himself with assistance.
The count had gotten so close to Milan with his troops that he was arguing over the suburbs with the locals when the Venetians, having taken Crema, felt it was time to openly support the Milanese, with whom they made peace and formed an alliance; one of the terms was to protect their freedom intact. After reaching this agreement, they ordered their forces to pull back from the count's camp and return to Venetian territory. They informed him about the peace made with the Milanese and gave him twenty days to decide what he would do next. He wasn't surprised by the Venetians' move, as he had anticipated it for a long time and expected it to happen any day; however, when it actually happened, he couldn't help but feel regret and displeasure similar to what the Milanese felt when he abandoned them. He took two days to think about his response to the ambassadors the Venetians sent to inform him of the treaty, and during this time, he decided to trick the Venetians and not give up on his plans; thus, while appearing to accept the peace proposal, he sent his ambassadors to Venice with full powers to finalize the ratification but secretly instructed them not to do so, instead using excuses to delay it. To assure the Venetians of his sincerity, he made a month-long truce with the Milanese, withdrew from Milan, and spread his forces among the places he had captured. This strategy led to his victory and the downfall of the Milanese; the Venetians, confident of peace, were slow to prepare for war, and the Milanese, seeing the truce in place, the enemy withdrawn, and the Venetians as allies, believed that the count had decided to abandon his plans. This misconception hurt them in two ways: first, by neglecting to defend themselves; and second, since it was planting season, they sowed a large amount of grain in the territory the enemy had left, which ultimately led to famine for themselves. Meanwhile, everything that harmed his enemies worked in favor of the count, giving him the time he needed to catch his breath and gather support.
The Florentines during the war of Lombardy had not declared in favor of either party, or assisted the count either in defense of the Milanese or since; for he never having been in need had not pressingly requested it; and they only sent assistance to the Venetians after the rout at Caravaggio, in pursuance of the treaty. Count Francesco, standing now alone, and not knowing to whom else he could apply, was compelled to request immediate aid of the Florentines, publicly from the state, and privately from friends, particularly from Cosmo de' Medici, with whom he had always maintained a steady friendship, and by whom he had constantly been faithfully advised and liberally supported. Nor did Cosmo abandon him in his extreme necessity, but supplied him generously from his own resources, and encouraged him to prosecute his design. He also wished the city publicly to assist him, but there were difficulties in the way. Neri di Gino Capponi, one of the most powerful citizens of Florence, thought it not to the advantage of the city, that the count should obtain Milan; and was of opinion that it would be more to the safety of Italy for him to ratify the peace than pursue the war. In the first place, he apprehended that the Milanese, through their anger against the count, would surrender themselves entirely to the Venetians, which would occasion the ruin of all. Supposing he should occupy Milan, it appeared to him that so great military superiority, combined with such an extent of territory, would be dangerous to themselves, and that if as count he was intolerable, he would become doubly so as duke. He therefore considered it better for the republic of Florence and for Italy, that the count should be content with his military reputation, and that Lombardy should be divided into two republics, which could never be united to injure others, and separately are unable to do so. To attain this he saw no better means than to refrain from aiding the count, and continuing in the former league with the Venetians. These reasonings were not satisfactory to Cosmo's friends, for they imagined that Neri had argued thus, not from a conviction of its advantage to the republic, but to prevent the count, as a friend of Cosmo, from becoming duke, apprehending that Cosmo would, in consequence of this, become too powerful.
The Florentines during the war in Lombardy hadn't supported either side or helped the count in defending Milan, mainly because he never asked for help since he hadn't been in need. They only provided assistance to the Venetians after the defeat at Caravaggio, as per the treaty. Count Francesco, now isolated and unsure who else to turn to, had to urgently ask for help from the Florentines, publicly from the state and privately from friends, especially Cosmo de' Medici, with whom he had always shared a strong friendship and received loyal advice and generous support. Cosmo didn’t abandon him in this dire situation but helped him abundantly from his own resources and encouraged him to pursue his plans. He also wanted the city to assist him publicly, but there were obstacles. Neri di Gino Capponi, one of Florence’s most influential citizens, believed that allowing the count to take Milan wouldn’t benefit the city and argued it would be safer for Italy if he made peace rather than continue the war. He feared that the Milanese, angered with the count, would entirely surrender to the Venetians, leading to destruction for all. He thought if the count took Milan, his considerable military strength and land would be dangerous for them, and if he was intolerable as a count, he would be even worse as a duke. Thus, he thought it was better for the Florentine republic and for Italy if the count was satisfied with his military reputation and Lombardy was split into two republics, which couldn’t unite to harm others and would be incapable of acting separately. To achieve this, he believed the best course was not to help the count and to maintain their previous alliance with the Venetians. These arguments didn't sit well with Cosmo's supporters, as they thought Neri's reasoning was not based on what's best for the republic but rather to prevent the count, a friend of Cosmo, from becoming duke, fearing that this would make Cosmo too powerful.
Cosmo, in reply, pointed out, that to lend assistance to the count would be highly beneficial both to Italy and the republic; for it was unwise to imagine the Milanese could preserve their own liberty; for the nature of their community, their mode of life, and their hereditary feuds were opposed to every kind of civil government, so that it was necessary, either that the count should become duke of Milan, or the Venetians her lords. And surely under such circumstances, no one could doubt which would be most to their advantage, to have for their neighbor a powerful friend or a far more powerful foe. Neither need it be apprehended that the Milanese, while at war with the count, would submit to the Venetians; for the count had a stronger party in the city, and the Venetians had not, so that whenever they were unable to defend themselves as freemen, they would be more inclined to obey the count than the Venetians.
Cosmo pointed out that helping the count would be very beneficial for both Italy and the republic. It was unrealistic to think that the Milanese could maintain their own freedom; their community's nature, lifestyle, and longstanding feuds made civil governance difficult. Therefore, it was essential for either the count to become the duke of Milan or for the Venetians to take control. Given the situation, it was clear that having a strong ally nearby was far better than facing a more powerful enemy. There was also no need to fear that the Milanese would submit to the Venetians while at war with the count; the count had stronger support in the city, while the Venetians did not. Thus, whenever they found themselves unable to protect their freedom, they would likely choose to obey the count rather than the Venetians.
These diverse views kept the city long in suspense; but at length it was resolved to send ambassadors to the count to settle the terms of agreement, with instructions, that if they found him in such a condition as to give hopes of his ultimate success, they were to close with him, but, if otherwise, they were to draw out the time in diplomacy.
These differing opinions kept the city in suspense for a long time; but eventually, it was decided to send ambassadors to the count to work out the terms of agreement, with instructions that if they found him in a position that suggested he might succeed in the end, they should make a deal with him. However, if not, they were to prolong the negotiations through diplomacy.
CHAPTER V
Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese—The Milanese reduced to extremity—The people rise against the magistrates—Milan surrenders to the count—League between the new duke of Milan and the Florentines, and between the king of Naples and the Venetians—Venetian and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence—Answer of Cosmo de' Medici to the Venetian ambassador—Preparations of the Venetians and the king of Naples for the war—The Venetians excite disturbances in Bologna—Florence prepares for war—The emperor, Frederick III. at Florence—War in Lombardy between the duke of Milan and the Venetians—Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into Tuscany against the Florentines.
Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese—The Milanese pushed to their limits—The people rise up against the officials—Milan surrenders to the count—An alliance forms between the new duke of Milan and the Florentines, as well as between the king of Naples and the Venetians—Venetian and Neapolitan ambassadors arrive in Florence—Cosmo de' Medici's response to the Venetian ambassador—The Venetians and the king of Naples prepare for war—The Venetians stir up trouble in Bologna—Florence gears up for war—Emperor Frederick III. arrives in Florence—Conflict in Lombardy between the duke of Milan and the Venetians—Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into Tuscany against the Florentines.
The ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that the count had become lord of Milan; for as soon as the truce had expired, he approached the city with his forces, hoping quickly to get possession of it in spite of the Venetians, who could bring no relief except from the side of the Adda, which route he could easily obstruct, and therefore had no apprehension (being then winter) of their arrival, and he trusted that, before the return of spring, he would be victorious, particularly, as by the death of Francesco Piccinino, there remained only Jacopo his brother, to command the Milanese. The Venetians had sent an ambassador to Milan to confirm the citizens in their resolution of defense, promising them powerful and immediate aid. During the winter a few slight skirmishes had taken place between the count and the Venetians; but on the approach of milder weather, the latter, under Pandolfo Malatesti, halted with their army upon the Adda, and considering whether, in order to succor the Milanese, they ought to risk a battle, Pardolfo, their general, aware of the count's abilities, and the courage of his army, said it would be unadvisable to do so, and that, under the circumstances, it was needless, for the count, being in great want of forage, could not keep the field, and must soon retire. He therefore advised them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope, and prevent them from surrendering. This advice was approved by the Venetians, both as being safe, and because, by keeping the Milanese in this necessity, they might be the sooner compelled to submit to their dominion; for they felt quite sure that the injuries they had received would always prevent their submission to the count.
The ambassadors were in Reggio when they learned that the count had become the lord of Milan. As soon as the truce ended, he approached the city with his troops, hoping to quickly take control of it despite the Venetians, who could only provide help from the side of the Adda. He could easily block that route and felt no fear of their arrival, knowing it was winter. He was confident that before spring returned, he would be victorious, especially since the death of Francesco Piccinino left only his brother Jacopo in charge of the Milanese forces. The Venetians had sent an ambassador to Milan to reassure the citizens about their defense plans, promising them strong and immediate support. During the winter, there were a few minor skirmishes between the count and the Venetians; however, as the weather warmed up, the Venetians, led by Pandolfo Malatesti, stationed their army by the Adda, debating whether they should risk a battle to help the Milanese. Pandolfo, aware of the count's skills and the bravery of his army, advised against it, suggesting that under the current circumstances, it wasn't necessary because the count, lacking enough supplies, would have to retreat soon. He recommended that they stay encamped to keep the Milanese hopeful and discourage them from surrendering. The Venetians agreed with this plan, thinking it was safer, and recognized that by maintaining pressure on the Milanese, they could more easily force them to submit to their control, as they were confident that the grievances they had suffered would prevent them from yielding to the count.
In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost misery; and as the city usually abounded with poor, many died of hunger in the streets; hence arose complaints and disturbances in several parts, which alarmed the magistrates, and compelled them to use their utmost exertions to prevent popular meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve on commotion; but the resolution once formed, any trivial circumstance excites it to action. Two men in humble life, talking together near the Porta Nuova of the calamities of the city, their own misery, and the means that might be adopted for their relief, others beginning to congregate, there was soon collected a large crowd; in consequence of it a report was spread that the neighborhood of Porta Nuova had risen against the government. Upon this, all the lower orders, who only waited for an example, assembled in arms, and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato to be their leader. They then proceeded to the place where the magistrates were assembled, and attacked them so impetuously that all who did not escape by flight were slain: among the number, as being considered a principal cause of the famine, and gratified at their distress, fell Lionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambassador. Having thus almost become masters of the city, they considered what course was next to be adopted to escape from the horrors surrounding them, and to procure peace. A feeling universally prevailed, that as they could not preserve their own liberty, they ought to submit to a prince who could defend them. Some proposed King Alfonso, some the duke of Savoy, and others the king of France, but none mentioned the count, so great was the general indignation against him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da Vicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if they desired relief from war, no other plan was open, since the people of Milan required a certain and immediate peace, and not a distant hope of succor. He apologized for the count's proceedings, accused the Venetians, and all the powers of Italy, of which some from ambition and others from avarice were averse to their possessing freedom. Having to dispose of their liberty, it would be preferable, he said, to obey one who knew and could defend them; so that, by their servitude they might obtain peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and more dangerous wars. He was listened to with the most profound attention; and, having concluded his harangue, it was unanimously resolved by the assembly, that the count should be called in, and Gasparre was appointed to wait upon him and signify their desire. By the people's command he conveyed the pleasing and happy intelligence to the count, who heard it with the utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the twenty-sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the greatest possible joy by those who, only a short time previously had heaped on him all the slanders that hatred could inspire.
In the meantime, the people of Milan were in extreme misery; and since the city was usually filled with poor people, many died of hunger in the streets. This led to complaints and disturbances in various areas, alarming the magistrates and forcing them to do everything they could to prevent public gatherings. The masses are always slow to decide on action; but once they're resolved, even the smallest thing can trigger them. Two men from the lower class, talking near Porta Nuova about the city's troubles, their own suffering, and possible solutions for relief, began to attract others, quickly gathering a large crowd. As a result, a rumor spread that the area around Porta Nuova had risen against the government. Because of this, all the lower classes, who were just waiting for a sign, gathered with weapons and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato as their leader. They then went to where the magistrates were meeting and attacked them so fiercely that anyone who didn't escape by running was killed; among them was Lionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambassador, who was blamed for the famine and satisfied by their suffering. Having nearly taken control of the city, they thought about what to do next to escape the horrors around them and to achieve peace. There was a widespread feeling that since they couldn't protect their own freedom, they should submit to a prince who could defend them. Some suggested King Alfonso, some the Duke of Savoy, and others the King of France, but no one mentioned the count due to the intense anger against him. However, disagreeing with the others, Gasparre da Vicomercato proposed him and explained in detail that if they wanted relief from war, this was their only option, since the people of Milan needed a certain and immediate peace, not a distant promise of help. He defended the count's actions, blamed the Venetians, and all the powers of Italy, some of whom opposed their freedom out of ambition and others out of greed. He said that if they had to give up their liberty, it would be better to obey someone who understood how to defend them; this way, through their submission, they could find peace instead of facing even greater dangers and wars. He was listened to with great attention; and after finishing his speech, the assembly unanimously agreed to call for the count, with Gasparre chosen to approach him and communicate their wishes. By the people's request, he delivered the welcome news to the count, who received it with immense satisfaction and entered Milan as prince on February 26, 1450, where he was welcomed with the greatest joy by those who had only recently thrown every possible slander at him out of hatred.
The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were immediately sent to the envoys who were upon the way to Milan, that instead of treating for his alliance with the count, they should congratulate the duke upon his victory; they, arranging accordingly, had a most honorable reception, and were treated with all possible respect; for the duke well knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithful friends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians, than the Florentines, who, being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti, found themselves opposed by the Aragonese and Venetians; for the Aragonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship which the Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; and the Venetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against the Visconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as much as possible; for they knew how pertinaciously and invariably they had persecuted the Lombard princes. These considerations caused the new duke willingly to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and King Alfonso against their common enemies; impelling them at the same time to hostilities, the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians against the duke, who, being fresh in the government, would, they imagined, be unable to resist them, even with all the aid he could obtain.
Once the news of this event reached Florence, orders were immediately sent to the envoys on their way to Milan, instructing them to congratulate the duke on his victory instead of negotiating an alliance with the count. They followed these instructions and received a very honorable welcome, being treated with the utmost respect. The duke understood that among all of Italy, he couldn't find braver or more loyal friends to defend him against the Venetians than the Florentines. With the threat from the house of Visconti no longer looming over them, the Florentines now faced opposition from the Aragonese and Venetians. The Aragonese princes of Naples were envious of the friendship the Florentines had always shown toward the family of France. Meanwhile, the Venetians, aware of the Florentines' longstanding hostility towards the Visconti, transferred that animosity onto themselves and planned to harm the Florentines as much as possible, knowing well how persistently and consistently they had persecuted the Lombard princes. These factors led the new duke to willingly ally with the Florentines and united the Venetians and King Alfonso against their shared enemies, pushing them both into hostilities: the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians against the duke, whom they believed, being new to governance, would be unable to withstand them, even with all the help he could muster.
But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians still continued, and as the king, after the war of Piombino, had made peace with the former, it seemed indecent to commence an open rupture until some plausible reason could be assigned in justification of offensive measures. On this account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on the part of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between them was made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual defense of their states. The Venetian ambassador then complained that the Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke's brother, to pass into Lombardy with his forces; and besides this, had assisted and advised in the treaty made between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, matters which he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent with the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two governments; amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts unmerited injury, gives others just ground of hostility, and that those who break a peace may expect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what had been said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellent speech he recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on the Venetian republic; showed what an extent of dominion they had acquired by the money, forces, and counsel of the Florentines, and reminded him that, although the friendship had originated with the Florentines, they had never given occasion of enmity; and as they desired peace, they greatly rejoiced when the treaty was made, if it had been entered into for the sake of peace, and not of war. True it was, he wondered much at the remarks which had been made, seeing that such light and trivial matters should give offense to so great a republic; but if they were worthy of notice he must have it universally understood, that the Florentines wished their country to be free and open to all; and that the duke's character was such, that if he desired the friendship of the marquis of Mantua, he had no need of anyone's favor or advice. He therefore feared that these cavils were produced by some latent motive, which it was not thought proper to disclose. Be this as it might, they would freely declare to all, that in the same proportion as the friendship of the Florentines was beneficial their enmity could be destructive.
But since the alliance between the Florentines and the Venetians was still ongoing, and after the king had made peace with the Florentines following the war of Piombino, it seemed inappropriate to start an open conflict without a reasonable justification for aggressive actions. For this reason, both sides sent ambassadors to Florence, who conveyed that the alliance was formed not to harm anyone but solely for their mutual protection. The Venetian ambassador then expressed concern that the Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke's brother, to enter Lombardy with his forces and had helped facilitate the treaty between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, which he claimed was harmful to the Venetians and contrary to the friendship that had existed between the two governments. He amicably reminded them that inflicting unjust harm gives others a valid reason for hostility, and those who break a truce should expect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to respond to the Venetian ambassador's comments, and in a lengthy and eloquent speech, he highlighted the many benefits that the city had provided to the Venetian republic. He pointed out the extent of power they had gained through the money, troops, and counsel of the Florentines and reminded the ambassador that even though the friendship had started with the Florentines, they had never caused any hostility. He emphasized that since they desired peace, they were pleased when the treaty was made, provided it was for the sake of peace and not war. He found it surprising that such trivial matters could offend such a powerful republic; however, if they were significant, he wanted it clearly understood that the Florentines wished their territory to be free and open to everyone, and the duke's character was such that if he sought the marquis of Mantua's friendship, he didn't need anyone's support or counsel. He feared that these complaints stemmed from some hidden motive that was not deemed appropriate to reveal. Regardless, they wished to make it known that as the Florentine friendship could be beneficial, their animosity could be very destructive.
The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their departure, appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league between the king and the Venetians made the Florentines and the duke rather apprehend war than hope for a long continuance of peace. They therefore entered into an alliance, and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired by a treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine subjects from their cities and territories. Shortly after this, Alfonso did the same, without any consideration of the peace made the year previous, and not having even the shadow of an excuse. The Venetians attempted to take Bologna, and having armed the emigrants, and united to them a considerable force, introduced them into the city by night through one of the common sewers. No sooner had they entered, than they raised a cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened, was told that the whole city was in possession of the rebels. But though many advised him to escape, saying that he could not save the city by his stay, he determined to confront the danger, and taking arms encouraged his followers, assembled a few friends, attacked and routed part of the rebels, slew many more, and drove the remainder out of the city. By this act of bravery all agreed he had fully proved himself a genuine scion of the house of the Bentivogli.
The situation was kept secret, and when the ambassadors left, they seemed completely satisfied. However, the alliance between the king and the Venetians made the Florentines and the duke more worried about war than hopeful for lasting peace. As a result, they formed an alliance, and at the same time, the Venetians' hostility became clear through a treaty with the Siennese and the expulsion of all Florentine residents from their cities and territories. Shortly after, Alfonso did the same thing, completely disregarding the peace agreement from the previous year and without any justification. The Venetians tried to take Bologna, arming the exiles and combining them with a significant force, which they sneaked into the city through one of the sewers at night. As soon as they got in, they raised a shout that woke Santi Bentivogli, alerting him that the entire city was under the rebels' control. Although many urged him to flee, claiming that he couldn't save the city by staying, he chose to face the threat. He armed himself, rallied his supporters, gathered a few friends, and launched an attack, defeating part of the rebels, killing many more, and driving the rest out of the city. This act of bravery led everyone to agree that he had truly proven himself as a true member of the Bentivogli family.
These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an earnest of approaching war; they consequently followed their usual practice on similar occasions, and created the Council of Ten. They engaged new condottieri, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and Sienna, to demand assistance from their friends, gain information about those they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover the designs of the foe. From the pope they obtained only general expressions of an amicable disposition and admonitions to peace; from the king, empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and offers of safe conduct for whoever should demand it; and although he endeavored, as much as possible, to conceal every indication of his hostile designs, the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly disposition, and observed many preparations tending to the injury of the republic. The League with the duke was strengthened by mutual obligations, and through his means they became friends with the Genoese, the old differences with them respecting reprisals, and other small matters of dispute, being composed, although the Venetians used every possible means to prevent it, and entreated the emperor of Constantinople to expel all Florentines from his dominions; so fierce was the animosity with which they entered on this war, and so powerful their lust of dominion, that without the least hesitation they sought the destruction of those who had been the occasion of their own power. The emperor, however, refused to listen to them. The Venetian senate forbade the Florentine ambassadors to enter their territories, alleging, that being in league with the king, they could not entertain them without his concurrence. The Siennese received the ambassadors with fair words, fearing their own ruin before the League could assist them, and therefore endeavored to appease the powers whose attack they were unable to resist. The Venetians and the king (as was then conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence to justify the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter the Florentine dominions, and the king's ambassador, being unwilling to perform his office alone, the embassy was not completed; and thus the Venetians learned, that however little they might esteem the Florentines, the latter had still less respect for them.
These events and demonstrations made the people of Florence aware that war was coming. So, they did what they usually did in similar situations and created the Council of Ten. They hired new mercenaries, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and Siena to ask for help from their allies, gather information about those they suspected, persuade those who were uncertain, and figure out the enemy's plans. From the pope, they only received vague promises of goodwill and advice to seek peace. The king offered nothing but weak excuses for kicking the Florentines out and provided safe passage for anyone who wanted it. Although he tried to hide any signs of hostility, the ambassadors were convinced he was not on their side and noticed many preparations that could harm the republic. The alliance with the duke grew stronger through mutual commitments, and with his help, they reconciled with the Genoese, settling old disputes over reprisals and other minor issues, even as the Venetians did everything they could to stop it and begged the emperor of Constantinople to expel all Florentines from his territories. Their hatred for the Florentines was so intense and their desire for power so strong that they sought to destroy those who had helped them gain it without a second thought. However, the emperor refused to listen to them. The Venetian senate prohibited Florentine ambassadors from entering their lands, claiming that since they were allied with the king, they couldn't host them without his agreement. The Siennese welcomed the ambassadors with kind words, fearing their own destruction before the League could save them, so they tried to calm the powers they couldn't fight off. The Venetians and the king were thought to be planning to send ambassadors to Florence to justify the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed into Florentine territory, and the king's ambassador, not wanting to go alone, made the mission impossible. Thus, the Venetians realized that no matter how little they valued the Florentines, the latter had even less regard for them.
In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III., came into Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 1451, he entered Florence with fifteen hundred horse, and was most honorably received by the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth of February, and then proceeded to Rome for his coronation, where, having been solemnly consecrated, and his marriage celebrated with the empress, who had come to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and again passed through Florence in May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On his return, having derived some benefits from the marquis of Mantua, he conceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Florentines did not fail to prepare themselves for immediate war; and to augment their influence, and strike the enemy with terror, they, in conjunction with the duke, entered into alliance with the king of France for the mutual defense of their states. This treaty was published with great pomp throughout all Italy.
Amidst these fears, Emperor Frederick III came to Italy to be crowned. On January 30, 1451, he entered Florence with fifteen hundred cavalry and was warmly welcomed by the Signory. He stayed in the city until February 6, then headed to Rome for his coronation, where he was officially consecrated and celebrated his marriage with the empress, who had arrived in Rome by sea. He returned to Germany and again passed through Florence in May, receiving the same honors as upon his arrival. On his way back, having gained some advantages from the Marquis of Mantua, he granted him Modena and Reggio. Meanwhile, the Florentines were busy preparing for war, and to enhance their influence and instill fear in their enemies, they formed an alliance with the duke and the king of France for the mutual defense of their states. This treaty was announced with great fanfare across Italy.
The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians thought it not desirable to defer any longer their attack upon the duke, and with sixteen thousand horse and six thousand foot assailed his territories in the direction of Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, instigated either by his own ambition or the entreaties of the Venetians, did the same on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a force of eighteen thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, garrisoned Alexandria and Lodi, and all the other places where the enemy might annoy them. He then attacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed the Venetians; while both parties alike plundered the country and ravaged the smaller towns. Having defeated the marquis of Montferrat at Alexandria, the duke was able to unite his whole force against the Venetians and invade their territory.
By May 1452, the Venetians decided it was no longer wise to delay their attack on the duke. They launched an assault on his lands with sixteen thousand cavalry and six thousand infantry towards Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, driven by either his own ambitions or the requests of the Venetians, did the same toward Alexandria. The duke gathered a force of eighteen thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, fortifying Alexandria and Lodi, as well as other locations where the enemy might pose a threat. He then attacked the Brescia region, which severely troubled the Venetians, as both sides pillaged the countryside and devastated smaller towns. After defeating the marquis of Montferrat at Alexandria, the duke managed to combine his entire force against the Venetians and invade their lands.
While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to various trifling incidents unworthy of recital, King Alfonso and the Florentines carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a similarly inefficient manner, evincing no greater talent, and incurring no greater danger. Ferrando, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, entered the country with twelve thousand troops, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino. Their first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane; for, having the Siennese in their favor, they entered the Florentine territory in that direction. The walls of the castle were weak, and it was small, and consequently poorly manned, but the garrison were, among the soldiers of that period, considered brave and faithful. Two hundred infantry were also sent by the Signory for its defense. Before this castle, thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and either from the valor of its defenders or his own deficiencies, thirty-six days elapsed before he took it. This interval enabled the city to make better provision for places of greater importance, to collect forces and conclude more effective arrangements than had hitherto been made. The enemy next proceeded into the district of Chiane, where they attacked two small towns, the property of private citizens, but could not capture them. They then encamped before the Castellina, a fortress upon the borders of the Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna, weak from its defective construction, and still more so by its situation; but, notwithstanding these defects, the assailants were compelled to retire in disgrace, after having lain before it forty-four days. So formidable were those armies, and so perilous those wars, that places now abandoned as untenable were then defended as impregnable.
While the war in Lombardy continued, with minor incidents that weren't worth mentioning, King Alfonso and the Florentines were engaged in conflict in Tuscany, but in a similarly ineffective way, showing no greater skill and facing no greater risks. Ferrando, Alfonso's illegitimate son, entered the region with twelve thousand troops, led by Federigo, lord of Urbino. Their first move was to attack Fojano in the Val di Chiane, since they had the Siennese on their side, allowing them to enter Florentine territory in that direction. The castle's walls were weak, it was small, and thus poorly defended, but the garrison was considered brave and loyal among the soldiers of that time. The Signory also sent two hundred infantry to defend it. With the castle adequately fortified, Ferrando laid siege, and whether due to the bravery of its defenders or his own shortcomings, it took him thirty-six days to capture it. This delay allowed the city to prepare better for more important locations, gather forces, and make more effective arrangements than had been done before. The enemy then moved into the Chiane area, where they attempted to attack two small towns owned by private citizens but were unable to take them. They then camped in front of the Castellina, a fortress on the edge of Chianti, about ten miles from Siena, which was weak due to its poor design and location. Despite these weaknesses, the attackers were forced to retreat in disgrace after laying siege for forty-four days. The armies were so powerful, and the wars so dangerous, that places now seen as defenseless were once considered impregnable.
While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many incursions, and took considerable booty from the Florentine territories, extending his depredations within six miles of the city, to the great alarm and injury of the people, who at this time, having sent their forces to the number of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and Gismondo Malatesti toward Castel di Colle, kept them at a distance from the enemy, lest they should be compelled to an engagement; for they considered that so long as they were not beaten in a pitched battle, they could not be vanquished in the war generally; for small castles, when lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places were in no danger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them. The king had also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising galleys and smaller craft, which lay off Pisa, and during the siege of Castellina were moored near the Rocca di Vada, which, from the negligence of the governor, he took, and then harassed the surrounding country. However, this annoyance was easily removed by a few soldiers sent by the Florentines to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to the coast.
While Ferrando was camped in the Chianti, he launched many raids and took a significant amount of loot from the Florentine lands, pushing his attacks within six miles of the city. This caused great alarm and hardship for the people, who at that time had sent a force of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and Gismondo Malatesti toward Castel di Colle to keep them away from the enemy, hoping to avoid direct conflict. They believed that as long as they weren't defeated in a major battle, they couldn't lose the war overall; smaller castles could be recovered during peacetime, and larger ones were safe since the enemy wouldn't dare to attack them. The king also had a fleet of about twenty vessels, including galleys and smaller boats, anchored off Pisa. During the siege of Castellina, these ships were moored near the Rocca di Vada, which was captured due to the governor's negligence, leading to harassment of the surrounding area. However, this disruption was quickly dealt with by a few soldiers sent by the Florentines to Campiglia, who pushed the enemy back to the coast.
CHAPTER VI
Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government—The conspirators discovered and punished—The Florentines recover the places they had lost—Gherardo Gambacorti, lord of Val di Bagno, endeavors to transfer his territories to the king of Naples—Gallant conduct of Antonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of Gambacorti—René of Anjou is called into Italy by the Florentines—René returns to France—The pope endeavors to restore peace—Peace proclaimed—Jacopo Piccinino attacks the Siennese.
Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government—The conspirators are discovered and punished—The Florentines regain the territories they lost—Gherardo Gambacorti, lord of Val di Bagno, tries to transfer his lands to the king of Naples—Antonio Gualandi acts heroically to thwart Gambacorti’s plan—René of Anjou is invited to Italy by the Florentines—René goes back to France—The pope works to restore peace—Peace is declared—Jacopo Piccinino attacks the Siennese.
The pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than to endeavor to bring the parties to a mutual accommodation; but while he refrained from external wars he incurred the danger of more serious troubles at home. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally distinguished for nobility of birth and extent of learning, but still more by the excellence of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory, he resolved either to perform or to attempt something worthy of memory, and thought he could not do better than deliver his country from the hands of the prelates, and restore the ancient form of government; hoping, in the event of success, to be considered a new founder or second father of the city. The dissolute manners of the priesthood, and the discontent of the Roman barons and people, encouraged him to look for a happy termination of his enterprise; but he derived his greatest confidence from those verses of Petrarch in the canzone which begins, "Spirto gentil che quelle membra reggi," where he says,—
The pope didn't get involved in these matters more than to try to help both sides come to an agreement; but while he avoided outside conflicts, he faced the risk of more serious issues at home. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, noted for his noble birth and extensive knowledge, but even more for his strong character. Like anyone seeking glory, he decided to either accomplish or try something memorable, thinking he could best help his country by freeing it from the control of the clergy and restoring the old government; he hoped that if he succeeded, he would be seen as a new founder or second father of the city. The corrupt behavior of the clergy and the dissatisfaction of the Roman barons and people motivated him to believe he could successfully complete his mission; however, he found the most inspiration in those lines of Petrarch from the canzone that begins, "Gentle spirit who guides those limbs," where he says,—
"Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra, Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta onora, Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso."
"Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra, Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta onora, Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso."
Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine and prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which Petrarch in this canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was destined to effect the glorious task; considering himself in learning, eloquence, friends, and influence, superior to any other citizen of Rome. Having taken these impressions, he had not sufficient prudence to avoid discovering his design by his discourse, demeanor, and mode of living; so that the pope becoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent the commission of some rash act, banished him to Bologna and charged the governor of the city to compel his appearance before him once every day. Stefano was not daunted by this first check, but with even greater earnestness prosecuted his undertaking, and, by such means as were available, more cautiously corresponded with his friends, and often went and returned from Rome with such celerity as to be in time to present himself before the governor within the limit allowed for his appearance. Having acquired a sufficient number of partisans, he determined to make the attempt without further delay, and arranged with his friends at Rome to provide an evening banquet, to which all the conspirators were invited, with orders that each should bring with him his most trust-worthy friends, and himself promised to be with him before the entertainment was served. Everything was done according to this orders, and Stefano Porcari arrived at the place appointed. Supper being brought in, he entered the apartment dressed in cloth of gold, with rich ornaments about his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and commanding aspect. Having embraced the company, he delivered a long oration to dispose their minds to the glorious undertaking. He then arranged the measures to be adopted, ordering that one part of them should, on the following morning, take possession of the pontiff's palace, and that the other should call the people of Rome to arms. The affair came to the knowledge of the pope the same night, some say by treachery among the conspirators, and others that he knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Be this as it may, on the night of the supper Stefano, and the greater part of his associates, were arrested, and afterward expiated their crime by death. Thus ended his enterprise; and though some may applaud his intentions, he must stand charged with deficiency of understanding; for such undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance of glory, are almost always attended with ruin.
Stefano, convinced that poets sometimes have a divine and prophetic spirit, believed the event that Petrarch seemed to predict in this canzone was meant to happen and that he was destined to accomplish this glorious task; he thought he was superior to any other citizen of Rome in learning, eloquence, friends, and influence. With these feelings in mind, he lacked the foresight to keep his plans hidden through his speech, behavior, and lifestyle, which led the pope to find out about it. To stop any rash actions, the pope banished him to Bologna and instructed the city governor to make sure Stefano appeared before him once every day. Stefano wasn’t discouraged by this initial setback; instead, he pursued his mission with even greater determination, carefully communicating with his friends and often traveling back and forth to Rome quickly enough to report to the governor within the required time. After gathering enough supporters, he decided to act without further delay and coordinated with his friends in Rome to prepare an evening banquet, inviting all the conspirators and asking each to bring along their most trusted friends, promising to arrive before the meal was served. Everything went according to plan, and Stefano Porcari arrived at the designated location. When dinner was served, he entered the room dressed in gold cloth, adorned with rich jewelry to give him an impressive and commanding presence. After greeting everyone, he delivered a lengthy speech to inspire them for the grand undertaking. He then outlined the actions to be taken, instructing part of the group to seize the pope's palace the next morning while the others rallied the people of Rome to arms. The pope learned of the plot that same night, some say due to betrayal among the conspirators, while others claim he was aware of Porcari's presence in Rome. Regardless, on the night of the banquet, Stefano and most of his associates were arrested and ultimately paid for their crime with their lives. Thus, his venture came to an end; while some might admire his intentions, he must be seen as lacking in judgment because such undertakings, despite having a hint of glory, almost always lead to disaster.
Gherardo Gambacorti was lord of Val di Bagno, and his ancestors as well as himself had always been in the pay or under the protection of the Florentines. Alfonso endeavored to induce him to exchange his territory for another in the kingdom of Naples. This became known to the Signory, who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassador to Gambacorti, to remind him of the obligations of his ancestors and himself to their republic, and induce him to continue faithful to them. Gherardo affected the greatest astonishment, assured the ambassador with solemn oaths that no such treacherous thought had ever entered his mind, and that he would gladly go to Florence and pledge himself for the truth of his assertions; but being unable, from indisposition, he would send his son as an hostage. These assurances, and the proposal with which they were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gherardo had been slandered, and that his accuser must be alike weak and treacherous. Gherardo, however, hastened his negotiation with redoubled zeal, and having arranged the terms, Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight of Jerusalem, with a strong body of men to the Val di Bagno, to take possession of the fortresses and towns, the people of which, being attached to the Florentine republic, submitted unwillingly.
Gherardo Gambacorti was the lord of Val di Bagno, and both he and his ancestors had always been aligned with or under the protection of the Florentines. Alfonso tried to persuade him to trade his territory for another one in the kingdom of Naples. This was brought to the attention of the Signory, who wanted to understand his intentions, so they sent an ambassador to Gambacorti to remind him of the obligations he and his ancestors had towards their republic and encourage him to remain loyal. Gherardo pretended to be very surprised, swearing to the ambassador that he had never even considered such a betrayal and that he would happily travel to Florence to confirm the truth of his claims; however, he couldn’t go himself due to illness, so he would send his son as a hostage. These assurances and the accompanying proposal led the Florentines to believe Gherardo had been wrongfully accused and that the person making the accusations must be similarly weak and treacherous. Meanwhile, Gherardo rushed to finalize his plans with even more determination, and once the terms were settled, Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight of Jerusalem, along with a strong group of men to Val di Bagno to take control of the fortresses and towns, which the locals, loyal to the Florentine republic, resisted reluctantly.
Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the whole territory, except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti was accompanied, while transferring his dominions, by a young Pisan of great courage and address, named Antonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole affair, the strength of the place, the well known bravery of the garrison, their evident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness of Gambacorti, at once resolved to make an effort to prevent the fulfillment of his design; and Gherardo being at the entrance, for the purpose of introducing the Aragonese, he pushed him out with both his hands, and commanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, and hold the fortress for the Florentine republic. When this circumstance became known in Bagno and the neighboring places, the inhabitants took up arms against the king's forces, and, raising the Florentine standard, drove them out. The Florentines learning these events, imprisoned Gherardo's son, and sent troops to Bagno for the defense of the territory, which having hitherto been governed by its own prince, now became a vicariate. The traitor Gherardo escaped with difficulty, leaving his wife, family, and all his property, in the hands of those whom he had endeavored to betray. This affair was considered by the Florentines of great importance; for had the king succeeded in securing the territory, he might have overrun the Val di Tavere and the Casentino at his pleasure, and would have caused so much annoyance, that they could no longer have allowed their whole force to act against the army of the Aragonese at Sienna.
Frate Puccio had already taken control of almost the entire area, except for the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti was joined by a courageous young Pisan named Antonio Gualandi as he transferred his lands. Considering the entire situation, the strength of the fortress, the well-known bravery of the garrison, their clear reluctance to surrender, and Gambacorti's despicable nature, Antonio immediately decided to try to stop his plan. As Gherardo was at the entrance to let the Aragonese in, Antonio shoved him out with both hands and ordered the guards to shut the gate on such a scoundrel, insisting they defend the fortress for the Florentine republic. When word of this reached Bagno and the surrounding areas, the locals took up arms against the king's forces, raised the Florentine flag, and drove them out. The Florentines, learning of these events, imprisoned Gherardo's son and sent troops to Bagno to protect the territory, which had previously been governed by its own prince, and was now made a vicariate. The traitor Gherardo barely escaped, leaving his wife, family, and all his possessions in the hands of the very people he tried to betray. This incident was considered very significant by the Florentines; if the king had succeeded in securing the territory, he could have invaded the Val di Tavere and the Casentino at will, causing so much trouble that they would no longer be able to concentrate their entire force against the Aragonese army in Sienna.
In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy to resist the hostile League, they sent as ambassador, Agnolo Acciajuoli, to request that the king of France would allow René of Anjou to enter Italy in favor of the duke and themselves, and also, that by his presence in the country, he might defend his friends and attempt the recovery of the kingdom of Naples; for which purpose they offered him assistance in men and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardy and Tuscany, the ambassador effected an arrangement with King René, who promised to come into Italy during the month of June, the League engaging to pay him thirty thousand florins upon his arrival at Alexandria, and ten thousand per month during the continuance of the war. In pursuance of this treaty, King René commenced his march into Italy, but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the marquis of Montferrat, who, being in alliance with the Venetians, would not allow him to pass. The Florentine ambassador advised, that in order to uphold the influence of his friends, he should return to Provence, and conduct part of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime, endeavor, by the authority of the king of France, to obtain a passage for the remainder through the territories of the duke. This plan was completely successful; for René came into Italy by sea, and his forces, by the mediation of the king of France, were allowed a passage through Savoy. King René was most honorably received by Duke Francesco, and joining his French with the Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with so much impetuosity, that they shortly recovered all the places which had been taken in the Cremonese. Not content with this, they occupied nearly the whole Brescian territory; so that the Venetians, unable to keep the field, withdrew close to the walls of Brescia.
Along with the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy to resist the hostile League, they sent Agnolo Acciajuoli as an ambassador to ask the king of France to allow René of Anjou to enter Italy to support the duke and themselves. They also hoped that by his presence in the country, he could defend his friends and try to reclaim the kingdom of Naples. To that end, they offered him help with troops and funding. While the war was going on in Lombardy and Tuscany, the ambassador reached an agreement with King René, who promised to come to Italy in June. The League agreed to pay him thirty thousand florins upon his arrival in Alexandria, plus ten thousand per month while the war continued. Following this agreement, King René started his march into Italy but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the marquis of Montferrat, who were allied with the Venetians and wouldn’t let him pass. The Florentine ambassador suggested that to support his friends, René should return to Provence and bring part of his forces to Italy by sea, while simultaneously trying to gain permission from the king of France to cross the duke's lands with the rest of his troops. This plan worked out perfectly; René entered Italy by sea, and thanks to the king of France’s intervention, his forces were granted passage through Savoy. King René was welcomed warmly by Duke Francesco, and combining his French troops with the Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with such fierceness that they quickly regained all the territories lost in the Cremonese. Not satisfied with this, they took control of almost the entire Brescian territory, forcing the Venetians to retreat close to the walls of Brescia.
Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to retire into quarters, and appointed Piacenza for the forces of René, where, having passed the whole of the cold season of 1453, without attempting anything, the duke thought of taking the field, on the approach of spring, and stripping the Venetians of the remainder of their possessions by land, but was informed by the king that he was obliged of necessity to return to France. This determination was quite new and unexpected to the duke, and caused him the utmost concern; but though he immediately went to dissuade René from carrying it into effect, he was unable either by promises or entreaties to divert him from his purpose. He engaged, however, to leave part of his forces, and send his son for the service of the League. The Florentines were not displeased at this; for having recovered their territories and castles, they were no longer in fear of Alfonso, and on the other hand, they did not wish the duke to obtain any part of Lombardy but what belonged to him. René took his departure, and send his son John into Italy, according to his promise, who did not remain in Lombardy, but came direct to Florence, where he was received with the highest respect.
As winter approached, the duke decided it was best to settle into a base and chose Piacenza for René's forces. After spending the entire cold season of 1453 without taking any action, the duke began to think about going out into the field in the spring to take the rest of the Venetians' land. However, he was informed by the king that he had to return to France. This decision was completely unexpected for the duke and greatly troubled him. Although he immediately tried to persuade René not to go through with it, he couldn't change his mind with promises or pleas. Nevertheless, he agreed to leave some of his troops behind and send his son to support the League. The Florentines were okay with this; having regained their territories and castles, they no longer feared Alfonso and didn't want the duke to acquire any part of Lombardy that wasn’t rightfully his. René left and sent his son John to Italy as promised. John didn't stay in Lombardy; instead, he went straight to Florence, where he received a warm welcome.
The king's departure made the duke desirous of peace. The Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary of the war, were similarly disposed; and the pope continued to wish it as much as ever; for during this year the Turkish emperor, Mohammed, had taken Constantinople and subdued the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians, more especially the Venetians and the pope, who already began to fancy the Mohammedans at their doors. The pope therefore begged the Italian potentates to send ambassadors to himself, with authority to negotiate a general peace, with which all complied; but when the particular circumstances of each case came to be considered, many difficulties were found in the war of effecting it. King Alfonso required the Florentines to reimburse the expenses he had incurred in the war, and the Florentines demanded some compensation from him. The Venetians thought themselves entitled to Cremona from the duke; while he insisted upon the restoration of Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that it seemed impossible to reconcile such conflicting claims. But what could not be effected by a number at Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two; for while the matter was under discussion at Rome, the duke and the Venetians came to an arrangement on the ninth of April, 1454, by virtue of which, each party resumed what they possessed before the war, the duke being allowed to recover from the princes of Montferrat and Savoy the places they had taken. To the other Italian powers a month was allowed to ratify the treaty. The pope and the Florentines, and with them the Siennese and other minor powers, acceded to it within the time. Besides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke concluded a treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso alone exhibited dissatisfaction at what had taken place, thinking he had not been sufficiently considered, that he stood, not on the footing of a principal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof, and would not disclose his intentions. However, after receiving a legate from the pope, and many solemn embassies from other powers, he allowed himself to be persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff, and with his son joined the League for thirty years. The duke and the king also contracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, each giving a daughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that Italy might still retain the seeds of war, Alfonso would not consent to the peace, unless the League would allow him, without injury to themselves, to make war upon the Genoese, Gismondo Malatesti, and Astorre, prince of Faenza. This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who was at Sienna, returned to the kingdom, having by his coming into Tuscany acquired no dominion and lost a great number of his men.
The king's departure made the duke eager for peace. The Venetians, Alfonso, and the Florentines, all tired of the war, felt the same way; and the pope still wanted peace more than ever. This year, the Turkish emperor, Mohammed, had taken Constantinople and conquered all of Greece. This victory worried the Christians, especially the Venetians and the pope, who started to imagine the Muslims at their doorstep. Therefore, the pope asked the Italian leaders to send ambassadors to negotiate a general peace, and everyone agreed. But when they looked at the specific situations, many challenges arose in achieving that peace. King Alfonso wanted the Florentines to pay back the money he spent during
Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only apprehension entertained was, that it would be disturbed by the animosity of Alfonso against the Genoese; yet it happened otherwise. The king, indeed, did not openly infringe the peace, but it was frequently broken by the ambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as usual on the conclusion of a war, had discharged Jacopo Piccinino, who with some other unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence into the Siennese, and halting in the country, took possession of many places. At the commencement of these disturbances, and the beginning of the year 1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Calixtus III., who, to put a stop to the war newly broken out so near home, immediately sent Giovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with what forces he could furnish. These being joined by the troops of the Florentines and the duke of Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Jacopo, near Bolsena, and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Jacopo was worsted, and retreated in disorder to Castiglione della Pescaia, where, had he not been assisted by Alfonso, his force would have been completely annihilated. This made it evident that Jacopo's movement had been made by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably detected, to conciliate his allies, after having almost alienated them with this unimportant war, ordered Jacopo to restore to the Siennese the places he had taken, and they gave him twenty thousand florins by way of ransom, after which he and his forces were received into the kingdom of Naples.
After a general peace was established, the only concern was that Alfonso's hostility toward the Genoese would disrupt it; however, things turned out differently. The king didn’t openly break the peace, but it was often violated by the ambitions of mercenary troops. As was typical after a war, the Venetians had let go of Jacopo Piccinino, who, along with some other unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, then onto Siena, and settled in the area, taking over several locations. At the start of these disturbances, early in 1455, Pope Nicholas passed away and was succeeded by Calixtus III. To put an end to the war that had erupted so close to home, he quickly sent Giovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with the forces he could gather. These troops, joined by the Florentine forces and the Duke of Milan, who both provided support, confronted Jacopo near Bolsena. Although Ventimiglia was captured, Jacopo was defeated and retreated in chaos to Castiglione della Pescaia. Had it not been for Alfonso's help, his forces would have been completely destroyed. This made it clear that Jacopo's actions were directed by Alfonso, who, feeling the pressure after almost alienating his allies with this minor conflict, ordered Jacopo to return the territories he had seized from Siena. In exchange, they paid him twenty thousand florins as a ransom, after which he and his troops were accepted into the Kingdom of Naples.
CHAPTER VII
Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks—The Turks routed before Belgrade—Description of a remarkable hurricane—War against the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti—Genoa submits to the king of France—Death of Alfonso king of Naples—Succeeded by his son Ferrando—The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia—Eulogy of Pius II.—Disturbances in Genoa between John of Anjou and the Fregosi—The Fregosi subdued—John attacks the kingdom of Naples—Ferrando king of Naples routed—Ferrando reinstated—The Genoese cast off the French yoke—John of Anjou routed in the kingdom of Naples.
Christendom was worried about the advances of the Turks—The Turks were defeated outside Belgrade—A description of a notable hurricane—War against the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti—Genoa surrendered to the king of France—Death of Alfonso, king of Naples—He was succeeded by his son Ferrando—The pope planned to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia—Tribute to Pius II.—Conflicts in Genoa between John of Anjou and the Fregosi—The Fregosi were overpowered—John launched an attack on the kingdom of Naples—Ferrando, king of Naples, was defeated—Ferrando was restored—The Genoese broke free from French control—John of Anjou was defeated in the kingdom of Naples.
The pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did not neglect to make provision for the defense of Christendom, which seemed in danger from the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christian country, to exhort princes and people to arm in defense of their religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to the enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums were raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their dress to intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith. Solemn processions were made, and nothing was neglected either in public or private, to show their willingness to be among the most forward to assist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagerness for this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that the Turkish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and fortress in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and the emperor wounded; so that the alarm felt by the pope and all Christendom, on the loss of Constantinople, having ceased to operate, they proceeded with deliberately with their preparations for war; and in Hungary their zeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini the Waiwode, who commanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable occasion, and fell in the battle.
The pope, while eager to keep Jacopo Piccinino in check, didn't forget to ensure the defense of Christendom, which seemed threatened by the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers to every Christian nation, urging leaders and citizens to take up arms in defense of their faith, and to contribute their resources to the fight against the common enemy. In Florence, significant amounts were raised, and many residents wore a red cross on their clothing to show their readiness to become soldiers for their faith. Grand processions took place, and no effort was spared, either in public or private, to demonstrate their willingness to support the cause with money, advice, or manpower. However, enthusiasm for this crusade waned when it was learned that the Turkish army, which was besieging Belgrade, a fortified city in Hungary along the Danube, had been defeated and the emperor wounded. As a result, the fear that gripped the pope and all of Christendom after the loss of Constantinople began to fade, and they moved forward with their war preparations more cautiously. In Hungary, the fervor was dampened by the death of Giovanni Corvini the Woiwode, who led the Hungarian forces in that significant battle and was killed during the fight.
To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the disturbances occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided, and human weapons laid aside, the heavens seemed to make war against the earth; dreadful tempestuous winds then occurring, which produced effects unprecedented in Tuscany, and which to posterity will appear marvelous and unaccountable. On the twenty-fourth of August, about an hour before daybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind, which crossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa, accompanied by thick clouds, and the most intense and impenetrable darkness, covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of its course. Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast and overcharged volume of condensed vapor burst; its fragments contended with indescribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending toward heaven, and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled, as it were, in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense velocity, and accompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all conception; while flashes of awful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames incessantly broke forth. From these confused clouds, furious winds, and momentary fires, sounds issued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard could afford the least idea; striking such awe into all, that it was thought the end of the world had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire universe, mingling together, were being resolved into their ancient chaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprecedented and marvelous effects; but these were more especially experienced near the castle of St. Casciano, about eight miles from Florence, upon the hill which separates the valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and the Borgo St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed without touching the latter, and in the former, only threw down some of the battlements and the chimneys of a few houses; but in the space between them, it leveled many buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of the churches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, were carried more than a mile, unbroken as when upon their respective edifices. A muleteer and his beasts were driven from the road into the adjoining valley, and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees which could not bend beneath its influence, were not only stripped of their branches but borne to a great distance from the places where they grew, and when the tempest had passed over and daylight made the desolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. The country had lost all its habitable character; churches and dwellings were laid in heaps; nothing was heard but the lamentations of those whose possessions had perished, or whose cattle or friends were buried beneath the ruins; and all who witnessed the scene were filled with anguish or compassion. It was doubtless the design of the Omnipotent, rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise her; for had the hurricane been directed over the city, filled with houses and inhabitants, instead of proceeding among oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered dwellings, it would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all its ideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty desired that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to a knowledge of himself and of his power.
Let's return to Italy's situation. In the year 1456, after the disturbances caused by Jacopo Piccinino had settled down and weapons were laid aside, it seemed that the heavens declared war on the earth. Terrible, tempestuous winds arose, resulting in unprecedented effects in Tuscany, which will appear marvelous and unexplainable to future generations. On August 24th, about an hour before dawn, a whirlwind formed over the Adriatic near Ancona, crossing from east to west and reaching the sea near Pisa, shrouded in thick clouds and impenetrable darkness, covering an area of about two miles in its path. Under some natural or supernatural force, this massive, heavy volume of condensed vapor exploded; its fragments clashed with indescribable fury, with large objects sometimes rising toward the sky and at other times crashing down to the earth, as if locked in a mutual struggle, swirling in circles at breakneck speed, with winds so fierce that they were beyond comprehension. Flashing lights and dark, fiery flames erupted continuously. From these chaotic clouds, fierce winds and sudden fires produced sounds that no earthquake or thunder could compare to, striking such fear in everyone that it seemed like the end of the world had come, with the earth, waters, heavens, and entire universe blending together, dissolving back into their ancient chaos. Wherever this terrible storm went, it caused extraordinary and remarkable damage, especially near the castle of St. Casciano, about eight miles from Florence, on the hill that separates the valleys of Pisa and Greve. Between this castle and Borgo St. Andrea, located on the same hill, the storm passed without affecting the latter, and only knocked down some battlements and the chimneys of a few homes in the castle. However, in the area between them, many buildings were leveled to the ground. The roofs of the churches of St. Martin at Bagnolo and Santa Maria della Pace were carried more than a mile away, intact as if they were still on their respective buildings. A muleteer and his animals were swept from the road into the nearby valley and were found dead. All the large oaks and tall trees that couldn’t bend to the storm's might were not only stripped of their branches but also blown far from where they grew. When the tempest finally passed and daylight revealed the devastation, the people were left in shock. The countryside had lost all signs of livability; churches and homes lay in ruins; all that could be heard were the cries of those who had lost everything, or whose cattle or loved ones were buried under the wreckage. Everyone who witnessed the scene was filled with grief or compassion. It was surely the intent of the Almighty to threaten Tuscany rather than punish her; for had the hurricane struck the city, filled with homes and people, instead of passing through forests of oaks and elms, or sparse settlements, it would have unleashed a catastrophe that the human mind, with all its horrors, could not even imagine. But the Almighty wanted this small example to be enough to bring people's minds back to a recognition of himself and his power.
To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo Piccinino to make against the Siennese, had produced no important result, he resolved to try what could be done against those whom the conditions of the League permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailed the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to deprive the Fregosi of the government and restore the Adorni. At the same time, he ordered Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, and attack Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified his territories, did not concern himself, and this part of the king's enterprise produced no effect; but his proceedings against Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his kingdom than he could have wished. Piero Fregoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubting his ability to sustain the attack of the king, he determined to give what he could not hold, to some one who might defend it against his enemies, in hope, that at a future period, he should obtain a return for the benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII. of France, and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles accepted the offer, and sent John of Anjou, the son of King René, who had a short time previously left Florence and returned to France, to take possession with the idea, that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy, would be able to govern the city; and also that this might give him an opportunity of undertaking the conquest of Naples, of which René, John's father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore, proceeded to Genoa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses, both of the city and the government, given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso, with the fear that he had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was not, however, dismayed; but pursued his enterprise vigorously, and had led his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died after a sudden illness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Alfonso, became alarmed at having so powerful an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition of many of his barons, who being desirous of change, he feared would take part with the French. He was also apprehensive of the pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who seeing him new in the government, might design to take it from him. He had no hope except from the duke of Milan, who entertained no less anxiety concerning the affairs of the kingdom than Ferrando; for he feared that if the French were to obtain it, they would endeavor to annex his own dominions; which he knew they considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon after the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; the latter to give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with an intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him. The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a decent pretext for his design and obtain the concurrence of the powers of Italy in its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominion of the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese origin, of the family of the Piccolomini, and by name Æneas, succeeded to the pontificate. This pontiff, free from the ties of private interest, having no object but to benefit Christendom and honor the church, at the duke's entreaty crowned Ferrando king of Naples; judging it easier to establish peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at present held it, than if he were to favor the views of the French, or, as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the pope's nephews, prince of Malfi, gave him an illegitimate daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento and Terracina to the church.
To get back to our history. King Alfonso was unhappy with the peace, and since the war he had unnecessarily prompted Jacopo Piccinino to wage against the Siennese had achieved no significant outcome, he decided to see what he could do against those he was allowed to attack under the League's conditions. So, in 1456, he launched an assault on the Genoese, both by sea and land, aiming to take the government from the Fregosi and return it to the Adorni. At the same time, he commanded Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto and attack Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified his lands, wasn’t concerned. This part of the king's plan didn’t yield results, but his actions against Genoa caused him more wars against himself and his kingdom than he had anticipated. Piero Fregoso was then the doge of Genoa, and doubting his ability to withstand the king’s attack, he decided to hand over what he couldn't maintain to someone who might protect it from his enemies, hoping that in the future, he could get something in return. He sent ambassadors to Charles VII of France, offering him control of Genoa. Charles accepted and sent John of Anjou, the son of King René, who had recently left Florence and returned to France, to take over with the thought that having learned the customs of Italy, he could govern the city; also, it might provide him the chance to reclaim Naples, from which René, John's father, had been ousted by Alfonso. John proceeded to Genoa, where he was welcomed as a prince, and both the city’s and the government’s fortresses were handed over to him. This troubled Alfonso, fearing he now faced a powerful enemy. However, he wasn’t discouraged; he continued his campaign vigorously and had brought his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died suddenly from an illness, thus relieving John and the Genoese of the war. Ferrando, who succeeded Alfonso as king, became worried about having such a formidable enemy in Italy and was uncertain of many of his barons, who were eager for change, fearing they might side with the French. He was also wary of the pope, aware of his ambition, who, seeing Ferrando new to governance, might aim to take it from him. He had no hope except from the duke of Milan, who was equally anxious about the kingdom's affairs; he feared that if the French obtained it, they'd try to annex his own lands, which he knew they saw as rightfully theirs. Therefore, shortly after Alfonso's death, he sent letters and troops to Ferrando; the troops to offer aid and support, the letters to assure him that he wouldn’t abandon him under any circumstances. The pope intended, after Alfonso's death, to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and to provide a reasonable excuse for his plan and gain the support of Italy's powers, he expressed a desire to return that realm to the authority of the Roman church; and thus he convinced the duke not to assist Ferrando. But amid these plans and new ventures, Calixtus died, and Pius II, of Siennese origin from the Piccolomini family, named Æneas, became pope. This pope, free from personal interests and solely focused on benefiting Christendom and honoring the church, crowned Ferrando king of Naples at the duke's request, believing it would be easier to maintain peace if the kingdom stayed with those currently in power rather than supporting the French or taking it for himself, as Calixtus had intended. In gratitude, Ferrando made Antonio, one of the pope's nephews, the prince of Malfi, married him to one of his illegitimate daughters, and returned Benevento and Terracina to the church.
It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be quelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom to unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had previously designed) when differences arose between the Fregosi and John of Anjou, the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars than those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in proportion to his family's merits; for it was by their means the latter had become prince of the city. This impression drove the parties into open enmity; a circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his troubles, and the sole means of procuring his safety: he therefore assisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to drive John out of the Genoese territory. The latter being aware of his design, sent for aid to France; and, on obtaining it, attacked Pietrino, who, through his numerous friends, entertained the strongest assurance of success; so that John was compelled to keep within the city, into which Pietrino having entered by night, took possession of some parts of it; but upon the return of day, his people were all either slain or made prisoners by John's troops, and he himself was found among the dead.
It seemed that the internal conflicts in Italy could be settled, and the pope was ready to get the Christian powers to come together for a campaign against the Turks (as Calixtus had previously planned) when a rift developed between the Fregosi family and John of Anjou, the lord of Genoa. This conflict led to bigger and more significant wars than those that had just ended. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle in Riviera and felt that John had not properly rewarded him based on his family's contributions; after all, it was their influence that helped John become the prince of the city. This feeling sparked open hostility between them, which pleased Ferrando, as he saw it as a way to escape his own troubles and ensure his safety. He therefore supported Pietrino with funds and soldiers, hoping to drive John out of Genoa. John, aware of Ferrando’s plans, called for help from France. Once he received it, he attacked Pietrino, who, confident thanks to his many allies, believed he would succeed. This forced John to stay inside the city, while Pietrino managed to sneak in at night and took control of some areas. However, when day broke, his men were either killed or captured by John's forces, and he was found among the dead.
This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a powerful fleet, and landed at Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which place he was favorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several cities and other princes, also joined him; so that a great part of the kingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando applied for assistance to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to diminish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which gave so much offense to Jacopo Piccinino, the hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned his command under Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent money to Federigo, lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed what was in those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting the enemy upon the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was routed, and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John. Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march upon Naples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce the remainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the head the members.
This victory gave John hope of reclaiming the kingdom; and in October 1459, he sailed from Genoa with a powerful fleet and landed at Baia. From there, he went to Sessa, where the duke welcomed him warmly. The Prince of Taranto, the people of Aquila, along with several cities and other princes, also joined him, so a large part of the kingdom fell under his control. In response, Ferrando sought help from the pope and the Duke of Milan. To reduce the number of his enemies, he made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which angered Jacopo Piccinino, Gismondo's long-time rival, so he resigned his position under Ferrando and sided with Gismondo. Ferrando then sent money to Federigo, the lord of Urbino, and quickly gathered what was considered a decent army for those times. They encountered the enemy by the Sarni River, resulting in a battle where Ferrando was defeated, and many of his top officers were captured. After this setback, only the city of Naples and a few smaller places and lesser princes remained loyal to Ferrando, while most had submitted to John. After the victory, Jacopo Piccinino suggested they immediately march on Naples, but John declined, stating he wanted to first conquer the rest of the kingdom before attacking the capital. This decision led to the failure of his campaign, as he underestimated how much easier it is for the parts to follow the head than for the head to lead the parts.
After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the scattered remnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting his friends, he obtained money and a small force. He sent again for assistance to the pope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied more liberally and speedily than before; for they began to entertain most serious apprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus revived; and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation in his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he had been deprived. While the war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by which John of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of success in the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the haughty and avaricious dominion of the French, that they took arms against the viceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the castelletto; the Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise against him, and were assisted with money and troops by the duke of Milan, both for the recovery and preservation of the government. At the same time, King René coming with a fleet to the assistance of his son, and hoping to recover Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon landing his forces was so completely routed, that he was compelled to return in disgrace to Provence. When the news of his father's defeat reached Naples, John was greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance of those barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no terms from Ferrando. At length, after various trifling occurrences, the two royal armies came to an engagement, in which John was routed near Troia, in the year 1463. He was, however, less injured by his defeat than by the desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando; and, being abandoned by his troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria, and thence withdrew to France. This war continued four years. John's failure was attributable to negligence; for victory was often within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took no decisive part in this war. John, king of Aragon, who succeeded upon the death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to request their assistance for his nephew Ferrando, in compliance with the terms of the treaty recently made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that they were under no obligation; that they did not think proper to assist the son in a war commenced by the father with his own forces; and that as it was begun without either their counsel or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded without their help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to be binding on the Florentines, and themselves to be answerable for the event of the war; and then in great anger left the city.
After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, where the remaining members of his group followed him. By reaching out to his friends, he secured money and a small force. He asked the pope and duke for help again, and this time they responded more quickly and generously because they were seriously concerned that he might lose the kingdom. His hopes were reignited, and leaving Naples, he restored his reputation in his lands and quickly regained the positions he had lost. While the war continued in the kingdom, an event occurred that caused John of Anjou to lose his influence and chances of success in his campaign. The Genoese had grown tired of the arrogant and greedy rule of the French, so they took up arms against the viceroy, forcing him to seek shelter in the castelletto. The Fregosi and the Adorni joined forces against him and received money and troops from the duke of Milan to help reclaim and maintain control of the government. Meanwhile, King René arrived with a fleet to support his son, hoping to recover Genoa through the castelletto, but when he landed his forces, he was utterly defeated and had to return in disgrace to Provence. When the news of his father’s defeat reached Naples, John was extremely worried, but he continued the fight for a while with the help of rebellious barons, who knew they wouldn’t get favorable terms from Ferrando. Eventually, after various minor incidents, the two royal armies clashed, and John was defeated near Troia in 1463. However, he suffered more from the defection of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando; abandoned by his troops, he was forced to take shelter in Istria and then retreated to France. This war lasted four years. John’s failure was due to carelessness; he often had victory within reach but failed to take the right steps to secure it. The Florentines did not play a decisive role in this conflict. John, king of Aragon, who took over after Alfonso's death, sent ambassadors to seek assistance for his nephew Ferrando based on the terms of the recent treaty made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied that they were not obligated, that they did not see any reason to support the son in a war started by the father with his own forces, and that since it began without their advice or knowledge, it should also be carried on and resolved without their help. The ambassadors insisted that the agreement was binding on the Florentines and that they were responsible for the outcome of the war, and then they angrily left the city.
Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued tranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise with their domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following book.
Thus, concerning external affairs, the Florentines remained calm during this war; however, their domestic issues were quite different, as will be specifically detailed in the following book.
BOOK VII
CHAPTER I
Connection of the other Italian governments with the history of Florence—Republics always disunited—Some differences are injurious; others not so—The kind of dissensions prevailing at Florence—Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi become powerful by dissimilar means—Reform in the election of magistrates favorable to Cosmo—Complaints of the principal citizens against the reform in elections—Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice, restrains the imborsations by force—Tyranny and pride of Luca Pitti and his party—Palace of the Pitti—Death of Cosmo de' Medici—His liberality and magnificence—His modesty—His prudence—Sayings of Cosmo.
Connection of the other Italian governments with the history of Florence—Republics always divided—Some disagreements are harmful; others not so much—The types of conflicts present in Florence—Cosimo de' Medici and Neri Capponi rise to power through different methods—Reform in the election of magistrates benefits Cosimo—Complaints from key citizens about the election reform—Luca Pitti, Gonfalonier of Justice, suppresses the protests by force—The tyranny and arrogance of Luca Pitti and his supporters—The Pitti Palace—Death of Cosimo de' Medici—His generosity and grandeur—His humility—His wisdom—Quotes from Cosimo.
It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book that, professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I have dilated too much in speaking of those which occurred in Lombardy and Naples. But as I have not already avoided, so it is not my intention in future to forbear, similar digressions. For although we have not engaged to give an account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper to neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were wholly omitted, our history would not be so well understood, neither would it be so instructive or agreeable; since from the proceedings of the other princes and states of Italy, have most commonly arisen those wars in which the Florentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from the war between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those serious enmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the Florentines, particularly the house of Medici. The king complained of a want of assistance during the war, and of the aid afforded to his enemy; and from his anger originated the greatest evils, as will be hereafter seen. Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to the year 1463, it will be necessary in order to make our narrative of the contemporaneous domestic transactions clearly understood, to revert to a period several years back. But first, according to custom, I would offer a few remarks referring to the events about to be narrated, and observe, that those who think a republic may be kept in perfect unity of purpose are greatly deceived. True it is, that some divisions injure republics, while others are beneficial to them. When accompanied by factions and parties they are injurious; but when maintained without them they contribute to their prosperity. The legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to prevent the existence of dissensions, must at least take care to prevent the growth of faction. It may therefore be observed, that citizens acquire reputation and power in two ways; the one public, the other private. Influence is acquired publicly by winning a battle, taking possession of a territory, fulfilling the duties of an embassy with care and prudence, or by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result. Private methods are conferring benefits upon individuals, defending them against the magistrates, supporting them with money, and raising them to undeserved honors; or with public games and entertainments gaining the affection of the populace. This mode of procedure produces parties and cliques; and in proportion as influence thus acquired is injurious, so is the former beneficial, if quite free from party spirit; because it is founded upon the public good, and not upon private advantage. And though it is impossible to prevent the existence of inveterate feuds, still if they be without partisans to support them for their own individual benefit, they do not injure a republic, but contribute to its welfare; since none can attain distinction, but as he contributes to her good, and each party prevents the other from infringing her liberties. The dissensions of Florence were always accompanied by factions, and were therefore always pernicious; and the dominant party only remained united so long as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength of the opposition was annihilated, the government, deprived of the restraining influence of its adversaries, and being subject to no law, fell to pieces. The party of Cosmo de' Medici gained the ascendant in 1434; but the depressed party being very numerous, and composed of several very influential persons, fear kept the former united, and restrained their proceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that no violence was committed by them, nor anything done calculated to excite popular dislike. Consequently, whenever this government required the citizens' aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the latter were always willing to gratify its wishes; so that from 1434 to 1455, during a period of twenty-one years, the authority of a balia was granted to it six times.
It might seem to the readers of the previous book that, while claiming to focus solely on Florence's affairs, I've spent too much time discussing events in Lombardy and Naples. However, just as I haven't avoided such digressions in the past, I don’t intend to in the future. Although we haven't committed to covering all of Italy's affairs, it would be wrong to overlook the most significant ones. If we left them out, our history wouldn't be as understandable, informative, or enjoyable, since many of the wars the Florentines were forced to participate in stemmed from the actions of other princes and states in Italy. For instance, the war between John of Anjou and King Ferrando led to serious enmities and animosities between Ferrando and the Florentines, especially the Medici family. The king expressed his dissatisfaction with a lack of support during the war and the help given to his rival, and from his anger arose significant troubles, as will be detailed later. After addressing external matters up to the year 1463, we need to rewind a few years to clarify the narrative of contemporary domestic events. But first, as is customary, I want to make a few observations regarding the events about to be discussed. It’s a big misconception to think that a republic can maintain perfect unity of purpose. While some divisions can harm republics, others can actually benefit them. Divisions paired with factions and parties are harmful; however, when they occur without them, they can lead to prosperity. A republic's lawmaker, recognizing that dissensions can't be completely avoided, should strive to prevent the rise of factions. It’s worth noting that citizens can gain reputation and power in two ways: publicly or privately. Public influence is gained by winning battles, acquiring territory, fulfilling diplomatic roles with care, or providing wise counsel that leads to positive outcomes. Private means include doing favors for individuals, defending them from officials, supporting them financially, and elevating them to undeserved honors; or by gaining the populace's affection through public games and events. This approach fosters parties and cliques, and the influence gained in such a manner is generally harmful, while the former is beneficial if free from factionalism, as it focuses on the common good rather than personal gain. Although it’s impossible to eliminate long-standing feuds, if these disputes lack supporters seeking personal benefit, they won't harm a republic; instead, they can aid its welfare, since no one can achieve distinction without contributing to it, and each party acts to preserve the republic's liberties. Florence's conflicts were always linked to factions, which made them harmful; the ruling party stayed united only as long as their foes posed a threat. Once the opposition was weakened, the government, free from the constraints imposed by its enemies and without any laws, collapsed. The party of Cosimo de' Medici became dominant in 1434; however, the rival faction was large and included several influential figures, which kept the Medici united due to fear and restrained their actions to a level of moderation, preventing violence or anything that might provoke public dislike. As a result, whenever this government needed the citizens' support to regain or boost its influence, the citizens were always ready to meet its demands. Thus, from 1434 to 1455, for twenty-one years, they granted it the authority of a balia six times.
There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, two principally powerful citizens, Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri acquired his influence by public services; so that he had many friends but few partisans. Cosmo, being able to avail himself both of public and private means, had many partisans as well as friends. While both lived, having always been united, they obtained from the people whatever they required; for in them popularity and power were united. But in the year 1455, Neri being dead, and the opposition party extinct, the government found a difficulty in resuming its authority; and this was occasioned, remarkably enough, by Cosmo's private friends, and the most influential men in the state; for, not fearing the opposite party, they became anxious to abate his power. This inconsistency was the beginning of the evils which took place in 1456; so that those in power were openly advised in the deliberative councils not to renew the power of the balia, but to close the balloting purses, and appoint the magistrates by drawing from the pollings or squittini previously made. To restrain this disposition, Cosmo had the choice of two alternatives, either forcibly to assume the government, with the partisans he possessed, and drive out the others, or to allow the matter to take its course, and let his friends see they were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves. He chose the latter; for he well knew that at all events the purses being filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no risk, and could take the government into his own hands whenever he found occasion. The chief offices of state being again filled by lot, the mass of the people began to think they had recovered their liberty, and that the decisions of the magistrates were according to their own judgments, unbiased by the influence of the Great. At the same time, the friends of different grandees were humbled; and many who had commonly seen their houses filled with suitors and presents, found themselves destitute of both. Those who had previously been very powerful were reduced to an equality with men whom they had been accustomed to consider inferior; and those formerly far beneath them were now become their equals. No respect or deference was paid to them; they were often ridiculed and derided, and frequently heard themselves and the republic mentioned in the open streets without the least deference; thus they found it was not Cosmo but themselves that had lost the government. Cosmo appeared not to notice these matters; and whenever any subject was proposed in favor of the people he was the first to support it. But the greatest cause of alarm to the higher classes, and his most favorable opportunity of retaliation, was the revival of the catasto, or property-tax of 1427, so that individual contributions were determined by statute, and not by a set of persons appointed for its regulation.
In Florence, as we’ve often noted, there were two main powerful citizens: Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Capponi. Neri gained his influence through public service, so he had many friends but few loyal supporters. Cosmo, able to leverage both public and private resources, had many loyal supporters as well as friends. While they were both alive and united, they were able to secure whatever they needed from the people since their popularity and power were intertwined. However, in 1455, after Neri's death and the disappearance of the opposing party, the government struggled to regain its authority. Interestingly, this issue was caused by Cosmo’s private friends and the most influential figures in the state; without fear of the opposing party, they became eager to lessen his power. This inconsistency marked the start of the troubles that emerged in 1456. Thus, those in power were openly advised in their deliberative councils not to renew the authority of the balia, but to close the voting process and elect the magistrates based on previous ballots. To counter this, Cosmo had two options: either to forcefully take control with his supporters and expel the others, or to let things unfold and show his friends that they were the ones losing power, not him. He chose the latter; he knew that since the ballots were filled with the names of his own friends, he was at no risk and could take control whenever he saw fit. With the main state offices filled by lot again, the general populace began to believe they had regained their freedom and that the magistrates’ decisions reflected their own judgments, free from the influence of the powerful. At the same time, the friends of various nobles were humbled; many who were used to having their homes filled with visitors and gifts found themselves without either. Those who had once been very powerful were now on level footing with those they had considered inferior, and those who had previously been beneath them had become their equals. No respect or deference was shown to them; they were often mocked and made the subject of ridicule, frequently hearing their names and those of the republic talked about in public without any regard. They realized it wasn’t just Cosmo who lost power but themselves as well. Cosmo seemed to ignore these developments; whenever a topic arose that favored the people, he was the first to support it. However, the biggest source of concern for the higher classes, and his best opportunity for retaliation, was the revival of the catasto, or property tax from 1427, which set individual contributions by law rather than by a group of appointed individuals.
This law being re-established, and a magistracy created to carry it into effect, the nobility assembled, and went to Cosmo to beg he would rescue them and himself from the power of the plebeians, and restore to the government the reputation which had made himself powerful and them respected. He replied, he was willing to comply with their request, but wished the law to be obtained in the regular manner, by consent of the people, and not by force, of which he would not hear on any account. They then endeavored in the councils to establish a new balia, but did not succeed. On this the grandees again came to Cosmo, and most humbly begged he would assemble the people in a general council or parliament, but this he refused, for he wished to make them sensible of their great mistake; and when Donato Cocchi, being Gonfalonier of Justice, proposed to assemble them without his consent, the Signors who were of Cosmo's party ridiculed the idea so unmercifully, that the man's mind actually became deranged, and he had to retire from office in consequence. However, since it is undesirable to allow matters to proceed beyond recovery, the Gonfalon of Justice being in the hands of Luca Pitti, a bold-spirited man, Cosmo determined to let him adopt what course he thought proper, that if any trouble should arise it might be imputed to Luca and not to himself. Luca, therefore, in the beginning of his magistracy, several times proposed to the people the appointment of a new balia; and, not succeeding, he threatened the members of the councils with injurious and arrogant expressions, which were shortly followed by corresponding conduct; for in the month of August, 1458, on the eve of Saint Lorenzo, having filled the piazza, and compelled them to assent to a measure to which he knew them to be averse. Having recovered power, created a new balia, and filled the principal offices according to the pleasure of a few individuals, in order to commence that government with terror which they had obtained by force, they banished Girolamo Machiavelli, with some others, and deprived many of the honors of government. Girolamo, having transgressed the confines to which he was limited, was declared a rebel. Traveling about Italy, with the design of exciting the princes against his country, he was betrayed while at Lunigiana, and, being brought to Florence, was put to death in prison.
With this law re-established and a magistracy created to enforce it, the nobility gathered and went to Cosmo, pleading for him to save them and himself from the power of the common people, and to restore the government’s reputation that had made him powerful and them respected. He responded that he was willing to help, but wanted the law to be enacted through the proper channels, with the people's consent, and not through force, which he refused to consider. They then tried to set up a new balia in the councils but were unsuccessful. The grandees came back to Cosmo, humbly asking him to convene the people in a general council or parliament, but he turned them down, wanting them to realize their mistake. When Donato Cocchi, the Gonfalonier of Justice, suggested gathering them without his approval, Cosmo’s supporters mocked the idea so harshly that it drove him to madness, eventually leading him to resign. However, not wanting things to spiral out of control, and with the Gonfalon of Justice in the hands of Luca Pitti, a bold man, Cosmo decided to allow him to take whatever steps he deemed appropriate, ensuring that any resulting trouble would fall on Luca and not on himself. Thus, at the start of his magistracy, Luca repeatedly proposed to the people the appointment of a new balia; when he failed, he threatened council members with insults and aggressive behavior, which soon escalated. In August 1458, on the eve of Saint Lorenzo, he filled the piazza and forced them to agree to a measure he knew they opposed. Once in power, he established a new balia and filled key offices to serve a few individuals, starting a government founded on terror achieved through force. They exiled Girolamo Machiavelli and others, stripping many of their government honors. Girolamo, after exceeding his limits, was declared a rebel. While traveling through Italy, intending to incite princes against his homeland, he was betrayed in Lunigiana and brought to Florence, where he was executed in prison.
This government, during the eight years it continued, was violent and insupportable; for Cosmo, being now old, and through ill health unable to attend to public affairs as formerly, Florence became a prey to a small number of her own citizens. Luca Pitti, in return for the services he had performed for the republic, as made a knight, and to be no less grateful than those who had conferred the dignity upon him, he ordered that the priors, who had hitherto been called priors of the trades, should also have a name to which they had no kind of claim, and therefore called them priors of liberty. He also ordered, that as it had been customary for the gonfalonier to sit upon the right hand of the rectors, he should in future take his seat in the midst of them. And that the Deity might appear to participate in what had been done, public processions were made and solemn services performed, to thank him for the recovery of the government. The Signory and Cosmo made Luca Pitti rich presents, and all the citizens were emulous in imitation of them; so that the money given amounted to no less a sum than twenty thousand ducats. He thus attained such influence, that not Cosmo but himself now governed the city; and his pride so increased, that he commenced two superb buildings, one in Florence, the other at Ruciano, about a mile distant, both in a style of royal magnificence; that in the city, being larger than any hitherto built by a private person. To complete them, he had recourse to the most extraordinary means; for not only citizens and private individuals made him presents and supplied materials, but the mass of people, of every grade, also contributed. Besides this, any exiles who had committed murders, thefts, or other crimes which made them amenable to the laws, found a safe refuge within their walls, if they were able to contribute toward their decoration or completion. The other citizens, though they did not build like him, were no less violent or rapacious, so that if Florence were not harassed by external wars, she was ruined by the wickedness of her own children. During this period the wars of Naples took place. The pope also commenced hostilities in Romagna against the Malatesti, from whom he wished to take Rimino and Cesena, held by them. In these designs, and his intentions of a crusade against the Turks, was passed the pontificate of Pius II.
This government, which lasted for eight years, was violent and unbearable; Cosmo, now old and unable to handle public affairs due to ill health, allowed a small group of his own citizens to take control of Florence. Luca Pitti, rewarded for his services to the republic, was made a knight, and to show his gratitude, he changed the name of the priors, formerly known as priors of the trades, to priors of liberty, a title they had no right to. He also decided that, instead of sitting to the right of the rectors, the gonfalonier should take a seat in the middle of them. To make it seem like the Deity was involved in these changes, public processions were held, and solemn services were performed to thank Him for the recovery of the government. The Signory and Cosmo presented Luca Pitti with lavish gifts, and all the citizens eagerly followed their example, contributing a total of no less than twenty thousand ducats. He gained so much influence that it was not Cosmo but he who governed the city; his pride grew so much that he started two magnificent buildings, one in Florence and the other in Ruciano, about a mile away, both built in royal style, with the one in the city being larger than any other private building before it. To complete them, he used extraordinary means; not only did citizens and individuals give him gifts and materials, but people from all walks of life also contributed. Additionally, any exiles who had committed murders, thefts, or other crimes that made them subject to the law found refuge within those walls as long as they could help with the decoration or completion. The other citizens, even though they weren't building like him, were no less vicious or greedy, so that if Florence wasn't suffering from external wars, it was being ruined by the misdeeds of its own people. During this time, the wars in Naples occurred, and the pope also began hostilities in Romagna against the Malatesti, aiming to take Rimini and Cesena, which they held. This was the backdrop of Pius II's papacy, who also had intentions for a crusade against the Turks.
Florence continued in disunion and disturbance. The dissensions continued among the party of Cosmo, in 1455, from the causes already related, which by his prudence, as we have also before remarked, he was enabled to tranquilize; but in the year 1464, his illness increased, and he died. Friends and enemies alike grieved for his loss; for his political opponents, perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, even during the life of him who alone restrained them and made their tyranny supportable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but ruin would ensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero, who though a very good man, was of infirm health, and new in the government, and they thought he would be compelled to give way; so that, being unrestrained, their rapacity would pass all bounds. On these accounts, the regret was universal. Of all who have left memorials behind them, and who were not of the military profession, Cosmo was the most illustrious and the most renowned. He not only surpassed all his contemporaries in wealth and authority, but also in generosity and prudence; and among the qualities which contributed to make him prince in his own country, was his surpassing all others in magnificence and generosity. His liberality became more obvious after his death, when Piero, his son, wishing to know what he possessed, it appeared there was no citizen of any consequence to whom Cosmo had not lent a large sum of money; and often, when informed of some nobleman being in distress, he relieved him unasked. His magnificence is evident from the number of public edifices he erected; for in Florence are the convents and churches of St. Marco and St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of Santa Verdiana; in the mountains of Fiesole, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo; and in the Mugello, he not only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation, a monastery of the Frati Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in the church of Santa Croce, the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San Miniato, he erected splendid chapels and altars; and besides building the churches and chapels we have mentioned, he provided them with all the ornaments, furniture, and utensils suitable for the performance of divine service. To these sacred edifices are to be added his private dwellings, one in Florence, of extent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four others, situated at Careggi, Fiesole, Craggiulo, and Trebbio, each, for size and grandeur, equal to royal palaces. And, as if it were not sufficient to be distinguished for magnificence of buildings in Italy alone, he erected an hospital at Jerusalem, for the reception of poor and infirm pilgrims. Although his habitations, like all his other works and actions, were quite of a regal character, and he alone was prince in Florence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence, that he never transgressed the decent moderation of civil life; in his conversation, his servants, his traveling, his mode of living, and the relationships he formed, the modest demeanor of the citizen was always evident; for he was aware that a constant exhibition of pomp brings more envy upon its possessor than greater realities borne without ostentation. Thus in selecting consorts for his sons, he did not seek the alliance of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia degli Allesandri, and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He gave his granddaughters, the children of Piero, Bianca to Guglielmo de' Pazzi, and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai. No one of his time possessed such an intimate knowledge of government and state affairs as himself; and hence amid such a variety of fortune, in a city so given to change, and among a people of such extreme inconstancy, he retained possession of the government thirty-one years; for being endowed with the utmost prudence, he foresaw evils at a distance, and therefore had an opportunity either of averting them, or preventing their injurious results. He thus not only vanquished domestic and civil ambition, but humbled the pride of many princes with so much fidelity and address, that whatever powers were in league with himself and his country, either overcame their adversaries, or remained uninjured by his alliance; and whoever were opposed to him, lost either their time, money, or territory. Of this the Venetians afford a sufficient proof, who, while in league with him against Duke Filippo were always victorious, but apart from him were always conquered; first by Filippo and then by Francesco. When they joined Alfonso against the Florentine republic, Cosmo, by his commercial credit, so drained Naples and Venice of money, that they were glad to obtain peace upon any terms it was thought proper to grant. Whatever difficulties he had to contend with, whether within the city or without, he brought to a happy issue, at once glorious to himself and destructive to his enemies; so that civil discord strengthened his government in Florence, and war increased his power and reputation abroad. He added to the Florentine dominions, the Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Montedoglio, the Casentino and Val di Bagno. His virtue and good fortune overcame all his enemies and exalted his friends. He was born in the year 1389, on the day of the saints Cosmo and Damiano. His earlier years were full of trouble, as his exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testify; and having gone to the council of Constance, with Pope John, in order to save his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was obliged to escape in disguise. But after the age of forty, he enjoyed the greatest felicity; and not only those who assisted him in public business, but his agents who conducted his commercial speculations throughout Europe, participated in his prosperity. Hence many enormous fortunes took their origin in different families of Florence, as in that of the Tornabuoni, the Benci, the Portinari, and the Sassetti. Besides these, all who depended upon his advice and patronage became rich; and, though he was constantly expending money in building churches, and in charitable purposes, he sometimes complained to his friends that he had never been able to lay out so much in the service of God as to find the balance in his own favor, intimating that all he had done or could do, was still unequal to what the Almighty had done for him. He was of middle stature, olive complexion, and venerable aspect; not learned but exceedingly eloquent, endowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends, kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in advising, and in his speeches and replies, grave and witty. When Rinaldo degli Albizzi, at the beginning of his exile, sent to him to say, "the hen had laid," he replied, "she did ill to lay so far from the nest." Some other of the rebels gave him to understand they were "not dreaming." He said, "he believed it, for he had robbed them of their sleep." When Pope Pius was endeavoring to induce the different governments to join in an expedition against the Turks, he said, "he was an old man, and had undertaken the enterprise of a young one." To the Venetians ambassadors, who came to Florence with those of King Alfonso to complain of the republic, he uncovered his head, and asked them what color it was; they said, "white;" he replied, "it is so; and it will not be long before your senators have heads as white as mine." A few hours before his death, his wife asked him why he kept his eyes shut, and he said, "to get them in the way of it." Some citizens saying to him, after his return from exile, that he injured the city, and that it was offensive to God to drive so many religious persons out of it; he replied that, "it was better to injure the city, than to ruin it; that two yards of rose-colored cloth would make a gentleman, and that it required something more to direct a government than to play with a string of beads." These words gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as a man who loved himself more than his country, and was more attached to this world than to the next. Many others of his sayings might be adduced, but we shall omit them as unnecessary. Cosmo was a friend and patron of learned men. He brought Argiripolo, a Greek by birth, and one of the most erudite of his time, to Florence, to instruct the youth in Hellenic literature. He entertained Marsilio Ficino, the reviver of the Platonic philosophy, in his own house; and being much attached to him, have him a residence near his palace at Careggi, that he might pursue the study of letters with greater convenience, and himself have an opportunity of enjoying his company. His prudence, his great wealth, the uses to which he applied it, and his splendid style of living, caused him to be beloved and respected in Florence, and obtained for him the highest consideration, not only among the princes and governments of Italy, but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation for his descendants, which enabled them to equal him in virtue, and greatly surpass him in fortune; while the authority they possessed in Florence and throughout Christendom was not obtained without being merited. Toward the close of his life he suffered great affliction; for, of his two sons, Piero and Giovanni, the latter, of whom he entertained the greatest hopes, died; and the former was so sickly as to be unable to attend either to public or private business. On being carried from one apartment to another, after Giovanni's death, he remarked to his attendants, with a sigh, "This is too large a house for so small a family." His great mind also felt distressed at the idea that he had not extended the Florentine dominions by any valuable acquisition; and he regretted it the more, from imagining he had been deceived by Francesco Sforza, who, while count, had promised, that if he became lord of Milan, he would undertake the conquest of Lucca for the Florentines, a design, however, that was never realized; for the count's ideas changed upon his becoming duke; he resolved to enjoy in peace, the power he had acquired by war, and would not again encounter its fatigues and dangers, unless the welfare of his own dominions required it. This was a source of much annoyance to Cosmo, who felt he had incurred great expense and trouble for an ungrateful and perfidious friend. His bodily infirmities prevented him from attending either to public or private affairs, as he had been accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to decay; for Florence was ruined by her own citizens, and his fortune by his agents and children. He died, however, at the zenith of his glory and in the enjoyment of the highest renown. The city, and all the Christian princes, condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His funeral was conducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, the whole city following his corpse to the tomb in the church of St. Lorenzo, on which, by public decree, he was inscribed, "FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY." If, in speaking of Cosmo's actions, I have rather imitated the biographies of princes than general history, it need not occasion wonder; for of so extraordinary an individual I was compelled to speak with unusual praise.
Florence was still in conflict and unrest. In 1455, the disagreements within Cosmo's party continued due to the reasons already mentioned, but with his wisdom, as we have noted before, he managed to calm the situation. However, in 1464, his health worsened, and he passed away. Both friends and enemies mourned his death; his political rivals, seeing the greed of the citizens, even while he was alive, feared that with his passing, only destruction would follow. They weren't very hopeful about his son Piero, who, although a good man, had poor health and was inexperienced in governance, leading them to believe he would have to concede power. This lack of restraint would only amplify their greed. Therefore, the sorrow was universal. Of all who have left behind legacies and weren't military leaders, Cosmo was the most distinguished and celebrated. He not only exceeded all his contemporaries in wealth and influence but also in generosity and wisdom. Among the qualities that allowed him to become a leader in his own country was his unparalleled magnificence and generosity. His kindness became more apparent after his death when Piero, his son, wanted to understand what he owned. It turned out there was hardly a significant citizen Cosmo hadn't lent a hefty sum to; often, he would help nobles in distress without them even asking. His grandeur is evident from the public buildings he established; in Florence, there are the convents and churches of St. Marco and St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of Santa Verdiana; in the Fiesole mountains, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo; and in Mugello, he not only repaired but rebuilt a monastery for the Frati Minori from the ground up. Furthermore, in the church of Santa Croce, the Servi, the Agnoli, and in San Miniato, he built splendid chapels and altars; besides constructing the mentioned churches and chapels, he provided them with all the decorations, furnishings, and supplies necessary for religious services. To these sacred buildings, we can add his private residences—one in Florence, spacious and elegant enough for a citizen of his stature, and four more located in Careggi, Fiesole, Craggiulo, and Trebbio, each comparable in size and grandeur to royal palaces. As if it were not enough to be distinguished for his magnificent buildings in Italy alone, he also built a hospital in Jerusalem to care for poor and sick pilgrims. Although his homes, like all his other works and actions, had a royal character, and he was the sole prince in Florence, everything was moderated by his wisdom so that he never stepped beyond the reasonable limits of civic life; in his conversations, his servants, his travels, his lifestyle, and the connections he formed, the humble manner of a citizen was always clear. He understood that constantly showing off only brings more envy than quietly enjoying greater realities. Thus, when it came to choosing partners for his sons, he did not seek royal alliances; for Giovanni, he chose Corneglia degli Allesandri, and for Piero, Lucrezia de' Tornabuoni. He arranged for his granddaughters, the daughters of Piero, Bianca to marry Guglielmo de' Pazzi and Nannina to Bernardo Ruccellai. No one of his era had as deep an understanding of governance and state affairs as he did; and even amid all the changes in fortune, in a city known for its volatility, and among a people of extreme fickleness, he held onto power for thirty-one years. Gifted with great prudence, he could foresee problems from afar, allowing him the chance to either prevent them or mitigate their harmful effects. In this way, he not only overcame domestic and civil ambition but also brought down the pride of many princes with such loyalty and skill that all powers allied with him and his city either defeated their enemies or remained unscathed by his partnership; whereas those who opposed him lost their time, money, or territories. The Venetians serve as a clear example; when allied with him against Duke Filippo, they were always victorious, but when separated from him, they were perpetually defeated—first by Filippo and then by Francesco. When they allied with Alfonso against the Florentine republic, Cosmo, leveraging his commercial influence, drained Naples and Venice of money to the point they were eager to secure peace under any terms deemed acceptable. Whatever challenges he faced, whether inside the city or beyond, he resolved favorably, bringing him glory while undermining his enemies, so civil discord actually reinforced his government in Florence, and warfare enhanced his power and reputation abroad. He expanded the Florentine territories to include Borgo of St. Sepolcro, Montedoglio, Casentino, and Val di Bagno. His virtues and good luck triumphed over all his enemies and raised his allies. He was born in 1389, on the feast day of Saints Cosmo and Damiano. His youth was filled with strife, as illustrated by his exile, captivity, and personal dangers; when he went to the council of Constance with Pope John to save his life, following the latter's downfall, he had to escape in disguise. However, after forty, he experienced great happiness; not only did those who aided him in public affairs thrive, but his agents across Europe in commerce also shared in his success. Thus, many vast fortunes emerged in various Florentine families, like the Tornabuoni, Benci, Portinari, and Sassetti. Anyone who relied on his guidance and support became wealthy; and though he continuously spent money on building churches and charity, he sometimes lamented to friends that he could never allocate as much to the service of God as he had received from the Almighty, indicating that whatever he had done or could do still fell short of what God had done for him. He was of medium height, had an olive complexion, and had a venerable appearance; he wasn't scholarly but was exceptionally eloquent, gifted with a great natural intellect, generous to friends, kind to the poor, profound in discussions, cautious in advice, and his speeches and replies were both grave and witty. When Rinaldo degli Albizzi, at the start of his exile, sent him a message saying, "the hen has laid," he replied, "it was unwise to lay so far from the nest." Other rebels hinted to him that they were "not dreaming." He responded, "I believe it; I have robbed them of their sleep." When Pope Pius was trying to persuade various governments to join a campaign against the Turks, he said, "I am an old man and have taken on the task of a young one." To the Venetian ambassadors who arrived in Florence with Alfonso's representatives to complain about the republic, he lifted his hat and asked them, "What color is it?" They replied, "White." He said, "It is indeed; and it won't be long before your senators have heads as white as mine." Just hours before he died, his wife asked why he kept his eyes closed, and he answered, "To prepare them." Some citizens told him, upon his return from exile, that he harmed the city and that it was offensive to God to expel so many religious individuals. He replied that, "it is better to harm the city than to ruin it; that two yards of rose-colored cloth can make a gentleman, but governing requires more than just playing with beads." These statements led his enemies to slander him as someone who cared more for himself than for his country and was more attached to this life than the next. Many other sayings could be mentioned, but we will skip those as unnecessary. Cosmo was a supporter and patron of scholars. He brought Argiripolo, a Greek and one of the most learned men of his time, to Florence to teach the youth Hellenic literature. He welcomed Marsilio Ficino, the reviver of Platonic philosophy, into his home, forming a close bond with him, and provided him a residence near his palace at Careggi, facilitating Ficino's studies and enjoying his company. His astuteness, immense wealth, the beneficial applications of that wealth, and his lavish lifestyle earned him love and respect in Florence, and awarded him the highest consideration not just among Italian princes and governments but across all of Europe. He laid the groundwork for his descendants, allowing them to match him in virtue and surpass him in fortune, while their authority in Florence and Christendom was rightfully earned. Toward the end of his life, he experienced great sorrow; of his two sons, Piero and Giovanni, he had high hopes for Giovanni, but he died, and Piero was so ill he couldn't manage public or private responsibilities. After Giovanni's death, he remarked to his attendants, "This house is too large for such a small family." His great mind was also troubled by the thought that he had not expanded the Florentine territories with any worthwhile acquisitions. He regretted this more, believing he had been deceived by Francesco Sforza, who, when he was still a count, had promised that if he became the Duke of Milan, he would conquer Lucca for the Florentines. However, that plan never came to fruition; once he became duke, he preferred to enjoy the power he won through war peacefully and wouldn’t risk its fatigue and dangers unless the safety of his own realm demanded it. This fact caused Cosmo much irritation, feeling he had incurred substantial expense and trouble for an ungrateful and deceitful ally. His physical ailments prevented him from engaging in public or private matters as he once did, leading him to witness both deteriorating; Florence was suffering due to its own citizens, while his fortune dwindled because of his agents and children. Nevertheless, he died at the peak of his glory and in the height of fame. The city and all the Christian princes expressed condolences to Piero for his loss. His funeral was conducted with great pomp and solemnity, with the entire city following his body to the tomb in the church of St. Lorenzo, where he was publicly honored with the title "FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY." If, in describing Cosmo's actions, I seem to emulate royal biographies more than general history, it should not be surprising; for such an extraordinary individual truly deserves exceptional praise.
CHAPTER II
The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa—The king of Naples and the duke of Milan endeavor to secure their dominions to their heirs—Jacopo Piccinino honorably received at Milan, and shortly afterward murdered at Naples—Fruitless endeavors of Pius II. to excite Christendom against the Turks—Death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan—Perfidious counsel given to Piero de' Medici by Diotisalvi Neroni—Conspiracy of Diotisalvi and others against Piero—Futile attempts to appease the disorders—Public spectacles—Projects of the conspirators against Piero de' Medici—Niccolo Fedini discloses to Piero the plots of his enemies.
The Duke of Milan becomes the lord of Genoa. The King of Naples and the Duke of Milan try to secure their territories for their heirs. Jacopo Piccinino is welcomed in Milan, but shortly afterward, he is murdered in Naples. Pius II makes unsuccessful attempts to rally Christendom against the Turks. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, passes away. Diotisalvi Neroni gives treacherous advice to Piero de' Medici. A conspiracy led by Diotisalvi and others forms against Piero. There are ineffective efforts to calm the unrest. Public spectacles take place. The conspirators plot against Piero de' Medici. Niccolo Fedini informs Piero about his enemies' schemes.
While Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis XI. of France was involved in very serious troubles with his barons, who, with the assistance of Francis, duke of Brittany, and Charles, duke of Burgundy, were in arms against him. This attack was so serious, that he was unable to render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise against Genoa and Naples; and, standing in need of all the forces he could raise, he gave over Savona (which still remained in the power of the French) to the duke of Milan, and also intimated, that if he wished, he had his permission to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francesco accepted the proposal, and with the influence afforded by the king's friendship, and the assistance of the Adorni, he became lord of Genoa. In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen hundred horse into France for the king's service, under the command of Galeazzo, his eldest son. Thus Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter, duke of Lombardy and prince of Genoa, and the former, sovereign of the whole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied by marriage, they thought they might so confirm their power as to secure to themselves its enjoyment during life, and at their deaths, its unencumbered reversion to their heirs. To attain this end, they considered it necessary that the king should remove all ground of apprehension from those barons who had offended him in the war of John of Anjou, and that the duke should extirpate the adherents of the Bracceschi, the natural enemies of his family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, had attained the highest reputation. The latter was now the first general in Italy, and possessing no territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of all who had dominions, and especially of the duke, who, conscious of what he had himself done, thought he could neither enjoy his own estate in safety, nor leave them with any degree of security to his son during Jacopo's lifetime. The king, therefore, strenuously endeavored to come to terms with his barons, and using his utmost ingenuity to secure them, succeeded in his object; for they perceived their ruin to be inevitable if they continued in war with their sovereign, though from submission and confidence in him, they would still have reason for apprehension. Mankind are always most eager to avoid a certain evil; and hence inferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, conscious of the danger of continuing the war, trusted the king's promises, and having placed themselves in his hands, they were soon after destroyed in various ways, and under a variety of pretexts. This alarmed Jacopo Piccinino, who was with his forces at Sulmona; and to deprive the king of the opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by the mediation of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by the most liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompanied by only a hundred horse.
While Florence and Italy were in this situation, Louis XI of France was dealing with serious problems from his barons, who, with help from Francis, Duke of Brittany, and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, were rising up against him. This opposition was so intense that he couldn't provide any further support to John of Anjou in his campaign against Genoa and Naples. Needing all the forces he could muster, he handed over Savona (which was still under French control) to the Duke of Milan and indicated that he would allow him to conquer Genoa if he wanted to. Francesco accepted this offer, and with the backing of the king's friendship and support from the Adorni, he became the lord of Genoa. In gratitude for this favor, he sent fifteen hundred cavalry to France for the king's service, led by his eldest son, Galeazzo. Thus, Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza became established, with the latter as Duke of Lombardy and Prince of Genoa, and the former as the ruler of the entire Kingdom of Naples. Their families, now connected by marriage, believed they could solidify their power to ensure its enjoyment during their lifetimes and secure an unencumbered inheritance for their heirs after their deaths. To achieve this, they thought it was crucial for the king to eliminate any fear from the barons who had wronged him during John of Anjou's war and for the duke to root out the followers of the Bracceschi, natural enemies of his family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, had gained significant fame. He was now the top general in Italy and, lacking territory, raised concerns among all who had lands, especially the duke, who, aware of his actions, felt he couldn't safely enjoy his own estate or confidently leave it to his son while Jacopo was alive. The king, therefore, worked hard to make peace with his barons, using all his skills to secure them. He succeeded because they recognized that they were doomed if they continued opposing their sovereign, yet even in submission and trust, they still had reason to worry. People tend to be most eager to avoid certain disasters, making lower powers easily misled by rulers. The barons, aware of the risks of continuing the war, believed the king's promises and soon found themselves at his mercy, ultimately being destroyed in various ways and under different pretexts. This alarmed Jacopo Piccinino, who was with his forces at Sulmona, and in an effort to prevent the king from treating him the same way, he tried to reconcile with the duke through his friends, who encouraged him to visit the duke in Milan, bringing only a hundred horsemen with him.
Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, first under Duke Filippo, and afterward under the Milanese republic, so that by frequent intercourse with the citizens he had acquired many friends and universal popularity, which present circumstances tended to increase; for the prosperity and newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi had occasioned envy, while Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had given rise to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various feelings were displayed upon his arrival; for nearly all the nobility went to meet him; the streets through which he passed were filled with citizens, anxious to catch a glimpse of him, while shouts of "The Bracceschi! the Bracceschi!" resounded on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin; for the duke's apprehensions increased his desire of destroying him; and to effect this with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage with Drusiana, the duke's natural daughter, was now celebrated. The duke then arranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captain of his forces, and give him 100,000 florins for his maintenance. After this agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully received, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity; but having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces were, the king invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of which he and his son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterward put to death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues in others which they themselves did not possess, extirpated them; and hence the country became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was not long afterward oppressed and ruined.
Jacopo had spent many years working with his father and brother, first under Duke Filippo and then under the Milanese republic. Through frequent connections with the citizens, he had built many friendships and gained universal popularity, which the current situation only amplified. The Sforzeschi's newfound power had sparked jealousy, while Jacopo's hardships and long absence had created sympathy and a strong desire to see him again. These mixed feelings were evident when he returned; nearly all the nobility came to greet him, the streets he walked through were crowded with citizens eager to catch a glimpse, and cheers of "The Bracceschi! The Bracceschi!" echoed everywhere. These accolades hastened his downfall, as the duke's fears fueled his desire to eliminate him. To achieve this with minimal suspicion, Jacopo's marriage to Drusiana, the duke's illegitimate daughter, was celebrated. The duke then made arrangements with Ferrando to employ him as a captain of his forces, promising him 100,000 florins for his support. Following this agreement, Jacopo, along with a ducal ambassador and his wife Drusiana, traveled to Naples, where he was warmly welcomed and celebrated for many days with various festivities. However, after requesting permission to go to Sulmona, where his troops were, the king invited him to a banquet in the castle. At the end of the event, he and his son Francesco were imprisoned and soon executed. This was how our Italian princes, fearing the qualities in others that they themselves lacked, wiped them out; as a result, the country fell victim to those who later oppressed and destroyed it.
At this time, Pope Pius II. having settled the affairs of Romagna, and witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to lead the Christians against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to those which his predecessors had used. All the princes promised assistance either in men or money; while Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles, duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprise in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of the expedition. The pontiff was so full of expectation, that he left Rome and proceeded to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the whole army should be assembled, and the Venetians engaged to send ships thither to convey the forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that city, there was soon such a concourse of people, that in a few days all the provisions it contained, or that could be procured from the neighborhood, were consumed, and famine began to impend. Besides this, there was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor arms to furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias nor Charles made their appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys, but rather for ostentation and the sake of keeping their word, than for the purpose of conveying troops. During this position of affairs, the pope, being old and infirm, died, and the assembled troops returned to their homes. The death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II. of Venetian origin, was chosen to succeed him; and that nearly all the principalities of Italy might change their rulers about the same period, in the following year Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, also died, having occupied the dukedom sixteen years, and Galleazzo, his son, succeeded him.
At this time, Pope Pius II, after sorting out the issues in Romagna and seeing a general peace, thought it was a good chance to rally Christians against the Turks. He took similar steps as his predecessors had. All the princes promised to help either with soldiers or money, while Matthias, the king of Hungary, and Charles, the duke of Burgundy, indicated they would personally join the effort and were appointed by the pope as leaders of the campaign. The pope was so hopeful that he left Rome and went to Ancona, where it was planned for the entire army to gather, and the Venetians agreed to send ships to transport the troops to Sclavonia. Once the pope arrived in that city, there was such a surge of people that within a few days, all the available food was used up, leading to the threat of famine. Additionally, there was no money to help those in need or weapons to supply those lacking them. Neither Matthias nor Charles showed up. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys, but more for show and to honor their commitment than actually to transport troops. During this situation, the pope, being old and weak, died, and the gathered troops went back home. The pope passed away in 1465, and Paul II, who was of Venetian origin, was chosen to succeed him. Nearly all the major principalities in Italy changed their rulers around the same time; the following year, Francesco Sforza, the duke of Milan, also died after holding the dukedom for sixteen years, and his son Galleazzo took over.
The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentine dissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than they would otherwise have done. Upon the demise of Cosmo, his son Piero, being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to his assistance Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest reputation, in whom Cosmo reposed so much confidence that just before his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both with regard to the government of the city and the management of his fortune. Piero acquired Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him, and said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no more, as he always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both his patrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs, he caused an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets, to be placed in Diotisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the state of his affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice, and the latter promised to use the utmost care. Upon examination of these accounts the affairs were found to be in great disorder, and Diotisalvi, instigated rather by his own ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitude to Cosmo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of both the reputation and the splendor which his father had left him as his inheritance. In order to realize his views, he waited upon Piero, and advised him to adopt a measure which, while it appeared quite correct in itself, and suitable to existing circumstances, involved a consequence destructive to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs, and the large amount of money it would be necessary to provide, if he wished to preserve his influence in the state and his reputation of wealth; and said there was no other means of remedying these disorders so just and available as to call in the sums which his father had lent to an infinite number of persons, both foreigners and citizens; for Cosmo, to acquire partisans in Florence and friends abroad, was extremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due to him was enormous. Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous to repossess his own property to meet the demands to which he was liable; but as soon as he had ordered those amounts to be recalled, the citizens, as if he had asked for something to which he had no kind of claim, took great offense, loaded him with opprobrious expressions, and accused him of being avaricious and ungrateful.
The death of this prince energized the conflicts in Florence and led to quicker outcomes than they would have had otherwise. After Cosmo passed away, his son Piero, inheriting his father's wealth and power, sought help from Diotisalvi Neroni, a highly respected and influential man whom Cosmo trusted so much that, just before he died, he urged Piero to rely entirely on him for both city governance and managing his finances. Piero brought Diotisalvi into the fold based on Cosmo’s opinions of him and stated that, even though Cosmo was gone, he wanted to continue honoring his father by consulting Diotisalvi about his inheritance and the city. Starting with his personal affairs, Piero had Diotisalvi oversee an account of all his properties, debts, and assets so that Diotisalvi would have a complete understanding of his situation to offer sound advice; Diotisalvi promised to take the utmost care. On reviewing these accounts, however, they discovered that things were in great disarray, and driven more by personal ambition than loyalty to Piero or gratitude to Cosmo, Diotisalvi believed he could easily strip Piero of both the respect and wealth his father had left him. To achieve his goals, he approached Piero and suggested a course of action that, while seeming proper and appropriate to the circumstances, would undermine Piero's authority. He detailed the chaos in Piero's affairs and the significant funds needed to maintain his influence and reputation; he asserted that the best way to remedy these issues was to reclaim the money Cosmo had lent to countless individuals, both local and from abroad. Cosmo had been very generous with his money to secure supporters in Florence and friends overseas, leading to a massive amount of unpaid loans. Piero found this advice reasonable since he only wanted to recover his own assets to settle his obligations; but as soon as he ordered those loans to be recalled, the citizens reacted as if he was demanding something he had no right to. They were outraged, hurled insults at him, and accused him of being greedy and ungrateful.
Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasioned by his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they resolved to unite their efforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Each was actuated by a different motive; Luca Pitti wished to take the position Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great, that he disdained to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Luca unfit to be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity on Piero's removal, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon himself; Niccolo Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty, and for the laws to be equally binding upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was greatly incensed against the Medici, for the following reasons: his son, Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra de' Bardi, and received with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or the misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from her father-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lorenzo d' Ilarione, her kinsman, out of pity for the girl, being accompanied by several armed men, took her away from Agnolo's house. The Acciajuoli complained of the injury done them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred to Cosmo, who decided that the Acciajuoli should restore to Alessandra her fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her husband or not. Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this instance, treated him as a friend; and having been unable to avenge himself on the father, he now resolved to do his utmost to ruin the son. These conspirators, though each was influenced by a different motive from the rest, affected to have only one object in view, which was that the city should be governed by the magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few individuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of injuring him, were increased by the number of merchants who failed about this time; for it was reported that he, in having, quite unexpectedly to all, resolved to call in his debts, had, to the disgrace and ruin of the city, caused them to become insolvent. To this was added his endeavor to obtain Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; and hence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as he despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered himself one of the people, and was preparing to make himself prince; for he who refuses his fellow-citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and therefore cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the sedition thought they had the victory in their power; for the greater part of the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty which they, to give their purpose a graceful covering, adopted upon their ensigns.
Diotisalvi, seeing the public's anger towards Piero, sparked by his own advice, arranged a meeting with Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini. They decided to work together to remove him from power and diminish his influence. Each had their own reasons; Luca Pitti aimed to take the role that Cosmo had held, feeling he had grown too prominent to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, knowing Luca was unfit to lead, believed that once Piero was gone, all authority in the state would fall to him; Niccolo Soderini wanted the city to enjoy more freedom and for the laws to apply equally to everyone. Agnolo Acciajuoli was particularly furious with the Medici for several reasons: his son, Raffaello, had married Alessandra de' Bardi some time ago and received a substantial dowry. Alessandra, whether due to her own actions or the misconduct of others, faced significant mistreatment from both her father-in-law and husband. Out of compassion for her, Lorenzo d'Ilarione, her relative, came to her aid with a group of armed men and took her from Agnolo's home. The Acciajuoli filed complaints against the Bardi for the harm done to them, which led to Cosmo intervening. He ruled that the Acciajuoli should return Alessandra's dowry and leave the choice of returning to her husband up to her. Agnolo felt that Cosmo had not treated him like a friend in this situation, and unable to get revenge on her father, he decided to focus on destroying the son instead. Although each conspirator had different motivations, they pretended to share a single goal: that the city should be governed by elected officials instead of a select few. The animosity towards Piero grew, especially with the number of merchants going bankrupt at that time; it was said that he had abruptly called in his debts, leading to the city's disgrace and ruin. Additionally, his attempt to arrange for Clarice degli Orsini to marry Lorenzo, his eldest son, fueled their opponents' claims that he was disregarding Florentine alliances and no longer saw himself as part of the community, making moves to elevate himself to power. They asserted that someone who rejects fellow citizens as family wants to enslave them instead, and thus shouldn't expect their loyalty. The leaders of the revolt believed victory was within their grasp since most citizens supported them, misled by the promise of liberty that they claimed as their slogan.
In this agitated state of the city, some, to whom civil discord was extremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavor to engage men's minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed they are commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert their attention from matters of government, it being now a year since the death of Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was represented the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star which announced the nativity of Christ; which was conducted with such pomp and magnificence, that the preparations for it kept the whole city occupied many months. The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibition of equestrian combats), in which the sons of the first families in the city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of Italy. Among the most distinguished of the Florentine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son of Piero, who, not by favor, but by his own personal valor, obtained the principal prize. When these festivals were over, the citizens reverted to the same thoughts which had previously occupied them, and each pursued his ideas with more earnestness than ever. Serious differences and troubles were the result; and these were greatly increased by two circumstances: one of which was, that the authority of the balia had expired; the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo the new duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of his father with the city, which, among other things, provided that every year a certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principal opponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make public resistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was made with Francesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the obligation had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzo did not possess his father's talents, and consequently they neither could nor ought to expect the same benefits from him; that if they had derived little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain still less from Galeazzo; and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own purposes, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with the public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be very impolitic to lose such an alliance from mere avarice, and that there was nothing so important to the republic, and to the whole of Italy, as their alliance with the duke; that the Venetians, while they were united, could not hope either by feigned friendship or open war to injure the duchy; but as soon as they perceived the Florentines alienated from him they would prepare for hostilities, and, finding him young, new in the government, and without friends, they would, either by force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case ruin of the republic would be inevitable.
In this restless state of the city, some people, for whom civil unrest was extremely upsetting, believed it would be wise to engage people's minds with some new activities, as those who are idle often fall prey to whoever tries to stir them up. To redirect their focus from political matters, and with a year passing since the death of Cosmo, it was decided to hold two festivals, similar to the most important ones celebrated in the city. One of these festivals showcased the arrival of the three kings from the east, following the star that signaled the birth of Christ; it was organized with such grandeur that the preparations occupied the entire city for months. The other was a tournament (which is what they called exhibitions of horse combat), where the sons of the city's leading families participated alongside the most renowned knights from Italy. Among the most notable of the young Florentines was Lorenzo, the eldest son of Piero, who, through his own bravery rather than favoritism, won the main prize. After these festivals ended, the citizens returned to their previous thoughts, each engaging with their concerns more seriously than before. This led to significant conflicts and issues, worsened by two factors: one was that the authority of the balia had ended; the other was the death of Duke Francesco, after which Galeazzo, the new duke, sent ambassadors to Florence to renew his father's agreements with the city, which included an annual payment to the duke. The main opponents of the Medici took this as an opportunity to push back in the councils, claiming that the alliance was made with Francesco and not Galeazzo; thus, with Francesco gone, the obligation should end. They argued that there was no need to renew it, as Galeazzo did not have his father’s skills, and consequently, they could not and should not expect the same benefits from him. They contended that if they received little from Francesco, they would get even less from Galeazzo, and hiring him for their own interests was against civic rules and undermined public freedom. Piero, on the other hand, argued that it would be very unwise to lose such an alliance just for greed and that nothing was more crucial for the republic and all of Italy than their connection with the duke. He asserted that while the Venetians were united, they couldn’t hope to harm the duchy, either through false friendship or outright war; however, if they saw the Florentines distancing themselves from Galeazzo, they would prepare for conflict. Recognizing him as young, inexperienced in governance, and without allies, they would, through force or deceit, compel him to join them, inevitably leading to the downfall of the republic.
The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the animosity of the parties began to be openly manifested in their nocturnal assemblies; the friends of the Medici meeting in the Crocetta, and their adversaries in the Pieta. The latter being anxious for Piero's ruin, had induced many citizens to subscribe their names as favorable to the undertaking. Upon one occasion, particularly when considering the course to be adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning the means by which it should be effected; one party, the most temperate and reasonable, held that as the authority of the balia had ceased, they must take care to prevent its renewal; it would then be found to be the universal wish that the magistrates and councils should govern the city, and in a short time Piero's power would be visibly diminished, and, as a consequence of his loss of influence in the government, his commercial credit would also fail; for his affairs were in such a state, that if they could prevent him from using the public money his ruin must ensue. They would thus be in no further danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery of their liberty, without the death or exile of any individual; but if they attempted violence they would incur great dangers; for mankind are willing to allow one who falls of himself to meet his fate, but if pushed down they would hasten to his relief; so that if they adopted no extraordinary measures against him, he will have no reason for defense or aid; and if he were to seek them it would be greatly to his own injury, by creating such a general suspicion as would accelerate his ruin, and justify whatever course they might think proper to adopt. Many of the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy method of proceeding; they thought delay would be favorable to him and injurious to themselves; for if they allowed matters to take their ordinary course, Piero would be in no danger whatever, while they themselves would incur many; for the magistrates who were opposed to him would allow him to rule the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their own ruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458; and though the advice they had just heard might be most consistent with good feeling, the present would be found to be the safest. That it would therefore be best, while the minds of men were yet excited against him, to effect his destruction. It must be their plan to arm themselves, and engage the assistance of the marquis of Ferrara, that they might not be destitute of troops; and if a favorable Signory were drawn, they would be in condition to make use of them. They therefore determined to wait the formation of the new Signory, and be governed by circumstances.
Piero's arguments had no impact, and the hostility between the factions started to show in their nightly meetings; the Medici supporters gathering at the Crocetta and their opponents at the Pieta. The latter, eager for Piero's downfall, got many citizens to pledge support for their cause. At one point, when deciding on their approach, everyone agreed that the Medici's power needed to be diminished, but there were different views on how to do it. One group, the most reasonable, believed that since the authority of the balia had ended, they needed to ensure it didn't come back. It would soon be clear that the citizens wanted the magistrates and councils to take charge of the city, and in no time, Piero's influence would visibly shrink, which would also hurt his business credibility; his affairs were in such bad shape that if they kept him from accessing public funds, his downfall would be guaranteed. This way, they could secure their freedom without anyone having to die or be exiled; however, resorting to violence would bring major risks, as people are willing to let someone who falls by their own means meet their fate, but if pushed, they will rush to help. Thus, without extraordinary actions against him, Piero wouldn’t have any justification for seeking help or defense, and if he did, it would only harm him more, raising suspicion and speeding up his downfall and justifying any actions they might decide to take. Many in the meeting were unhappy with this slow approach; they feared that waiting would help him and harm them. If things continued normally, Piero would be safe while they faced risks since the magistrates opposed to him would let him control the city, and his allies would elevate him to a prince, leading to their inevitable ruin, like in 1458. While the advice they had just heard might seem compassionate, they believed that acting now, while feelings against him ran high, would be the safest route. They concluded that it would be best to prepare themselves and seek the support of the Marquis of Ferrara for troops, ensuring they wouldn't be without forces; if a favorable Signory emerged, they would be ready to act. Therefore, they decided to wait for the formation of the new Signory and let circumstances guide them.
Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted as president of their assemblies. He, being induced by most certain hopes, disclosed the whole affair to Piero, and gave him a list of those who had subscribed their names, and also of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed on discovering the number and quality of those who were opposed to him; and by the advice of his friends he resolved to take the signatures of those who were inclined to favor him. Having employed one of his most trusty confidants to carry his design into effect, he found so great a disposition to change and instability, that many who had previously set down their names among the number of his enemies, now subscribed them in his favor.
Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted as the president of their meetings. He, driven by strong hopes, revealed the entire plot to Piero and provided a list of those who had signed their names, as well as the names of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed upon discovering the number and status of those opposed to him; based on his friends' advice, he decided to gather the signatures of those likely to support him. After sending one of his most trusted confidants to carry out this plan, he found such a strong willingness to change and uncertainty that many who had previously signed their names as his enemies now endorsed him.
CHAPTER III
Niccolo Soderini drawn Gonfalonier of Justice—Great hopes excited in consequence—The two parties take arms—The fears of the Signory—Their conduct with regard to Piero—Piero's reply to the Signory—Reform of government in favor of Piero de' Medici—Dispersion of his enemies—Fall of Lucca Pitti—Letter of Agnolo Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici—Piero's answer—Designs of the Florentine exiles—They induce the Venetians to make war on Florence.
Niccolo Soderini was appointed Gonfalonier of Justice—which stirred up great hopes—The two sides took up arms—The concerns of the Signoria—Their actions regarding Piero—Piero's response to the Signoria—Reform of government supporting Piero de' Medici—Scattering of his opponents—The downfall of Lucca Pitti—A letter from Agnolo Acciajuoli to Piero de' Medici—Piero's reply—Plans of the Florentine exiles—they convinced the Venetians to go to war against Florence.
In the midst of these events, the time arrived for the renewal of the supreme magistracy; and Niccolo Soderini was drawn Gonfalonier of Justice. It was surprising to see by what a concourse, not only of distinguished citizens, but also of the populace, he was accompanied to the palace; and while on the way thither an olive wreath was placed upon his head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and liberty of the city. This, among many similar instances, serves to prove how undesirable it is to enter upon office or power exciting inordinate expectations; for, being unable to fulfil them (many looking for more than it is possible to perform), shame and disappointment are the ordinary results. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini were brothers. Niccolo was the more ardent and spirited, Tommaso the wiser man; who, being very much the friend of Piero, and knowing that his brother desired nothing but the liberty of the city, and the stability of the republic, without injury to any, advised him to make new Squittini, by which means the election purses might be filled with the names of those favorable to his design. Niccolo took his brother's advice, and thus wasted the period of his magistracy in vain hopes, which his friends, the leading conspirators, allowed him to do from motives of envy; for they were unwilling that the government should be reformed by the authority of Niccolo, and thought they would be in time enough to effect their purpose under another gonfalonier. Thus the magistracy of Niccolo expired; and having commenced many things without completing aught, he retired from office with much less credit than when he had entered upon it.
In the midst of these events, the time came for the renewal of the top leadership position, and Niccolo Soderini was appointed Gonfalonier of Justice. It was surprising to see the large crowd, not just of distinguished citizens but also regular people, who accompanied him to the palace. As he made his way there, an olive wreath was placed on his head, symbolizing that the safety and freedom of the city depended on him. This, among many similar instances, shows how undesirable it is to take on a position of power with excessive expectations; when one cannot meet them (as many expect more than what is possible), the usual outcome is shame and disappointment. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini were brothers. Niccolo was more passionate and spirited, while Tommaso was the wiser one. Since he was a close friend of Piero and knew that his brother only wanted the city's freedom and the stability of the republic without harming anyone, he advised Niccolo to make new Squittini, which would fill the election lists with names of those supportive of his plan. Niccolo followed his brother's advice, wasting his time in office on futile hopes, which his friends, the leading conspirators, allowed him to do out of jealousy; they didn’t want Niccolo to reform the government and thought they could achieve their goals later under another gonfalonier. Thus, Niccolo's time in office ended, and having started many things without completing any, he stepped down with far less respect than when he started.
This circumstance caused the aggrandizement of Piero's party, whose friends entertained stronger hopes, while those who had been neutral or wavering became his adherents; so that both sides being balanced, many months elapsed without any open demonstration of their particular designs. Piero's party continuing to gather strength, his enemies' indignation increased in proportion; and they now determined to effect by force what they either could not accomplish, or were unwilling to attempt by the medium of the magistrates, which was assassination of Piero, who lay sick at Careggi, and to this end order the marquis of Ferrara nearer to the city with his forces, that after Piero's death he might lead them into the piazza, and thus compel the Signory to form a government according to their own wishes; for though all might not be friendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those to submit by fear who might be opposed to them from principle.
This situation led to the growth of Piero's party, whose supporters became more hopeful, while those who had been neutral or unsure started to back him. With both sides evenly matched, many months went by without any clear display of their intentions. As Piero's party continued to gain strength, his enemies' anger grew correspondingly; they decided to take action by force since they either couldn’t achieve their goals or were reluctant to attempt them through the authorities. Their plan was to assassinate Piero, who was sick at Careggi, and to bring the marquis of Ferrara closer to the city with his troops. The idea was that after Piero's death, he could lead them into the piazza and pressure the Signory to establish a government aligned with their wishes. Although not everyone would be on their side, they believed they could intimidate those opposed to them into submission.
Diotisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently visited Piero, conversed with him respecting the union of the city, and advised him to effect it. The conspirators' designs had already been fully disclosed to Piero; besides this, Domenico Martelli had informed him, that Francesco Neroni, the brother of Diotisalvi, had endeavored to induce him to join them, assuring him the victory was certain, and their object all but attained. Upon this, Piero resolved to take advantage of his enemies' tampering with the marquis of Ferrara, and be first in arms. He therefore intimated that he had received a letter from Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna, which informed him that the marquis of Ferrara was upon the river Albo, at the head of a considerable force, with the avowed intention of leading it to Florence; that upon this advice he had taken up arms; after which, in the midst of a strong force, he came to the city, when all who were disposed to support him, armed themselves also. The adverse party did the same, but not in such good order, being unprepared. The residence of Diotisalvi being near that of Piero, he did not think himself safe in it, but first went to the palace and begged the Signory would endeavor to induce Piero to lay down his arms, and thence to Luca Pitti, to keep him faithful in their cause. Niccolo Soderini displayed the most activity; for taking arms, and being followed by nearly all the plebeians in his vicinity, he proceeded to the house of Luca, and begged that he would mount his horse, and come to the piazza in support of the Signory, who were, he said, favorable, and that the victory would, undoubtedly, be on their side; that he should not stay in the house to be basely slain by their armed enemies, or ignominiously deceived by those who were unarmed; for, in that case, he would soon repent of having neglected an opportunity irrecoverably lost; that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero, he might easily effect it; and that if he were anxious for peace, it would be far better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be compelled to accept any that might be offered. These words produced no effect upon Luca, whose mind was now quite made up; he had been induced to desert his party by new conditions and promises of alliance from Piero; for one of his nieces had been married to Giovanni Tornabuoni. He, therefore, advised Niccolo to dismiss his followers and return home, telling him he ought to be satisfied, if the city were governed by the magistrates, which would certainly be the case, and that all ought to lay aside their weapons; for the Signory, most of whom were friendly, would decide their differences. Niccolo, finding him impracticable, returned home; but before he left, he said, "I can do the city no good alone, but I can easily foresee the evils that will befall her. This resolution of yours will rob our country of her liberty; you will lose the government, I shall lose my property, and the rest will be exiled."
Diotisalvi, to better hide his intentions, often visited Piero, talking to him about uniting the city and encouraging him to make it happen. Piero was already fully aware of the conspirators' plans; in addition, Domenico Martelli had told him that Francesco Neroni, Diotisalvi's brother, had tried to persuade him to join them, promising that victory was certain and their goal was nearly achieved. With this information, Piero decided to take advantage of his enemies’ dealings with the marquis of Ferrara and act first. He hinted that he had received a letter from Giovanni Bentivogli, the prince of Bologna, informing him that the marquis of Ferrara was on the river Albo, leading a substantial force with the intention of marching to Florence. Following this advice, he took up arms and, supported by a strong force, entered the city, where everyone willing to support him armed themselves as well. The opposing side did the same, but not as organized, as they were caught off guard. Since Diotisalvi lived close to Piero, he didn’t feel safe there, so he first went to the palace, asking the Signory to persuade Piero to lay down his arms and then to Luca Pitti, to keep him loyal to their cause. Niccolo Soderini showed a lot of initiative; he took up arms and, followed by nearly all the plebeians nearby, went to Luca’s house, urging him to mount his horse and come to the piazza to support the Signory, claiming they were favorable and that victory would surely be on their side. He warned Luca not to stay home to be cowardly killed by armed enemies or tricked by the unarmed; if he did, he would soon regret missing an opportunity he couldn’t recover. He added that if Luca wanted to force Piero’s downfall, he could easily do it, and if he wanted peace, it would be better to be in a position to propose terms rather than being forced to accept whatever was offered. These words had no effect on Luca, whose mind was already made up; he had been tempted to abandon his side by new terms and promises of alliance from Piero, as one of his nieces had married Giovanni Tornabuoni. Therefore, he advised Niccolo to send his followers home and return himself, claiming he should be satisfied if the city was run by the magistrates, which would certainly happen, and that everyone should put down their weapons, as the Signory, most of whom were friendly, would settle their differences. Niccolo, realizing Luca was stubborn, returned home, but before he left, he said, “I can’t help the city alone, but I can easily see the troubles that will come. This decision of yours will take away our country’s freedom; you will lose power, I’ll lose my property, and the rest will be exiled.”
During this disturbance the Signory closed the palace and kept their magistrates about them, without showing favor to either party. The citizens, especially those who had followed Luca Pitti, finding Piero fully prepared and his adversaries unarmed, began to consider, not how they might injure him, but how, with least observation, glide into the ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of both factions, assembled in the palace in the presence of the Signory, and spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliation of parties; and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from being present, they, with one exception, unanimously determined to wait upon him at his house. Niccolo Soderini having first placed his children and his effects under the care of his brother Tommaso, withdrew to his villa, there to await the event, but apprehended misfortune to himself and ruin to his country. The other citizens coming into Piero's presence, one of them who had been appointed spokesman, complained of the disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored to show, that those must be most to blame who had been first to take up arms; and not knowing what Piero (who was evidently the first to do so) intended, they had come in order to be informed of his design, and if it had in view the welfare of the city, they were desirous of supporting it. Piero replied, that not those who first take arms are the most to blame, but those who give the first occasion for it, and if they would reflect a little on their mode of proceeding toward himself, they would cease to wonder at what he had done; for they could not fail to perceive, that nocturnal assemblies, the enrollment of partisans, and attempts to deprive him both of his authority and his life, had caused him to take arms; and they might further observe, that as his forces had not quitted his own house, his design was evidently only to defend himself and not to injure others. He neither sought nor desired anything but safety and repose; neither had his conduct ever manifested a desire for ought else; for when the authority of the Balia expired, he never made any attempt to renew it, and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city and had been content. They might also remember that Cosmo and his sons could live respected in Florence, either with the Balia or without it, and that in 1458, it was not his family, but themselves, who had renewed it. That if they did not wish for it at present, neither did he; but this did not satisfy them; for he perceived that they thought it impossible to remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely beyond all his anticipations that his own or his father's friends should think themselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown himself quiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to Diotisalvi and his brothers, who were present, reminding them with grave indignation, of the benefits they had received from Cosmo, the confidence he had reposed in them and their subsequent ingratitude; and his words so strongly excited some present, that had he not interfered, they would certainly have torn the Neroni to pieces on the spot. He concluded by saying, that he should approve of any determination of themselves and the Signory; and that for his own part, he only desired peace and safety. After this, many things were discussed, but nothing determined, excepting generally, that it was necessary to reform the administration of the city and government.
During this unrest, the government shut the palace and kept their officials close, showing no favoritism to either side. The citizens, especially those who had followed Luca Pitti, saw that Piero was fully equipped while his opponents were unarmed. They started to think not about how to harm him, but how to join his supporters without drawing too much attention. The prominent citizens and leaders from both factions gathered in the palace with the government to discuss the city's situation and how to reconcile the groups. Since Piero couldn’t attend due to his health issues, they all agreed, except for one, to visit him at his home. Niccolo Soderini first entrusted his children and belongings to his brother Tommaso and went to his villa, anxious about his fate and the fate of his country. When the citizens met with Piero, one of them, acting as the spokesperson, complained about the recent disturbances in the city and argued that those who first took up arms were the most responsible. Unsure of Piero’s intentions—since he was the first to act—they wanted to understand his plans, hoping it would benefit the city. Piero responded that the real culprits were those who created the situation that led to violence, and if they reflected on how they treated him, they wouldn’t be surprised by his actions. He pointed out that secret meetings, forming factions, and attempts to strip him of his authority and life forced him to take up arms, making it clear that his forces had remained in his home, indicating his aim was just to defend himself, not to harm others. He only sought safety and peace, never showing a desire for anything else. When the authority of the Balia expired, he didn’t try to renew it and was pleased the magistrates had managed the city. They should also remember that Cosmo and his sons could live respected in Florence, whether the Balia was in place or not, and that in 1458, it was not his family that renewed it, but them. If they didn’t want the Balia now, neither did he; however, this didn’t satisfy them, as they thought it was impossible to stay in Florence while he was there. He couldn’t believe that his friends or his father’s friends felt unsafe with him in Florence, given that he had always been calm and peaceful. He then addressed Diotisalvi and his brothers, reminding them indignantly of the benefits they had received from Cosmo, the trust he had shown in them, and their later ingratitude. His words stirred such strong emotions that if he hadn’t intervened, they would have surely attacked the Neroni on the spot. He ended by saying he would support any decisions made by them and the government, and for himself, he only wanted peace and safety. After that, they discussed various matters, but no concrete decisions were made, only a general agreement that the city and government administration needed reform.
The Gonfalon of Justice was then in the hands of Bernardo Lotti, a man not in the confidence of Piero, who was therefore disinclined to attempt aught while he was in office; but no inconvenience would result from the delay, as his magistracy was on the point of expiring. Upon the election of Signors for the months of September and October, 1466, Roberto Lioni was appointed to the supreme magistracy, and as soon as he assumed its duties, every requisite arrangement having been previously made, the people were called to the piazza, and a new Balia created, wholly in favor of Piero, who soon afterward filled all the offices of government according to his own pleasure. These transactions alarmed the leaders of the opposite faction, and Agnolo Acciajuoli fled to Naples, Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini to Venice. Luca Pitti remained in Florence, trusting to his new relationship and the promises of Piero. The refugees were declared rebels, and all the family of the Neroni were dispersed. Giovanni di Neroni, then archbishop of Florence, to avoid a greater evil, became a voluntary exile at Rome, and to many other citizens who fled, various places of banishment were appointed. Nor was this considered sufficient; for it was ordered that the citizens should go in solemn procession to thank God for the preservation of the government and the reunion of the city, during the performance of which, some were taken and tortured, and part of them afterward put to death and exiled. In this great vicissitude of affairs, there was not a more remarkable instance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Pitti, who soon found the difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His house now presented only a vast solitude, where previously crowds of citizens had assembled. In the streets, his friends and relatives, instead of accompanying, were afraid even to salute him. Some of them were deprived of the honors of government, others of their property, and all alike threatened. The superb edifices he had commenced were abandoned by the builders; the benefits that had been conferred upon him, where now exchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence many of those who had presented him with articles of value now demanded them back again, as being only lent; and those who had been in the habit of extolling him as a man of surpassing excellence, now termed him violent and ungrateful. So that, when too late, he regretted not having taken the advice of Niccolo Soderini, and preferred an honorable death in battle, than to a life of ignominy among his victorious enemies.
The Gonfalon of Justice was then held by Bernardo Lotti, a man who didn’t have Piero's trust, which made him reluctant to take any action while in office. However, the delay didn’t cause any issues since his term was about to end. When it came time to elect officials for September and October 1466, Roberto Lioni was appointed to the top position. Once he took on the role, following all necessary preparations, the citizens were called to the piazza, where a new council was created, entirely in favor of Piero, who soon filled all government positions to his liking. These events alarmed the leaders of the opposing faction, prompting Agnolo Acciajuoli to flee to Naples, while Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini went to Venice. Luca Pitti stayed in Florence, trusting in his new connections and Piero's promises. The fleeing citizens were declared rebels, and the entire Neroni family was scattered. Giovanni di Neroni, the archbishop of Florence at the time, chose to voluntarily exile himself in Rome to avoid worse consequences, while various places of banishment were designated for many other citizens who escaped. This didn’t seem adequate, as it was ordered that citizens participate in a formal procession to thank God for the government’s survival and the city's reunification. During this event, some people were captured and tortured, with some later executed and exiled. In this significant turn of events, Luca Pitti experienced one of the most striking examples of fortune’s instability, quickly realizing the difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His once-bustling home was now a deserted place where crowds of citizens used to gather. In the streets, instead of offering their support, his friends and family were now too afraid to even greet him. Some lost their official positions, others lost their properties, and they all faced threats. The magnificent buildings he had started were left unfinished, and the favors he had received turned into harm, with honors replaced by disgrace. Many who had gifted him valuable items now asked for them back, claiming they were only lent; those who used to praise him as exceptional now labeled him violent and ungrateful. Thus, well after the fact, he regretted not following Niccolo Soderini’s advice, wishing he had chosen an honorable death in battle over a life of shame among his victorious enemies.
The exiles now began to consider various means of recovering that citizenship which they had not been able to preserve. However, Agnolo Acciajuoli being at Naples, before he attempted anything else, resolved to sound Piero, and try if he could effect a reconciliation. For this purpose, he wrote to him in the following terms: "I cannot help laughing at the freaks of fortune, perceiving how, at her pleasure, she converts friends into enemies, and enemies into friends. You may remember that during your father's exile, regarding more the injury done to him than my own misfortunes, I was banished, and in danger of death, and never during Cosmo's life failed to honor and support your family; neither have I since his death ever entertained a wish to injure you. True, it is, that your own sickness, and the tender years of your sons, so alarmed me, that I judged it desirable to give such a form to the government, that after your death our country might not be ruined; and hence, the proceedings, which not against you, but for the safety of the state, have been adopted, which, if mistaken, will surely obtain forgiveness, both for the good design in view, and on account of my former services. Neither can I apprehend, that your house, having found me so long faithful, should now prove unmerciful, or that you could cancel the impression of so much merit for so small a fault." Piero replied: "Your laughing in your present abode is the cause why I do not weep, for were you to laugh in Florence, I should have to weep at Naples. I confess you were well disposed toward my father, and you ought to confess you were well paid for it; and the obligation is so much the greater on your part than on ours, as deeds are of greater value than words. Having been recompensed for your good wishes, it ought not to surprise you that you now receive the due reward of your bad ones. Neither will a pretense of your patriotism excuse you, for none will think the city less beloved or benefited by the Medici, than by the Acciajuoli. It, therefore, seems but just, that you should remain in dishonor at Naples, since you knew not how to live with honor at home."
The exiles began to think of different ways to regain the citizenship they had lost. However, Agnolo Acciajuoli, who was in Naples, decided before doing anything else to reach out to Piero and see if he could bring about a reconciliation. He wrote to him saying: "I can't help but laugh at the whims of fortune, noticing how she can easily turn friends into enemies and enemies into friends. You may remember that during your father's exile, I was banished over the injury done to him rather than my own troubles, and I faced the threat of death. Throughout Cosmo's life, I always honored and supported your family, and since his death, I've never wished to harm you. It's true that your illness and the young age of your sons worried me, and I thought it best to shape the government in such a way that our country wouldn’t fall apart after your death; hence the actions taken were for the safety of the state, not against you. If I've done anything wrong, I hope it will be forgiven because of my good intentions and my past service to you. I also can’t believe that your family, having found me loyal for so long, would now be unforgiving or that you could dismiss the value of my contributions for such a minor mistake." Piero replied: "Your laughter in your current situation is what prevents me from crying, because if you were laughing in Florence, I would have to weep in Naples. I admit you were favorable toward my father, and you should admit that you were well rewarded for it; the obligation is therefore greater on your side than on ours, as actions are worth more than words. Since you were compensated for your good intentions, it shouldn't surprise you that you now face the consequences of your bad ones. Also, pretending to be patriotic won’t excuse you, as no one believes the city is less loved or benefited by the Medici than by the Acciajuoli. It seems fair, then, that you should stay in disgrace in Naples since you didn’t know how to live honorably at home."
Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where, joining the archbishop and other refugees, they used every available means to injure the commercial credit of the Medici in that city. Their attempts greatly annoyed Piero; but by his friends' assistance, he was enabled to render them abortive. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini strenuously urged the Venetian senate to make war upon their country, calculating, that in case of an attack, the government being new and unpopular, would be unable to resist. At this time there resided at Ferrara, Giovanni Francesco, son of Palla Strozzi, who, with his father, was banished from Florence in the changes of 1434. He possessed great influence, and was considered one of the richest merchants. The newly banished pointed out to Giovanni Francesco how easily they might return to their country, if the Venetians were to undertake the enterprise, and that it was most probable they would do so, if they had pecuniary assistance, but that otherwise it would be doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avenge his own injuries, at once fell in with their ideas, and promised to contribute to the success of the attempt all the means in his power. On this they went to the Doge, and complained of the exile they were compelled to endure, for no other reason, they said, than for having wished their country should be subject to equal laws, and that the magistrates should govern, not a few private individuals; that Piero de' Medici, with his adherents, who were accustomed to act tyrannically, had secretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced them to lay their own aside, and thus, by fraud, expelled them from their country; that, not content with this, they made the Almighty himself a means of oppression to several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained in the city and were there betrayed; for, during public worship and solemn supplications, that the Deity might seem to participate in their treachery, many citizens had been seized, imprisoned, tortured, and put to death; thus affording to the world a horrible and impious precedent. To avenge themselves for these injuries, they knew not where to turn with so much hope of success as to the senate, which, having always enjoyed their liberty, ought to compassionate those who had lost it. They therefore called upon them as free men to assist them against tyrants; as pious, against the wicked; and would remind the Venetians, that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed them of their dominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other citizens, and who, in opposition to the interests of the senate, had favored and supported Francesco, so, that if the exiles' distresses could not induce them to undertake the war, the just indignation of the people of Venice, and their desire of vengeance ought to prevail.
Agnolo, desperate for forgiveness, went to Rome, where he teamed up with the archbishop and other exiles to do everything possible to damage the Medici's business reputation in the city. Their efforts really bothered Piero; however, with the help of his friends, he was able to make their plans fail. Diotisalvi Neroni and Niccolo Soderini strongly urged the Venetian senate to declare war on their country, believing that with a new and unpopular government, they wouldn't be able to fight back. At that time, Giovanni Francesco, the son of Palla Strozzi, lived in Ferrara. He and his father had been exiled from Florence during the upheaval of 1434. He had significant influence and was known as one of the wealthiest merchants. The newly exiled pointed out to Giovanni Francesco how easy it could be for them to return to their homeland if the Venetians launched an attack, mentioning that it was likely they would do so if they had financial support, but otherwise, it was uncertain. Giovanni Francesco, eager to get back at those who wronged him, immediately agreed with their ideas and promised to put all his resources into making the attempt successful. They then approached the Doge and complained about their exile, saying it was unjust, as they merely wanted their country to be governed by fair laws instead of a few individuals. They claimed that Piero de' Medici and his supporters, who acted like tyrants, had secretly taken up arms and deceitfully persuaded them to put theirs down, ultimately driving them out of their homeland through trickery. Not satisfied with that, they manipulated the Almighty as a tool of oppression against those who, trusting their promises, stayed behind and were betrayed in the city; during public worship and solemn prayers, to make it seem like the Deity was part of their betrayal, many citizens were arrested, imprisoned, tortured, and executed, setting a shocking and blasphemous example for the world. To seek revenge for these wrongs, they saw the senate as their best hope for success, as it had always enjoyed its freedom and should empathize with those who had lost it. They therefore called on them, as free men, to help stand against the tyrants; as righteous, against the wicked; reminding the Venetians that it was the Medici family who had taken away their territories in Lombardy against the wishes of other citizens and who, in opposition to the senate's interests, had supported Francesco. If the exiles' suffering couldn't convince them to start the war, then the people's justified anger and their desire for revenge should compel them to act.
CHAPTER IV
War between the Venetians and the Florentines—Peace re-established—Death of Niccolo Soderini—His character—Excesses in Florence—Various external events from 1468 to 1471—Accession of Sixtus IV.—His character—Grief of Piero de' Medici for the violence committed in Florence—His speech to the principal citizens—Plans of Piero de' Medici for the restoration of order—His death and character—Tommaso Soderini, a citizen of great reputation, declares himself in favor of the Medici—Disturbances at Prato occasioned by Bernardo Nardi.
War between the Venetians and the Florentines—Peace restored—Death of Niccolo Soderini—His character—Excesses in Florence—Various events from 1468 to 1471—Accession of Sixtus IV.—His character—Piero de' Medici's sorrow over the violence in Florence—His address to the main citizens—Piero de' Medici's plans to restore order—His death and character—Tommaso Soderini, a highly regarded citizen, supports the Medici—Disturbances in Prato caused by Bernardo Nardi.
The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled, and joined by Ercole da Esti, who had been sent by Borgo, marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities, the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of Dovadola, and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled the enemies of Piero, renewed their league with Galeazzo, duke of Milan, and Ferrando, king of Naples, they appointed to the command of their forces Federigo, count of Urbino; and being thus on good terms with their friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sent Alfonso, his eldest son, to their aid, and Galeazzo came in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated among the roots of the Appennines which descend from Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime, the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place between the armies; yet, in accordance with the custom of the times, neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town, or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement; but each kept within their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkable cowardice. This occasioned general dissatisfaction among the Florentines; for they found themselves involved in an expensive war, from which no advantage could be derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless proceedings to those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition; but they replied, that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galeazzo, who possessing great authority and little experience, was unable to suggest useful measures, and unwilling to take the advice of those who were more capable; and therefore any demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the duke, that his presence with the force was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself sufficient to alarm the enemy; but they considered his own safety and that of his dominions, much more important than their own immediate convenience; because so long as the former were safe, the Florentines had nothing to fear, and all would go well; but if his dominions were to suffer, they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They assured him they did not think it prudent for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recently succeeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies and suspected neighbors; while any who were desirous of plotting against him, had an opportunity of doing so with impunity. They would, therefore, advise him to return to his territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who, in consequence, immediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals being now left without any hindrance, to show that the cause assigned for their inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king and duke, each to the territories of their sovereign. As this attempt had not occasioned any tumult in Florence, contrary to the rebels' expectation, and the troops they had hired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and easily arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope, dispersed themselves in various places. Diotisalvi Neroni withdrew to Ferrara, where he was received and entertained by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo Soderini went to Ravenna, where, upon a small pension allowed by the Venetians, he grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave man, but over-cautious and slow to determine, a circumstance which occasioned him, when Gonfalonier of Justice, to lose the opportunity of victory which he would have gladly recovered when too late.
The final words of the Florentine exiles stirred up a lot of excitement among the Venetian senators, and they decided to send Bernardo Coglione, their general, to attack Florence. The troops were gathered and joined by Ercole da Este, who had been sent by Borgo, the Marquis of Ferrara. At the start of hostilities, since the Florentines were unprepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of Dovadola and plundered the surrounding area. However, after pushing out Piero’s enemies, they renewed their alliance with Galeazzo, the Duke of Milan, and Ferrando, the King of Naples. They appointed Federigo, the Count of Urbino, to lead their forces, and with strong ties to their allies, they felt less anxious about their enemies. Ferrando sent his eldest son Alfonso to support them, and Galeazzo came in person, each leading a suitable force, all gathering at Castrocaro, a fortress controlled by the Florentines, located in the foothills of the Apennines that stretch from Tuscany to Romagna. Meanwhile, the enemy retreated toward Imola. There were a few minor skirmishes between the armies; however, following the customs of the time, neither side took the offensive, besieged any towns, or gave the other a chance for a major battle; instead, they stayed in their tents and behaved with notable cowardice. This caused widespread dissatisfaction among the Florentines, as they found themselves stuck in an expensive war that brought no benefits. The magistrates complained about this lack of spirit to the commissaries appointed for the expedition, but they responded that the blame lay with Duke Galeazzo, whose great authority paired with little experience made him unable to suggest useful strategies and unwilling to heed the advice of those more capable. Thus, displays of courage or energy were impossible as long as he stayed with the army. The Florentines then suggested to the duke that his presence was valuable and beneficial and enough to intimidate the enemy; however, they believed his safety and that of his realms was far more important than their own immediate needs because as long as he was safe, the Florentines had nothing to fear, and everything would be fine; but if his domains were at risk, they could expect all sorts of misfortunes. They assured him that it was unwise for him to be absent for so long from Milan, having just taken over the government while surrounded by powerful enemies and suspicious neighbors; anyone wanting to scheme against him had the chance to do so without consequence. Therefore, they advised him to return to his territories, leaving some of his troops with them for the expedition. This advice pleased Galeazzo, who then returned to Milan. Now unimpeded, the Florentine generals proved that the reason for their inaction was indeed valid, pressing the enemy more closely until they engaged in a proper battle that lasted half a day, with neither side yielding. Some horses were wounded, and prisoners were taken, but there were no fatalities. With winter arriving and the customary time for armies to retreat into quarters, Bartolommeo Coglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces went back to Tuscany, and those of the king and duke returned to their respective territories. As this attempt hadn't caused any unrest in Florence, contrary to the rebels' expectations, and the hired troops were running low on pay, peace terms were proposed and easily agreed upon. The revolted Florentines, stripped of hope, scattered to different places. Diotisalvi Neroni went to Ferrara, where he was welcomed and taken care of by the Marquis Borso. Niccolo Soderini went to Ravenna, where he grew old and died on a small pension provided by the Venetians. He was regarded as a just and brave man, but overly cautious and slow to act, which caused him to miss the chance for victory as Gonfalonier of Justice, a chance he would wish he could have taken when it was already too late.
Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained victorious in Florence, as if unable to convince themselves they had conquered, unless they oppressed not merely their enemies, but all whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bardo Altoviti, then Gonfalonier of Justice, to deprive many of the honors of government, and to banish several more. They exercised their power so inconsiderately, and conducted themselves in such an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as if fortune and the Almighty had given the city up to them for a prey. Piero knew little of these things, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, on account of his infirmities; his body being so contracted that he could use no faculty but that of speech. All he could do was to admonish the leading men, and beg they would conduct themselves with greater moderation, and not by their violence effect their country's ruin. In order to divert the city, he resolved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo with Clarice degli Orsini with great splendor; and it was accordingly solemnized with all the display suitable to the exalted rank of the parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations occupied many days; at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur of the house of Medici and of the government, two military spectacles were presented, one performed by men on horseback, who went through the evolutions of a field engagement, and the other representing the storming of a town; everything being conducted with admirable order and the greatest imaginable brilliancy.
Once peace was restored, those who had come out on top in Florence, as if unable to convince themselves they had truly won, decided to oppress not just their enemies but anyone they suspected. They pressured Bardo Altoviti, then Gonfalonier of Justice, to strip many people of their government honors and to banish several others. They wielded their power so thoughtlessly and acted so arbitrarily that it seemed like fate and the Almighty had handed the city over to them as prey. Piero was mostly unaware of these events and was unable to fix even what little he knew due to his physical limitations; his body was so contorted that he could only speak. The most he could do was advise the influential leaders to behave more reasonably and to avoid ruining their country with their violence. To lift the city's spirits, he decided to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo to Clarice degli Orsini with great flair; the wedding was held with all the grandeur befitting their high status. For many days, there were feasts, dancing, and traditional performances; and at the end, to showcase the glory of the Medici family and the government, two military displays were held—one featuring horseback riders reenacting a battlefield engagement and the other depicting the siege of a town. Everything was executed with remarkable organization and the utmost brilliance.
During these transactions in Florence, the rest of Italy, though at peace, was filled with apprehension of the power of the Turks, who continued to attack the Christians, and had taken Negropont, to the great disgrace and injury of the Christian name. About this time died Borso, marquis of Ferrara, who was succeeded by his brother Ercole. Gismondo da Rimini, the inveterate enemy of the church also expired, and his natural brother Roberto, who was afterward one of the best generals of Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died, and was succeeded by Sixtus IV. previously called Francesco da Savona, a man of the very lowest origin, who by his talents had become general of the order of St. Francis, and afterward cardinal. He was the first who began to show how far a pope might go, and how much that which was previously regarded as sinful lost its iniquity when committed by a pontiff. Among others of his family were Piero and Girolamo, who, according to universal belief, were his sons, though he designated them by terms reflecting less scandal on his character. Piero being a priest, was advanced to the dignity of a cardinal, with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo he gave the city of Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose ancestors had held that territory for many generations. This ambitious method of procedure made him more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to obtain his friendship. The duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina to Girolamo, with the city of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degli Alidossi, as her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed between the duke and king Ferrando; Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the king's eldest son, being united to Giovan Galeazzo, the eldest son of the duke.
During these events in Florence, the rest of Italy, although peaceful, was filled with fear about the power of the Turks, who kept attacking Christians and had captured Negropont, causing great shame and harm to the Christian faith. Around this time, Borso, the marquis of Ferrara, died, and his brother Ercole took over. Gismondo da Rimini, a longtime enemy of the church, also passed away, and his half-brother Roberto, who later became one of Italy's best generals, succeeded him. Pope Paul died and was succeeded by Sixtus IV, previously known as Francesco da Savona, a man of very humble beginnings who had risen to become the general of the order of St. Francis and later a cardinal through his talents. He was the first to demonstrate how far a pope could go, showing that actions previously deemed sinful lost their wrongness when committed by a pontiff. Among his family were Piero and Girolamo, who, according to widespread belief, were his sons, although he referred to them in a way that minimized scandal. Piero, who was a priest, was elevated to the rank of cardinal with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo, he gave the city of Furli, which he took from Antonio Ordelaffi, whose family had held that territory for many generations. This ambitious approach made him more respected among the princes of Italy, and everyone sought his friendship. The duke of Milan married his natural daughter Caterina to Girolamo, giving him the city of Imola, which he had taken from Taddeo degli Alidossi, as her dowry. New marriage alliances were formed between the duke and King Ferrando, with Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the king's eldest son, marrying Giovan Galeazzo, the duke's eldest son.
Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her princes was to watch each other, and strengthen their own influence by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But in the midst of this repose, Florence endured great oppression from her principal citizens, and the infirmities of Piero incapacitated him from restraining their ambition. However, to relieve his conscience, and, if possible, to make them ashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his house, and addressed them in the following words: "I never thought a time would come when the behavior of my friends would compel me to esteem and desire the society of my enemies, and wish that I had been defeated rather than victorious; for I believed myself to be associated with those who would set some bounds to their avarice, and who, after having avenged themselves on their enemies, and lived in their country with security and honor, would be satisfied. But now I find myself greatly deceived, unacquainted with the ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours; for, not satisfied with being masters of so great a city, and possessing among yourselves those honors, dignities, and emoluments which used to be divided among many citizens; not contented with having shared among a few the property of your enemies, or with being able to oppress all others with public burdens, while you yourselves are exempt from them, and enjoy all the public offices of profit you must still further load everyone with ill usage. You plunder your neighbors of their wealth; you sell justice; you evade the law; you oppress the timid and exalt the insolent. Nor is there, throughout all Italy, so many and such shocking examples of violence and avarice as in this city. Has our country fostered us only to be her destroyer? Have we been victorious only to effect her ruin? Has she honored us that we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by that faith which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if you still conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, I will adopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly to repent of having misused it." The reply of the citizens accorded with the time and circumstances, but they did not forego their evil practices; so that, in consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Acciajuoli to come secretly to Cafaggiolo, and discussed with him at great length the condition of the city; and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he would have called home the exiles as a check upon the rapine of the opposite party. But these honorable designs were frustrated; for, sinking under bodily infirmities and mental anguish, he expired in the fifty-third year of his age. His goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by his country, principally from his having, until almost the close of his life, been associated with Cosmo, and the few years he survived being spent in civil discord and constant debility. Piero was buried in the church of St. Lorenzo, near his father, and his obsequies were performed with all the pomp and solemnity due to his exalted station. He left two sons, Lorenzo and Guiliano, whose extreme youth excited alarm in the minds of thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness to the republic.
With Italy at peace, the main focus of its princes was to keep an eye on one another and boost their own power through new alliances, leagues, or friendships. However, during this time of calm, Florence faced severe oppression from its leading citizens, and Piero's health struggles prevented him from controlling their ambition. To ease his conscience and perhaps shame them into better behavior, he summoned them to his home and said: "I never imagined a time would come when the actions of my friends would lead me to value and seek the company of my enemies, wishing I had been defeated instead of victorious; because I thought I was aligned with those who would put some limits on their greed, and who, after settling scores with their foes and living in their city safely and honorably, would be content. But now I find myself greatly mistaken, unaware of the ambition of mankind, especially yours; not satisfied with being rulers of such a great city and holding the honors, dignities, and benefits that used to be shared among many citizens; not content with having divided the property of your enemies among a few or being able to impose public burdens on everyone else while you keep yourselves exempt and enjoy all the profitable public offices—you still feel the need to further burden everyone with mistreatment. You rob your neighbors of their wealth; you sell justice; you find ways to dodge the law; you crush the weak and uplift the arrogant. There are no other places in all of Italy with as many shocking examples of violence and greed as this city. Has our country raised us only to destroy her? Have we triumphed only to bring about her downfall? Has she honored us so we can cover her in disgrace? Now, by the faith that binds all good people, I promise you that if you continue to act in a way that makes me regret my victory, I will take measures that will make you deeply regret misusing it." The citizens' response matched the time and situation, but they did not stop their wrongdoing; as a result, Piero secretly summoned Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cafaggiolo and discussed at length the state of the city. Undoubtedly, had he not been cut short by death, he would have brought back the exiles to counter the looting by the opposing faction. But these honorable plans were thwarted; overwhelmed by physical ailments and mental distress, he passed away at the age of fifty-three. His goodness and virtue were not fully recognized by his country, mainly because he had been associated with Cosmo until nearly the end of his life, and the few years he lived afterward were spent in civil strife and ongoing weakness. Piero was buried in the church of St. Lorenzo, next to his father, and his funeral was held with all the grandeur and seriousness appropriate for his high position. He left behind two sons, Lorenzo and Giuliano, whose young age raised concern among thoughtful individuals, even though both showed promise for future contributions to the republic.
Among the principal citizens in the government of Florence, and very superior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose prudence and authority were well known not only at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero's death, the whole city looked up to him; many citizens waited upon him at his own house, as the head of the government, and several princes addressed him by letter; but he, impartially estimating his own fortune and that of the house of Medici, made no reply to the princes' communications, and told the citizens, it was not his house, but that of the Medici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions the sincerity and integrity of his advice he assembled all the heads of noble families in the convent of St. Antonio, whither he also brought Lorenzo and Guiliano de' Medici, and in a long and serious speech upon the state of the city, the condition of Italy, and the views of her princes, he assured them, that if they wished to live in peace and unity in Florence, free both from internal dissensions and foreign wars, it would be necessary to respect the sons of Piero and support the reputation of their house; for men never regret their continuance in a course sanctioned by custom while new methods are soon adopted and as speedily set aside; and it has always been found easier to maintain a power which by its continuance has outlived envy, than to raise a new one, which innumerable unforeseen causes may overthrow. When Tommaso had concluded, Lorenzo spoke, and, though young, with such modesty and discretion that all present felt a presentiment of his becoming what he afterward proved to be; and before the citizens departed they swore to regard the youths as their sons, and the brothers promised to look upon them as their parents. After this, Lorenzo and Guiliano were honored as princes, and resolved to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Soderini.
Among the main citizens in the government of Florence, and far superior to the rest, was Tommaso Soderini, whose wisdom and authority were well-known not just locally, but all over Italy. After Piero's death, the entire city looked to him; many citizens visited him at his home as the head of the government, and several princes wrote to him. However, he fairly evaluated both his own situation and that of the Medici family, and he didn’t respond to the princes' letters. He told the citizens that they should visit the Medici family, not him. To show through his actions that he truly meant what he said, he gathered all the leaders of noble families at the convent of St. Antonio, where he also brought Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici. In a lengthy and serious speech about the state of the city, the situation in Italy, and the ambitions of its princes, he assured them that if they wanted to live in peace and unity in Florence, free from both internal strife and foreign wars, they needed to respect Piero's sons and uphold the reputation of their family. He noted that people seldom regret sticking to a path established by tradition, while new methods are quickly adopted and just as quickly discarded. It has always been easier to maintain power that has survived envy through time than to create a new one that could be toppled by countless unforeseen issues. When Tommaso finished speaking, Lorenzo spoke up, and despite his youth, he showed such humility and wisdom that everyone present sensed he would become someone significant, as he later did. Before leaving, the citizens swore to consider the young men as their sons, and the brothers promised to treat the citizens as their parents. Afterwards, Lorenzo and Giuliano were honored as princes and decided to follow Tommaso Soderini's advice.
While profound tranquillity prevailed both at home and abroad, no wars disturbing the general repose, there arose an unexpected disturbance, which came like a presage of future evils. Among the ruined families of the party of Luca Pitti, was that of the Nardi; for Salvestro and his brothers, the heads of the house, were banished and afterward declared rebels for having taken part in the war under Bartolommeo Coglione. Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt, and bold, and on account of his poverty being unable to alleviate the sorrows of exile, while the peace extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, he determined to attempt some means of rekindling the war; for a trifling commencement often produces great results, and men more readily prosecute what is already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardo had many acquaintances at Prato, and still more in the district of Pistoia, particularly among the Palandra, a family which, though rustic, was very numerous, and, like the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up to slaughter and war. These he knew to be discontented, on account of the Florentine magistrates having endeavored, perhaps too severely, to check their partiality for inveterate feuds and consequence bloodshed. He was also aware that the people of Prato considered themselves injured by the pride and avarice of their governors, and that some were ill disposed toward Florence; therefore all things considered, he hoped to be able to kindle a fire in Tuscany (should Prato rebel) which would be fostered by so many, that those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in the attempt. He communicated his ideas to Diotisalvi Neroni, and asked him, in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prato, what assistance might be expected from the princes of Italy, by his means? Diotisalvi considered the enterprise as imminently dangerous, and almost impracticable; but since it presented a fresh chance of attaining his object, at the risk of others, he advised him to proceed, and promised certain assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Prato not less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise inspired with a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to Prato, and communicated with those most disposed to favor him, among whom were the Palandra; and having arranged the time and plan, informed Diotisalvi of what had been done.
While there was a deep calm both at home and abroad, with no wars interrupting the general peace, an unexpected disruption arose, signaling future troubles. Among the ruined families supporting Luca Pitti was the Nardi family; Salvestro and his brothers, the leaders of the house, were exiled and later declared rebels for joining Bartolommeo Coglione in the war. Bernardo, Salvestro's younger brother, was quick, bold, and driven, and because he was too poor to ease the pains of exile, and given that the peace snuffed out all hopes of returning to the city, he decided to find a way to reignite the war; after all, a small beginning can lead to significant outcomes, and people are more willing to continue something that's already started than to launch a new venture. Bernardo had many contacts in Prato, and even more in the Pistoia area, especially among the Palandra, a large but rural family that, like the other residents of Pistoia, was raised to fight. He knew they were unhappy because the Florentine officials had tried, perhaps too harshly, to curb their long-standing feuds and the resulting violence. He was also aware that the people of Prato felt wronged by the pride and greed of their leaders, and some were resentful toward Florence; therefore, he hoped to spark a rebellion in Tuscany (if Prato revolted) that would be supported by so many that anyone trying to put it out would fail. He shared his thoughts with Diotisalvi Neroni and asked what kind of help they could expect from the princes of Italy if they managed to take Prato. Diotisalvi saw the plan as extremely risky and almost impossible; however, since it offered a new chance to achieve his goals, at the expense of others, he encouraged him to move forward, promising support from Bologna and Ferrara if he could hold Prato for at least fifteen days. Inspired by this promise, which filled him with hope, Bernardo secretly went to Prato and connected with those most likely to support him, including the Palandra. After planning the timing and strategy, he informed Diotisalvi of the arrangements.
CHAPTER V
Bernardo takes possession of Prato, but is not assisted by the inhabitants—He is taken, and the tumult appeased—Corruption of Florence—The duke of Milan in Florence—The church of Santo Spirito destroyed by fire—The rebellion of Volterra, and the cause of it—Volterra reduced to obedience by force, in accordance with the advice of Lorenzo de' Medici—Volterra pillaged.
Bernardo takes control of Prato, but the locals don't help him—He is captured, and the chaos is calmed—Corruption in Florence—The Duke of Milan in Florence—The Church of Santo Spirito burned down—The rebellion in Volterra and why it happened—Volterra brought back under control by force, following Lorenzo de' Medici's advice—Volterra is looted.
Cesare Petrucci held the office of Provost of Prato for the Florentine people, at this period. It is customary with governors of towns, similarly situated, to keep the keys of the gates near their persons; and whenever, in peaceful times, they are required by any of the inhabitants, for entrance or exit, they are usually allowed to be taken. Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak, presented himself at the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accompanied by the Palandra and about one hundred persons, all armed. Their confederates within the town also armed themselves, and one of them asked the governor for the keys, alleging, as a pretext, that some one from the country wished to enter. The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion, sent a servant with them. When at a convenient distance, they were taken by the conspirators, who, opening the gates, introduced Bernardo and his followers. They divided themselves into two parties, one of which, led by Salvestro, an inhabitant of Prato, took possession of the citadel; the other following Bernardo, seized the palace, and placed Cesare with all his family in the custody of some of their number. They then raised the cry of liberty, and proceeded through the town. It was now day, and many of the inhabitants hearing the disturbance, ran to the piazza where, learning that the fortress and the palace were taken and the governor with all his people made prisoners, they were utterly astonished, and could not imagine how it had occurred. The eight citizens, possessing the supreme authority, assembled in their palace to consider what was best to be done. In the meantime, Bernardo and his followers, on going round the town, found no encouragement, and being told that the Eight had assembled, went and declared the nature of their enterprise, which he said was to deliver the country from slavery, reminding them how glorious it would be for those who took arms to effect such an honorable object, for they would thus obtain permanent repose and everlasting fame. He called to recollection their ancient liberty and present condition, and assured them of certain assistance, if they would only, for a few days, aid in resisting the forces the Florentines might send against them. He said he had friends in Florence who would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants resolved to support him. His speech did not produce the desired effect upon the Eight, who replied that they knew not whether Florence was free or enslaved, for that was a matter which they were not called upon to decide; but this they knew very well, that for their own part, they desired no other liberty than to obey the magistrates who governed Florence, from whom they had never received any injury sufficient to make them desire a change. They therefore advised him to set the governor at liberty, clear the place of his people, and, as quickly as possible, withdraw from the danger he had so rashly incurred. Bernardo was not daunted by these words, but determined to try whether fear could influence the people of Prato, since entreaties produced so little effect. In order to terrify them, he determined to put Cesare to death, and having brought him out of prison, ordered him to be hanged at the windows of the palace. He was already led to the spot with a halter around his neck, when seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten his end, he turned to him, and said: "Bernardo, you put me to death, thinking that the people of Prato will follow you; but the direct contrary will result; for the respect they have for the rectors which the Florentine people send here is so great, that as soon as they witness the injury inflicted upon me, they will conceive such a disgust against you as will inevitably effect your ruin. Therefore, it is not by my death, but by the preservation of my life, that you can attain the object you have in view; for if I deliver your commands, they will be much more readily obeyed, and following your directions, we shall soon attain the completion of your design." Bernardo, whose mind was not fertile in expedients, thought the advice good, and commanded Cesare, on being conducted to a veranda which looked upon the piazza, to order the people of Prato to obey him, and having done which, Cesare was led back to prison.
Cesare Petrucci was the Provost of Prato for the people of Florence at this time. It's common for town governors in similar situations to keep the keys to the gates close by, and during peaceful times, they're generally allowed to be handed over to residents who need to enter or exit. Bernardo knew about this custom and, at dawn, showed up at the gate facing Pistoia, along with the Palandra and around one hundred armed men. Their allies inside the town also armed themselves, and one of them asked the governor for the keys, claiming that someone from the countryside wanted to enter. The governor, having no reason to suspect anything, sent a servant with them. Once they were far enough away, the conspirators seized the keys, opened the gates, and let Bernardo and his followers in. They split into two groups: one led by Salvestro, a resident of Prato, took control of the citadel, while the other followed Bernardo to capture the palace and placed Cesare and his family under the guard of some of their associates. They then shouted for freedom and marched through the town. It was now daylight, and many residents, hearing the commotion, rushed to the piazza, where they learned that the fortress and palace had been taken and that the governor and his people were prisoners. They were stunned and couldn't understand how this had happened. The eight citizens in charge gathered in their palace to figure out what to do next. Meanwhile, Bernardo and his group, going around the town, found little support. When they heard that the Eight had assembled, they approached them to explain their plan, which he said was to free the country from oppression. He emphasized how glorious it would be for those who fought for such an honorable cause, promising them lasting peace and fame. He reminded them of their ancient freedom and their current situation, assuring them of reliable help if they would just resist any forces the Florentines might send against them for a few days. He mentioned having friends in Florence who would join in as soon as they saw the townspeople were willing to support him. However, his speech didn't have the desired impact on the Eight, who replied that they didn't know whether Florence was free or enslaved, as that was outside their authority to decide. What they did know was that they desired no liberty other than to obey the magistrates governing Florence, and they had never been harmed enough to want change. They advised him to free the governor, clear the area of his supporters, and quickly retreat from the danger he had rushed into. Bernardo was undeterred by their response and decided to see if fear could sway the people of Prato, since pleading had little effect. To frighten them, he opted to execute Cesare and, after bringing him out of prison, ordered him to be hanged from the palace windows. Cesare was already being taken to the spot with a noose around his neck when, noticing Bernardo hastening his end, he called out, “Bernardo, you will kill me thinking the people of Prato will follow you, but the opposite will happen; their respect for the governors sent by the Florentines is so great that witnessing this injustice against me will only bring them disgust towards you, which will lead to your downfall. So, it’s my life you need to protect to achieve your goal; if I carry out your orders, they will be followed much more readily, and we can quickly reach your objective.” Bernardo, not very quick-thinking, found this advice appealing, and he commanded Cesare, once taken to a balcony overlooking the piazza, to instruct the people of Prato to obey him. After this, Cesare was taken back to prison.
The weakness of the conspirators was obvious; and many Florentines residing in the town, assembled together, among whom, Giorgio Ginori, a knight of Rhodes, took arms first against them, and attacked Bernardo, who traversed the piazza, alternately entreating and threatening those who refused to obey him, and being surrounded by Giorgio's followers, he was wounded and made prisoner. This being done, it was easy to set the governor at liberty and subdue the rest, who being few, and divided into several parties, were nearly all either secured or slain. An exaggerated report of these transactions reached Florence, it being told there that Prato was taken, the governor and his friends put to death, and the place filled with the enemy; and that Pistoia was also in arms, and most of the citizens in the conspiracy. In consequence of this alarming account, the palace as quickly filled with citizens, who consulted with the Signory what course ought to be adopted. At this time, Roberto da San Severino, one of the most distinguished generals of this period, was at Florence, and it was therefore determined to send him, with what forces could be collected, to Prato, with orders that he should approach the place, particularly observe what was going on, and provide such remedies as the necessity of the case and his own prudence should suggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi, when he was met by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo was taken, his followers either dispersed or slain, and everything restored to order. He consequently returned to Florence, whither Bernardo was shortly after conveyed, and when questioned by the magistracy concerning the real motives of such a weak conspiracy, he said, he had undertaken it, because, having resolved to die in Florence rather than live in exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable action.
The conspirators' weakness was clear, and many Florentines in the town gathered together. Among them, Giorgio Ginori, a knight of Rhodes, was the first to take up arms against them and confronted Bernardo, who was moving through the piazza, begging and threatening those who wouldn't follow him. As Giorgio's followers surrounded him, Bernardo was wounded and captured. With that done, it became easy to free the governor and defeat the rest, who were few in number and split into several groups, most of whom were either captured or killed. An exaggerated report of these events reached Florence, saying that Prato had fallen, the governor and his supporters were dead, and that the town was overrun with enemies; it even claimed that Pistoia was also in arms and that most citizens were involved in the conspiracy. As a result of this alarming news, the palace quickly filled with citizens discussing what action should be taken with the Signory. At this time, Roberto da San Severino, one of the most notable generals of the period, was in Florence, so it was decided to send him, along with whatever forces could be gathered, to Prato, with instructions to approach the area, closely observe what was happening, and provide necessary solutions based on the situation and his own judgment. Roberto had hardly passed the Campi fortress when he was met by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo had been captured, his followers either spread out or killed, and that order had been restored. He then returned to Florence, where Bernardo was shortly brought, and when questioned by the magistrates about the true reasons for such a weak conspiracy, he stated that he had plotted it because he preferred dying in Florence rather than living in exile, and he wanted his death to be marked by some significant action.
This disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping to enjoy, without anxiety, the state they had now established and confirmed. Hence arose many of those evils which usually result from peace; for the youth having become more dissolute than before, more extravagant in dress, feasting, and other licentiousness, and being without employment, wasted their time and means on gaming and women; their principal study being how to appear splendid in apparel, and attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse; he who could make the most poignant remark being considered the wisest, and being most respected. These manners derived additional encouragement from the followers of the duke of Milan, who, with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to fulfill a vow, came to Florence, where he was received with all the pomp and respect due to so great a prince, and one so intimately connected with the Florentine people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed an unprecedented exhibition; for, during Lent, when the church commands us to abstain from animal food, the Milanese, without respect for either God or his church, ate of it daily. Many spectacles were exhibited in honor of the duke, and among others, in the temple of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy Ghost among the apostles; and in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occasion, some of the woodwork became ignited, and the church was completely destroyed by the flames. Many thought that the Almighty being offended at our misconduct, took this method of signifying his displeasure. If, therefore, the duke found the city full of courtly delicacies, and customs unsuitable to well-regulated conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals.
This disturbance was raised and settled almost at the same time, so the citizens went back to their usual way of life, hoping to enjoy the stability they had established and confirmed without any worries. As a result, many of the problems that often arise in times of peace emerged; the youth became more rebellious than ever, spending excessively on fashion, parties, and other indulgences. With no work to keep them busy, they wasted their time and resources on gambling and women, focusing mainly on how to look impressive in their clothing and be clever in conversation. The person who could make the sharpest comment was seen as the wisest and earned the most respect. These behaviors were further encouraged by the followers of the Duke of Milan, who, along with his duchess and the entire ducal court, came to Florence to fulfill a vow. He was welcomed with all the grandeur and respect appropriate for such a significant prince and one closely linked to the Florentine people. During this visit, the city saw an extraordinary display; during Lent, a time when the church asks us to refrain from meat, the Milanese, showing no regard for God or the church, consumed it daily. Numerous spectacles were held in honor of the duke, and among them, in the temple of Santo Spirito, the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the apostles was portrayed. Due to the many fires used for the event, some of the wooden structures caught fire, and the church was entirely consumed by the flames. Many believed that the Almighty, offended by their behavior, used this incident to express His displeasure. Therefore, while the duke found the city filled with lavishness and behaviors inappropriate for good conduct, he left it in a much worse condition. Consequently, the good citizens thought it necessary to curb these excesses and passed a law to put a stop to extravagance in clothing, feasts, and funerals.
In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an alum-mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivable from it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, they applied to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits. This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first excited little attention from the people of Volterra; but in time, finding the profits derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlessly endeavored to effect what at first might have been easily accomplished. They began by agitating the question in their councils, declaring it grossly improper that a source of wealth discovered in the public lands should be converted to the emolument of private individuals. They next sent advocates to Florence, and the question was referred to the consideration of certain citizens, who, either through being bribed by the party in possession, or from a sincere conviction, declared the aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive their citizens of the fruit of their labor; and decided that the alum-pit was the rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought it; but, at the same time, recommended them to pay an annual sum by way of acknowledgment to the city. This answer instead of abating, served only to increase the animosities and tumult in Volterra, and absorbed entire attention both in the councils and throughout the city; the people demanding the restitution of what they considered their due, and the proprietors insisting upon their right to retain what they had originally acquired, and what had been subsequently been confirmed to them by the decision of the Florentines. In the midst of these disturbances, a respectable citizen, named Il Pecorino, was killed, together with several others, who had embraced the same side, whose houses were also plundered and burned; and the fury of the mob rose to such a height, that they were with difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine rectors to death.
In the midst of this widespread peace, a new and unexpected disruption arose in Tuscany. Some citizens of Volterra discovered an alum mine in their area, and realizing the potential profits from it, they reached out to some Florentines for help in managing and securing it, allowing them to share in the profits. At first, this new venture caught little attention from the people of Volterra; however, as the profits grew significant, they began to unsuccessfully try to reclaim what could have initially been easily organized. They started raising the issue in their councils, claiming it was entirely wrong for wealth found on public land to be turned into private profit. They then sent representatives to Florence, and the matter was discussed by certain citizens who, either because they were bribed by those already benefiting or genuinely believed it, stated that the Volterrans' request to take away the benefits from those who had worked for them was unfair. They declared that the alum mine rightly belonged to those who had worked it, but recommended that they pay an annual fee in recognition to the city. Instead of calming things down, this response only fueled the anger and chaos in Volterra, capturing everyone's attention in the councils and across the city. The people demanded the return of what they believed was rightfully theirs, while the owners insisted on their right to keep what they had originally claimed, which the Florentines had later affirmed. Amid these conflicts, a respected citizen named Il Pecorino was killed along with several others who supported his cause, and their homes were also looted and burned. The mob's rage escalated to such a degree that they were barely stopped from killing the Florentine officials.
After the first outrage, the Volterrani immediately determined to send ambassadors to Florence, who intimated, that if the Signory would allow them their ancient privileges, the city would remain subject to them as formerly. Many and various were the opinions concerning the reply to be made. Tommaso Soderini advised that they should accept the submission of the people of Volterra, upon any conditions with which they were disposed to make it; for he considered it unreasonable and unwise to kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own dwelling; he suspected the pope's ambition, and was apprehensive of the power of the king; nor could he confide in the friendship either of the duke or the Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of the latter, or the valor of the former. He concluded by quoting that trite proverb, "Meglio un magro accordo che una grassa vittoria."[*] On the other hand, Lorenzo de' Medici, thinking this an opportunity for exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously supported by those who envied the influence of Tommaso Soderini, resolved to march against them, and punish the arrogance of the people of Volterra with arms; declaring that if they were not made a striking example, others would, without the least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similar course. The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told that they could not demand the observance of conditions which they themselves had broken, and therefore must either submit to the direction of the Signory or expect war. With this answer they returned to their city, and prepared for its defense; fortifying the place, and sending to all the princes of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Siennese and the lord of Piombino, who gave them some hope of aid. The Florentines on the other hand, thinking success dependent principally upon celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched into the country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. They then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation, and precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for their defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the great superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and were tardy in their defensive operations, but indefatigable in the constant injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus these poor citizens were harassed by the enemy without, and by their own soldiery within; so, despairing of their safety, they began to think of a capitulation; and, being unable to obtain better terms, submitted to the discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the gates to be opened, and introduced the greater part of their forces. They then proceeded to the palace, and commanded the priors to retire to their homes; and, on the way thither, one of them was in derision stripped by the soldiers. From this beginning (so much more easily are men predisposed to evil than to good) originated the pillage and destruction of the city; which for a whole day suffered the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared; and the soldiery, those engaged for its defense as well as its assailants, plundered all that came within their reach. The news of this victory was received with great joy at Florence, and as the expedition had been undertaken wholly by the advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which one of the intimate friends of Tommaso Soderini, reminding him of the advice he had given, asked him what he thought of the taking of Volterra; to which he replied, "To me the place seems rather lost than won; for had it been received on equitable terms, advantage and security would have been the result; but having to retain it by force it will in critical junctures, occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury and expense."
After the initial outrage, the Volterrani quickly decided to send ambassadors to Florence, who hinted that if the Signory would grant them their traditional privileges, the city would remain loyal to them as before. There were many differing opinions about how to respond. Tommaso Soderini suggested that they should accept the submission of the people of Volterra under any terms they were willing to offer; he believed it was unreasonable and unwise to ignite a conflict so close to home that it might endanger their own territory. He was wary of the pope’s ambitions and concerned about the king’s power; he also did not trust the friendship of either the duke or the Venetians, lacking assurance of the latter’s sincerity or the former’s strength. He concluded by quoting the old saying, "Better a meager agreement than a fat victory." On the other hand, Lorenzo de' Medici saw this as a chance to showcase his prudence and wisdom and was strongly supported by those who envied Tommaso Soderini’s influence. He decided to march against them and punish the arrogance of the people of Volterra with force, asserting that if a strong example wasn’t made, others would follow their lead without fear or respect for any slight provocation. Once the decision was made, the Volterrani were told they could not demand compliance with conditions they themselves had violated, and thus they either had to submit to the Signory or brace for war. They returned to their city with this response and prepared for defense; they fortified the area and reached out to all the princes of Italy for help, but only the Siennese and the lord of Piombino offered some hope of support. Meanwhile, the Florentines believed that success depended largely on speed, so they gathered ten thousand foot soldiers and two thousand cavalry, who, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino, marched into Volterra and quickly took full control of the region. They then camped outside the city, which was perched high and steep on all sides, accessible only via a narrow path near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had hired about one thousand mercenaries for their defense, but realizing the Florentines’ overwhelming strength, they found the location untenable and were slow to defend it, yet persistent in the constant harm they inflicted on the local population. Thus, the poor citizens were tormented both by the enemy outside and their own soldiers within. As they lost hope for safety, they began to consider surrendering; unable to secure better terms, they submitted to the will of the Florentine commissioners, who ordered the gates to be opened and let in most of their troops. They then went to the palace and instructed the priors to go home; on their way there, one was mocked and stripped by the soldiers. This led to the pillaging and destruction of the city, which suffered horrendous atrocities for a whole day, with neither women nor sacred places spared; both the soldiers hired for its defense and those attacking it looted everything in sight. The news of this victory was met with great joy in Florence, and since the expedition had been undertaken solely on Lorenzo's advice, he earned significant acclaim. One of Tommaso Soderini’s close friends, recalling his earlier advice, asked him what he thought about the capture of Volterra. He replied, "To me, it seems more like a loss than a victory; if it had been taken on fair terms, it would have resulted in benefits and security. But having to hold it by force will create weaknesses and anxieties in critical times, and in peaceful times, it will bring harm and costs."
[*] A lean peace is better than a fat victory.
[*] A slim peace is better than a big win.
CHAPTER VI
Origin of the animosity between Sixtus IV. and Lorenzo de' Medici—Carlo di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese—Carlo retires by desire of the Florentines—Conspiracy against Galeazzo, duke of Milan—His vices—He is slain by the conspirators—Their deaths.
Origin of the conflict between Sixtus IV and Lorenzo de' Medici—Carlo di Braccio da Perugia attacks the Siennese—Carlo withdraws at the request of the Florentines—Conspiracy against Galeazzo, Duke of Milan—His faults—He is killed by the conspirators—Their deaths.
The pope, anxious to retain the territories of the church in obedience, had caused Spoleto to be sacked for having, through internal factions, fallen into rebellion. Citta di Castello being in the same state of contumacy, he besieged that place; and Niccolo Vitelli its prince, being on intimate terms with Lorenzo de' Medici, obtained assistance from him, which, though inadequate, was quite enough to originate that enmity between Sixtus IV. and the Medici afterward productive of such unhappy results. Nor would this have been so long in development had not the death of Frate Piero, cardinal of St. Sixtus, taken place; who, after having traveled over Italy and visited Venice and Milan (under the pretense of doing honor to the marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara), went about sounding the minds of the princes, to learn how they were disposed toward the Florentines. But upon his return he died, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by the Venetians, who found they would have reason to fear Sixtus if he were allowed to avail himself of the talents and exertions of Frate Piero. Although of very low extraction, and meanly brought up within the walls of a convent, he had no sooner attained the distinction of the scarlet hat, than he exhibited such inordinate pride and ambition, that the pontificate seemed too little for him, and he gave a feast in Rome which would have seemed extraordinary even for a king, the expense exceeding twenty thousand florins. Deprived of this minister, the designs of Sixtus proceeded with less promptitude. The Florentines, the duke, and the Venetians having renewed their league, and allowed the pope and the king to join them if they thought proper, the two latter also entered into a league, reserving an opening for the others if they were desirous to become parties to it. Italy was thus divided in two factions; for circumstances daily arose which occasioned ill feeling between the two leagues; as occurred with respect to the island of Cyprus, to which Ferrando laid claim, and the Venetians occupied. Thus the pope and the king became more closely united. Federigo, prince of Urbino, was at this time one of the first generals of Italy; and had long served the Florentines. In order, if possible, to deprive the hostile league of their captain, the pope advised, and the king requested him to pay a visit to them. To the surprise and displeasure of the Florentines, Federigo complied; for they thought the same fate awaited him as had befallen Niccolo Piccinino. However, the result was quite different; for he returned from Naples and Rome greatly honored, and with the appointment of general to their forces. They also endeavored to gain over to their interest the lords of Romagna and the Siennese, that they might more easily injure the Florentines, who, becoming aware of these things, used their utmost endeavors to defend themselves against the ambition of their enemies; and having lost Federigo d'Urbino, they engaged Roberto da Rimino in his place, renewed the league with the Perugini and formed one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the king assigned, as the reasons of their animosity against the Florentines, that they wished to withdraw them from the Venetian alliance, and associate them with their own league; for the pope did not think the church could maintain her reputation, nor the Count Girolamo retain the states of Romagna, while the Florentines and the Venetians remained united. The Florentines conjectured their design was to set them at enmity with the Venetians, not so much for the sake of gaining their friendship as to be able the more easily to injure them. Two years passed away in these jealousies and discontents before any disturbance broke out; but the first which occurred, and that but trivial, took place in Tuscany.
The pope, eager to keep control over the church's territories, had Spoleto attacked because it had rebelled due to internal factions. Since Citta di Castello was in the same situation, he laid siege to it. Niccolo Vitelli, its prince, who had a close relationship with Lorenzo de' Medici, got help from him, which, although insufficient, was enough to spark hostility between Sixtus IV and the Medici that would later lead to unfortunate consequences. This hostility might have developed more quickly if Frate Piero, the cardinal of St. Sixtus, hadn't died. He had traveled across Italy, visiting Venice and Milan under the guise of celebrating the marriage of Ercole, marquis of Ferrara, while actually trying to gauge how the princes felt about the Florentines. He returned but soon died, with suspicions that the Venetians poisoned him, fearing what would happen if Sixtus could utilize Frate Piero's skills and efforts. Despite coming from a humble background and being raised in a convent, once he earned the red hat, he showed such excessive pride and ambition that the papacy seemed insufficient for him. He threw a feast in Rome that would have been extravagant even for a king, costing over twenty thousand florins. Without this advisor, Sixtus's plans moved slower. The Florentines, duke, and Venetians renewed their alliance, allowing the pope and the king to join if they wanted; the latter two also formed a league, leaving the door open for others to join if they wished. Italy thus split into two factions, with ongoing tensions between the two alliances, especially over Cyprus, which Ferrando claimed and the Venetians occupied. This brought the pope and the king closer together. At this time, Federigo, prince of Urbino, was one of Italy's top generals and had long served the Florentines. To potentially deprive the opposing alliance of their leader, the pope suggested, and the king asked him to visit them. The Florentines were surprised and unhappy when Federigo agreed, fearing he would meet the same fate as Niccolo Piccinino. However, the outcome was quite different; he returned from Naples and Rome highly honored and appointed as general of their forces. The Florentines also tried to win over the lords of Romagna and the Siennese to harm their enemies more easily. Once the Florentines learned of these maneuvers, they did everything they could to protect themselves from their rivals' ambitions. After losing Federigo d'Urbino, they hired Roberto da Rimino to replace him, renewed their alliance with the Perugini, and formed a new one with the prince of Faenza. The pope and the king stated their reasons for opposing the Florentines: they wanted to pull them away from the Venetian alliance and bring them into their own league, believing that the church couldn't keep its standing, nor could Count Girolamo maintain the states of Romagna, as long as the Florentines and Venetians remained united. The Florentines suspected that their true goal was to turn them against the Venetians, not to gain their friendship but to more easily undermine them. Two years passed in jealousy and discontent before any real conflict arose, but the first issue, although minor, occurred in Tuscany.
Braccio of Perugia, whom we have frequently mentioned as one of the most distinguished warriors of Italy, left two sons, Oddo and Carlo; the latter was of tender years; the former, as above related, was slain by the people of Val di Lamona; but Carlo, when he came to mature age, was by the Venetians, out of respect for the memory of his father, and the hopes they entertained from himself, received among the condottieri of their republic. The term of his engagement having expired, he did not design to renew it immediately, but resolved to try if, by his own influence and his father's reputation, he could recover possession of Perugia. To this the Venetians willingly consented, for they usually extended their dominion by any changes that occurred in the neighboring states. Carlo consequently came into Tuscany, but found more difficulties in his attempt upon Perugia than he had anticipated, on account of its being allied with the Florentines; and desirous of doing something worthy of memory, he made war upon the Siennese, alleging them to be indebted to him for services performed by his father in the affairs of that republic, and attacked them with such impetuosity as to threaten the total overthrow of their dominion. The Siennese, ever ready to suspect the Florentines, persuaded themselves that this outrage had been committed with their cognizance, and made heavy complaints to the pope and the king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Florence to complain of the injuries they had suffered, and adroitly intimated, that if Carlo had not been secretly supported he could not have made war upon them with such perfect security. The Florentines denied all participation in the proceedings of Carlo, expressed their most earnest wish to do everything in their power to put a stop to them, and allowed the ambassadors to use whatever terms they pleased in the name of the Signory, to command him to desist. Carlo complained that the Florentines, by their unwillingness to support him, had deprived themselves of a most valuable acquisition and him of great glory; for he could have insured them the possession of the whole territory in a short time, from the want of courage in the people and the ineffectual provision they had made for their defense. He then withdrew to his engagement under the Venetians; but the Siennese, although delivered from such imminent peril by the Florentines, were still very indignant against them; considering themselves under no obligation to those who had delivered them from an evil to which they had first exposed them.
Braccio of Perugia, who we’ve mentioned frequently as one of Italy's most distinguished warriors, had two sons, Oddo and Carlo; the latter was still very young. Oddo, as previously mentioned, was killed by the people of Val di Lamona. However, when Carlo became an adult, the Venetians, honoring his father's memory and seeing potential in him, welcomed him among the mercenaries of their republic. After his service term ended, he didn’t plan to renew it immediately; instead, he decided to see if he could use his own influence and his father's reputation to regain control of Perugia. The Venetians agreed to this since they often expanded their territory through changes in neighboring states. Carlo then entered Tuscany but faced more challenges in his quest for Perugia than he expected, primarily because it had aligned with Florence. Wanting to achieve something memorable, he declared war on the Siennese, claiming they owed him for his father's services to their republic, and he attacked them with such force that it threatened their entire rule. The Siennese, always suspicious of the Florentines, convinced themselves that this assault had the Florentines' approval, and they lodged serious complaints with the pope and the king against them. They also sent ambassadors to Florence to complain about their grievances and cleverly suggested that if Carlo hadn’t received secret support, he wouldn’t have been able to wage war on them so confidently. The Florentines denied any involvement in Carlo’s actions, expressed a strong desire to do everything possible to stop him, and allowed their ambassadors to use whatever language they felt appropriate in addressing him to command him to cease. Carlo argued that the Florentines' refusal to support him had cost them a valuable opportunity and deprived him of significant glory; he could have secured their control over the entire territory in no time, given the people's lack of courage and their inadequate defenses. He then returned to his service with the Venetians; however, the Siennese, although relieved from such a serious threat by the Florentines, were still quite angry with them, feeling no obligation to those who had rescued them from the danger they had originally put themselves in.
While the transactions between the king and the pope were in progress, and those in Tuscany in the manner we have related, an event of greater importance occurred in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a learned and ambitious man, taught the Latin language to the youth of the principal families in Milan. Either out of hatred to the character and manners of the duke, or from some other cause, he constantly deprecated the condition of those who live under a bad prince; calling those glorious and happy who had the good fortune to be born and live in a republic. He endeavored to show that the most celebrated men had been produced in republics, and not reared under princes; that the former cherish virtue, while the latter destroy it; the one deriving advantage from virtuous men, while the latter naturally fear them. The youths with whom he was most intimate were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliato. He frequently discussed with them the faults of their prince, and the wretched condition of those who were subject to him; and by constantly inculcating his principles, acquired such an ascendancy over their minds as to induce them to bind themselves by oath to effect the duke's destruction, as soon as they became old enough to attempt it. Their minds being fully occupied with this design, which grew with their years, the duke's conduct and their own private injuries served to hasten its execution. Galeazzo was licentious and cruel, of both which vices he had given such repeated proofs, that he became odious to all. Not content with corrupting the wives of the nobility, he also took pleasure in making it notorious; nor was he satisfied with murdering individuals unless he effected their deaths by some unusual cruelty. He was suspected of having destroyed his own mother; for, not considering himself prince while she was present, he conducted himself in such a manner as induced her to withdraw from his court, and, travelling toward Cremona, which she obtained as part of her marriage portion, she was seized with a sudden illness, and died upon the road; which made many think her son had caused her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo in respect to their wives or other female relatives, and had refused to concede to Giovanandrea possession of the monastery of Miramondo, of which he had obtained a grant from the pope for a near relative. These private injuries increased the young men's desire for vengeance, and the deliverance of their country from so many evils; trusting that whenever they should succeed in destroying the duke, many of the nobility and all the people would rise in their defense. Being resolved upon their undertaking, they were often together, which, on account of their long intimacy, did not excite any suspicion. They frequently discussed the subject; and in order to familiarize their minds with the deed itself, they practiced striking each other in the breast and in the side with the sheathed daggers intended to be used for the purpose. On considering the most suitable time and place, the castle seemed insecure; during the chase, uncertain and dangerous; while going about the city for his own amusement, difficult if not impracticable; and, at a banquet, of doubtful result. They, therefore, determined to kill him upon the occasion of some procession or public festivity when there would be no doubt of his presence, and where they might, under various pretexts, assemble their friends. It was also resolved that if one of their number were prevented from attending, on any account whatever, the rest should put him to death in the midst of their armed enemies.
While the dealings between the king and the pope were ongoing, and those in Tuscany as we’ve mentioned, a more significant event took place in Lombardy. Cola Montano, a knowledgeable and ambitious man, taught Latin to the children of the leading families in Milan. Whether it was out of disdain for the duke's character and behavior, or for some other reason, he constantly criticized the situation of those living under a bad ruler, praising instead those fortunate enough to be born and live in a republic. He sought to demonstrate that the most renowned individuals had emerged from republics, not from under princes; that republics value virtue, while princes often destroy it; with the former benefiting from virtuous individuals, while the latter tend to fear them. The young men he was closest to were Giovanni Andrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Ogliato. He often talked with them about their prince’s faults and the miserable state of those under his rule; by consistently pushing his views, he gained such influence over their thoughts that they vowed to take action against the duke as soon as they were old enough. Their minds became fully focused on this plan, which grew with their age, and the duke's behavior, along with their own personal grievances, fueled its urgency. Galeazzo was known for his debauchery and cruelty, demonstrating such vices repeatedly that he became reviled by all. He didn't just corrupt the wives of the nobility; he reveled in making it known. He also found pleasure in killing, often doing so with unusual cruelty. He was rumored to have killed his own mother; believing he wasn’t a prince with her around, he acted in a way that led her to leave his court, and on her way to Cremona—part of her marriage portion—she suddenly fell ill and died en route, which led many to suspect her son was responsible for her death. The duke had dishonored both Carlo and Girolamo regarding their wives or other female relatives, and had denied Giovanandrea the monastery of Miramondo, which he had received a grant for from the pope for a close relative. These personal slights intensified the young men’s thirst for revenge and the desire to free their country from such many evils; they believed that once they succeeded in killing the duke, many nobles and all the people would rise up to support them. Committed to their plan, they often gathered, which, due to their long friendship, didn’t raise any suspicion. They frequently discussed their strategy and in order to prepare themselves for the act, they practiced striking each other in the chest and side with the sheathed daggers they intended to use. Considering the best time and place, the castle felt too risky; hunting was uncertain and dangerous; wandering the city for fun was difficult, if not impossible; and a banquet offered uncertain outcomes. Thus, they decided to kill him during some public procession or festive event when his presence would be guaranteed, allowing them to gather their friends under various pretenses. They also agreed that if one of their group couldn’t attend for any reason, the others would be obligated to kill him in the midst of their armed enemies.
It was now the close of the year 1476, near Christmas, and as it was customary for the duke to go upon St. Stephen's day, in great solemnity, to the church of that martyr, they considered this the most suitable opportunity for the execution of their design. Upon the morning of that day they ordered some of their most trusty friends and servants to arm, telling them they wished to go to the assistance of Giovanandrea, who, contrary to the wish of some of his neighbors, intended to turn a watercourse into his estate; but that before they went they wished to take leave of the prince. They also assembled, under various pretenses, other friends and relatives, trusting that when the deed was accomplished, everyone would join them in the completion of their enterprise. It was their intention, after the duke's death, to collect their followers together and proceed to those parts of the city where they imagined the plebeians would be most disposed to take arms against the duchess and the principal ministers of state, and they thought the people, on account of the famine which then prevailed, would easily be induced to follow them; for it was their design to give up the houses of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leading men in the government, to be plundered, and by this means gain over the populace and restore liberty to the community. With these ideas, and with minds resolved upon their execution, Giovanandrea, together with the rest, were early at the church, and heard mass together; after which, Giovanandrea, turning to a statue of St. Ambrose, said, "O patron of our city! thou knowest our intention, and the end we would attain, by so many dangers; favor our enterprise, and prove, by protecting the oppressed, that tyranny is offensive to thee." To the duke, on the other hand, when intending to go to the church, many omens occurred of his approaching death; for in the morning, having put on a cuirass, as was his frequent custom, he immediately took it off again, either because it inconvenienced him, or that he did not like its appearance. He then wished to hear mass in the castle, and found that the priest who officiated in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's, and had taken with him the sacred utensils. On this he desired the service to be performed by the bishop of Como, who acquainted him with preventing circumstances. Thus, almost compelled, he determined to go to the church; but before his departure, caused his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, to be brought to him, whom he embraced and kissed several times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, and, with the ambassadors of Ferrara and Mantua on either hand, proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid exciting suspicion, and to escape the cold, which was very severe, had withdrawn to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a friend of theirs, but hearing the duke's approach, they came into the church, Giovanandrea and Girolamo placing themselves upon the right hand of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those who led the procession had already entered, and were followed by the duke, surrounded by such a multitude as is usual on similar occasions. The first attack was made by Lampognano and Girolamo, who, pretending to clear the way for the prince, came close to him, and grasping their daggers, which, being short and sharp, were concealed in the sleeves of their vests, struck at him. Lampognano gave him two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat. Girolamo struck him in the throat and breast. Carlo Visconti, being nearer the door, and the duke having passed, could not wound him in front: but with two strokes, transpierced his shoulder and spine. These six wounds were inflicted so instantaneously, that the duke had fallen before anyone was aware of what had happened, and he expired, having only once ejaculated the name of the Virgin, as if imploring her assistance. A great tumult immediately ensued, several swords were drawn, and as often happens in sudden emergencies, some fled from the church, and others ran toward the scene of tumult, both without any definite motive or knowledge of what had occurred. Those, however, who were nearest the duke and had seen him slain, recognizing the murderers, pursued them. Giovanandrea, endeavoring to make his way out of the church, proceeded among the women, who being numerous, and according to their custom, seated upon the ground, was prevented in his progress by their apparel, and being overtaken, he was killed by a Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was slain by those immediately around him. Girolamo Olgiato passed through the crowd, and got out of the church; but seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where else to go, he proceeded home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him; his mother only, having compassion on her son recommended him to a priest, an old friend of the family, who, disguising him in his own apparel, led him to his house. Here he remained two days, not without hope that some disturbance might arise in Milan which would contribute to his safety. This not occurring, and apprehensive that his hiding place would be discovered, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but being observed, he was given over to justice, and disclosed all the particulars of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years of age, and exhibited no less composure at his death than resolution in his previous conduct, for being stripped of his apparel, and in the hands of the executioner, who stood by with the sword unsheathed, ready to deprive him of life, he repeated the following words, in the Latin tongue, in which he was well versed: "Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."
It was now the end of the year 1476, just before Christmas, and since it was customary for the duke to attend church on St. Stephen's Day with great solemnity, they saw this as the best chance to carry out their plan. On that morning, they instructed some of their most trusted friends and servants to arm themselves, saying they wanted to help Giovanandrea, who, against the wishes of some neighbors, planned to divert a watercourse onto his estate; but before they left, they wanted to say goodbye to the prince. They also gathered other friends and relatives under different pretenses, hoping that once the act was done, everyone would join in completing their mission. Their plan after the duke's death was to gather their supporters and move to parts of the city where they believed the common people would be most willing to rise against the duchess and the main government officials. They thought the people, due to the prevailing famine, would easily be persuaded to follow them; for they intended to seize the homes of Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all key figures in the government, in order to rally the populace and restore freedom to the community. With these thoughts in mind, and determined to follow through, Giovanandrea and the others arrived early at the church and attended mass together; afterward, Giovanandrea turned to a statue of St. Ambrose and said, "O patron of our city! You know our intention and the outcome we wish to achieve, despite the dangers we face; support our mission and show that you stand with the oppressed against tyranny." Meanwhile, the duke was encountering numerous signs of his impending death as he prepared to go to church. That morning he had put on a cuirass, which was his usual practice, but he quickly took it off again, possibly because it was uncomfortable or not to his liking. He decided to hear mass in the castle but discovered that the priest in the chapel had gone to St. Stephen's and taken the holy items with him. So, he asked the bishop of Como to conduct the service, but was informed of other complications. Almost forced to make the trip, he decided to go to church; but before he left, he had his sons, Giovan Galeazzo and Ermes, brought to him, and he hugged and kissed them several times, seeming reluctant to part with them. He then left the castle, flanked by the ambassadors from Ferrara and Mantua, and proceeded to St. Stephen's. The conspirators, to avoid raising suspicion and to warm themselves against the harsh cold, had retreated to an apartment of the archpriest, who was a friend of theirs, but upon hearing the duke approaching, they entered the church, with Giovanandrea and Girolamo on the right side of the entrance, and Carlo on the left. Those leading the procession had already entered and were followed by the duke, surrounded by the usual crowd. The first attack came from Lampognano and Girolamo, who, under the guise of clearing a path for the prince, moved close to him, revealing their daggers hidden in their sleeves, and struck. Lampognano inflicted two wounds—one in the stomach and another in the throat. Girolamo attacked him in the throat and chest. Carlo Visconti, being closer to the door and unable to strike from the front after the duke passed, managed to stab him in the shoulder and spine with two blows. These six wounds were inflicted so quickly that the duke fell before anyone realized what had happened, and he died, having only whispered the name of the Virgin, as if seeking her help. A great uproar immediately followed; swords were drawn, and as is often the case in chaotic moments, some fled from the church while others rushed toward the commotion, both without any clear understanding of what had occurred. Those closest to the duke, who saw him killed, recognized the murderers and chased after them. Giovanandrea, trying to escape the church, moved among the women, who were numerous and seated on the ground as was customary, but their dresses impeded his escape, and he was caught and killed by a Moor, one of the duke's footmen. Carlo was killed by those surrounding him. Girolamo Olgiato managed to navigate through the crowd and escaped the church; however, seeing his companions dead and not knowing where to go, he returned home, where his father and brothers rejected him; only his mother, feeling pity for her son, recommended he seek refuge with a priest, an old family friend, who disguised him in his own clothes and took him to his home. He stayed there for two days, hoping for some unrest in Milan that might ensure his safety. When that didn't happen and fearing his hiding place would be discovered, he tried to escape in disguise, but was spotted and turned over to the authorities, where he revealed all the details of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years old and displayed as much calm at his death as he had shown resolve in his actions; stripped of his clothes and in the presence of the executioner, who stood ready with his sword, he recited: "Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti."
The enterprise of these unfortunate young men was conducted with secrecy and executed with resolution; and they failed for want of the support of those whom they expected would rise in their defense. Let princes therefore learn to live, so as to render themselves beloved and respected by their subjects, that none may have hope of safety after having destroyed them; and let others see how vain is the expectation which induces them to trust so much to the multitude, as to believe, that even when discontented, they will either embrace or ward off their dangers. This event spread consternation all over Italy; but those which shortly afterward occurred in Florence caused much more alarm, and terminated a peace of twelve years' continuance, as will be shown in the following book; which, having commenced with blood and horror, will have a melancholy and tearful conclusion.
The efforts of these unfortunate young men were carried out in secret and with determination; they ultimately failed because they lacked the support of those they thought would defend them. So, rulers should learn to live in a way that earns them love and respect from their subjects, ensuring that no one hopes for safety after they have been harmed. Others should realize how misguided it is to trust in the masses to protect them, even when they are unhappy, believing that the crowd will either embrace or deflect their dangers. This incident struck fear across Italy, but the events that soon unfolded in Florence caused even greater alarm and ended a twelve-year peace, as will be explained in the next book; this book, which started with bloodshed and horror, will conclude in sadness and tears.
BOOK VIII
CHAPTER I
State of the family of the Medici at Florence—Enmity of Sixtus IV. toward Florence—Differences between the family of the Pazzi and that of the Medici—Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi—Arrangements to effect the design of the conspiracy—Giovanni Batista da Montesecco is sent to Florence—The pope joins the conspiracy—The king of Naples becomes a party to it—Names of the conspirators—The conspirators make many ineffectual attempts to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici—The final arrangement—Order of the conspiracy.
State of the Medici family in Florence—Hostility of Sixtus IV toward Florence—Tensions between the Pazzi family and the Medici—The start of the Pazzi conspiracy—Plans to carry out the conspiracy—Giovanni Batista da Montesecco is sent to Florence—The pope supports the conspiracy—The king of Naples gets involved—List of the conspirators—The conspirators make several unsuccessful attempts to assassinate Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici—The final plan—Sequence of the conspiracy.
This book, commencing between two conspiracies, the one at Milan already narrated, the other yet to be recorded, it would seem appropriate, and in accordance with our usual custom, were we to treat of the nature and importance of these terrible demonstrations. This we should willingly do had we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or could it be comprised in few words. But requiring much consideration, and being already noticed in another place, it will be omitted, and we shall proceed with our narrative. The government of the Medici having subdued all its avowed enemies in order to obtain for that family undivided authority, and distinguish them from other citizens in their relation to the rest, found it necessary to subdue those who secretly plotted against them. While Medici contended with other families, their equals in authority and reputation, those who envied their power were able to oppose them openly without danger of being suppressed at the first demonstration of hostility; for the magistrates being free, neither party had occasion to fear, till one or other of them was overcome. But after the victory of 1466, the government became so entirely centred in the Medici, and they acquired so much authority, that discontented spirits were obliged either to suffer in silence, or, if desirous to destroy them, to attempt it in secrecy, and by clandestine means; which plots rarely succeed and most commonly involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while they frequently contribute to the aggrandizement of those against whom they are directed. Thus the prince of a city attacked by a conspiracy, if not slain like the duke of Milan (which seldom happens), almost always attains to a greater degree of power, and very often has his good disposition perverted to evil. The proceedings of his enemies give him cause for fear; fear suggests the necessity of providing for his own safety, which involves the injury of others; and hence arise animosities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiracies quickly occasion the destruction of their contrivers, and, in time, inevitably injure their primary object.
This book starts between two conspiracies: one in Milan that we've already discussed and another that we will get to later. It seems fitting, as usual, to explore the nature and significance of these dangerous plots. We would gladly do this if we hadn't already addressed it elsewhere, or if it could be summed up in a few words. However, since it requires a lot of thought and has been mentioned in another context, we'll skip it and continue with our story. The Medici government had defeated all its open enemies to ensure their family held absolute power and to set themselves apart from other citizens. They realized they also needed to deal with those who secretly plotted against them. While the Medici faced other families that had equal authority and standing, those who envied their power could openly oppose them without the risk of being crushed at the first signs of hostility. This was possible because both sides felt secure, as the magistrates were independent, until one side was ultimately defeated. But after the victory of 1466, power became so concentrated in the Medici that those who were unhappy had to either remain silent or, if they wanted to take them down, do so in secret and through underhanded means. Such plots rarely succeed and usually end up ruining those involved, often leading to the strengthening of the very people they target. Thus, a ruler facing a conspiracy, if not killed like the Duke of Milan (which is rare), almost always gains more power and can even have his good intentions twisted into bad ones. The actions of his enemies create fear, making him feel the need to protect himself, which often harms others. This cycle leads to animosities and can frequently result in his downfall. In this way, conspiracies quickly bring about the destruction of those who create them and ultimately harm their intended targets.
Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions; the pope and the king on one side; on the other, the Venetians, the duke, and the Florentines. Although the flames of war had not yet broken out, every day gave rise to some new occasion for rekindling them; and the pope, in particular, in all his plans endeavored to annoy the Florentine government. Thus Filippo de' Medici, archbishop of Pisa, being dead, Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was appointed his successor, contrary to the wish of the Signory of Florence, who being unwilling to give him possession, there arose between them and the pope many fresh grounds of offense, before the matter was settled. Besides this, he conferred, at Rome, many favors upon the family of the Pazzi, and opposed that of the Medici, whenever an opportunity offered. The Pazzi were at this time, both on account of nobility of birth and their great wealth, the most brilliant in France. The head of this family was Jacopo, whom the people, on account of his distinguished pre-eminence, had made a knight. He had no children, except one natural daughter, but many nephews, sons of his brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whom were Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto. Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches and rank of this family, had given his granddaughter, Bianca, to Guglielmo, hoping by this marriage to unite the houses, and obviate those enmities and dissensions so frequently occasioned by jealousy. However (so uncertain and fallacious are our expectations), very different feelings were thus originated; for Lorenzo's advisers pointed out to him how dangerous it was, and how injurious to his authority, to unite in the same individuals so much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacopo nor his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which in the opinion of other citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in the Pazzi, and fear on the part of the Medici; as the former of these increased, so did the latter; and upon all occasions, when the Pazzi came in competition with other citizens, their claims to distinction, however strong, were set aside by the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi, being at Rome, the Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion, compelled him to return, without treating him with the respect usually observed toward great citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere bitterly complained of the ill usage they experienced, and thus excited suspicion in others, and brought down greater evils upon themselves. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man, whose riches on his decease, without other children, came to his daughter. His nephew, Carlo, however, took possession of part, and the question being litigated, a law was passed, by virtue of which the wife of Giovanni de' Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance, and it was given to Carlo. In this piece of injustice the Pazzi at once recognized the influence of the Medici. Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo of the affair, saying he was afraid that by grasping at too much they would lose all.
Italy, as we've seen, was split into two factions: the pope and the king on one side, and the Venetians, the duke, and the Florentines on the other. Although war hadn't officially started, each day created new reasons to reignite tensions; the pope, in particular, sought to undermine the Florentine government in all his plans. When Filippo de' Medici, the archbishop of Pisa, died, Francesco Salviati, a known enemy of the Medici, was appointed his successor, despite the Florentine Signory's opposition. They were unwilling to let him take office, which led to fresh conflicts with the pope before the situation was resolved. Additionally, the pope bestowed various favors upon the Pazzi family in Rome, often opposing the Medici whenever he could. The Pazzi were considered one of the most prominent families in France at that time, both due to their noble lineage and immense wealth. The head of the family, Jacopo, was made a knight by the people in recognition of his status. He had no legitimate children except for one illegitimate daughter, but he had many nephews: Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and later, Andrea, Niccolo, and Galeotto, who were the sons of his brothers Piero and Antonio. Cosmo de' Medici, seeing the wealth and influence of the Pazzi, married his granddaughter Bianca to Guglielmo, hoping this union would bring the families together and resolve the frequent jealousy and conflicts between them. However, as unpredictable as expectations can be, this marriage instead sparked very different feelings; Lorenzo's advisors cautioned him that combining such wealth and power in the same individuals could be dangerous and undermine his authority. As a result, neither Jacopo nor his nephews received the honors that others believed they deserved, which fueled anger in the Pazzi and fear among the Medici. As the Pazzi's resentment grew, so did the Medici's anxiety. Whenever the Pazzi tried to assert their status against other citizens, their claims, no matter how valid, were overlooked by the magistracy. When Francesco de' Pazzi was in Rome, the Council of Eight forced him to return for some minor issue, treating him with less respect than typically afforded to prominent citizens, leading to widespread complaints from the Pazzi about their mistreatment, which aroused suspicion in others and led to even greater troubles for them. Giovanni de' Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a wealthy man whose fortune went to his daughter upon his death, as he had no other children. However, Giovanni's nephew Carlo claimed part of this inheritance, and when the matter was litigated, a law was passed that denied Giovanni de' Pazzi's wife her rightful inheritance, instead giving it to Carlo. The Pazzi immediately recognized the Medici's influence in this injustice. Giuliano de' Medici frequently expressed to his brother Lorenzo his concerns about the situation, saying he feared that in trying to grasp too much, they would lose everything.
Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the direction of everything, and resolved that all transactions should bear an impress of his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility and wealth unable to endure so many affronts, began to devise some means of vengeance. The first who spoke of any attempt against the Medici, was Francesco, who, being more sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either to obtain what was withheld from him, or lose what he still possessed. As the government of Florence gave him great offense, he resided almost constantly at Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he conducted extensive commercial operations; and being a most intimate friend of Count Girolamo, they frequently complained to each other of the conduct of the Medici. After a while they began to think that for the count to retain his estates, or the Pazzi their rights in the city, it would be necessary to change the government of Florence; and this they considered could not be done without the death of Giuliano and Lorenzo. They imagined the pope and the king would be easily induced to consent, because each could be convinced of the facility of the enterprise. Having acquired these ideas, they communicated them to Francesco Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious and recently offended by the Medici, willingly adopted their views. Considering their next step, they resolved, in order to facilitate the design, to obtain the consent of Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whose concurrence they feared it would be impracticable. With this view, it was resolved that Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Florence, while the archbishop and the count were to remain at Rome, to be ready to communicate with the pope when a suitable opportunity occurred. Francesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi more cautious and difficult to persuade than he could have wished, and on imparting this to his friends at Rome, it was thought he desired the sanction of some greater authority to induce him to adopt their views. Upon this, the archbishop and the count communicated the whole affair to Giovanni Batista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces, possessing military reputation, and under obligations to the pope and the count. To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the archbishop endeavored to obviate his objections by showing how much assistance the pope and the king would lend to the enterprise; the hatred of the Florentines toward the Medici, the numerous friends the Salviati and the Pazzi would bring with them, the readiness with which the young men might be slain, on account of their going about the city unaccompanied and without suspicion, and the facility with which the government might then be changed. These things Giovanni Batista did not in reality believe, for he had heard from many Florentines quite contrary statements.
Lorenzo, energized by his youth and power, took charge of everything and made sure that all dealings reflected his influence. The Pazzi, unable to tolerate so many insults despite their nobility and wealth, began to plot their revenge. The first to suggest taking action against the Medici was Francesco, who was more sensitive and determined than the others. He decided he would either reclaim what he had lost or risk losing what he still held. Since the Florence government greatly offended him, he spent most of his time in Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he ran extensive business operations. Being a close friend of Count Girolamo, they often vented their frustrations about the Medici to each other. Eventually, they concluded that for the count to keep his lands or for the Pazzi to secure their rights in the city, they needed to change Florence's government; this, they believed, could only happen with Giuliano and Lorenzo's deaths. They thought both the pope and the king could be easily persuaded to support them since the plan seemed straightforward. Once they had this idea, they shared it with Francesco Salviati, the archbishop of Pisa, who was ambitious and had recently been offended by the Medici, so he readily agreed with their plans. As they considered their next move, they decided they needed to get Jacopo de' Pazzi's approval since they feared the scheme would fail without his support. To this end, it was agreed that Francesco de' Pazzi would head to Florence while the archbishop and the count stayed in Rome, ready to communicate with the pope when the moment was right. However, Francesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi to be more cautious and harder to convince than he had hoped. When he informed his friends in Rome of this, they thought Jacopo wanted some greater authority to sanction their plans. In response, the archbishop and the count shared everything with Giovanni Batista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces known for his military reputation, who owed favors to both the pope and the count. To him, the plan seemed risky and complicated, while the archbishop tried to counter his objections by pointing out the support the pope and king would provide, the Florentines' hatred for the Medici, the many allies the Salviati and the Pazzi would gather, the ease with which the young men could be killed as they walked through the city unguarded and unsuspecting, and how easily the government could then be reshaped. Giovanni Batista didn’t actually believe this, as he had heard very different accounts from many Florentines.
While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, lord of Faenza, was taken ill, and tears were entertained for his life. This circumstance seemed to the archbishop and the count to offer an opportunity for sending Giovanni Batista to Florence, and thence to Romagna, under pretence of recovering certain territories belonging to the latter, of which the lord of Faenza had taken possession. The count therefore commissioned Giovanni Batista to have an interview with Lorenzo de' Medici, and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect to the affair of Romagna; that he should then see Francesco de' Pazzi, and in conjunction with him endeavor to induce his uncle Jacopo to adopt their ideas. To render the pope's authority available in their behalf, Giovanni Batista was ordered, before his departure, to communicate with the pontiff, who offered every means at his disposal in favor of their enterprise. Giovanni Batista, having arrived at Florence, obtained an interview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most graciously received; and with regard to the advice he was commissioned to ask, obtained a wise and friendly answer; so that he was astonished at finding him quite a different character from what he had been represented, and considered him to possess great sagacity, an affectionate heart, and most amicably disposed toward the count. He found Francesco de' Pazzi had gone to Lucca, and spoke to Jacopo, who was at first quite opposed to their design, but before they parted the pope's authority seemed to have influenced him; for he told Giovanni Batista, that he might go to Romagna, and that before his return Francesco would be with him, and they would then consult more particularly upon the subject. Giovanni Batista proceeded to Romagna, and soon returned to Florence. After a pretended consultation with Lorenzo, upon the count's affairs, he obtained an interview with Francesco and Jacopo de' Pazzi, when the latter gave his consent to their enterprise. They then discussed the means of carrying it into effect. Jacopo de' Pazzi was of opinion that it could not be effected while both the brothers remained at Florence; and therefore it would be better to wait till Lorenzo went to Rome, whither it was reported he had an intention of going; for then their object would be more easily attained. Francesco de' Pazzi had no objection to Lorenzo being at Rome, but if he were to forego the journey, he thought that both the brothers might be slain, either at a marriage, or at a play, or in a church. With regard to foreign assistance, he supposed the pope might assemble forces for the conquest of the fortress of Montone, being justified in taking it from Count Carlo, who had caused the tumults already spoken of in Sienna and Perugia.
While considering these matters, Carlo, the lord of Faenza, fell ill, and there were fears for his life. This situation seemed to the archbishop and the count to present an opportunity to send Giovanni Batista to Florence, and then to Romagna, under the excuse of reclaiming certain territories that the lord of Faenza had taken over. The count then tasked Giovanni Batista with meeting Lorenzo de' Medici and seeking his advice on how to proceed regarding the Romagna situation. He was to then meet with Francesco de' Pazzi and work with him to persuade his uncle Jacopo to support their plans. To ensure the pope's authority was on their side, Giovanni Batista was instructed to speak with the pontiff before leaving, who promised to provide all the support he could for their cause. Upon arriving in Florence, Giovanni Batista met with Lorenzo, who welcomed him warmly. As for the advice he was to seek, he received a wise and friendly response, and he was surprised to see Lorenzo was quite different from how he had been described, possessing great insight, a kind heart, and a friendly disposition towards the count. He found out that Francesco de' Pazzi had gone to Lucca and spoke to Jacopo, who was initially against their plan, but by the end of their conversation, the pope's authority seemed to sway him; he told Giovanni Batista that he could go to Romagna, and that Francesco would join him before his return so they could discuss the matter in more detail. Giovanni Batista went to Romagna and quickly returned to Florence. After a fake consultation with Lorenzo about the count's affairs, he arranged a meeting with Francesco and Jacopo de' Pazzi, where Jacopo agreed to their plan. They then talked about how to make it happen. Jacopo de' Pazzi believed they couldn't succeed while both brothers were in Florence, so it would be better to wait until Lorenzo traveled to Rome, where he was rumored to be going, making their goal easier to achieve. Francesco de' Pazzi had no issue with Lorenzo being in Rome, but if he canceled the trip, he thought they could assassinate both brothers during a wedding, a play, or in church. On foreign support, he believed the pope might gather forces to capture the fortress of Montone, justifying the move as a response to Count Carlo, who had already caused chaos in Siena and Perugia.
Still no definite arrangement was made; but it was resolved that Giovanni Batista and Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Rome and settle everything with the pontiff. The matter was again debated at Rome; and at length it was concluded that besides an expedition against Montone, Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, a leader of the papal troops, should go into Romagna, and Lorenzo da Castello to the Val di Tavere; that each, with the forces of the country, should hold himself in readiness to perform the commands of the archbishop de' Salviati and Francesco de Pazzi, both of whom were to come to Florence, and provide for the execution of their design, with the assistance of Giovanni Batista da Montesecco. King Ferrando promised, by his ambassador, to contribute all in his power to the success of their undertaking. Francesco de' Pazzi and the archbishop having arrived at Florence, prevailed upon Jacopo di Poggio, a well educated youth, but ambitious and very desirous of change, to join them, and two others, each of the name of Jacopo Salviati, one a brother, the other a kinsman, of the archbishop. They also gained over Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzeni, two bold young men, under great obligations to the family of the Pazzi. Besides those already mentioned, they were joined by Antonio da Volterra and a priest named Stefano, who taught Latin to the daughter of Jacopo de' Pazzi. Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man, being quite aware of the evils resulting from such undertakings, refused all participation in the conspiracy; he held it in abhorrence, and as much as possible, without betraying his kinsmen, endeavored to counteract it.
Still no definite arrangement was made, but it was decided that Giovanni Batista and Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Rome and sort everything out with the pope. The issue was debated again in Rome, and eventually, it was agreed that in addition to an expedition against Montone, Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, a leader of the papal troops, would head into Romagna, and Lorenzo da Castello would go to the Val di Tavere. Each would prepare their local forces to follow the orders of Archbishop de' Salviati and Francesco de' Pazzi, both of whom were coming to Florence to ensure their plans were put into action with the help of Giovanni Batista da Montesecco. King Ferrando promised, through his ambassador, to do everything he could to support their mission. Once Francesco de' Pazzi and the archbishop arrived in Florence, they convinced Jacopo di Poggio, an educated young man who was ambitious and eager for change, to join them, along with two others named Jacopo Salviati, one a brother and the other a relative of the archbishop. They also brought in Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzeni, two bold young men who owed much to the Pazzi family. Additionally, they were joined by Antonio da Volterra and a priest named Stefano, who taught Latin to Jacopo de' Pazzi’s daughter. Rinato de' Pazzi, a serious and wise man, fully aware of the troubles such schemes could lead to, rejected any involvement in the conspiracy; he detested it and, as much as he could without betraying his relatives, tried to undermine it.
The pope had sent Raffaello di Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, to the college of Pisa, to study canon law, and while there, had advanced him to the dignity of a cardinal. The conspirators determined to bring this cardinal to Florence, as they would thus be better able to conceal their design, since any persons requisite to be introduced into the city might easily be made to appear as a part of his retinue, and his arrival might facilitate the completion of their enterprise. The cardinal came, and was received by Jacopo de' Pazzi at his villa of Montughi, near Florence. By his means it was also intended to bring together Giuliano and Lorenzo, and whenever this happened, to put them both to death. They therefore invited them to meet the cardinal at their villa of Fiesole; but Giuliano, either intentionally or through some preventing cause, did not attend; and this design having failed, they thought that if asked to an entertainment at Florence, both brothers would certainly be present. With this intention they appointed Sunday, the twenty-sixth of April, 1478, to give a great feast; and, resolving to assassinate them at table, the conspirators met on the Saturday evening to arrange all proceedings for the following day. In the morning it was intimated to Francesco that Giuliano would be absent; on which the conspirators again assembled and finding they could no longer defer the execution of their design, since it would be impossible among so many to preserve secrecy, they determined to complete it in the cathedral church of Santa Reparata, where the cardinal attending, the two brothers would be present as usual. They wished Giovanni Batista da Montesecco to undertake the murder of Lorenzo, while that of Giuliano was assigned to Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini. Giovanni Batista refused, either because his familiarity with Lorenzo had created feelings in his favor, or from some other reason, saying he should not have resolution sufficient to commit such a deed in a church, and thus add sacrilege to treachery. This caused the failure of their undertaking; for time pressing, they were compelled to substitute Antonio da Volterra and Stefano, the priest, two men, who, from nature and habit, were the most unsuitable of any; for if firmness and resolution joined with experience in bloodshed be necessary upon any occasion, it is on such as these; and it often happens that those who are expert in arms, and have faced death in all forms on the field of battle, still fail in an affair like this. Having now decided upon the time, they resolved that the signal for the attack should be the moment when the priest who celebrated high mass should partake of the sacrament, and that, in the meantime, the Archbishop de' Salviati, with his followers, and Jacopo di Poggio, should take possession of the palace, in order that the Signory, after the young men's death, should voluntarily, or by force, contribute to their assistance.
The pope had sent Raffaello di Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, to the University of Pisa to study canon law, and while he was there, he promoted him to the rank of cardinal. The conspirators decided to bring this cardinal to Florence because it would help them hide their plans better, as anyone they needed to bring into the city could easily be made to look like part of his entourage, and his arrival might help them carry out their scheme. The cardinal arrived and was welcomed by Jacopo de' Pazzi at his villa in Montughi, near Florence. They also intended to bring Giuliano and Lorenzo together through him, and whenever that happened, they planned to kill both of them. So, they invited them to meet the cardinal at their villa in Fiesole; however, Giuliano, either on purpose or due to some unforeseen circumstance, did not attend. Since this plan had failed, they thought that if they invited both brothers to a gathering in Florence, they would definitely show up. With this in mind, they scheduled a grand feast for Sunday, April 26, 1478, and, planning to assassinate them at the table, the conspirators met on Saturday evening to arrange everything for the next day. In the morning, it was relayed to Francesco that Giuliano would be absent; so, the conspirators gathered again and realized they could no longer postpone their plan, as it would be impossible to keep it a secret with so many people. They decided to carry it out in the Cathedral of Santa Reparata, where the cardinal would be present and the two brothers would be there as usual. They wanted Giovanni Batista da Montesecco to kill Lorenzo, while Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini were tasked with killing Giuliano. Giovanni Batista refused, either because he had developed a bond with Lorenzo or for some other reason, saying he wouldn’t have the resolve to commit such an act in a church and add sacrilege to their betrayal. This caused their plot to fail; as time was running out, they were forced to replace him with Antonio da Volterra and a priest named Stefano, two of the least suited individuals for the task. If ever firmness, resolve, and experience in bloodshed are necessary, it's in situations like these; and often those who are skilled in combat and have faced death on the battlefield still fail in an operation like this. Having settled on the timing, they agreed that the signal for the attack would be when the priest leading the high mass took communion, and in the meantime, Archbishop de' Salviati and his followers, along with Jacopo di Poggio, would seize the palace, so that after the young men's deaths, the Signory would either willingly or forcibly help them.
CHAPTER II
Giuliano de' Medici slain—Lorenzo escapes—The archbishop Salviati endeavors to seize the palace of the Signory—He is taken and hanged—The enterprise of the conspirators entirely fails—Manifestations of the Florentines in favor of Lorenzo de' Medici—The conspirators punished—The funeral of Giuliano—The pope and the king of Naples make war upon the Florentines—Florence excommunicated—Speech of Lorenzo de' Medici to the citizens of Florence.
Giuliano de' Medici is killed—Lorenzo manages to escape—Archbishop Salviati tries to take over the Signory palace—He is caught and hanged—The plot of the conspirators completely fails—Florentines show their support for Lorenzo de' Medici—The conspirators are punished—Giuliano's funeral—The Pope and the King of Naples declare war on the Florentines—Florence is excommunicated—Lorenzo de' Medici addresses the citizens of Florence.
The conspirators proceeded to Santa Reparata, where the cardinal and Lorenzo had already arrived. The church was crowded, and divine service commenced before Giuliano's arrival. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, who were appointed to be his murderers, went to his house, and finding him, they, by earnest entreaties, prevailed upon him to accompany them. It is surprising that such intense hatred, and designs so full of horror as those of Francesco and Bernardo, could be so perfectly concealed; for while conducting him to the church, and after they had reached it, they amused him with jests and playful discourse. Nor did Francesco forget, under pretense of endearment, to press him in his arms, so as to ascertain whether under his apparel he wore a cuirass or other means of defense. Giuliano and Lorenzo were both aware of the animosity of the Pazzi, and their desire to deprive them of the government; but they felt assured that any design would be attempted openly, and in conjunction with the civil authority. Thus being free from apprehension for their personal safety both affected to be on friendly terms with them. The murderers being ready, each in his appointed station, which they could retain without suspicion, on account of the vast numbers assembled in the church, the preconcerted moment arrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger provided for the purpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, after a few steps, fell to the earth. Francesco de' Pazzi threw himself upon the body and covered him with wounds; while, as if blinded by rage, he inflicted a deep incision upon his own leg. Antonio and Stefano, the priest, attacked Lorenzo, and after dealing many blows, effected only a slight incision in the throat; for either their want of resolution, the activity of Lorenzo, who, finding himself attacked, used his arms in his own defense, or the assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, rendered all attempts futile. They fled and concealed themselves, but being subsequently discovered, were put to death in the most ignominious manner, and their bodies dragged about the city. Lorenzo, with the friends he had about him, took refuge in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, after Giuliano's death, also slew Francesco Nori, a most intimate friend of the Medici, either from some previous hatred or for having endeavored to render assistance to Giuliano; and not content with these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo, intending, by his own promptitude, to make up for the weakness and inefficiency of the others; but finding he had taken refuge in the vestry, he was prevented.
The conspirators made their way to Santa Reparata, where the cardinal and Lorenzo were already present. The church was packed, and the service started before Giuliano arrived. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, who were supposed to kill him, went to his house and, through earnest pleading, convinced him to come along. It's astounding that such deep hatred and horrific plans from Francesco and Bernardo could be hidden so well; while escorting him to the church and after they arrived, they kept him entertained with jokes and light conversation. Francesco even pretended to be affectionate, hugging him to check if he was wearing armor or any kind of protection underneath his clothes. Giuliano and Lorenzo were aware of the Pazzi's hostility and their intention to take control from them, but they believed any plot would be carried out openly and with the involvement of civil authorities. So, feeling safe, they acted as if they were on good terms with the Pazzi. The assassins were ready, each in their assigned positions, which went unnoticed because of the large crowd in the church. When the moment arrived, Bernardo Bandini, using a small dagger specifically for this purpose, stabbed Giuliano in the chest, and after taking a few steps, he collapsed to the ground. Francesco de' Pazzi jumped on his body and stabbed him repeatedly, and in his rage, he also cut deeply into his own leg. Antonio and Stefano, the priest, attacked Lorenzo and managed to inflict only a minor cut to his throat after numerous strikes; this was likely due to their lack of courage, Lorenzo's quick actions in defending himself, or the help from those around him, which made all their attempts ineffective. They ran away and hid but were later found and executed in the most disgraceful way, with their bodies being paraded around the city. Lorenzo, along with the friends nearby, sought refuge in the sacristy of the church. After Giuliano's death, Bernardo Bandini also killed Francesco Nori, a close friend of the Medici, either out of personal resentment or because Nori tried to help Giuliano; and not satisfied with these murders, he chased after Lorenzo, hoping to compensate for the others' incompetence with his own quick actions, but when he found that Lorenzo had taken shelter in the vestry, he was stopped.
In the midst of these violent and fearful deeds, during which the uproar was so terrible, that it seemed almost sufficient to bring the church down upon its inmates, the cardinal Riario remained close to the altar, where he was with difficulty kept in safety by the priests, until the Signory, upon the abatement of the disturbance, could conduct him to their palace, where he remained in the utmost terror till he was set at liberty.
In the midst of these violent and terrifying events, when the chaos was so intense it felt like it could collapse the church on everyone inside, Cardinal Riario stayed close to the altar, where the priests struggled to keep him safe. Once the disturbance subsided, the Signory was able to take him to their palace, where he remained in extreme fear until he was finally released.
There were at this time in Florence some people of Perugia, whom party feuds had compelled to leave their homes; and the Pazzi, by promising to restore them to their country, obtained their assistance. The Archbishop de' Salviati, going to seize the palace, together with Jacopo di Poggio, and the Salviati, his friends, took these Perugini with him. Having arrived, he left part of his people below, with orders that when they heard a noise they should make themselves masters of the entrance, while himself, with the greater part of the Perugini, proceeded above, and finding the Signory at dinner (for it was now late), was admitted after a short delay, by Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice. He entered with only a few of his followers, the greater part of them being shut up in the cancelleria into which they had gone, whose doors were so contrived, that upon closing they could not be opened from either side, without the key. The archbishop being with the gonfalonier, under pretense of having something to communicate on the part of the pope, addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating manner, that the gonfalonier at once suspected him, and rushing out of the chamber to call assistance, found Jacopo di Poggio, whom he seized by the hair of the head, and gave into the custody of his attendants. The Signory hearing the tumult, snatched such arms as they could at the moment obtain, and all who had gone up with the archbishop, part of them being shut up, and part overcome with terror, were immediately slain or thrown alive out of the windows of the palace, at which the archbishop, the two Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopodi Poggio were hanged. Those whom the archbishop left below, having mastered the guard and taken possession of the entrance occupied all the lower floors, so that the citizens, who in the uproar, hastened to the palace, were unable to give either advice or assistance to the Signory.
At that time in Florence, there were some people from Perugia who had been forced to leave their homes due to rivalry between factions. The Pazzi promised to help them return to their city, so they gained their support. The Archbishop de' Salviati, intending to take over the palace, brought along Jacopo di Poggio and his allies among the Salviati, including the Perugini. Upon arriving, he left some of his men downstairs, instructing them to take control of the entrance when they heard a commotion. Meanwhile, he and most of the Perugini went upstairs, where they found the Signory having dinner (since it was late) and, after a brief wait, were let in by Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice. He entered with just a few followers; most of them were locked inside the cancelleria, which had doors that couldn’t be opened from either side without a key. The archbishop, being with the gonfalonier and pretending to have a message from the pope, spoke in such a confused and hesitant way that the gonfalonier immediately became suspicious. He rushed out of the room to call for help and grabbed Jacopo di Poggio by the hair, handing him over to his attendants. Hearing the chaos, the Signory quickly grabbed whatever weapons they could find. Those who had gone up with the archbishop—some locked inside and others paralyzed with fear—were either killed or thrown out of the palace windows, including the archbishop, the two Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopo di Poggio, who were hanged. Meanwhile, those left downstairs managed to overpower the guards and took control of the entrance, occupying all the lower floors, so that when the citizens rushed to the palace during the uproar, they were unable to help or advise the Signory.
Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving Lorenzo's escape, and the principal agent in the enterprise seriously wounded, became immediately conscious of the imminent peril of their position. Bernardo, using the same energy in his own behalf that had served him against the Medici, finding all lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco, wounded as he was, got to his house, and endeavored to get on horseback, for it had been arranged they should ride through the city and call the people to arms and liberty; but he found himself unable, from the nature of his wound, and, throwing himself naked upon his bed, begged Jacopo de' Pazzi to perform the part for which he was himself incapacitated. Jacopo, though old and unaccustomed to such business, by way of making a last effort, mounted his horse, and, with about a hundred armed followers, collected without previous preparation, hastened to the piazza of the palace, and endeavored to assemble adherents by cries of "people," and "liberty;" but the former, having been rendered deaf by the fortune and liberty of the Medici, the latter was unknown in Florence, and he found no followers. The signors, who held the upper part of the palace, saluted him with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was met by Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, who upbraided him with the troubles he had occasioned, and then advised him to go home, for the people and liberty were as dear to other citizens as to himself. Thus deprived of every hope, Lorenzo being alive, Francesco seriously wounded, and none disposed to follow him, not knowing what to do, he resolved, if possible, to escape by flight; and, accompanied by those whom he had led into the piazza, left Florence with the intention of going into Romagna.
Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, realizing Lorenzo had escaped and their main accomplice was seriously injured, quickly understood the danger they were in. Bernardo, using the same determination that helped him fight against the Medici, saw everything was lost and fled. Francesco, despite his injury, tried to mount a horse since they had planned to ride through the city to rally the people for arms and freedom. However, he found he couldn’t because of his wound and, lying bare on his bed, asked Jacopo de' Pazzi to take on the role he couldn’t fulfill. Jacopo, though old and inexperienced in such matters, made a final attempt by getting on a horse and, with about a hundred armed supporters he gathered without any prior preparation, rushed to the palace square, shouting for "people" and "liberty." However, the citizens, having become indifferent due to the Medici's success and freedom, didn’t recognize that cry, and he found no support. The officials in the upper part of the palace greeted him with stones and threats. While he hesitated, Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, confronted him about the troubles he had caused and then advised him to go home, as the quest for people and liberty meant as much to others as it did to him. Facing despair, with Lorenzo still alive, Francesco seriously injured, and no one willing to follow him, Jacopo decided to make a run for it. Accompanied by those he had led into the square, he left Florence with plans to head for Romagna.
In the meantime the whole city was roused to arms, and Lorenzo de' Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, returned to his house. The palace was recovered from its assailants, all of whom were either slain or made prisoners. The name of the Medici echoed everywhere, and portions of dead bodies were seen borne on spears and scattered through the streets; while everyone was transported with rage against the Pazzi, and pursued them with relentless cruelty. The people took possession of their houses, and Francesco, naked as they found him, was led to the palace, and hanged beside the archbishop and the rest. He could not be induced, by any injurious words or deeds, to utter a syllable, but regarding those around with a steady look, he silently sighed. Guglielmo de' Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lorenzo, fled to the latter's house, and by his innocence and the intercession of his wife, Bianca, he escaped death. There was not a citizen of any rank whatever who did not, upon this occasion, wait upon Lorenzo with an offer of his services; so great were the popularity and good fortune which this family had acquired by their liberality and prudence. Rinato de' Pazzi was at his villa when the event took place, and on being informed of it, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but was arrested upon the road and brought to Florence. Jacopo de' Pazzi was taken while crossing the mountains of Romagna, for the inhabitants of these parts having heard what had occurred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought him back to the city; nor could he, though he frequently endeavored, prevail with them to put him to death upon the road. Jacopo and Rinato were condemned within four days after the murder of Giuliano. And though so many deaths had been inflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of human bodies, not one excited a feeling of regret, except that of Rinato; for he was considered a wise and good man, and possessed none of the pride for which the rest of his family were notorious. As if to mark the event by some extraordinary circumstance, Jacopo de' Pazzi, after having been buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was disinterred like an excommunicated person, and thrown into a hole at the outside of the city walls; from this grave he was taken, and with the halter in which he had been hanged, his body was dragged naked through the city, and, as if unfit for sepulture on earth, thrown by the populace into the Arno, whose waters were then very high. It was an awful instance of the instability of fortune, to see so wealthy a man, possessing the utmost earthly felicity, brought down to such a depth of misery, such utter ruin and extreme degradation. It is said he had vices, among which were gaming and profane swearing, to which he was very much addicted; but these seem more than balanced by his numerous charities, for he relieved many in distress, and bestowed much money for pious uses. It may also be recorded in his favor, that upon the Saturday preceding the death of Giuliano, in order that none might suffer from his misfortunes, he discharged all his debts; and whatever property he possessed belonging to others, either in his own house or his place of business, he was particularly careful to return to its owners. Giovanni Batista da Montesecco, after a long examination, was beheaded; Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight; Giulielmo de' Pazzi was banished, and such of his cousins as remained alive were imprisoned in the fortress of Volterra. The disturbances being over, and the conspirators punished, the funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid universal lamentation; for he possessed all the liberality and humanity that could be wished for in one of his high station. He left a natural son, born some months after his death, named Giulio, who was endowed with that virtue and felicity with which the whole world is now acquainted; and of which we shall speak at length when we come to our own times, if God spare us. The people who had assembled in favor of the Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in Romagna, approached Florence, but having heard of the failure of the conspiracy, they returned home.
In the meantime, the entire city was summoned to arms, and Lorenzo de' Medici, accompanied by a large escort, returned to his home. The palace was taken back from the attackers, all of whom were either killed or captured. The name of the Medici was heard everywhere, and parts of dead bodies were seen carried on spears and scattered throughout the streets, while everyone was filled with rage against the Pazzi and pursued them with merciless cruelty. The people took over their houses, and Francesco, found completely naked, was brought to the palace and hanged next to the archbishop and the others. No amount of insults or actions could persuade him to say a word; he simply stared at those around him and sighed silently. Guglielmo de' Pazzi, Lorenzo's brother-in-law, fled to Lorenzo's house, and due to his innocence and the intervention of his wife, Bianca, he managed to escape death. Not a single citizen of any rank failed to offer his services to Lorenzo at this time; the popularity and good fortune of this family, gained through their generosity and wisdom, were immense. Rinato de' Pazzi was at his villa when the incident happened, and upon learning of it, he tried to escape in disguise but was caught on the road and brought back to Florence. Jacopo de' Pazzi was captured while crossing the Romagna mountains, as locals who had heard about the events attacked him upon spotting his flight and returned him to the city; even though he repeatedly tried, he couldn't convince them to kill him on the way. Jacopo and Rinato were sentenced within four days after Giuliano's murder. Despite the countless deaths that left roads covered with human remains, only Rinato's fate stirred any regret, as he was seen as a wise and good man, lacking the pride that characterized the rest of his family. To mark the occasion with something extraordinary, Jacopo de' Pazzi was disinterred from the family tomb, like an excommunicated person, and thrown into a pit outside the city walls; his body was then dragged naked through the city with the noose that had hanged him, and, deemed unworthy of burial, the crowd tossed it into the Arno, which was swollen with high waters at the time. It was a shocking example of how unstable fortune can be, seeing such a wealthy man, who had all the earthly happiness one could desire, reduced to such depth of misery, utter ruin, and extreme disgrace. It was said he had vices, including a penchant for gambling and swearing, which he indulged in a lot; however, these were more than offset by his many acts of charity, as he helped many in need and donated much money for religious causes. It is also worth noting that on the Saturday before Giuliano's death, to ensure no one suffered due to his misfortunes, he paid off all his debts, and he was particularly diligent about returning any property that belonged to others, whether in his home or business. Giovanni Batista da Montesecco was beheaded after a lengthy trial, Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by fleeing, Giulielmo de' Pazzi was exiled, and the surviving relatives were imprisoned in the fortress of Volterra. With the unrest over and the conspirators punished, Giuliano’s funeral was held amid widespread mourning, as he embodied all the generosity and compassion one could hope for in someone of his stature. He left a natural son, born a few months after his death, named Giulio, who possessed virtues and happiness now known worldwide; we will discuss this further when we reach our own times, if God allows it. The groups that had gathered in support of the Pazzi, led by Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere and Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in Romagna, approached Florence but turned back upon hearing of the conspiracy's failure.
The changes desired by the pope and the king in the government of Florence, not having taken place, they determined to effect by war what they had failed to accomplish by treachery; and both assembled forces with all speed to attack the Florentine states; publicly declaring that they only wished the citizens to remove Lorenzo de' Medici, who alone of all the Florentines was their enemy. The king's forces had already passed the Tronto, and the pope's were in Perugia; and that the citizens might feel the effect of spiritual as well as temporal weapons, the pontiff excommunicated and anathematized them. Finding themselves attacked by so many armies, the Florentines prepared for their defense with the utmost care. Lorenzo de' Medici, as the enemy's operations were said to be directed against himself alone, resolved first of all to assemble the Signory, and the most influential citizens, in the palace, to whom, being above three hundred in number, he spoke as follows:—"Most excellent signors, and you, magnificent citizens, I know not whether I have more occasion to weep with you for the events which have recently occurred, or to rejoice in the circumstances with which they have been attended. Certainly, when I think with what virulence of united deceit and hatred I have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet when I consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and unanimity of the whole city my brother has been avenged and myself defended, I am not only compelled to rejoice, but feel myself honored and exalted; for if experience has shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended, it has also proved that I possess more warm and resolute friends than I could ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for the injuries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment you have exhibited toward myself; but I feel more aggrieved by the injuries committed, since they are so unusual, so unexampled, and (as I trust you believe) so undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens, to what a dreadful point ill fortune has reduced our family, when among friends, amidst our own relatives, nay, in God's holy temple, we have found our greatest foes. Those who are in danger turn to their friends for assistance; they call upon their relatives for aid; but we found ours armed, and resolved on our destruction. Those who are persecuted, either from public or private motives, flee for refuge to the altars; but where others are safe, we are assassinated; where parricides and assassins are secure, the Medici find their murderers. But God, who has not hitherto abandoned our house, again saved us, and has undertaken the defense of our just cause. What injury have we done to justify so intense desire of our destruction? Certainly those who have shown themselves so much our enemies, never received any private wrong from us; for, had we wished to injure them, they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. If they attribute public grievances to ourselves (supposing any had been done to them), they do the greater injustices to you, to this palace, to the majesty of this government, by assuming that on our account you would act unfairly to any of your citizens; and such a supposition, as we all know, is contradicted by every view of the circumstances; for we, had we been able, and you, had we wished it, would never have contributed to so abominable a design. Whoever inquires into the truth of these matters, will find that our family has always been exalted by you, and from this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kindness, liberality, and beneficence, to do good to all; and if we have honored strangers, when did we ever injure our relatives? If our enemies' conduct has been adopted, to gratify their desire for power (as would seem to be the case from their having taken possession of the palace and brought an armed force into the piazza), the infamous, ambitious, and detestable motive is at once disclosed. If they were actuated by envy and hatred of our authority, they offend you rather than us; for from you we have derived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped power deserves to be detested; but not distinctions conceded for acts of kindness, generosity, and magnificence. And you all know that our family never attained any rank to which this palace and your united consent did not raise it. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile with arms and violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It was not my father, old and inform, who defended the government against so many enemies, but yourselves by your authority and benevolence defended him; neither could I, after his death, being then a boy, have maintained the position of my house except by your favor and advice. Nor should we ever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic, if you did not contribute to our support. Therefore, I know not the reason of their hatred toward us, or what just cause they have of envy. Let them direct their enmity against their own ancestors, who, by their pride and avarice, lost the reputation which ours, by very opposite conduct, were enabled to acquire. But let it be granted we have greatly injured them, and that they are justified in seeking our ruin; why do they come and take possession of the palace? Why enter into league with the pope and the king, against the liberties of this republic? Why break the long-continued peace of Italy? They have no excuse for this; they ought to confine their vengeance to those who do them wrong, and not confound private animosities with public grievances. Hence it is that since their defeat our misfortune is the greater; for on their account the pope and the king make war upon us, and this war, they say, is directed against my family and myself. And would to God that this were true; then the remedy would be sure and unfailing, for I would not be so base a citizen as to prefer my own safety to yours; I would at once resolve to ensure your security, even though my own destruction were the immediate and inevitable consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes are usually concealed under some less offensive covering, they have adopted this plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, however, you think otherwise, I am in your hands; it is with you to do with me what you please. You are my fathers, my protectors, and whatever you command me to do I will perform most willingly; nor will I ever refuse, when you find occasion to require it, to close the war with my own blood which was commenced with that of my brother." While Lorenzo spoke, the citizens were unable to refrain from tears, and the sympathy with which he had been heard was extended to their reply, delivered by one of them in the name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged many advantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his family; and encouraged them to hope that with as much promptitude as they had used in his defense, and in avenging his brother's death, they would secure to him his influence in the government, which he should never lose while they retained possession of the country. And that their deeds might correspond with their words, they immediately appointed a number of armed men, as a guard for the security of his person against domestic enemies.
The changes that the pope and the king wanted in the government of Florence didn’t happen, so they decided to achieve through war what they failed to accomplish through deception. They quickly gathered their forces to attack the Florentine states, claiming they only wanted the citizens to remove Lorenzo de' Medici, who was their sole enemy among the Florentines. The king's troops had already crossed the Tronto, and the pope's were in Perugia. To make sure the citizens felt the impact of both spiritual and physical attacks, the pope excommunicated and cursed them. Faced with threats from so many armies, the Florentines prepared to defend themselves with great care. Since the enemy's actions seemed aimed solely at him, Lorenzo de' Medici decided to first gather the Signory and the most influential citizens in the palace. There were over three hundred of them, and he addressed them, saying: “Most esteemed signors and magnificent citizens, I don’t know whether I should cry with you over the recent events or rejoice at the way they’ve unfolded. Certainly, reflecting on the fierce deceit and hatred directed at me and the murder of my brother makes me mourn deeply. Yet, when I consider how quickly, anxiously, lovingly, and unitedly my brother has been avenged and I defended, I cannot help but feel honored and uplifted; for though I’ve learned I had more enemies than I thought, I’ve also discovered I have more loyal and resolute friends than I ever imagined. I must therefore share in your grief over the injuries suffered by others and also celebrate the loyalty you’ve shown me; but I feel more deeply hurt by the unusual and undeserved nature of these injuries. Think, magnificent citizens, about how dire our family situation has become when our greatest foes are found among friends, relatives, and even in God’s holy temple. Those in danger turn to friends for help; they seek comfort from their relatives; yet we found ours armed and bent on our destruction. Those who are persecuted, whether for public or private reasons, seek refuge at the altars; yet where others find safety, we are murdered; where parricides and assassins thrive, the Medici are hunted down. But God, who has never abandoned our family, has once again saved us and has taken up our just cause. What have we done to deserve such a strong desire for our downfall? Clearly, those who see themselves as our enemies have never suffered any personal wrong from us; if we had wished to harm them, they wouldn’t have been able to hurt us. If they blame us for public grievances (assuming there have been any), they do greater injustice to you, to this palace, and to the dignity of this government by suggesting that because of us, you would act unfairly to any of your citizens. And as we all know, this view is contradicted by the very circumstances; for had we the ability and had you wished it, we would never have supported such a horrible plan. Anyone who looks closely at the truth of these matters will find that our family has always been elevated by you, purely because we’ve tried to show kindness, generosity, and goodwill towards all; and if we’ve honored outsiders, we have never harmed our own relatives. If our enemies’ actions are motivated by a desire for power (as it seems, since they have occupied the palace and brought armed forces into the piazza), then their shameful, ambitious, and detestable motives are laid bare. If they are driven by envy and resentment of our authority, they offend you more than us; for all the power we hold comes from you. Certainly, usurped power deserves contempt; but not the honors granted for acts of kindness and generosity. And you all know that our family never achieved any status unless this palace and your united support raised us. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile through violence, but through your unanimous wish and approval. It was not my old and sick father who defended the government against so many enemies, but you supported him with your authority and kindness; nor could I, after his death as a boy, have maintained my family’s position without your help and guidance. We would never manage the affairs of this republic if you didn’t support us. Therefore, I don’t understand their hatred towards us, nor what just reason they have for envy. They should direct their anger at their own ancestors, who, through their pride and greed, lost the honor that ours gained through the opposite behavior. But let’s assume we have wronged them greatly and they are right to seek our ruin; why do they occupy the palace? Why ally with the pope and the king against the freedoms of this republic? Why disturb the long-lasting peace of Italy? They have no justification for this; their vengeance should be reserved for those who truly wrong them, not confuse private grudges with public issues. This is why our misfortune has grown since their defeat; because of them, the pope and the king wage war on us, and they claim this war targets my family and me. And I wish to God this were true; then the remedy would be clear and certain, for I would not be such a lowly citizen as to put my safety above yours; I would gladly decide to ensure your safety, even if it meant my own destruction. But since the wrongs done by princes are often hidden under a less offensive pretense, they’ve adopted this argument to cover their truly heinous intentions. If you think differently, I stand in your hands; do with me as you wish. You are my fathers, my protectors, and I will gladly do whatever you command; nor will I ever refuse, when you find it necessary, to end the war with my own blood, which began with my brother’s.” As Lorenzo spoke, the citizens couldn’t hold back their tears, and the compassion they felt for him was echoed in the response from one of them on behalf of the others, who said the city recognized many benefits from Lorenzo and his family’s good qualities; and they encouraged him, assuring they would act as swiftly to protect his influence in governance as they had in his defense and the vengeance for his brother’s death, which he would never lose as long as they controlled the country. To ensure their actions matched their words, they immediately appointed a number of armed men to guard his safety against domestic enemies.
CHAPTER III
The Florentines prepare for war against the pope—They appeal to a future council—Papal and Neapolitan movements against the Florentines—The Venetians refuse to assist the Florentines—Disturbances in Milan—Genoa revolts from the duke—Futile endeavors to effect peace with the pope—The Florentines repulse their enemies from the territory of Pisa—They attack the papal states—The papal forces routed upon the borders of the Lake of Perugia.
The Florentines get ready for war against the pope—they reach out to a future council—papal and Neapolitan actions against the Florentines— the Venetians decline to help the Florentines—tensions rise in Milan—Genoa rebels against the duke—unsuccessful attempts to make peace with the pope—the Florentines push their enemies back from the Pisa territory—they launch an attack on the papal states—the papal forces are defeated at the borders of Lake Perugia.
The Florentines now prepared for war, by raising money and collecting as large a force as possible. Being in league with the duke of Milan and the Venetians, they applied to both for assistance. As the pope had proved himself a wolf rather than a shepherd, to avoid being devoured under false accusations, they justified their cause with all available arguments, and filled Italy with accounts of the treachery practiced against their government, exposing the impiety and injustice of the pontiff, and assured the world that the pontificate which he had wickedly attained, he would as impiously fill; for he had sent those whom he had advanced to the highest order of prelacy, in the company of traitors and parricides, to commit the most horrid treachery in the church in the midst of divine service and during the celebration of the holy sacrament, and that then, having failed to murder the citizens, change the government, and plunder the city, according to his intention, he had suspended the performance of all religious offices, and injuriously menaced and injured the republic with pontifical maledictions. But if God was just, and violence was offensive to him, he would be displeased with that of his viceregent, and allow his injured people who were not admitted to communion with the latter, to offer up their prayers to himself. The Florentines, therefore, instead of receiving or obeying the interdict, compelled the priests to perform divine service, assembled a council in Florence of all the Tuscan prelates under their jurisdiction, and appealed against the injuries suffered from the pontiff to a future general council.
The Florentines were now getting ready for war by raising funds and gathering as many troops as possible. In alliance with the Duke of Milan and the Venetians, they sought help from both. Since the pope had shown himself to be more of a wolf than a shepherd, to avoid being destroyed by false accusations, they defended their position with every argument they could muster and filled Italy with stories of the betrayal against their government. They exposed the pope's wrongdoing and injustice, claiming that the position he had wickedly attained would be equally corrupt; he had sent those he promoted to the highest church ranks alongside traitors and murderers to commit horrible acts against the church during worship and the celebration of the holy sacrament. When his plan to murder citizens, change the government, and plunder the city failed, he suspended all religious services and wrongfully threatened the republic with pontifical curses. However, if God was just and detested violence, He would be displeased with the actions of His vicar and would allow His injured people, who were not in communion with him, to pray directly to Him. Therefore, instead of complying with or accepting the interdict, the Florentines forced the priests to perform worship services, convened a council in Florence of all the Tuscan bishops under their authority, and appealed to a future general council regarding the wrongs they suffered from the pope.
The pope did not neglect to assign reasons in his own justification, and maintained it was the duty of a pontiff to suppress tyranny, depress the wicked, and exalt the good; and that this ought to be done by every available means; but that secular princes had no right to detain cardinals, hang bishops, murder, mangle, and drag about the bodies of priests, destroying without distinction the innocent with the guilty.
The pope made sure to explain his reasons, insisting that it was a pope's responsibility to put an end to tyranny, punish the wicked, and uplift the good. He argued that this should be done by any means necessary. However, he believed that secular rulers had no right to imprison cardinals, execute bishops, murder, mutilate, and drag the bodies of priests around, harming the innocent along with the guilty.
Notwithstanding these complaints and accusations, the Florentines restored to the pope the cardinal whom they had detained, in return for which he immediately assailed them with his own forces and those of the king. The two armies, under the command of Alfonso, eldest son of Ferrando, and duke of Calabria, who had as his general, Federigo, count of Urbino, entered the Chianti, by permission of the Siennese, who sided with the enemy, occupied Radda with many other fortresses, and having plundered the country, besieged the Castellina. The Florentines were greatly alarmed at these attacks, being almost destitute of forces, and finding their friends slow to assist; for though the duke sent them aid, the Venetians denied all obligation to support the Florentines in their private quarrels, since the animosities of individuals were not to be defended at the public expense. The Florentines, in order to induce the Venetians to take a more correct view of the case, sent Tommaso Soderini as their ambassador to the senate, and, in the meantime, engaged forces, and appointed Ercole, marquis of Ferrara, to the command of their army. While these preparations were being made, the Castellina was so hard pressed by the enemy, that the inhabitants, despairing of relief, surrendered, after having sustained a siege of forty-two days. The enemy then directed their course toward Arezzo, and encamped before San Savino. The Florentine army being now in order, went to meet them, and having approached within three miles, caused such annoyance, that Federigo d'Urbino demanded a truce for a few days, which was granted, but proved so disadvantageous to the Florentines, that those who had made the request were astonished at having obtained it; for, had it been refused, they would have been compelled to retire in disgrace. Having gained these few days to recruit themselves, as soon as they were expired, they took the castle in the presence of their enemies. Winter being now come, the forces of the pope and king retired for convenient quarters to the Siennese territory. The Florentines also withdrew to a more commodious situation, and the marquis of Ferrara, having done little for himself and less for others, returned to his own territories.
Despite these complaints and accusations, the Florentines returned the cardinal they had taken hostage to the pope, who immediately turned against them with his own forces and those of the king. The two armies, led by Alfonso, the eldest son of Ferrando and duke of Calabria, along with his general, Federigo, count of Urbino, entered Chianti with the permission of the Siennese, who sided with the enemy. They occupied Radda and several other fortresses, plundered the region, and besieged Castellina. The Florentines were extremely worried about these attacks, as they were nearly out of troops and their allies were slow to offer help; although the duke sent assistance, the Venetians refused to support the Florentines in their private disputes, claiming that personal rivalries shouldn't be defended at public expense. To persuade the Venetians to see things differently, the Florentines sent Tommaso Soderini as their ambassador to the senate while also gathering troops and appointing Ercole, marquis of Ferrara, to lead their army. During this time, the Castellina was under severe pressure from the enemy, and the residents, seeing no hope for relief, surrendered after enduring a siege of forty-two days. The enemy then moved towards Arezzo and camped near San Savino. The Florentine army, now organized, moved to confront them, getting within three miles and causing enough disruption that Federigo d'Urbino requested a truce for a few days, which was granted but turned out to be very unfavorable for the Florentines. The requesters were surprised they had received a truce because, had it been denied, they would have had to retreat in disgrace. After gaining a few days to regroup, they seized the castle right in front of their enemies. Once winter arrived, the pope's and king's forces withdrew to look for comfortable quarters in Siennese territory. The Florentines also pulled back to a more favorable position, and the marquis of Ferrara, having accomplished little for himself and even less for others, returned to his own lands.
At this time, Genoa withdrew from the dominion of Milan, under the following circumstances. Galeazzo, at his death, left a son, Giovan Galeazzo, who being too young to undertake the government, dissensions arose between Sforza, Lodovico, Ottaviano, and Ascanio, his uncles, and the lady Bona, his mother, each of whom desired the guardianship of the young duke. By the advice and mediation of Tommaso Soderini, who was then Florentine ambassador at the court of Milan, and of Cecco Simonetta, who had been secretary to Galeazzo, the lady Bona prevailed. The uncles fled, Ottaviano was drowned in crossing the Adda; the rest were banished to various places, together with Roberto da San Severino, who in these disputes had deserted the duchess and joined the uncles of the duke. The troubles in Tuscany, which immediately followed, gave these princes hope that the new state of things would present opportunities for their advantage; they therefore quitted the places to which their exile limited them, and each endeavored to return home. King Ferrando, finding the Florentines had obtained assistance from none but the Milanese, took occasion to give the duchess so much occupation in her own government, as to render her unable to contribute to their assistance. By means of Prospero Adorno, the Signor Roberto, and the rebellious uncles of the duke, he caused Genoa to throw off the Milanese yoke. The Castelletto was the only place left; confiding in which, the duchess sent a strong force to recover the city, but it was routed by the enemy; and perceiving the danger which might arise to her son and herself if the war were continued, Tuscany being in confusion, and the Florentines, in whom alone she had hope, themselves in trouble, she determined, as she could not retain Genoa in subjection, to secure it as an ally; and agreed with Battistino Fregoso, the enemy of Prospero Adorno, to give him the Castelletto, and make him prince of Genoa, on condition that he should expel Prospero, and do nothing in favor of her son's uncles. Upon this agreement, Battistino, by the assistance of the Castelletto and of his friends, became lord of Genoa; and according to the custom of the city, took the title of Doge. The Sforzeschi and the Signor Roberto, being thus expelled by the Genoese, came with their forces into Lunigiana, and the pope and the king, perceiving the troubles of Lombardy to be composed, took occasion with them to annoy Tuscany in the Pisan territory, that the Florentines might be weakened by dividing their forces. At the close of winter they ordered Roberto da San Severino to leave Lunigiana and march thither, which he did, and with great tumult plundered many fortresses, and overran the country around Pisa.
At this time, Genoa broke away from the control of Milan due to several circumstances. Galeazzo, upon his death, left behind a son, Giovan Galeazzo, who was too young to govern, leading to conflicts among Sforza, Lodovico, Ottaviano, and Ascanio, his uncles, as well as his mother, Lady Bona, all of whom wanted to be the guardian of the young duke. Thanks to the advice and mediation of Tommaso Soderini, the Florentine ambassador at the Milan court, and Cecco Simonetta, who had been Galeazzo's secretary, Lady Bona emerged victorious. The uncles fled, and Ottaviano drowned while trying to cross the Adda; the others were banished to various locations, along with Roberto da San Severino, who had abandoned the duchess and sided with the duke's uncles during these conflicts. The turmoil in Tuscany that followed gave these princes hope that the new situation would create opportunities for them, so they left their places of exile and each tried to return home. King Ferrando, seeing that the Florentines had received aid only from the Milanese, took the opportunity to distract the duchess with her own governance, making it difficult for her to aid the Florentines. Using Prospero Adorno, Signor Roberto, and the rebellious uncles of the duke, he helped Genoa shake off Milanese control. The Castelletto was the only location still held; trusting in this, the duchess sent a strong force to retake the city, but they were defeated by the enemy. Realizing the risks to herself and her son if the war continued, and with Tuscany in chaos and the Florentines in trouble — the only ones she relied on for help — she decided that as she couldn’t keep Genoa subdued, she would secure it as an ally. She made a deal with Battistino Fregoso, an adversary of Prospero Adorno, to give him the Castelletto and make him the prince of Genoa, under the condition that he would expel Prospero and not support her son's uncles. After this agreement, Battistino, with the aid of the Castelletto and his allies, became the ruler of Genoa and, following the city's custom, took the title of Doge. The Sforzeschi and Signor Roberto, now expelled by the Genoese, moved their forces into Lunigiana. The pope and the king, seeing that the troubles in Lombardy had calmed down, took that opportunity to disturb Tuscany in the Pisan territory, hoping to weaken the Florentines by splitting their forces. At the end of winter, they ordered Roberto da San Severino to leave Lunigiana and march there, which he did, causing a great uproar as he plundered many fortresses and overran the area around Pisa.
At this time, ambassadors came to Florence from the emperor, the king of France, and the king of Hungary, who were sent by their princes to the pontiff. They solicited the Florentines also to send ambassadors to the pope, and promised to use their utmost exertion to obtain for them an advantageous peace. The Florentines did not refuse to make trial, both for the sake of publicly justifying their proceedings, and because they were really desirous of peace. Accordingly, the ambassadors were sent, but returned without coming to any conclusion of their differences. The Florentines, to avail themselves of the influence of the king of France, since they were attacked by one part of the Italians and abandoned by the other, sent to him as their ambassador, Donato Acciajuoli, a distinguished Latin and Greek scholar, whose ancestors had always ranked high in the city, but while on his journey he died at Milan. To relieve his surviving family and pay a deserved tribute to his memory, he was honorably buried at the public expense, provision was made for his sons, and suitable marriage portions given to his daughters, and Guid' Antonio Vespucci, a man well acquainted with pontifical and imperial affairs, was sent as ambassador to the king in his stead.
During this time, ambassadors arrived in Florence from the emperor, the king of France, and the king of Hungary, who were sent by their leaders to the pope. They urged the Florentines to also send ambassadors to the pope and promised to do their best to secure a favorable peace for them. The Florentines agreed to try, both to publicly justify their actions and because they genuinely wanted peace. As a result, they sent ambassadors, but they came back without resolving their differences. To take advantage of the influence of the king of France, since they were under attack by one group of Italians and abandoned by another, they sent Donato Acciajuoli as their ambassador. He was a respected scholar of Latin and Greek, and his family had always held high status in the city. However, he died on his journey in Milan. To support his surviving family and honor his memory, he was given a dignified burial at public expense, provisions were made for his sons, and proper marriage portions were provided for his daughters. Guid' Antonio Vespucci, a man well-versed in papal and imperial matters, was then sent as ambassador to the king in his place.
The attack of Signor Roberto upon the Pisan territory, being unexpected, greatly perplexed the Florentines; for having to resist the foe in the direction of Sienna, they knew not how to provide for the places about Pisa. To keep the Lucchese faithful, and prevent them from furnishing the enemy either with money or provisions, they sent as ambassador Piero di Gino Capponi, who was received with so much jealousy, on account of the hatred which that city always cherishes against the Florentines from former injuries and constant fear, that he was on many occasions in danger of being put to death by the mob; and thus his mission gave fresh cause of animosity rather than of union. The Florentines recalled the marquis of Ferrara, and engaged the marquis of Mantua; they also as earnestly requested the Venetians to send them Count Carlo, son of Braccio, and Deifobo, son of Count Jacopo, and after many delays, they complied; for having made a truce with the Turks, they had no excuse to justify a refusal, and could not break through the obligation of the League without the utmost disgrace. The counts, Carlo and Deifobo, came with a good force, and being joined by all that could be spared from the army, which, under the marquis of Ferrara, held in check the duke of Calabria, proceeded toward Pisa, to meet Signor Roberto, who was with his troops near the river Serchio, and who, though he had expressed his intention of awaiting their arrival, withdrew to the camp at Lunigiana, which he had quitted upon coming into the Pisan territory, while Count Carlo recovered all the places that had been taken by the enemy in that district.
The attack by Signor Roberto on the Pisan territory caught the Florentines off guard and caused them a lot of confusion; since they were already busy defending against the enemy near Siena, they didn’t know how to secure the areas around Pisa. To keep the Lucchese loyal and prevent them from supplying the enemy with money or food, they sent Piero di Gino Capponi as an ambassador. He was received with intense suspicion due to the longstanding animosity the city held against the Florentines from past grievances and ongoing fears, putting him in danger of being killed by the crowds on several occasions. His mission ended up stirring up more hostility than unity. The Florentines recalled the marquis of Ferrara and enlisted the marquis of Mantua. They also urgently asked the Venetians to send Count Carlo, son of Braccio, and Deifobo, son of Count Jacopo. After several delays, the Venetians agreed, as they had made a truce with the Turks and had no solid reason to refuse, plus they couldn't break their commitment to the League without risking huge disgrace. Counts Carlo and Deifobo arrived with a strong force, and joined by everyone who could be spared from the army under the marquis of Ferrara, which was keeping the duke of Calabria at bay, they moved toward Pisa to confront Signor Roberto, who was with his troops near the river Serchio. Although he had said he would wait for them, he retreated to the camp in Lunigiana that he had left when he invaded the Pisan territory, while Count Carlo took back all the places the enemy had captured in that region.
The Florentines, being thus relieved from the attack in the direction of Pisa, assembled the whole force between Colle and Santo Geminiano. But the army, on the arrival of Count Carlo, being composed of Sforzeschi and Bracceschi, their hereditary feuds soon broke forth, and it was thought that if they remained long in company, they would turn their arms against each other. It was therefore determined, as the smaller evil, to divide them; to send one party, under Count Carlo, into the district of Perugia, and establish the other at Poggibonzi, where they formed a strong encampment in order to prevent the enemy from penetrating the Florentine territory. By this they also hoped to compel the enemy to divide their forces; for Count Carlo was understood to have many partisans in Perugia, and it was therefore expected, either that he would occupy the place, or that the pope would be compelled to send a large body of men for its defense. To reduce the pontiff to greater necessity, they ordered Niccolo Vitelli, who had been expelled from Citta di Castello, where his enemy Lorenzo Vitelli commanded, to lead a force against that place, with the view of driving out his adversary and withdrawing it from obedience to the pope. At the beginning of the campaign, fortune seemed to favor the Florentines; for Count Carlo made rapid advances in the Perugino, and Niccolo Vitelli, though unable to enter Castello, was superior in the field, and plundered the surrounding country without opposition. The forces also, at Poggibonzi, constantly overran the country up to the walls of Sienna. These hopes, however, were not realized; for in the first place, Count Carlo died, while in the fullest tide of success; though the consequences of this would have been less detrimental to the Florentines, had not the victory to which it gave occasion, been nullified by the misconduct of others. The death of the count being known, the forces of the church, which had already assembled in Perugia, conceived hopes of overcoming the Florentines, and encamped upon the lake, within three miles of the enemy. On the other side, Jacopo Guicciardini, commissary to the army, by the advice of Roberto da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was the principal commander, knowing the ground of their sanguine expectations, determined to meet them, and coming to an engagement near the lake, upon the site of the memorable rout of the Romans, by Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, the papal forces were vanquished. The news of the victory, which did great honor to the commanders, diffused universal joy at Florence, and would have ensured a favorable termination of the campaign, had not the disorders which arose in the army at Poggibonzi thrown all into confusion; for the advantage obtained by the valor of the one, was more than counterbalanced by the disgraceful proceedings of the other. Having made considerable booty in the Siennese territory, quarrels arose about the division of it between the marquis of Mantua and the marquis of Ferrara, who, coming to arms, assailed each other with the utmost fury; and the Florentines seeing they could no longer avail themselves of the services of both, allowed the marquis of Ferrara and his men to return home.
The Florentines, relieved from the attack towards Pisa, gathered their entire force between Colle and Santo Geminiano. However, when Count Carlo arrived, the army, made up of Sforzeschi and Bracceschi, quickly fell into their long-standing feuds. It was believed that if they stayed together too long, they would end up fighting each other. So, it was decided, as a lesser evil, to split them up; one group, led by Count Carlo, would head to Perugia, while the other would stay at Poggibonzi, where they set up a strong camp to prevent the enemy from entering Florentine territory. They also hoped this would force the enemy to split their forces; Count Carlo was understood to have many supporters in Perugia, so it was expected either he would take the city or the pope would have to send a large number of troops for its defense. To put more pressure on the pope, they ordered Niccolo Vitelli, who had been expelled from Citta di Castello by his enemy Lorenzo Vitelli, to lead a force against that place to oust his rival and withdraw it from the pope’s control. At the start of the campaign, fortune seemed to favor the Florentines; Count Carlo quickly advanced in Perugia, and Niccolo Vitelli, although unable to enter Castello, had the upper hand in the field and plundered the surrounding areas without facing any resistance. The forces at Poggibonzi also consistently overran the area up to the walls of Sienna. However, these hopes didn't materialize; first, Count Carlo died at the peak of his success. While this could have had less severe consequences for the Florentines, the victory that followed was undermined by the failures of others. Once the count's death became known, the church's forces, which were already gathered in Perugia, became hopeful of defeating the Florentines and camped around the lake, just three miles from the enemy. Meanwhile, Jacopo Guicciardini, the army's commissary, advised by Roberto da Rimino, who became the main commander after Count Carlo’s death, understood their enthusiastic expectations and decided to confront them. As they engaged near the lake, at the site of the famous Roman defeat by Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, the papal forces were defeated. The news of this victory, which brought great honor to the commanders, spread joy throughout Florence and could have ensured a positive end to the campaign, were it not for the chaos that erupted in the army at Poggibonzi. The success gained from the valor of one group was overshadowed by the disgraceful actions of the other. After making significant gains in Siennese territory, disputes arose over the division of spoils between the Marquis of Mantua and the Marquis of Ferrara, who fought fiercely against each other. Seeing they could no longer count on the support of both, the Florentines allowed the Marquis of Ferrara and his men to go home.
CHAPTER IV
The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggibonzi—Dismay in Florence on account of the defeat—Progress of the duke of Calabria—The Florentines wish for peace—Lorenzo de' Medici determines to go to Naples to treat with the king—Lodovico Sforza, surnamed the Moor, and his brothers, recalled to Milan—Changes in the government of that city in consequence—The Genoese take Serezana—Lorenzo de' Medici arrives at Naples—Peace concluded with the king—The pope and the Venetians consent to the peace—The Florentines in fear of the duke of Calabria—Enterprises of the Turks—They take Otranto—The Florentines reconciled with the pope—Their ambassadors at the papal court—The pope's reply to the ambassadors—The king of Naples restores to the Florentines all the fortresses he had taken.
The Duke of Calabria defeats the Florentine army at Poggibonzi, causing dismay in Florence due to the defeat. The Duke of Calabria makes progress, and the Florentines seek peace. Lorenzo de' Medici decides to travel to Naples to negotiate with the king. Lodovico Sforza, known as the Moor, and his brothers are called back to Milan, leading to changes in the city's government. The Genoese capture Serezana. Lorenzo de' Medici arrives in Naples, and peace is established with the king. The pope and the Venetians agree to the peace. The Florentines fear the Duke of Calabria, while the Turks launch their enterprises, capturing Otranto. The Florentines reconcile with the pope, sending their ambassadors to the papal court, who receive the pope's reply. The king of Naples returns all the fortresses he had taken to the Florentines.
The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and disorder prevailing in every department, the duke of Calabria, who was with his forces near Sienna, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines, finding the enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic; neither their arms, nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their adversaries, nor their position, which was one of great strength, could give them confidence; but observing the dust occasioned by the enemy's approach, without waiting for a sight of them, they fled in all directions, leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to be taken by the foe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the armies of those times, that the turning of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide the fate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the king's troops with booty, and filled the Florentines with dismay; for the city, besides the war, was afflicted with pestilence, which prevailed so extensively, that all who possessed villas fled to them to escape death. This occasioned the defeat to be attended with greater horror; for those citizens whose possessions lay in the Val di Pesa and the Val d'Elsa, having retired to them, hastened to Florence with all speed as soon as they heard of the disaster, taking with them not only their children and their property, but even their laborers; so that it seemed as if the enemy were expected every moment in the city. Those who were appointed to the management of the war, perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the victorious forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in that direction, and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, who, after their victory, plundered the country without opposition; and although the Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia that it was expected to fall into their hands every instant, the people preferred defending their own possessions to endeavoring to seize those of others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good fortune, were marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles of Florence; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position till the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand, the enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened by the departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount in the districts of Arezzo and Cortona; while those who under Alfonso, duke of Calabria, had been victorious near Poggibonzi, took the town itself; sacked Vico and Certaldo, and after these conquests and pillagings encamped before the fortress of Colle, which was considered very strong; and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the Florentines, it was hoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the republic was able to collect its forces. The Florentines being at Santo Casciano, and the enemy continuing to use their utmost exertions against Colle, they determined to draw nearer, that the inhabitants might be more resolute in their defense, and the enemy assail them less boldly. With this design they removed their camp from Santo Casciano to Santo Geminiano, about five miles from Colle, and with light cavalry and other suitable forces were able every day to annoy the duke's camp. All this, however, was insufficient to relieve the people of Colle; for, having consumed their provisions, they were compelled to surrender on the thirteenth of November, to the great grief of the Florentines, and joy of the enemy, more especially of the Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred of the Florentines, had a particular animosity against the people of Colle.
The army was weakened, lacking a leader, and chaos reigned in every department. The Duke of Calabria, who was nearby with his forces at Sienna, decided to attack immediately. The Florentines, realizing the enemy was close, were suddenly overcome by panic; neither their weapons, nor their superior numbers, nor their strong position could boost their confidence. They saw the dust kicked up by the enemy's approach and, without waiting to actually see them, they fled in all directions, abandoning their ammunition, wagons, and artillery for the enemy to capture. Such cowardice and disarray were common in armies of that time; even a horse turning its head or tail could change the outcome of a mission. This defeat filled the king's troops with plunder while the Florentines were gripped by fear; the city, already suffering from war, was also plagued by disease, which was so widespread that everyone with country villas fled there to escape death. This made the defeat even more terrifying; those citizens whose properties were in the Val di Pesa and the Val d'Elsa rushed to Florence as soon as they heard of the disaster, bringing not just their children and possessions, but even their workers, making it seem like the enemy was about to invade the city at any moment. The leaders in charge of the war, seeing the widespread panic, ordered the victorious forces in Perugino to abandon their campaign in that direction and head to confront the enemy in Val d'Elsa. The enemy, after their victory, plundered the area without facing any resistance; and although the Florentine army had surrounded the city of Perugia, expecting it to fall into their hands at any moment, the locals chose to defend their own territory rather than attempt to seize someone else's. The forces, now redirected from pursuing their fortune, marched to San Casciano, a castle eight miles from Florence, believing they couldn’t settle elsewhere until the remnants of the fleeing army regrouped. Meanwhile, the enemy, no longer restrained at Perugia and encouraged by the Florentines' withdrawal, plundered extensively in the regions of Arezzo and Cortona. Those under Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, even took the town itself, looted Vico and Certaldo, and after these victories set up camp outside the stronghold of Colle. Since the garrison was brave and loyal to the Florentines, it was hoped they would hold off the enemy until the republic could gather its forces. The Florentines, positioned at Santo Casciano, decided to move closer as the enemy continued their assault on Colle, aiming to boost the defenders' resolve and make the enemy less aggressive. They relocated their camp from Santo Casciano to Santo Geminiano, roughly five miles from Colle, and with light cavalry and other suitable forces, they managed to harass the duke's camp daily. However, this was not enough to assist the people of Colle; after exhausting their supplies, they were forced to surrender on November 13, which deeply saddened the Florentines and delighted the enemy, especially the Siennese, who, besides their usual hatred for the Florentines, held a particular grudge against the people of Colle.
It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war, that the pope and the king, either designing to hold out a hope of peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed a truce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days to consider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted; but as wounds are well known to be more painful after the blood cools than when they were first received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to a consciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens openly laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors committed in the management of the war, the expenses uselessly incurred, and the taxes unjustly imposed. These matters were boldly discussed, not only in private circles, but in the public councils; and one individual even ventured to turn to Lorenzo de' Medici, and say, "The city is exhausted, and can endure no more war; it is therefore necessary to think of peace." Lorenzo was himself aware of the necessity, and assembled the friends in whose wisdom and fidelity he had the greatest confidence, when it was at once concluded, that as the Venetians were lukewarm and unfaithful, and the duke in the power of his guardians, and involved in domestic difficulties, it would be desirable by some new alliance to give a better turn to their affairs. They were in doubt whether to apply to the king or to the pope; but having examined the question in all sides, they preferred the friendship of the king as more suitable and secure; for the short reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing upon each succession, the disregard shown by their church toward temporal princes, and the still greater want of respect for them exhibited in her determinations, render it impossible for a secular prince to trust a pontiff, or safely to share his fortune; for an adherent of the pope will have a companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while the pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Having therefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatest utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainly obtained by Lorenzo's presence; for in proportion to the confidence they evinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the probability of removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo having resolved to go to Naples, recommended the city and government to the care of Tommaso Soderini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of Justice. He left Florence at the beginning of December, and having arrived at Pisa, wrote to the government to acquaint them with the cause of his departure. The Signory, to do him honor, and enable him the more effectually to treat with the king, appointed him ambassador from the Florentine people, and endowed him with full authority to make such arrangements as he thought most useful for the republic.
It was deep winter now, and the weather was so bad for war that the pope and the king, either hoping to keep the possibility of peace alive or simply wanting to enjoy the benefits of their victories, proposed a three-month truce to the Florentines, giving them ten days to consider their response. The offer was enthusiastically accepted, but just like wounds hurt more after the blood cools than when they first happen, this brief pause made the Florentines acutely aware of the hardships they had faced. The citizens openly blamed each other, pointing out the mistakes made in managing the war, the unnecessary expenses, and the unfair taxes imposed. These issues were discussed boldly, not just in private circles but in public councils; one person even dared to say to Lorenzo de' Medici, "The city is drained and cannot take any more war; we need to think about peace." Lorenzo recognized this need and gathered the friends he trusted most for their wisdom and loyalty, concluding that since the Venetians were indifferent and unreliable, and the duke was under the control of his guardians with domestic troubles, it would be wise to form a new alliance to improve their situation. They debated whether to approach the king or the pope, but after considering all angles, they chose the king's friendship as more suitable and secure; the short reigns of popes, the changes that came with each succession, the church's disregard for secular rulers, and their lack of respect in decisions made it impossible for a secular prince to rely on a pope or to share fortunes safely; a follower of the pope might have a partner in victory but would stand alone in defeat, while the pope would remain supported by his spiritual power and influence. Deciding that the king’s friendship would be most beneficial, they believed it would be easiest and most certain to secure it through Lorenzo’s presence; they figured the more trust they showed him, the better their chances of overcoming any past resentments. Lorenzo decided to go to Naples, entrusting the city and government to Tommaso Soderini, who was then Gonfalonier of Justice. He left Florence at the start of December, and upon arriving in Pisa, he wrote to the government to explain the reason for his departure. The Signory, wanting to honor him and help him negotiate effectively with the king, appointed him as ambassador from the Florentine people and gave him full authority to make arrangements that he deemed best for the republic.
At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascanio (Sforza their elder brother being dead) again attacked Milan, in order to recover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and the whole state being in arms, the duchess Bona was advised to restore the Sforzeschi, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them to the government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio Tassino, of Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell into the hands of the duke Galeazzo, and was given by him to his duchess for her valet. He, either from his personal attractions, or some secret influence, after the duke's death attained such influence over the duchess, that he governed the state almost at his will. This greatly displeased the minister Cecco, whom prudence and long experience had rendered invaluable; and who, to the utmost of his power, endeavored to diminish the authority of Tassino with the duchess and other members of the government. The latter, aware of this, to avenge himself for the injury, and secure defenders against Cecco, advised the duchess to recall the Sforzeschi, which she did, without communicating her design to the minister, who, when it was done, said to her, "You have taken a step which will deprive me of my life, and you of the government." This shortly afterward took place; for Cecco was put to death by Lodovico, and Tassino, being expelled from the dukedom, the duchess was so enraged that she left Milan, and gave up the care of her son to Lodovico, who, becoming sole governor of the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafter seen, the ruin of Italy.
At this time, Roberto da San Severino, along with Lodovico and Ascanio (their older brother Sforza having passed away), launched another attack on Milan to regain control. After capturing Tortona, with the city and the entire state in arms, Duchess Bona was advised to restore the Sforza family and end the internal conflict by including them in the government. The one who gave this advice was Antonio Tassino from Ferrara, a man of humble beginnings. When he came to Milan, he fell into the hands of Duke Galeazzo, who handed him over to the duchess as her servant. Either due to his personal charm or some hidden influence, after the duke's death, he gained such power over the duchess that he almost governed the state as he pleased. This caused significant resentment from Minister Cecco, whose wisdom and experience made him invaluable; he tried to undermine Tassino's influence with the duchess and others in the government. Aware of this, Tassino sought revenge and sought protection against Cecco by advising the duchess to recall the Sforza family, which she did without informing the minister. When it was done, he told her, "You’ve made a decision that will cost me my life and you your government." This soon came to pass; Cecco was executed by Lodovico, and with Tassino expelled from the dukedom, the duchess was so furious that she left Milan and handed care of her son to Lodovico, who, becoming the sole ruler of the dukedom, ultimately led to Italy's downfall, as will be seen later.
Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce between the parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso, being in correspondence with some persons of Serezana, entered the place by stealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and imprisoned the Florentine governor. This greatly offended the Signory, for they thought the whole had been concerted with the connivance of King Ferrando. They complained to the duke of Calabria, who was with the army at Sienna, of a breach of the truce; and he endeavored to prove, by letters and embassies, that it had occurred without either his own or his father's knowledge. The Florentines, however, found themselves in a very awkward predicament, being destitute of money, the head of the republic in the power of the king, themselves engaged in a long-standing war with the latter and the pope, in a new one with the Genoese, and entirely without friends; for they had no confidence in the Venetians, and on account of its changeable and unsettled state they were rather apprehensive of Milan. They had thus only one hope, and that depended upon Lorenzo's success with the king.
Lorenzo de' Medici had set off for Naples, and the truce between the factions was in place when, unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso, in contact with some people in Serezana, sneaked into the city, took control with an armed force, and imprisoned the Florentine governor. This infuriated the Signory, as they believed it was all planned with the king Ferrando's approval. They complained to the duke of Calabria, who was with the army in Sienna, about the violation of the truce; he tried to show, through letters and messengers, that it happened without his or his father's knowledge. However, the Florentines found themselves in a very tough situation, lacking money, their leader in the king's custody, caught in a long-standing war with both him and the pope, embroiled in a new conflict with the Genoese, and completely friendless; they didn't trust the Venetians, and because of the unstable situation, they were quite worried about Milan. They had only one hope, and that relied on Lorenzo's success with the king.
Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably received, not only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited the greatest expectation; for it being generally understood that the war was undertaken for the sole purpose of effecting his destruction, the power of his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being admitted to the king's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon the affairs of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his hopes from peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando was more astonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his genius, his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his power. He consequently treated him with redoubled honor, and began to feel compelled rather to part with him as a friend, than detain him as an enemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from December till March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of his own views, but of those of his city; for he was not without enemies, who would have wished the king to detain and treat him in the same manner as Jacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of sympathizing for him, pointed out all that would, or rather that they wished should, result from such a course; at the same time opposing in the council every proposition at all likely to favor him. By such means as these the opinion gained ground, that if he were detained at Naples much longer, the government of Florence would be changed. This caused the king to postpone their separation more than he would have otherwise done, to see if any disturbance were likely to arise. But finding everything go quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on the sixth of March, 1479, having, with every kind of attention and token of regard, endeavored to gain his affection, and formed with him a perpetual alliance for their mutual defense. Lorenzo returned to Florence, and upon presenting himself before the citizens, the impressions he had created in the popular mind surrounded him with a halo of majesty brighter than before. He was received with all the joy merited by his extraordinary qualities and recent services, in having exposed his own life to the most imminent peril, in order to restore peace to his country. Two days after his return, the treaty between the republic of Florence and the king, by which each party bound itself to defend the other's territories, was published. The places taken from the Florentines during the war were to be taken up at the discretion of the king; the Pazzi confined in the tower of Volterra were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money, for a limited period, was to be paid to the duke of Calabria.
Lorenzo arrived in Naples by sea and was welcomed with great honor, not just by Ferrando but by the entire city, as his arrival sparked significant anticipation. It was widely understood that the war had been started solely to bring about his downfall, which added to the power of his enemies and gave his name even more prominence. When he was brought before the king, he spoke so eloquently about the situation in Italy, the attitudes of its princes and people, his hopes for peace, and his fears about the consequences of war, that Ferrando was more impressed by his intellect, quick thinking, and wisdom than he had been by his power. As a result, he treated Lorenzo with even greater honor and began to feel more inclined to part with him as a friend rather than keep him as an enemy. Nevertheless, under various pretexts, he kept Lorenzo from December to March not only to gain a clearer understanding of his intentions but also to grasp those of his city. He had enemies who wished for the king to detain Lorenzo and treat him like Jacopo Piccinino; these individuals feigned sympathy and suggested outcomes that they hoped would come from such a decision while opposing any measures in the council that might favor him. As a result, the belief grew that if Lorenzo remained in Naples much longer, the government of Florence would change. This led the king to delay their separation longer than he otherwise would have, to see if any unrest might arise. However, finding everything to be going smoothly, Ferrando allowed him to leave on March 6, 1479, having made every effort to win his affection and establishing a lasting alliance for their mutual defense. Lorenzo returned to Florence, and when he appeared before the citizens, the impression he had made in the popular mind surrounded him with an even greater sense of majesty. He was received with the joy deserved by his extraordinary qualities and recent efforts, having risked his life to restore peace to his country. Two days after his return, the treaty between the Republic of Florence and the king, in which both parties pledged to defend each other's territories, was announced. The lands taken from the Florentines during the war would be returned at the king's discretion, the Pazzi held in the tower of Volterra would be freed, and a certain amount of money would be paid to the duke of Calabria for a specified period.
As soon as this peace was publicly known, the pope and the Venetians were transported with rage; the pope thought himself neglected by the king; the Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to the Florentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war, they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of this description being spread abroad, and received with entire credence at Florence, caused a general fear that the peace thus made would give rise to greater wars; and therefore the leading members of the government determined to confine the consideration of the most important affairs to a smaller number, and formed a council of seventy citizens, in whom the principal authority was invested. This new regulation calmed the minds of those desirous of change, by convincing them of the futility of their efforts. To establish their authority, they in the first place ratified the treaty of peace with the king, and sent as ambassadors to the pope Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi. But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso, duke of Calabria, still remained at Sienna with his forces, pretending to be detained by discords among the citizens, which, he said, had risen so high, that while he resided outside the city they had compelled him to enter and assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took occasion to draw large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by way of fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death; he thus became suspected, not only by the Siennese but by the Florentines, of a design to usurp the sovereignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy then available, for the republic had formed a new alliance with the king, and were at enmity with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, who were subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members of the government; and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city never was in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in similar extremities has always been her preserver, caused an unhoped-for event to take place, which gave the pope, the king, and the Venetians other matters to think of than those in Tuscany.
As soon as the news of this peace got out, the pope and the Venetians were furious; the pope felt ignored by the king, and the Venetians had similar thoughts about the Florentines, complaining that since they had fought together in the war, they weren’t allowed to be part of the peace. Reports like this spread widely and were fully believed in Florence, creating a general fear that this peace would lead to even bigger wars. In response, the top officials decided to limit discussions on the most important issues to a smaller group and formed a council of seventy citizens, giving them the main authority. This new arrangement calmed those eager for change, showing them that their efforts were pointless. To establish their power, they first confirmed the peace treaty with the king and sent Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi as ambassadors to the pope. However, despite the peace, Alfonso, duke of Calabria, still stayed in Sienna with his troops, claiming he was stuck due to conflicts among the citizens, which he said had escalated so much that while he was outside the city, they forced him to come in and act as a mediator. He seized this opportunity to extract large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens through fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and executed some; as a result, he became suspected not only by the Siennese but also by the Florentines of trying to take control of Sienna. There was no remedy at that moment, as the republic had formed a new alliance with the king and was at odds with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was shared not just by many Florentines, who were keen observers of appearances, but also by key members of the government; everyone agreed that the city had never been in such danger of losing its freedom. But God, who has always preserved it in similar crises, brought about an unexpected event that shifted the pope's, the king's, and the Venetians' focus away from Tuscany.
The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II. had gone with a large army to the siege of Rhodes, and continued it for several months; but though his forces were numerous, and his courage indomitable, he found them more than equalled by those of the besieged, who resisted his attack with such obstinate valor, that he was at last compelled to retire in disgrace. Having left Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha Achmet, approached Velona, and, either from observing the facility of the enterprise, or in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting along the Italian shores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers, and attacked the city of Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, and put all the inhabitants to the sword. He then fortified the city and port, and having assembled a large body of cavalry, pillaged the surrounding country. The king, learning this, and aware of the redoubtable character of his assailant, immediately sent messengers to all the surrounding powers, to request assistance against the common enemy, and ordered the immediate return of the duke of Calabria with the forces at Sienna.
The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II, had taken a large army to lay siege to Rhodes, and he continued this effort for several months. Despite having many troops and incredible determination, he found his forces matched by those of the defenders, who fought back with such relentless bravery that he ultimately had to pull back in shame. After leaving Rhodes, part of his army, led by Pasha Achmet, approached Velona. Either because he saw how easy the mission could be or because he was following his king’s orders, he sailed along the Italian coast, suddenly landed four thousand soldiers, and attacked the city of Otranto. He easily captured it, plundered it, and killed all the inhabitants. He then fortified the city and port and gathered a large cavalry force to raid the surrounding area. The king, realizing the formidable nature of his opponent and hearing this news, immediately sent messengers to neighboring powers to request help against the shared enemy, and ordered the duke of Calabria to return with the forces from Siena right away.
This attack, however it might annoy the duke and the rest of Italy, occasioned the utmost joy at Florence and Sienna; the latter thinking it had recovered its liberty, and the former that she had escaped a storm which threatened her with destruction. These impressions, which were not unknown to the duke, increased the regret he felt at his departure from Sienna; and he accused fortune of having, by an unexpected and unaccountable accident, deprived him of the sovereignty of Tuscany. The same circumstance changed the disposition of the pope; for although he had previously refused to receive any ambassador from Florence, he was now so mollified as to be anxious to listen to any overtures of peace; and it was intimated to the Florentines, that if they would condescend to ask the pope's pardon, they would be sure of obtaining it. Thinking it advisable to seize the opportunity, they sent twelve ambassadors to the pontiff, who, on their arrival, detained them under different pretexts before he would admit them to an audience. However, terms were at length settled, and what should be contributed by each in peace or war. The messengers were then admitted to the feet of the pontiff, who, with the utmost pomp, received them in the midst of his cardinals. They apologized for past occurrences; first showing they had been compelled by necessity, then blaming the malignity of others, or the rage of the populace, and their just indignation, and enlarging on the unfortunate condition of those who are compelled either to fight or die; saying, that since every extremity is endured in order to avoid death, they had suffered war, interdicts, and other inconveniences, brought upon them by recent events, that their republic might escape slavery, which is the death of free cities. However, if in their necessities they had committed any offense, they were desirous to make atonement, and trusted in his clemency, who, after the example of the blessed Redeemer, would receive them into his compassionate arms.
This attack, no matter how much it annoyed the duke and the rest of Italy, brought immense joy to Florence and Sienna; the latter believing it had regained its freedom, and the former thinking it had avoided a disaster that threatened its existence. These feelings, which the duke was aware of, deepened his regret about leaving Sienna; he blamed fate for an unexpected and inexplicable twist of events that robbed him of control over Tuscany. The same situation shifted the pope's attitude; even though he had previously refused to accept any ambassador from Florence, he was now so softened that he was eager to consider any peace proposals. It was suggested to the Florentines that if they would humbly seek the pope's forgiveness, they would surely receive it. Seeing this as a chance they should take, they sent twelve ambassadors to the pontiff, who, upon their arrival, kept them waiting under various excuses before finally allowing them an audience. Eventually, terms were established regarding what each party would contribute in times of peace or war. The ambassadors were then presented to the pope, who received them with great ceremony in the presence of his cardinals. They expressed their regrets for past actions, first explaining that they had been forced by necessity, then blaming the malice of others or the fury of the crowd, and highlighting the unfortunate situation of those who are forced to either fight or face death. They said that since people go to great lengths to avoid dying, they had endured war, bans, and other hardships caused by recent events to ensure their republic avoided slavery, which they viewed as the death of free cities. However, if their desperate actions had caused any offense, they wished to make amends and trusted in his mercy, who, like the blessed Redeemer, would embrace them with compassion.
The pope's reply was indignant and haughty. After reiterating all the offenses against the church during the late transactions, he said that, to comply with the precepts of God, he would grant the pardon they asked, but would have them understand, that it was their duty to obey; and that upon the next instance of their disobedience, they would inevitably forfeit, and that most deservedly, the liberty which they had just been upon the point of losing; for those merit freedom who exercise themselves in good works and avoid evil; that liberty, improperly used, injures itself and others; that to think little of God, and less of his church, is not the part of a free man, but a fool, and one disposed to evil rather than good, and to effect whose correction is the duty not only of princes but of every Christian; so that in respect of the recent events, they had only themselves to blame, who, by their evil deeds, had given rise to the war, and inflamed it by still worse actions, it having been terminated by the kindness of others rather than by any merit of their own. The formula of agreement and benediction was then read; and, in addition to what had already been considered and agreed upon between the parties, the pope said, that if the Florentines wished to enjoy the fruit of his forgiveness, they must maintain fifteen galleys, armed, and equipped, at their own expense, as long as the Turks should make war upon the kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors complained much of this burden in addition to the arrangement already made, but were unable to obtain any alleviation. However, after their return to Florence, the Signory sent, as ambassador to the pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, who had recently returned from France, and who by his prudence brought everything to an amicable conclusion, obtained many favors from the pontiff, which were considered as presages of a closer reconciliation.
The pope's response was angry and arrogant. After repeating all the offenses against the church during the recent events, he stated that, to follow God's commands, he would grant the requested pardon but made it clear that they needed to obey. He warned that the next act of disobedience would result in them losing, and quite rightly so, the freedom they were on the verge of losing; for only those who engage in good deeds and steer clear of evil deserve freedom. Misusing this freedom harms both oneself and others; thinking little of God and even less of His church is not the behavior of a free person, but rather that of a fool who leans towards evil instead of good. It's the responsibility of both rulers and every Christian to correct such attitudes. Regarding the recent events, they had only themselves to blame, as their wrongdoing had sparked the conflict and worsened it with even worse actions, which was ultimately resolved through the kindness of others rather than any merit of their own. The terms of agreement and blessing were then read; in addition to what had been addressed and settled between the parties, the pope stated that if the Florentines wanted to enjoy the benefits of his forgiveness, they must maintain fifteen armed and equipped galleys at their own cost for as long as the Turks waged war on the kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors complained about this additional burden on top of the already established agreement, but they couldn’t secure any relief. However, once they returned to Florence, the Signory sent Guidantonio Vespucci, who had recently returned from France, as an ambassador to the pope. Through his diplomacy, he brought everything to a friendly conclusion and secured many favors from the pope, which were seen as signs of a closer reconciliation.
Having settled their affairs with the pope, Sienna being free, themselves released from the fear of the king, by the departure of the duke of Calabria from Tuscany, and the war with the Turks still continuing, the Florentines pressed the king to restore their fortresses, which the duke of Calabria, upon quitting the country, had left in the hands of the Siennese. Ferrando, apprehensive that if he refused, they would withdraw from the alliance with him, and by new wars with the Siennese deprive him of the assistance he hoped to obtain from the pope and other Italian powers, consented that they should be given up, and by new favors endeavored to attach the Florentines to his interests. It is thus evident, that force and necessity, not deeds and obligations, induce princes to keep faith.
After settling their issues with the pope, Sienna was free, and they were no longer afraid of the king because the duke of Calabria had left Tuscany. As the war with the Turks was still ongoing, the Florentines urged the king to restore their fortresses, which the duke of Calabria had left with the Siennese when he left the country. Ferrando, worried that if he refused, they might break away from their alliance and engage in new conflicts with the Siennese, which could cost him the support he hoped to gain from the pope and other Italian powers, agreed to hand them over. He then tried to win the Florentines over to his side with additional favors. This clearly shows that it is force and necessity, rather than promises and obligations, that drive princes to remain trustworthy.
The castles being restored, and this new alliance established, Lorenzo de' Medici recovered the reputation which first the war and then the peace, when the king's designs were doubtful, had deprived him of; for at this period there was no lack of those who openly slandered him with having sold his country to save himself, and said, that in war they had lost their territories, and in peace their liberty. But the fortresses being recovered, an honorable treaty ratified with the king, and the city restored to her former influence, the spirit of public discourse entirely changed in Florence, a place greatly addicted to gossip, and in which actions are judged by the success attending them, rather than by the intelligence employed in their direction; therefore, the citizens praised Lorenzo extravagantly, declaring that by his prudence he had recovered in peace, what unfavorable circumstances had taken from them in war, and that by his discretion and judgment he had done more than the enemy with all the force of their arms.
With the castles being restored and this new alliance forming, Lorenzo de' Medici regained the reputation that the war and the uncertain peace had taken from him. During this time, many openly accused him of selling out his country to save himself, claiming that they lost their territories during the war and their freedom during the peace. However, with the fortresses reclaimed, an honorable treaty signed with the king, and the city restored to its former influence, public opinion in Florence shifted dramatically. This city is known for its gossip, where actions are judged by their outcomes rather than the strategy behind them. As a result, the citizens praised Lorenzo enthusiastically, stating that through his wisdom, he had regained in peace what unfortunate circumstances had stolen during the war, and that through his careful decision-making, he had achieved more than the enemy could with all their military might.
CHAPTER V
New occasions of war in Italy—Differences between the marquis of Ferrara, and the Venetians—The king of Naples and the Florentines attack the papal states—The pope's defensive arrangements—The Neapolitan army routed by the papal forces—Progress of the Venetians against the marquis of Ferrara—The pope makes peace, and enters into a league against the Venetians—Operations of the League against the Venetians—The Venetians routed at Bondeno—Their losses—Disunion among the League—Lodovico Sforza makes peace with the Venetians—Ratified by the other parties.
New instances of war in Italy—Tensions between the Marquis of Ferrara and the Venetians—The King of Naples and the Florentines launch an attack on the papal states—The pope's defensive plans—The Neapolitan army is defeated by the papal forces—The Venetians make advances against the Marquis of Ferrara—The pope negotiates peace and forms an alliance against the Venetians—Actions of the League against the Venetians—The Venetians are defeated at Bondeno—Their losses—Fragmentation within the League—Lodovico Sforza reaches a peace agreement with the Venetians—Ratified by the other parties.
The invasion of the Turks had deferred the war which was about to break forth from the anger of the pope and the Venetians at the peace between the Florentines and the king. But as the beginning of that invasion was unexpected and beneficial, its conclusion was equally unlooked for and injurious; for Mahomet dying suddenly, dissensions arose among his sons, and the forces which were in Puglia being abandoned by their commander, surrendered Otranto to the king. The fears which restrained the pope and the Venetians being thus removed, everyone became apprehensive of new troubles. On the one hand, was the league of the pope and the Venetians, and with them the Genoese, Siennese, and other minor powers; on the other, the Florentines, the king, and the duke, with whom were the Bolognese and many princes. The Venetians wished to become lords of Ferrara, and thought they were justified by circumstances in making the attempt, and hoping for a favorable result. Their differences arose thus: the marquis of Ferrara affirmed he was under no obligation to take salt from the Venetians, or to admit their governor; the terms of convention between them declaring, that after seventy years, the city was to be free from both impositions. The Venetians replied, that so long as he held the Polesine, he was bound to receive their salt and their governor. The marquis refusing his consent, the Venetians considered themselves justified in taking arms, and that the present moment offered a suitable opportunity; for the pope was indignant against the Florentines and the king; and to attach the pope still further, the Count Girolamo, who was then at Venice, was received with all possible respect; first admitted to the privileges of a citizen, and then raised to the rank of a senator, the highest distinctions the Venetian senate can confer. To prepare for the war, they levied new taxes, and appointed to the command of the forces, Roberto da San Severino, who being offended with Lodovico, governor of Milan, fled to Tortona, whence, after occasioning some disturbances, he went to Genoa, and while there, was sent for by the Venetians, and placed at the head of their troops.
The invasion by the Turks had postponed the war that was about to erupt from the pope's and the Venetians’ anger over the peace between the Florentines and the king. However, while the start of that invasion was unexpected and advantageous, its end was equally surprising and damaging; for when Mahomet died suddenly, conflicts broke out among his sons, and the forces in Puglia, abandoned by their commander, surrendered Otranto to the king. With the fears that held back the pope and the Venetians now gone, everyone began to worry about new troubles. On one side was the coalition of the pope, the Venetians, the Genoese, the Siennese, and other minor powers; on the other were the Florentines, the king, and the duke, along with the Bolognese and many princes. The Venetians aimed to take control of Ferrara and believed they had justification based on the circumstances to make the attempt, hoping for a positive outcome. Their disagreements began when the Marquis of Ferrara claimed he was not obligated to take salt from the Venetians or allow their governor into the city, stating that according to their agreement, after seventy years, the city was to be free from such impositions. The Venetians countered that as long as he controlled the Polesine, he was required to accept their salt and governor. The marquis's refusal led the Venetians to feel justified in taking up arms, believing that the current moment was the right time to act; the pope was angry with the Florentines and the king. To deepen the pope's alliance, Count Girolamo, who was in Venice at the time, was received with great respect, first being granted citizenship and then elevated to the position of senator, which is the highest honor the Venetian senate can bestow. To prepare for war, they imposed new taxes and appointed Roberto da San Severino to lead their forces. He had fallen out with Lodovico, the governor of Milan, fled to Tortona, and after causing some disturbances, went to Genoa. While there, the Venetians summoned him and put him in charge of their troops.
These circumstances becoming known to the opposite league, induced it also to provide for war. The duke of Milan appointed as his general, Federigo d'Urbino; the Florentines engaged Costanzo, lord of Pesaro; and to sound the disposition of the pope, and know whether the Venetians made war against Ferrara with his consent or not, King Ferrando sent Alfonso, duke of Calabria, with his army across the Tronto, and asked the pontiff's permission to pass into Lombardy to assist the marquis, which was refused in the most peremptory manner. The Florentines and the king, no longer doubtful about the pope's intentions, determined to harass him, and thus either compel him to take part with them, or throw such obstacles in his way, as would prevent him from helping the Venetians, who had already taken the field, attacked the marquis, overran his territory, and encamped before Figaruolo, a fortress of the greatest importance. In pursuance of the design of the Florentines and the king, the duke of Calabria, by the assistance of the Colonna family (the Orsini had joined the pope), plundered the country about Rome and committed great devastation; while the Florentines, with Niccolo Vitelli, besieged and took Citta di Castello, expelling Lorenzo Vitelli, who held it for the pope, and placing Niccolo in it as prince.
Once the other side learned of these circumstances, they also prepared for war. The Duke of Milan chose Federigo d'Urbino as his general, while the Florentines hired Costanzo, lord of Pesaro. To gauge the Pope's stance and find out if the Venetians were attacking Ferrara with his approval, King Ferrando sent Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, with his army across the Tronto, requesting the Pope's permission to enter Lombardy to support the marquis, which was firmly denied. With no doubts left about the Pope's position, the Florentines and the king decided to put pressure on him, either forcing him to join them or creating obstacles that would stop him from aiding the Venetians, who had already mobilized, attacked the marquis, invaded his land, and camped before Figaruolo, a very important fortress. Following the plans of the Florentines and the king, the Duke of Calabria, with help from the Colonna family (since the Orsini had allied with the Pope), looted the area around Rome and caused significant destruction. Meanwhile, the Florentines, led by Niccolo Vitelli, besieged and captured Citta di Castello, ousting Lorenzo Vitelli, who held it for the Pope, and installed Niccolo as its prince.
The pope now found himself in very great straits; for the city of Rome was disturbed by factions and the country covered with enemies. But acting with courage and resolution, he appointed Roberto da Rimino to take the command of his forces; and having sent for him to Rome, where his troops were assembled, told him how great would be the honor, if he could deliver the church from the king's forces, and the troubles in which it was involved; how greatly indebted, not only himself, but all his successors would be, and, that not mankind merely, but God himself would be under obligations to him. The magnificent Roberto, having considered the forces and preparations already made, advised the pope to raise as numerous a body of infantry as possible, which was done without delay. The duke of Calabria was at hand, and constantly harassed the country up to the very gates of Rome, which so roused the indignation of the citizens, that many offered their assistance to Roberto, and all were thankfully received. The duke, hearing of these preparations, withdrew a short distance from the city, that in the belief of finding him gone, the magnificent Roberto would not pursue him, and also in expectation of his brother Federigo, whom their father had sent to him with additional forces. But Roberto, finding himself nearly equal to the duke in cavalry, and superior in infantry, marched boldly out of Rome and took a position within two miles of the enemy. The duke, seeing his adversaries close upon him, found he must either fight or disgracefully retire. To avoid a retreat unbecoming a king's son, he resolved to face the enemy; and a battle ensued which continued from morning till midday. In this engagement, greater valor was exhibited on both sides than had been shown in any other during the last fifty years, upward of a thousand dead being left upon the field. The troops of the church were at length victorious, for her numerous infantry so annoyed the ducal cavalry, that they were compelled to retreat, and Alfonso himself would have fallen into the hands of the enemy, had he not been rescued by a body of Turks, who remained at Otranto, and were at that time in his service. The lord of Rimino, after this victory, returned triumphantly to Rome, but did not long enjoy the fruit of his valor; for having, during the heat of the engagement, taken a copious draught of water, he was seized with a flux, of which he very shortly afterward died. The pope caused his funeral to be conducted with great pomp, and in a few days, sent the Count Girolamo toward Citta di Castello to restore it to Lorenzo, and also endeavor to gain Rimino, which being by Roberto's death left to the care of his widow and a son who was quite a boy, his holiness thought might be easily won; and this certainly would have been the case, if the lady had not been defended by the Florentines, who opposed him so effectually, as to prevent his success against both Castello and Rimino.
The pope found himself in a tough spot; the city of Rome was in turmoil from rival factions, and the surrounding countryside was filled with enemies. Acting with courage and determination, he appointed Roberto da Rimino to lead his forces. After summoning him to Rome, where his troops had gathered, he told Roberto how honored he would be if he could free the church from the king's troops and resolve its troubles; he emphasized how indebted he, along with all future popes, would be, and that not just people, but God himself would owe him a debt of gratitude. The impressive Roberto, after assessing the forces and preparations already in place, advised the pope to recruit as many infantry soldiers as possible, which was done right away. The Duke of Calabria was nearby, constantly harassing the area up to the very gates of Rome, which stirred the citizens’ anger, prompting many to offer their help to Roberto, all of which was gladly accepted. When the duke learned of these preparations, he withdrew a bit from the city, hoping that the impressive Roberto would think he had left and wouldn’t pursue him, and also anticipating the arrival of his brother Federigo, whom their father had sent with reinforcements. However, Roberto, realizing he had nearly equal cavalry numbers but superior infantry, boldly marched out of Rome and positioned himself within two miles of the enemy. The duke, seeing the enemy closing in, realized he had to either fight or retreat in disgrace. To avoid an undignified retreat for a king's son, he decided to confront the enemy, leading to a battle that lasted from morning until midday. In this clash, greater bravery was shown on both sides than in any other battle in the last fifty years, with over a thousand dead left on the field. Ultimately, the church's forces emerged victorious, as their numerous infantry overwhelmed the duke's cavalry, forcing them to retreat. Alfonso himself would have been captured had he not been rescued by a group of Turks who were stationed at Otranto and serving him at the time. After this victory, Lord Roberto returned triumphantly to Rome but didn’t enjoy the rewards of his bravery for long; after having taken a large drink of water during the battle, he fell ill with dysentery and soon after died. The pope arranged a grand funeral for him and sent Count Girolamo to Citta di Castello to return it to Lorenzo and also to try to gain Rimino, which, after Roberto's death, was left in the care of his widow and a young son, thinking it would be easy to win. This would likely have been successful if the lady hadn’t been defended by the Florentines, who effectively opposed him and thwarted his attempts on both Castello and Rimino.
While these things were in progress at Rome and in Romagna, the Venetians took possession of Figaruolo and crossed the Po with their forces. The camp of the duke of Milan and the marquis was in disorder; for the count of Urbino having fallen ill, was carried to Bologna for his recovery, but died. Thus the marquis's affairs were unfortunately situated, while those of the Venetians gave them increasing hopes of occupying Ferrara. The Florentines and the king of Naples used their utmost endeavors to gain the pope to their views; and not having succeeded by force, they threatened him with the council, which had already been summoned by the emperor to assemble at Basle; and by means of the imperial ambassadors, and the co-operation of the leading cardinals, who were desirous of peace, the pope was compelled to turn his attention toward effecting the pacification of Italy. With this view, at the instigation of his fears, and with the conviction that the aggrandizement of the Venetians would be the ruin of the church and of Italy, he endeavored to make peace with the League, and sent his nuncios to Naples, where a treaty was concluded for five years, between the pope, the king, the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, with an opening for the Venetians to join them if they thought proper. When this was accomplished, the pope intimated to the Venetians, that they must desist from war against Ferrara. They refused to comply, and made preparations to prosecute their design with greater vigor than they had hitherto done; and having routed the forces of the duke and the marquis at Argenta, they approached Ferrara so closely as to pitch their tents in the marquis's park.
While these events were unfolding in Rome and Romagna, the Venetians took control of Figaruolo and crossed the Po River with their troops. The camp of the Duke of Milan and the Marquis was in disarray; the Count of Urbino had fallen ill and was taken to Bologna for recovery, but he died. This left the marquis in a difficult situation, while the Venetians grew more hopeful about capturing Ferrara. The Florentines and the King of Naples did everything they could to win the pope to their side; when force didn't work, they threatened him with the council that the emperor had already summoned to meet in Basle. With the help of the imperial ambassadors and support from influential cardinals who wanted peace, the pope was pushed to focus on achieving peace in Italy. Driven by fear, and believing that the Venetians' rise would spell disaster for the church and Italy, he sought to broker peace with the League and sent his envoys to Naples, where a five-year treaty was established between the pope, the king, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines, allowing the Venetians the option to join if they wanted. Once this was done, the pope informed the Venetians that they needed to stop their war against Ferrara. They refused to comply and prepared to pursue their plans with even greater intensity than before; having defeated the forces of the duke and the marquis at Argenta, they moved in so close to Ferrara that they set up their camp in the marquis's park.
The League found they must no longer delay rendering him efficient assistance, and ordered the duke of Calabria to march to Ferrara with his forces and those of the pope, the Florentine troops also moving in the same direction. In order to direct the operations of the war with greater efficiency, the League assembled a diet at Cremona, which was attended by the pope's legate, the Count Girolamo, the duke of Calabria, the Signor Lodovico Sforza, and Lorenzo de' Medici, with many other Italian princes; and when the measures to be adopted were fully discussed, having decided that the best way of relieving Ferrara would be to effect a division of the enemy's forces, the League desired Lodovico to attack the Venetians on the side of Milan, but this he declined, for fear of bringing a war upon the duke's territories, which it would be difficult to quell. It was therefore resolved to proceed with the united forces of the League to Ferrara, and having assembled four thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry, they went in pursuit of the Venetians, whose force amounted to two thousand two hundred men at arms, and six thousand foot. They first attacked the Venetian flotilla, then lying upon the river Po, which they routed with the loss of above two hundred vessels, and took prisoner Antonio Justiniano, the purveyor of the fleet. The Venetians, finding all Italy united against them, endeavored to support their reputation by engaging in their service the duke of Lorraine, who joined them with two hundred men at arms: and having suffered so great a destruction of their fleet, they sent him, with part of their army, to keep their enemies at bay, and Roberto da San Severino to cross the Adda with the remainder, and proceed to Milan, where they were to raise the cry of "The duke and the Lady Bona," his mother; hoping by this means to give a new aspect to affairs there, believing that Lodovico and his government were generally unpopular. This attack at first created great consternation, and roused the citizens in arms; but eventually produced consequences unfavorable to the designs of the Venetians; for Lodovico was now desirous to undertake what he had refused to do at the entreaty of his allies. Leaving the marquis of Ferrara to the defense of his own territories, he, with four thousand horse and two thousand foot, and joined by the duke of Calabria with twelve thousand horse and five thousand foot, entered the territory of Bergamo, then Brescia, next that of Verona, and, in defiance of the Venetians, plundered the whole country; for it was with the greatest difficulty that Roberto and his forces could save the cities themselves. In the meantime, the marquis of Ferrara had recovered a great part of his territories; for the duke of Lorraine, by whom he was attacked, having only at his command two thousand horse and one thousand foot, could not withstand him. Hence, during the whole of 1483, the affairs of the League were prosperous.
The League realized they could no longer delay providing him with effective assistance and ordered the Duke of Calabria to march to Ferrara with his troops, alongside those of the Pope, while the Florentine army also headed in the same direction. To manage the war more effectively, the League called a meeting in Cremona, attended by the Pope's representative, Count Girolamo, the Duke of Calabria, Signor Lodovico Sforza, and Lorenzo de' Medici, along with many other Italian princes. After thoroughly discussing the measures to be taken, they concluded that the best way to relieve Ferrara was to divide the enemy's forces. The League asked Lodovico to attack the Venetians near Milan, but he refused, fearing it would provoke a war in the duke's territories that would be hard to control. It was thus decided that the united forces of the League would march to Ferrara, and they gathered four thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry to pursue the Venetians, who had two thousand two hundred knights and six thousand foot soldiers. They first engaged the Venetian fleet, which was positioned on the Po River, defeating it and sinking over two hundred ships while capturing Antonio Justiniano, the fleet's supplier. Facing a united Italy against them, the Venetians sought to bolster their standing by hiring the Duke of Lorraine, who joined them with two hundred knighted soldiers. After suffering significant losses to their fleet, they sent him, along with part of their army, to fend off their enemies, while Roberto da San Severino crossed the Adda River with the remainder to go to Milan, where they would rally support for "The Duke and Lady Bona," his mother, hoping to create a favorable shift in Milanese affairs due to Lodovico's unpopularity. Initially, this attack caused panic and mobilized the citizens, but ultimately led to unfavorable outcomes for the Venetians; Lodovico was now eager to take action, which he previously declined at his allies’ request. Leaving the Marquis of Ferrara to defend his territory, he marched with four thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry, joined by the Duke of Calabria with twelve thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry, into Bergamo, then Brescia, and finally Verona, plundering the whole area in defiance of the Venetians, making it very difficult for Roberto and his forces to protect the cities. Meanwhile, the Marquis of Ferrara had regained much of his land, as the Duke of Lorraine, having only two thousand cavalry and one thousand foot soldiers under his command, couldn’t withstand the Marquis’s forces. Thus, throughout 1483, the League's situation was prosperous.
The winter having passed quietly over, the armies again took the field. To produce the greater impression upon the enemy, the League united their whole force, and would easily have deprived the Venetians of all they possessed in Lombardy, if the war had been conducted in the same manner as during the preceding year; for by the departure of the duke of Lorraine, whose term of service had expired, they were reduced to six thousand horse and five thousand foot, while the allies had thirteen thousand horse and five thousand foot at their disposal. But, as is often the case where several of equal authority are joined in command, their want of unity decided the victory to their enemies. Federigo, marquis of Mantua, whose influence kept the duke of Calabria and Lodovico Sforza within bounds, being dead, differences arose between them which soon became jealousies. Giovan Galeazzo, duke of Milan, was now of an age to take the government on himself, and had married the daughter of the duke of Calabria, who wished his son-in-law to exercise the government and not Lodovico; the latter, being aware of the duke's design, studied to prevent him from effecting it. The position of Lodovico being known to the Venetians, they thought they could make it available for their own interests; and hoped, as they had often before done, to recover in peace all they had lost by war; and having secretly entered into treaty with Lodovico, the terms were concluded in August, 1484. When this became known to the rest of the allies, they were greatly dissatisfied, principally because they found that the places won from the Venetians were to be restored; that they were allowed to keep Rovigo and the Polesine, which they had taken from the marquis of Ferrara, and besides this retain all the pre-eminence and authority over Ferrara itself which they had formerly possessed. Thus it was evident to everyone, they had been engaged in a war which had cost vast sums of money, during the progress of which they had acquired honor, and which was concluded with disgrace; for the places wrested from the enemy were restored without themselves recovering those they had lost. They were, however, compelled to ratify the treaty, on account of the unsatisfactory state of their finances, and because the faults and ambition of others had rendered them unwilling to put their fortunes to further proof.
After a quiet winter, the armies were back in action. To make a bigger impact on the enemy, the League combined their entire force and could have easily taken everything the Venetians had in Lombardy if the war had been managed like the previous year. But with the duke of Lorraine gone, having completed his service, they were down to six thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry, while the allies had thirteen thousand cavalry and five thousand infantry at their disposal. However, as often happens when several leaders share command, their lack of unity led to their defeat. Federigo, the marquis of Mantua, who kept the duke of Calabria and Lodovico Sforza in check, had died, causing disagreements that quickly turned into rivalries. Giovan Galeazzo, the duke of Milan, had come of age to govern and had married the daughter of the duke of Calabria, who wanted his son-in-law to take control rather than Lodovico. Knowing this, Lodovico tried to stop him. The Venetians, aware of Lodovico's position, thought they could exploit it for their own advantage, hoping, as they had before, to peacefully regain what they had lost in wartime. They secretly negotiated with Lodovico, wrapping up their agreement in August 1484. When the rest of the allies found out, they were very unhappy, primarily because they learned the territories taken from the Venetians would be handed back; they would keep Rovigo and Polesine, which they had seized from the marquis of Ferrara, and also maintain all the dominance and authority over Ferrara itself that they had previously held. It became clear to everyone that they had fought a war that had drained huge amounts of money, brought them honor, but ended in disgrace; they were returning lands taken from the enemy without recovering anything they had lost. However, they had no choice but to agree to the treaty due to their poor financial situation, and because the mistakes and ambitions of others discouraged them from risking their fortunes any further.
CHAPTER VI
Affairs of the pope—He is reconciled to Niccolo Vitelli—Discords between the Colonnesi and the Orsini—Various events—The war of Serezana—Genoa occupied by her archbishop—Death of Sixtus IV.—Innocent VIII. elected—Agostino Fregoso gives Serezana to the bank of St. Giorgio—Account of the bank of St. Giorgio—War with the Genoese for Serezana—Stratagem of the Florentines to attack Pietra Santa—Difficulties and final surrender of Pietra Santa—The Lucchese lay claim to Pietra Santa—The city of L'Aquila revolts against the king of Naples—War between him and the pope—The Florentines take the king's party—Peace between the pope and the king.
Affairs of the pope—He has made peace with Niccolo Vitelli—Conflicts between the Colonnesi and the Orsini—Various events—The war of Serezana—Genoa taken over by her archbishop—Death of Sixtus IV.—Innocent VIII. is elected—Agostino Fregoso gives Serezana to the Bank of St. Giorgio—Overview of the Bank of St. Giorgio—Conflict with the Genoese over Serezana—Florentine tactic to attack Pietra Santa—Challenges and eventual surrender of Pietra Santa—The Lucchese claim Pietra Santa—The city of L'Aquila revolts against the king of Naples—War between him and the pope—The Florentines side with the king—Peace between the pope and the king.
During these events in Lombardy, the pope sent Lorenzo to invest Citta di Castello, for the purpose of expelling Niccolo Vitelli, the place having been abandoned to him by the League, for the purpose of inducing the pontiff to join them. During the siege, Niccolo's troops were led out against the papal forces and routed them. Upon this the pope recalled the Count Girolamo from Lombardy with orders first to recruit his army at Rome, and then proceed against Citta di Castello. But thinking afterward, that it would be better to obtain Niccolo Vitello as his friend than to renew hostilities with him, an arrangement was entered into by which the latter retained Citta di Castello, and the pope pacified Lorenzo as well as he could. He was induced to both these measures rather by his apprehension of fresh troubles than by his love of peace, for he perceived dissensions arising between the Colonessi and the Orsini.
During these events in Lombardy, the pope sent Lorenzo to take control of Citta di Castello to kick out Niccolo Vitelli, since the League had handed it over to him to encourage the pontiff to join them. During the siege, Niccolo's troops came out against the papal forces and defeated them. In response, the pope recalled Count Girolamo from Lombardy with orders to first gather his army in Rome and then proceed against Citta di Castello. However, after thinking it over, he decided it was better to have Niccolo Vitelli as an ally rather than to restart hostilities with him. They reached an agreement where Niccolo kept Citta di Castello, and the pope did his best to appease Lorenzo. He was more motivated by fear of further troubles than by a desire for peace, as he saw conflicts brewing between the Colonessi and the Orsini.
In the war between the king of Naples and the pope, the former had taken the district of Tagliacozzo from the Orsini, and given it to the Colonnesi, who had espoused his cause. Upon the establishment of peace, the Orsini demanded its restoration by virtue of the treaty. The pope had frequently intimated to the Colonnesi that it ought to be restored; but they, instead of complying with the entreaties of the Orsini, or being influenced by the pope's threats, renewed hostilities against the former. Upon this the pontiff, unable to endure their insolence, united his own forces with those of the Orsini, plundered the houses they possessed in Rome, slew or made prisoners all who defended them, and seized most of their fortresses. So that when these troubles were composed, it was rather by the complete subjugation of one party than from any desire for peace in the other.
In the conflict between the king of Naples and the pope, the king had taken the area of Tagliacozzo from the Orsini and given it to the Colonnesi, who had supported him. After peace was established, the Orsini requested its return based on the treaty. The pope had often suggested to the Colonnesi that it should be returned; however, instead of listening to the Orsini's pleas or being swayed by the pope's threats, they escalated their attacks against the Orsini. In response, the pope, unable to tolerate their arrogance, joined forces with the Orsini, raided their homes in Rome, killed or captured everyone who defended them, and took most of their fortresses. So, when these issues were resolved, it was more due to the complete defeat of one side than out of any desire for peace from the other.
Nor were the affairs of Genoa or of Tuscany in repose, for the Florentines kept the Count Antonio da Marciano on the borders of Serezana; and while the war continued in Lombardy, annoyed the people of Serezana by inroads and light skirmishes. Battistino Fregoso, doge of Genoa, trusting to Pagolo Fregoso, the archbishop, was taken prisoner, with his wife and children, by the latter, who assumed the sovereignty of the city. The Venetian fleet had attacked the kingdom of Naples, taken Gallipoli, and harassed the neighboring places. But upon the peace of Lombardy, all tumults were hushed except those of Tuscany and Rome; for the pope died in five days after its declaration, either in the natural course of things, or because his grief for peace, to which he was always opposed, occasioned his end.
The situations in Genoa and Tuscany were also unstable, as the Florentines kept Count Antonio da Marciano at the borders of Serezana. While the war continued in Lombardy, they disturbed the people of Serezana with raids and minor skirmishes. Battistino Fregoso, the doge of Genoa, relied on Pagolo Fregoso, the archbishop, who captured him, along with his wife and children, and took control of the city. The Venetian fleet had attacked the Kingdom of Naples, seized Gallipoli, and troubled the surrounding areas. However, after the peace in Lombardy was announced, all conflicts quieted down except for those in Tuscany and Rome; the pope died just five days later, either due to natural causes or because his sorrow over the peace, which he had always opposed, led to his demise.
Upon the decease of the pontiff, Rome was immediately in arms. The Count Girolamo withdrew his forces into the castle; and the Orsini feared the Colonnesi would avenge the injuries they had recently sustained. The Colonnesi demanded the restitution of their houses and castles, so that in a few days robberies, fires, and murders prevailed in several parts of the city. The cardinals entreated the count to give the castle into the hands of the college, withdraw his troops, and deliver Rome from the fear of his forces, and he, by way of ingratiating himself with the future pontiff obeyed, and retired to Imola. The cardinals, being thus divested of their fears, and the barons hopeless of assistance in their quarrels, proceeded to create a new pontiff, and after some discussion, Giovanni Batista Cibo, a Genoese, cardinal of Malfetta, was elected, and took the name of Innocent VIII. By the mildness of his disposition (for he was peaceable and humane) he caused a cessation of hostilities, and for the present restored peace to Rome.
After the pope passed away, Rome immediately went into chaos. Count Girolamo retreated his forces into the castle, and the Orsini were afraid the Colonnesi would seek revenge for the recent grievances they suffered. The Colonnesi demanded their homes and castles back, leading to a surge of robberies, fires, and murders throughout the city within just a few days. The cardinals begged the count to hand over the castle to them, pull back his troops, and free Rome from the threat of his forces. In an attempt to win favor with the future pope, he complied and withdrew to Imola. With their fears eased and the barons without hope of support for their disputes, the cardinals moved forward to elect a new pope. After some discussion, they chose Giovanni Batista Cibo, a Genoese and cardinal of Malfetta, who took the name Innocent VIII. Due to his gentle nature (he was peaceful and kind), he helped to end the fighting and temporarily restored peace to Rome.
The Florentines, after the pacification of Lombardy, could not remain quiet; for it appeared disgraceful that a private gentleman should deprive them of the fortress of Serezana; and as it was allowed by the conditions of peace, not only to demand lost places, but to make war upon any who should impede their restoration, they immediately provided men and money to undertake its recovery. Upon this, Agostino Fregoso, who had seized Serezana, being unable to defend it, gave the fortress to the Bank of St. Giorgio. As we shall have frequent occasion to speak of St. Giorgio and the Genoese, it will not be improper, since Genoa is one of the principal cities of Italy, to give some account of the regulations and usages prevailing there. When the Genoese had made peace with the Venetians, after the great war, many years ago, the republic, being unable to satisfy the claims of those who had advanced large sums of money for its use, conceded to them the revenue of the Dogano or customhouse, so that each creditor should participate in the receipts in proportion to his claim, until the whole amount should be liquidated, and as a suitable place for their assembling, the palace over the Dogano was assigned for their use. These creditors established a form of government among themselves, appointing a council of one hundred persons for the direction of their affairs, and a committee of eight, who, as the executive body, should carry into effect the determinations of the council. Their credits were divided into shares, called Luoghi, and they took the title of the Bank, or Company of St. Giorgio. Having thus arranged their government, the city fell into fresh difficulties, and applied to San Giorgio for assistance, which, being wealthy and well managed, was able to afford the required aid. On the other hand, as the city had at first conceded the customs, she next began to assign towns, castles, or territories, as security for moneys received; and this practice has proceeded to such a length, from the necessities of the state, and the accommodation by the San Giorgio, that the latter now has under its administration most of the towns and cities in the Genoese dominion. These the Bank governs and protects, and every year sends its deputies, appointed by vote, without any interference on the part of the republic. Hence the affections of the citizens are transferred from the government to the San Giorgio, on account of the tyranny of the former, and the excellent regulations adopted by the latter. Hence also originate the frequent changes of the republic, which is sometimes under a citizen, and at other times governed by a stranger; for the magistracy, and not the San Giorgio, changes the government. So when the Fregosi and the Adorni were in opposition, as the government of the republic was the prize for which they strove, the greater part of the citizens withdrew and left it to the victor. The only interference of the Bank of St. Giorgio is when one party has obtained a superiority over the other, to bind the victor to the observance of its laws, which up to this time have not been changed; for as it possesses arms, money, and influence, they could not be altered without incurring the imminent risk of a dangerous rebellion. This establishment presents an instance of what in all the republics, either described or imagined by philosophers, has never been thought of; exhibiting within the same community, and among the same citizens, liberty and tyranny, integrity and corruption, justice and injustice; for this establishment preserves in the city many ancient and venerable customs; and should it happen (as in time it easily may) that the San Giorgio should have possession of the whole city, the republic will become more distinguished than that of Venice.
The Florentines, after calming things down in Lombardy, couldn't stay quiet; it seemed shameful that a private citizen could take the fortress of Serezana from them. Since the peace terms allowed them not only to demand the return of their lost territories but also to go to war against anyone who obstructed that process, they quickly gathered men and money to reclaim it. In response, Agostino Fregoso, who had taken Serezana, realizing he couldn't defend it, handed the fortress over to the Bank of St. Giorgio. As we will frequently discuss St. Giorgio and the Genoese, it’s worth noting that Genoa is one of the main cities in Italy, so a brief overview of its regulations and practices is appropriate. After making peace with the Venetians following a lengthy war many years ago, the Genoese republic, unable to settle the debts of those who had lent substantial amounts of money for its support, granted those creditors the revenues from the Dogano or customs house. Each creditor was to share in the receipts based on their claim until everything was paid off, and a suitable meeting place was designated for them in the palace above the Dogano. These creditors organized a form of governance, creating a council of one hundred people to manage their interests, along with a committee of eight that acted as the executive body to implement the council's decisions. Their debts were divided into shares, called Luoghi, and they became known as the Bank or Company of St. Giorgio. With their governance in place, the city faced further troubles and sought help from San Giorgio, which, being wealthy and well-managed, was able to provide the needed assistance. As the city had initially granted customs duties, it then began assigning towns, castles, or territories as collateral for the money received. This practice has gone so far due to the state’s needs and the support provided by San Giorgio that the bank now oversees most of the towns and cities in the Genoese territory. The Bank governs and protects these areas, sending deputies every year, appointed by vote, without any interference from the republic. Consequently, citizens’ loyalties have shifted from the government to San Giorgio, due to the tyranny of the former and the excellent regulations implemented by the latter. This also explains the frequent changes in the republic, which at times is led by a citizen and at other times by an outsider, as the magistracy, rather than San Giorgio, decides the government. When the Fregosi and Adorni were at odds, the government's control of the republic became the battleground for them, and most citizens withdrew, leaving it to the victor. The only involvement of the Bank of St. Giorgio occurs when one faction gains dominance over another, to ensure the winner adheres to its laws, which have not changed to this day; as the Bank wields arms, money, and influence, any alterations could ignite a serious rebellion. This setup exemplifies a unique situation within the community, where liberty and tyranny, honesty and corruption, justice and injustice coexist among the same citizens; for this establishment maintains many ancient and revered customs within the city. If it were to happen (as it potentially could) that San Giorgio gained control over the entire city, the republic would become even more prominent than that of Venice.
Agostino Fregoso conceded Serezana to the San Giorgio, which readily accepted it, undertook its defense, put a fleet to sea, and sent forces to Pietra Santa to prevent all attempts of the Florentines, whose camp was in the immediate vicinity. The Florentines found it would be essentially necessary to gain possession of Pietra Santa, for without it the acquisition of Serezana lost much of its value, being situated between the latter place and Pisa; but they could not, consistently with the treaty, besiege it, unless the people of Pietra Santa, or its garrison, were to impede their acquisition of Serezana. To induce the enemy to do this, the Florentines sent from Pisa to the camp a quantity of provisions and military stores, accompanied by a very weak escort; that the people of Pietra Santa might have little cause for fear, and by the richness of the booty be tempted to the attack. The plan succeeded according to their expectation; for the inhabitants of Pietra Santa, attracted by the rich prize took possession of it.
Agostino Fregoso handed over Serezana to San Giorgio, which quickly accepted and took on its defense, sent a fleet to sea, and dispatched forces to Pietra Santa to block any attempts by the Florentines, whose camp was nearby. The Florentines realized they needed to take control of Pietra Santa, as its capture was crucial for securing Serezana since it was located between Serezana and Pisa. However, according to the treaty, they couldn't lay siege to Pietra Santa unless its people or garrison hindered their takeover of Serezana. To provoke the enemy into doing this, the Florentines sent a shipment of provisions and military supplies from Pisa to their camp, accompanied by a very small escort; this was to ensure the people of Pietra Santa wouldn’t feel threatened and to tempt them to attack with the promise of wealth from the spoils. The plan worked as expected, and the inhabitants of Pietra Santa, lured by the valuable prize, took control of it.
This gave legitimate occasion to the Florentines to undertake operations against them; so leaving Serezana they encamped before Pietra Santa, which was very populous, and made a gallant defense. The Florentines planted their artillery in the plain, and formed a rampart upon the hill, that they might also attack the place on that side. Jacopo Guicciardini was commissary of the army; and while the siege of Pietra Santa was going on, the Genoese took and burned the fortress of Vada, and, landing their forces, plundered the surrounding country. Biongianni Gianfigliazzi was sent against them, with a body of horse and foot, and checked their audacity, so that they pursued their depredations less boldly. The fleet continuing its efforts went to Livorno, and by pontoons and other means approached the new tower, playing their artillery upon it for several days, but being unable to make any impression they withdrew.
This created a valid reason for the Florentines to launch operations against them. So, after leaving Serezana, they set up camp in front of Pietra Santa, which was very crowded and put up a strong defense. The Florentines positioned their artillery in the plain and built a barricade on the hill to also attack from that side. Jacopo Guicciardini was in charge of the army, and while the siege of Pietra Santa was happening, the Genoese captured and burned the fortress of Vada, landing their troops and plundering the nearby area. Biongianni Gianfigliazzi was sent after them with a group of cavalry and infantry, managing to curb their boldness so they carried out their raiding less fearlessly. Meanwhile, the fleet continued its efforts, heading to Livorno, and using pontoons and other methods, approached the new tower, bombarding it with artillery for several days, but unable to make any impact, they eventually retreated.
In the meantime the Florentines proceeded slowly against Pietra Santa, and the enemy taking courage attacked and took their works upon the hill. This was effected with so much glory, and struck such a panic into the Florentines, that they were almost ready to raise the siege, and actually retreated a distance of four miles; for their generals thought that they would retire to winter quarters, it being now October, and make no further attempt till the return of spring.
In the meantime, the Florentines moved slowly against Pietra Santa, and the enemy, gaining confidence, attacked and captured their positions on the hill. This was done with such glory that it caused a huge panic among the Florentines, who were almost ready to lift the siege and actually retreated four miles. Their generals believed they would pull back to winter quarters, given that it was now October, and wouldn't make any further attempts until spring returned.
When the discomfiture was known at Florence, the government was filled with indignation; and, to impart fresh vigor to the enterprise, and restore the reputation of their forces, they immediately appointed Antonio Pucci and Bernardo del Neri commissaries, who, with vast sums of money, proceeded to the army, and intimated the heavy displeasure of the Signory, and of the whole city, if they did not return to the walls; and what a disgrace, if so large an army and so many generals, having only a small garrison to contend with, could not conquer so poor and weak a place. They explained the immediate and future advantages that would result from the acquisition, and spoke so forcibly upon the subject, that all became anxious to renew the attack. They resolved, in the first place, to recover the rampart upon the hill; and here it was evident how greatly humanity, affability, and condescension influence the minds of soldiers; for Antonio Pucci, by encouraging one and promising another, shaking hands with this man and embracing that, induced them to proceed to the charge with such impetuosity, that they gained possession of the rampart in an instant. However, the victory was not unattended by misfortune, for Count Antonio da Marciano was killed by a cannon shot. This success filled the townspeople with so much terror, that they began to make proposals for capitulation; and to invest the surrender with imposing solemnity, Lorenzo de' Medici came to the camp, when, after a few days, the fortress was given up. It being now winter, the leaders of the expedition thought it unadvisable to make any further effort until the return of spring, more particularly because the autumnal air had been so unhealthy that numbers were affected by it. Antonio Pucci and Biongianni Gianfigliazzi were taken ill and died, to the great regret of all, so greatly had Antonio's conduct at Pietra Santa endeared him to the army.
When the setback was reported in Florence, the government was outraged; to energize the campaign and restore their forces' reputation, they quickly appointed Antonio Pucci and Bernardo del Neri as commissaries. With substantial funds, they went to the army and expressed the severe displeasure of the Signory and the entire city if they did not return to the walls, highlighting the disgrace of such a large army and so many generals being unable to conquer such a small and weak location against a minor garrison. They laid out the immediate and future benefits of taking the place, and spoke so compellingly that everyone was eager to restart the attack. They decided first to reclaim the rampart on the hill; it became clear how much humanity, friendliness, and humility impact soldiers' morale, as Antonio Pucci, through encouragement and promises, shaking hands and hugging various men, motivated them to charge with such fervor that they captured the rampart in no time. However, this victory came with tragedy, as Count Antonio da Marciano was killed by cannon fire. This success instilled such fear in the townspeople that they began proposing terms for surrender; to lend the surrender a sense of importance, Lorenzo de' Medici came to the camp, and after a few days, the fortress was handed over. With winter upon them, the leaders of the expedition deemed it unwise to make any further attempts until spring, especially since the autumn air had been unhealthy and many had become ill. Antonio Pucci and Biongianni Gianfigliazzi fell ill and died, which was deeply mourned by all, as Antonio’s actions at Pietra Santa had made him beloved in the army.
Upon the taking of Pietra Santa, the Lucchese sent ambassadors to Florence, to demand its surrender to their republic, on account of its having previously belonged to them, and because, as they alleged, it was in the conditions that places taken by either party were to be restored to their original possessors. The Florentines did not deny the articles, but replied that they did not know whether, by the treaty between themselves and the Genoese, which was then under discussion, it would have to be given up or not, and therefore could not reply to that point at present; but in case of its restitution, it would first be necessary for the Lucchese to reimburse them for the expenses they had incurred and the injury they had suffered, in the death of so many citizens; and that when this was satisfactorily arranged, they might entertain hopes of obtaining the place.
After the capture of Pietra Santa, the Lucchese sent representatives to Florence, demanding its surrender to their republic because it had previously belonged to them. They claimed it was part of the agreement that places taken by either side were to be returned to their original owners. The Florentines acknowledged the terms but responded that they weren’t sure if, according to the treaty they were discussing with the Genoese, they would have to give it up. Therefore, they couldn't address that issue right now. However, if the place were to be returned, the Lucchese would first need to compensate them for the costs they had incurred and the harm caused by the deaths of so many citizens; only after that was satisfactorily dealt with could they expect to get the place back.
The whole winter was consumed in negotiations between the Florentines and Genoese, which, by the pope's intervention, were carried on at Rome; but not being concluded upon the return of spring, the Florentines would have attacked Serezana had they not been prevented by the illness of Lorenzo de' Medici, and the war between the pope and King Ferrando; for Lorenzo was afflicted not only by the gout, which seemed hereditary in his family, but also by violent pains in the stomach, and was compelled to go the baths for relief.
The entire winter was taken up with negotiations between the Florentines and Genoese, which, thanks to the pope's intervention, took place in Rome. However, since they weren't resolved by the time spring returned, the Florentines would have launched an attack on Serezana if they hadn't been stopped by Lorenzo de' Medici's illness and the conflict between the pope and King Ferrando. Lorenzo was suffering not only from gout, which seemed to run in his family, but also from severe stomach pain, and he had to go to the baths for relief.
The more important reason was furnished by the war, of which this was the origin. The city of L'Aquila, though subject to the kingdom of Naples, was in a manner free; and the Count di Montorio possessed great influence over it. The duke of Calabria was upon the banks of the Tronto with his men-at-arms, under pretense of appeasing some disturbances among the peasantry; but really with a design of reducing L'Aquila entirely under the king's authority, and sent for the Count di Montorio, as if to consult him upon the business he pretended then to have in hand. The count obeyed without the least suspicion, and on his arrival was made prisoner by the duke and sent to Naples. When this circumstance became known at L'Aquila, the anger of the inhabitants arose to the highest pitch; taking arms they killed Antonio Cencinello, commissary for the king, and with him some inhabitants known partisans of his majesty. The L'Aquilani, in order to have a defender in their rebellion, raised the banner of the church, and sent envoys to the pope, to submit their city and themselves to him, beseeching that he would defend them as his own subjects against the tyranny of the king. The pontiff gladly undertook their defense, for he had both public and private reasons for hating that monarch; and Signor Roberto of San Severino, an enemy of the duke of Milan, being disengaged, was appointed to take the command of his forces, and sent for with all speed to Rome. He entreated the friends and relatives of the Count di Montorio to withdraw their allegiance from the king, and induced the princes of Altimura, Salerno, and Bisignano to take arms against him. The king, finding himself so suddenly involved in war, had recourse to the Florentines and the duke of Milan for assistance. The Florentines hesitated with regard to their own conduct, for they felt all the inconvenience of neglecting their own affairs to attend to those of others, and hostilities against the church seemed likely to involve much risk. However, being under the obligation of a League, they preferred their honor to convenience or security, engaged the Orsini, and sent all their own forces under the Count di Pitigliano toward Rome, to the assistance of the king. The latter divided his forces into two parts; one, under the duke of Calabria, he sent toward Rome, which, being joined by the Florentines, opposed the army of the church; with the other, under his own command, he attacked the barons, and the war was prosecuted with various success on both sides. At length, the king, being universally victorious, peace was concluded by the intervention of the ambassadors of the king of Spain, in August, 1486, to which the pope consented; for having found fortune opposed to him he was not disposed to tempt it further. In this treaty all the powers of Italy were united, except the Genoese, who were omitted as rebels against the republic of Milan, and unjust occupiers of territories belonging to the Florentines. Upon the peace being ratified, Roberto da San Severino, having been during the war a treacherous ally of the church, and by no means formidable to her enemies, left Rome; being followed by the forces of the duke and the Florentines, after passing Cesena, found them near him, and urging his flight reached Ravenna with less than a hundred horse. Of his forces, part were received into the duke's service, and part were plundered by the peasantry. The king, being reconciled with his barons, put to death Jacopo Coppola and Antonello d'Aversa and their sons, for having, during the war, betrayed his secrets to the pope.
The main reason for this was the war that started it all. The city of L'Aquila, although part of the kingdom of Naples, had a degree of autonomy, and the Count di Montorio had significant influence there. The Duke of Calabria was stationed by the Tronto River with his troops, claiming to address some peasant disturbances, but his real aim was to bring L'Aquila fully under the king's control. He summoned the Count di Montorio, pretending to seek his advice on the supposed troubles at hand. The count showed up without any suspicion, only to be captured by the duke and taken to Naples. When the people of L'Aquila heard about this, their anger peaked; they armed themselves and killed Antonio Cencinello, the king's commissioner, along with other known supporters of the king. To have a protector for their uprising, the people of L'Aquila raised the banner of the church and sent envoys to the pope, asking to place their city and themselves under his protection, pleading for him to defend them against the king's tyranny. The pope eagerly agreed to help them, as he had both public and personal reasons to dislike the king. Signor Roberto of San Severino, an enemy of the Duke of Milan, was free at the time and was appointed to lead the pope's forces, being summoned to Rome without delay. He urged the friends and relatives of Count di Montorio to withdraw their support for the king and persuaded the princes of Altimura, Salerno, and Bisignano to rise up against him. The king, finding himself unexpectedly at war, sought assistance from the Florentines and the Duke of Milan. The Florentines were uncertain about their involvement because they faced challenges in neglecting their own issues to address someone else's, and conflict with the church appeared risky. Nevertheless, committed to a League, they prioritized their honor over convenience or safety, allied with the Orsini, and sent their troops under Count di Pitigliano to support the king in Rome. The king split his forces into two groups; one, led by the Duke of Calabria, headed toward Rome, joining the Florentines to challenge the church’s army, while he took command of the other group to confront the barons, leading to a war that resulted in mixed successes for both sides. Ultimately, the king emerged as the victor, and peace was established with the help of Spanish ambassadors in August 1486, which the pope also agreed to, as he felt that continuing to fight would be unwise given his unfavorable circumstances. This treaty united all the powers of Italy, except for the Genoese, who were left out as rebels against Milan and unjust occupiers of Florentine land. After the peace was confirmed, Roberto da San Severino, who had been a duplicitous ally of the church during the war and hadn’t posed much of a threat to its enemies, left Rome. He was pursued by the duke’s and Florentines' forces, and after leaving Cesena, he found himself near them, fleeing until he reached Ravenna with fewer than a hundred horsemen. Some of his men joined the duke's service, while others were looted by the peasants. The king, reconciling with his barons, executed Jacopo Coppola and Antonello d'Aversa along with their sons, as they had betrayed his secrets to the pope during the war.
CHAPTER VII
The pope becomes attached to the Florentines—The Genoese seize Serezanello—They are routed by the Florentines—Serezana surrenders—Genoa submits to the duke of Milan—War between the Venetians and the Dutch—Osimo revolts from the church—Count Girolamo Riario, lord of Furli, slain by a conspiracy—Galeotto, lord of Faenza, is murdered by the treachery of his wife—The government of the city offered to the Florentines—Disturbances in Sienna—Death of Lorenzo de' Medici—His eulogy—Establishment of his family—Estates bought by Lorenzo—His anxiety for the defense of Florence—His taste for arts and literature—The university of Pisa—The estimation of Lorenzo by other princes.
The pope grows fond of the Florentines—The Genoese take Serezanello—They are defeated by the Florentines—Serezana surrenders—Genoa submits to the duke of Milan—War breaks out between the Venetians and the Dutch—Osimo rebels against the church—Count Girolamo Riario, lord of Furli, is killed in a conspiracy—Galeotto, lord of Faenza, is murdered by his wife’s betrayal—The city government is offered to the Florentines—There are disturbances in Sienna—Death of Lorenzo de' Medici—His eulogy—Rise of his family—Estates purchased by Lorenzo—His concerns for Florence's defense—His passion for arts and literature—The university of Pisa—Lorenzo’s reputation among other princes.
The pope having observed in the course of the war, how promptly and earnestly the Florentines adhered to their alliances, although he had previously been opposed to them from his attachment to the Genoese, and the assistance they had rendered to the king, now evinced a more amicable disposition, and received their ambassadors with greater favor than previously. Lorenzo de' Medici, being made acquainted with this change of feeling, encouraged it with the utmost solicitude; for he thought it would be of great advantage, if to the friendship of the king he could add that of the pontiff. The pope had a son named Francesco, upon whom designing to bestow states and attach friends who might be useful to him after his own death, saw no safer connection in Italy than Lorenzo's, and therefore induced the latter to give him one of his daughters in marriage. Having formed this alliance, the pope desired the Genoese to concede Serezana to the Florentines, insisting that they had no right to detain what Agostino had sold, nor was Agostino justified in making over to the Bank of San Giorgio what was not his own. However, his holiness did not succeed with them; for the Genoese, during these transactions at Rome, armed several vessels, and, unknown to the Florentines, landed three thousand foot, attacked Serezanello, situated above Serezana, plundered and burnt the town near it, and then, directing their artillery against the fortress, fired upon it with their utmost energy. This assault was new and unexpected by the Florentines, who immediately assembled their forces under Virginio Orsino, at Pisa, and complained to the pope, that while he was endeavoring to establish peace, the Genoese had renewed their attack upon them. They then sent Piero Corsini to Lucca, that by his presence he might keep the city faithful; and Pagolantonio Soderini to Venice, to learn how that republic was disposed. They demanded assistance of the king and of Signor Lodovico, but obtained it from neither; for the king expressed apprehensions of the Turkish fleet, and Lodovico made excuses, but sent no aid. Thus the Florentines in their own wars are almost always obliged to stand alone, and find no friends to assist them with the same readiness they practice toward others. Nor did they, on this desertion of their allies (it being nothing new to them) give way to despondency; for having assembled a large army under Jacopo Guicciardini and Pietro Vettori, they sent it against the enemy, who had encamped upon the river Magra, at the same time pressing Serezanello with mines and every species of attack. The commissaries being resolved to relieve the place, an engagement ensued, when the Genoese were routed, and Lodovico dal Fiesco, with several other principal men, made prisoners. The Serezanesi were not so depressed at their defeat as to be willing to surrender, but obstinately prepared for their defense, while the Florentine commissaries proceeded with their operations, and instances of valor occurred on both sides. The siege being protracted by a variety of fortune, Lorenzo de' Medici resolved to go to the camp, and on his arrival the troops acquired fresh courage, while that of the enemy seemed to fail; for perceiving the obstinacy of the Florentines' attack, and the delay of the Genoese in coming to their relief, they surrendered to Lorenzo, without asking conditions, and none were treated with severity except two or three who were leaders of the rebellion. During the siege, Lodovico had sent troops to Pontremoli, as if with an intention of assisting the Florentines; but having secret correspondence in Genoa, a party was raised there, who, by the aid of these forces, gave the city to the duke of Milan.
The pope noticed during the war how quickly and sincerely the Florentines stuck to their alliances, even though he had previously opposed them because of his loyalty to the Genoese and the support they had given to the king. Now, he showed a friendlier attitude and welcomed their ambassadors more warmly than before. Lorenzo de' Medici, upon learning of this shift in sentiment, encouraged it eagerly; he believed it would be beneficial to add the pope's friendship to that of the king. The pope had a son named Francesco, whom he planned to marry off to secure allies useful to him after his death, and saw no stronger connection in Italy than with Lorenzo, so he persuaded him to marry one of his daughters. After forming this alliance, the pope urged the Genoese to give Serezana to the Florentines, arguing that they had no right to hold onto what Agostino had sold, nor was Agostino justified in transferring control to the Bank of San Giorgio over what wasn’t his. However, he was unsuccessful; while these discussions were happening in Rome, the Genoese prepared several ships and, unbeknownst to the Florentines, landed three thousand troops. They attacked Serezanello, located above Serezana, looted and burned the nearby town, and then aimed their artillery against the fortress, bombarding it vigorously. This surprise attack caught the Florentines off guard, prompting them to gather their forces under Virginio Orsino in Pisa and complain to the pope that while he was trying to establish peace, the Genoese renewed their assaults. They sent Piero Corsini to Lucca to ensure the city remained loyal and Pagolantonio Soderini to Venice to check the republic’s position. They requested assistance from the king and Signor Lodovico but received none; the king feared the Turkish fleet while Lodovico made excuses but offered no support. Thus, the Florentines often faced their conflicts alone, with few friends willing to help as readily as they helped others. Despite the abandonment by their allies, which was not new to them, they did not fall into despair; they mustered a large army under Jacopo Guicciardini and Pietro Vettori and sent it against the enemy camped on the Magra River, simultaneously laying siege to Serezanello with mines and various attacks. The commissioners, determined to relieve the fortress, initiated a battle, where the Genoese were defeated, and Lodovico dal Fiesco along with other key figures were captured. The people of Serezana were not so demoralized by their loss as to surrender; instead, they stubbornly readied themselves for defense, while the Florentine officials continued their efforts, leading to acts of bravery on both sides. The siege dragged on with mixed fortunes until Lorenzo de' Medici decided to visit the camp. Upon his arrival, the troops gained renewed morale, while the enemy appeared to falter. Recognizing the Florentines' relentless assault and the Genoese's delay in providing relief, they surrendered to Lorenzo without conditions, and only a few leaders of the rebellion faced harsh treatment. During the siege, Lodovico had sent troops to Pontremoli, supposedly to help the Florentines; however, communicating in secret with Genoa, a faction there was raised, which, with the support of these forces, handed the city over to the duke of Milan.
At this time the Dutch made war upon the Venetians, and Boccolino of Osimo, in the Marca, caused that place to revolt from the pope, and assumed the sovereignty. After a variety of fortune, he was induced to restore the city to the pontiff and come to Florence, where, under the protection of Lorenzo de' Medici, by whose advice he had been prevailed upon to submit, he lived long and respected. He afterward went to Milan, but did not experience such generous treatment; for Lodovico caused him to be put to death. The Venetians were routed by the Dutch, near the city of Trento, and Roberto da S. Severino, their captain, was slain. After this defeat, the Venetians, with their usual good fortune, made peace with the Dutch, not as vanquished, but as conquerors, so honorable were the terms they obtained.
At this time, the Dutch went to war against the Venetians, and Boccolino of Osimo, in the Marca, led that place to break away from the pope and claimed control. After experiencing various ups and downs, he decided to return the city to the pope and moved to Florence, where he lived a long and respected life under the protection of Lorenzo de' Medici, who had advised him to submit. He later went to Milan, but did not receive the same generous treatment; Lodovico ordered him to be executed. The Venetians were defeated by the Dutch near the city of Trento, and their captain, Roberto da S. Severino, was killed. Following this defeat, the Venetians, with their usual good fortune, negotiated peace with the Dutch—not as the beaten side, but as the victors, securing terms that were quite honorable.
About this time, there arose serious troubles in Romagna. Francesco d'Orso, of Furli, was a man of great authority in that city, and became suspected by the count Girolamo, who often threatened him. He consequently, living under great apprehensions, was advised by his friends to provide for his own safety, by the immediate adoption of such a course as would relieve him from all further fear of the count. Having considered the matter and resolved to attempt it, they fixed upon the market day, at Furli, as most suitable for their purpose; for many of their friends being sure to come from the country, they might make use of their services without having to bring them expressly for the occasion. It was the month of May, when most Italians take supper by daylight. The conspirators thought the most convenient hour would be after the count had finished his repast; for his household being then at their meal, he would remain in the chamber almost alone. Having fixed upon the hour, Francesco went to the count's residence, left his companions in the hall, proceeded to his apartment, and desired an attendant to say he wished for an interview. He was admitted, and after a few words of pretended communication, slew him, and calling to his associates, killed the attendant. The governor of the place coming by accident to speak with the count, and entering the apartment with a few of his people, was also slain. After this slaughter, and in the midst of a great tumult, the count's body was thrown from the window, and with the cry of "church and liberty," they roused the people (who hated the avarice and cruelty of the count) to arms, and having plundered his house, made the Countess Caterina and her children prisoners. The fortress alone had to be taken to bring the enterprise to a successful issue; but the Castellan would not consent to its surrender. They begged the countess would desire him to comply with their wish, which she promised to do, if they would allow her to go into the fortress, leaving her children as security for the performance of her promise. The conspirators trusted her, and permitted her to enter; but as soon as she was within, she threatened them with death and every kind of torture in revenge for the murder of her husband; and upon their menacing her with the death of her children, she said she had the means of getting more. Finding they were not supported by the pope, and that Lodovico Sforza, uncle to the countess, had sent forces to her assistance, the conspirators became terrified, and taking with them whatever property they could carry off, they fled to Citta di Castello. The countess recovered the state, and avenged the death of her husband with the utmost cruelty. The Florentines hearing of the count's death, took occasion to recover the fortress of Piancaldoli, of which he had formerly deprived them, and, on sending some forces, captured it; but Cecco, the famous engineer, lost his life during the siege.
Around this time, serious problems broke out in Romagna. Francesco d'Orso from Furli was a highly respected figure in the city and became a target of suspicion from Count Girolamo, who often threatened him. Living in constant fear, Francesco's friends advised him to ensure his own safety by taking immediate action to eliminate his fear of the count. After thinking it over, they decided that market day in Furli would be the best time for their plan, as many of their friends from the countryside would come and could assist without needing to be brought in specifically for this. It was May, a month when most Italians have dinner in daylight. The conspirators thought the best time to act would be after the count finished his meal, at which point his household would be dining, leaving him mostly alone in his chamber. Once they decided on the timing, Francesco went to the count's residence, left his companions in the hallway, proceeded to the count's room, and asked an attendant to inform the count he wanted to speak with him. He was let in, and after exchanging some pretense of conversation, he killed the count and called his associates to eliminate the attendant. The governor of the area happened to come by to talk with the count and entered the room with a few of his men, only to be killed as well. After the chaos, the count's body was thrown out the window, and with the battle cry of "church and liberty," they incited the people (who loathed the count's greed and cruelty) to rise up. They plundered the count's home and took Countess Caterina and her children as prisoners. Taking the fortress was the last step to securing their victory, but the Castellan refused to surrender it. They asked the countess to convince him to agree, which she said she would do if they allowed her inside the fortress, leaving her children as guarantees of her promise. Trusting her, the conspirators let her enter, but once inside, she threatened them with death and severe torture as revenge for her husband's murder, and when they threatened her with her children's lives, she claimed she could have more. Realizing they had no backing from the pope and that Lodovico Sforza, the countess's uncle, had sent troops to help her, the conspirators panicked and fled to Citta di Castello with whatever belongings they could carry. The countess regained control of the state and avenged her husband's death with extreme brutality. The Florentines, hearing of the count's death, saw an opportunity to reclaim the fortress of Piancaldoli, which he had previously taken from them, and after sending some forces, they captured it; however, Cecco, the renowned engineer, lost his life during the siege.
To this disturbance in Romagna, another in that province, no less important, has to be added. Galeotto, lord of Faenza, had married the daughter of Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna. She, either through jealousy or ill treatment by her husband, or from the depravity of her own nature, hated him to such a degree, that she determined to deprive him of his possessions and his life; and pretending sickness, she took to her bed, where, having induced Galeotto to visit her, he was slain by assassins, whom she had concealed for that purpose in the apartment. She had acquainted her father with her design, and he hoped, on his son-in-law's death, to become lord of Faenza. A great tumult arose as soon as the murder was known, the widow, with an infant son, fled into the fortress, the people took up arms, Giovanni Bentivogli, with a condottiere of the duke of Milan, named Bergamino, engaged for the occasion, entered Faenza with a considerable force, and Antonio Boscoli, the Florentine commissary, was also there. These leaders being together, and discoursing of the government of the place, the men of Val di Lamona, who had risen unanimously upon learning what had occurred, attacked Giovanni and Bergamino, the latter of whom they slew, made the former prisoner, and raising the cry of "Astorre and the Florentines," offered the city to the commissary. These events being known at Florence, gave general offense; however, they set Giovanni and his daughter at liberty, and by the universal desire of the people, took the city and Astorre under their protection. Besides these, after the principal differences of the greater powers were composed, during several years tumults prevailed in Romagna, the Marca, and Sienna, which, as they are unimportant, it will be needless to recount. When the duke of Calabria, after the war of 1478, had left the country, the distractions of Sienna became more frequent, and after many changes, in which, first the plebeians, and then the nobility, were victorious, the latter and length maintained the superiority, and among them Pandolfo and Jacopo Petrucci obtained the greatest influence, so that the former being distinguished for prudence and the latter for resolution, they became almost princes in the city.
To this unrest in Romagna, another significant event in that region must be noted. Galeotto, the lord of Faenza, had married the daughter of Giovanni Bentivogli, the prince of Bologna. She, driven by jealousy, mistreatment from her husband, or her own wicked nature, hated him so much that she decided to take away his possessions and his life. Pretending to be sick, she went to bed, where she had Galeotto come to visit her, and he was killed by assassins she had hidden in her room for that purpose. She had informed her father of her plan, hoping that after her husband’s death, he would become the lord of Faenza. A great uproar ensued once the murder was discovered; the widow, along with her infant son, fled to the fortress, the people took up arms, and Giovanni Bentivogli, with a condottiere from the Duke of Milan named Bergamino, entered Faenza with a significant force. Antonio Boscoli, the Florentine commissioner, was also present. When these leaders gathered to discuss the governance of the city, the men of Val di Lamona, who had united in response to the news of the incident, attacked Giovanni and Bergamino. They killed Bergamino, captured Giovanni, and, raising the cry of "Astorre and the Florentines," offered the city to the commissioner. The news of these events caused widespread outrage in Florence; however, they freed Giovanni and his daughter and took the city and Astorre under their protection, as desired by the people. Additionally, after the major conflicts among the powerful were settled, unrest continued in Romagna, the Marca, and Sienna for several years, but since these matters are not significant, there is no need to recount them. After the Duke of Calabria left the region following the war of 1478, chaos in Sienna became more frequent, and through many shifts, where the plebeians initially triumphed, then the nobility, the latter eventually maintained control. Among them, Pandolfo and Jacopo Petrucci gained the most power, with the former known for his wisdom and the latter for his determination, making them almost princes in the city.
The Florentines after the war of Serezana, lived in great prosperity until 1492, when Lorenzo de' Medici died; for he having put a stop to the internal wars of Italy, and by his wisdom and authority established peace, turned his thoughts to the advancement of his own and the city's interests, and married Piero, his eldest son, to Alfonsina, daughter of the Cavaliere Orsino. He caused Giovanni, his second son, to be raised to the dignity of cardinal. This was the more remarkable from its being unprecedented; for he was only fourteen years of age when admitted to the college; and became the medium by which his family attained to the highest earthly glory. He was unable to make any particular provision for Guiliano, his third son, on account of his tender years, and the shortness of his own life. Of his daughters, one married Jacopo Salviati; another, Francesco Cibo; the third, Piero Ridolfi; and the fourth, whom, in order to keep his house united, he had married to Giovanni de' Medici, died. In his commercial affairs he was very unfortunate, from the improper conduct of his agents, who in all their proceedings assumed the deportment of princes rather than of private persons; so that in many places, much of his property was wasted, and he had to be relieved by his country with large sums of money. To avoid similar inconvenience, he withdrew from mercantile pursuits, and invested his property in land and houses, as being less liable to vicissitude. In the districts of Prato, Pisa, and the Val di Pesa, he purchased extensively, and erected buildings, which for magnificence and utility, were quite of regal character. He next undertook the improvement of the city, and as many parts were unoccupied by buildings, he caused new streets to be erected in them, of great beauty, and thus enlarged the accommodation of the inhabitants. To enjoy his power in security and repose, and conquer or resist his enemies at a distance, in the direction of Bologna he fortified the castle of Firenzuola, situated in the midst of the Appennines; toward Sienna he commenced the restoration and fortification of the Poggio Imperiale; and he shut out the enemy in the direction of Genoa, by the acquisition of Pietra Santa and Serezana. For the greater safety of the city, he kept in pay the Baglioni, at Perugia, and the Vitelli, at Citta di Castello, and held the government of Faenza wholly in his own power; all which greatly contributed to the repose and prosperity of Florence. In peaceful times, he frequently entertained the people with feasts, and exhibitions of various events and triumphs of antiquity; his object being to keep the city abundantly supplied, the people united, and the nobility honored. He was a great admirer of excellence in the arts, and a patron of literary men, of which Agnolo da Montepulciano, Cristofero Landini, and Demetrius Chalcondylas, a Greek, may afford sufficient proofs. On this account, Count Giovanni della Mirandola, a man of almost supernatural genius, after visiting every court of Europe, induced by the munificence of Lorenzo, established his abode at Florence. He took great delight in architecture, music, and poetry, many of his comments and poetical compositions still remaining. To facilitate the study of literature to the youth of Florence, he opened a university at Pisa, which was conducted by the most distinguished men in Italy. For Mariano da Chinazano, a friar of the order of St. Augustine, and an excellent preacher, he built a monastery in the neighborhood of Florence. He enjoyed much favor both from fortune and from the Almighty; all his enterprises were brought to a prosperous termination, while his enemies were unfortunate; for, besides the conspiracy of the Pazzi, an attempt was made to murder him in the Carmine, by Batista Frescobaldi, and a similar one by Baldinetto da Pistoja, at his villa; but these persons, with their confederates, came to the end their crimes deserved. His skill, prudence, and fortune, were acknowledged with admiration, not only by the princes of Italy, but by those of distant countries; for Matthias, king of Hungary, gave him many proofs of his regard; the sultan sent ambassadors to him with valuable presents, and the Turkish emperor placed in his hands Bernardo Bandini, the murderer of his brother. These circumstances raised his fame throughout Italy, and his reputation for prudence constantly increased; for in council he was eloquent and acute, wise in determination, and prompt and resolute in execution. Nor can vices be alleged against him to sully so many virtues; though he was fond of women, pleased with the company of facetious and satirical men, and amused with the games of the nursery, more than seemed consistent with so great a character; for he was frequently seen playing with his children, and partaking of their infantine sports; so that whoever considers this gravity and cheerfulness, will find united in him dispositions which seem almost incompatible with each other. In his later years, he was greatly afflicted; besides the gout, he was troubled with excruciating pains in the stomach, of which he died in April, 1492, in the forty-fourth year of his age; nor was there ever in Florence, or even in Italy, one so celebrated for wisdom, or for whose loss such universal regret was felt. As from his death the greatest devastation would shortly ensue, the heavens gave many evident tokens of its approach; among other signs, the highest pinnacle of the church of Santa Reparata was struck with lightning, and great part of it thrown down, to the terror and amazement of everyone. The citizens and all the princes of Italy mourned for him, and sent their ambassadors to Florence, to condole with the city on the occasion; and the justness of their grief was shortly after apparent; for being deprived of his counsel, his survivors were unable either to satisfy or restrain the ambition of Lodovico Sforza, tutor to the duke of Milan; and hence, soon after the death of Lorenzo, those evil plants began to germinate, which in a little time ruined Italy, and continue to keep her in desolation.
The Florentines enjoyed great prosperity after the war of Serezana until 1492, when Lorenzo de' Medici passed away. He had ended the internal wars of Italy and, with his wisdom and authority, established peace. He focused on advancing both his own interests and those of the city, marrying his eldest son, Piero, to Alfonsina, daughter of Cavaliere Orsino. He raised his second son, Giovanni, to the rank of cardinal, which was especially remarkable as he was only fourteen years old when he joined the college; this was a significant step for their family's rise to prominence. He wasn't able to make specific plans for his third son, Giuliano, due to his young age and the shortness of his own life. One of his daughters married Jacopo Salviati, another married Francesco Cibo, the third married Piero Ridolfi, and the fourth, whom he married to Giovanni de' Medici to keep the family united, died. In business, he experienced considerable misfortune because of the poor conduct of his agents, who acted more like princes than private individuals. As a result, much of his wealth was wasted, and he had to be supported by his city with large sums of money. To avoid similar issues, he stepped away from commerce and invested in land and property, which were more stable. He purchased extensively in the areas of Prato, Pisa, and the Val di Pesa and built significant structures that were quite magnificent and useful. He also worked on improving the city, as many areas were not developed; he created new and beautiful streets, expanding the living space for the residents. To secure his power and be able to tackle enemies from a distance, he fortified the castle of Firenzuola in the Appennines, began restoring and fortifying the Poggio Imperiale towards Sienna, and blocked the enemy from the direction of Genoa by acquiring Pietra Santa and Serezana. For the safety of the city, he employed the Baglioni in Perugia and the Vitelli in Città di Castello, and he held control over Faenza, all of which contributed greatly to the peace and success of Florence. In peaceful times, he frequently entertained the people with feasts and displays showcasing various historical triumphs, aiming to keep the city well-supplied, the citizens united, and the nobility honored. He was a great admirer of excellence in the arts and a patron of writers, as evidenced by figures like Agnolo da Montepulciano, Cristofero Landini, and the Greek Demetrius Chalcondylas. Because of this, Count Giovanni della Mirandola, a man of extraordinary talent, decided to settle in Florence after visiting every court in Europe, drawn by Lorenzo's generosity. He was passionate about architecture, music, and poetry, and many of his comments and poetic works have survived. To help the youth in Florence study literature, he established a university in Pisa, which was led by some of the best scholars in Italy. He built a monastery near Florence for Mariano da Chinazano, a friar from the order of St. Augustine, who was an excellent preacher. He was favored by both fortune and God; all his projects ended successfully, while his enemies faced misfortune. Besides the Pazzi conspiracy, there were attempts on his life by Batista Frescobaldi in the Carmine and by Baldinetto da Pistoja at his villa; however, these individuals and their accomplices met their just fate. His skill, wisdom, and luck garnered admiration not only from the princes of Italy but also from those in distant lands; Matthias, the king of Hungary, showed him many signs of favor, the sultan sent him ambassadors with valuable gifts, and the Turkish emperor entrusted him with Bernardo Bandini, the murderer of his brother. These events enhanced his reputation throughout Italy, and his renown for wisdom grew continuously; in councils, he was articulate and perceptive, wise in decisions, and quick and decisive in action. No vices can tarnish his many virtues, although he enjoyed the company of women, liked hanging out with witty and satirical people, and participated in children's games more than one might expect from such a prominent figure; he was often seen playing with his children and joining in their youthful games, so anyone who considers this mix of seriousness and playfulness will see qualities that seem almost incompatible with each other. In his later years, he faced significant suffering; in addition to gout, he endured severe stomach pain, leading to his death in April 1492 at the age of forty-four. There was never anyone in Florence or even in Italy who was so renowned for wisdom or whose loss was felt so universally. Shortly after his passing, the greatest destruction was set to follow, and the heavens showed many clear signs of its coming; among other omens, the tallest point of the Santa Reparata church was struck by lightning, causing part of it to collapse, shocking and startling everyone. Citizens and all the princes of Italy mourned him, sending their ambassadors to Florence to express their condolences; the validity of their grief soon became apparent, as, without his guidance, those left behind were unable to either appease or control Lodovico Sforza, the tutor to the duke of Milan; thus, shortly after Lorenzo's death, the seeds of ruin began to sprout, leading Italy into devastation that continues to this day.
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!