Numbers (Roman and Arabic) in square brackets, [29], in the right margin represent original manuscript pages.

Letters in Square brackets, [AB], represent a link to a footnote located at the end of the book.

m̄ and n̄ sometimes are used to represent a double letter.

16^li. represents 16 pounds in monetary terms. The original manuscript used a middle dot before and after the numbers, but this publisher used only a single period/stop after the number.

The 'li' appears to mean libra and in this book the 'l' is crossed with a middle bar or stroke. It was very difficult to represent in a Latin-1 text, so 'li' must suffice.

Most often y, such as y^e, represents a thorn and the word is 'the'. Sometimes you will encounter the actual word 'the'.

This book is composed of many letters written by a number of authors and each writer uses their own spellings and abbreviations, which was common for the time in which they were written.

Spelling is inconsistent and is left unchanged from the original printing of this book.

[iii]

To many people the return of the Bradford Manuscript is a fresh discovery of colonial history. By very many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the "Mayflower." Indeed, that is the title by which it is described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of London. The fact is, however, that Governor Bradford undertook its preparation long after the arrival of the Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly considered as in any sense a log or daily journal of the voyage of the "Mayflower." It is, in point of fact, a history of the Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of annals, extending from the inception of the colony down to the year 1647. The matter has been in print since 1856, put forth through the public spirit of the Massachusetts Historical Society, which secured a transcript of the document from London, and printed it in the society's proceedings of the above-named year. As thus presented, it had copious notes, prepared with great care by the late Charles Deane; but these are not given in the present volume, wherein only such comments as seem indispensable to a proper understanding of the story have been made, leaving whatever [iv]elaboration may seem desirable to some future private enterprise.

It is a matter of regret that no picture of Governor Bradford exists. Only Edward Winslow of the Mayflower Company left an authenticated portrait of himself, and that, painted in England, is reproduced in this volume. In those early days Plymouth would have been a poor field for portrait painters. The people were struggling for their daily bread rather than for to-morrow's fame through the transmission of their features to posterity.

The volume of the original manuscript, as it was presented to the Governor of the Commonwealth and is now deposited in the State Library, is a folio measuring eleven and one-half inches in length, seven and seven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half inches in thickness. It is bound in parchment, once white, but now grimy and much the worse for wear, being somewhat cracked and considerably scaled. Much scribbling, evidently by the Bradford family, is to be seen upon its surface, and out of the confusion may be read the name of Mercy Bradford, a daughter of the governor. On the inside of the front cover is pasted a sheet of manilla paper, on which is written the following:—

Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides of which is written the decree of the Consistorial Court. These leaves and the manilla sheet pasted on the inside of the front cover were evidently inserted after the decree was passed.

Next comes a leaf (apparently the original first leaf of the book), and on it are verses, signed "A. M.," on the death of Mrs. Bradford. The next is evidently one of the leaves of the original book. At the top of the page is written the following:—

At the bottom of the same page the name John Bradford appears in different handwriting, evidently written with the book turned wrong side up.

[vi]

The next is a leaf bearing the following, in the handwriting of Thomas Prince:—

Following this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince's printed book-mark, as follows:—

This Book belongs to
The New-England-Library,
Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince, upon
his entring Harvard-College, July 6
1703; and was given by

[vii]

On the lower part of a blank space which follows the word "by" is written:—

It now belongs to the Bishop of London's Library at Fulham.

There are evidences that this leaf did not belong to the original book, but was inserted by Mr. Prince.

At the top of the first page of the next leaf, which was evidently one of the original leaves of the book, is written in Samuel Bradford's hand, "march 20 Samuel Bradford;" and just below there appears, in Thomas Prince's handwriting, the following:—

Below this, also in Thomas Prince's handwriting, appears this line:—

Just above the inscription by Prince there is a line or two of writing, marked over in ink so carefully as to be wholly undecipherable. On the reverse page of this leaf and on the first page of the next are written Hebrew words, with definitions. These are all in Governor [viii]Bradford's handwriting. On the next page appears the following:—

Though I am  growne  aged, yet I have had a long-
ing desire, to see with  my own eyes, something of
that  most ancient language,  and  holy  tongue,
in which  the Law, and  oracles  of  God  were
write; and in which God, and angels, spake to
the holy patriarks, of old time; and what
names were  given  to things,  from the
creation. And though I cañot attaine
to much herein, yet I am refreshed,
to have seen some glimpse  here-
of; (as  Moses  saw  the Land
of canan afarr of)  my aime
and desire is, to see how
the words, and  phrases
lye in  the holy  texte;
and to dicerne some-
what of the  same
for  my  owne
contente.
———
——
—
J

Then begins the history proper, the first page of which is produced in facsimile in this volume, slightly reduced. The ruled margins end with page thirteen. From that page to the end of the book the writing varies considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and in other places very fine, some pages containing nearly a thousand words each. As a rule, the writing is upon one side of the sheet only, but in entering notes and subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used. The last page number is 270, as appears from the facsimile reproduction in this volume of that page. Page 270 is followed by two blank leaves; then on [ix]the second page of the next leaf appears the list of names of those who came over in the "Mayflower," covering four pages and one column on the fifth page. The arrangement of this matter is shown by the facsimile reproduction in this volume of the first page of these names. Last of all there is a leaf of heavy double paper, like the one in the front of the book containing the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford, and on this last leaf is written an index to a few portions of the history.

For copy, there was used the edition printed in 1856 by the Massachusetts Historical Society. The proof was carefully compared, word for word, with the photographic facsimile issued in 1896 in both London and Boston. The value of this comparison is evident in that a total of sixteen lines of the original, omitted in the original first copy, is supplied in this edition. As the work of the Historical Society could not be compared, easily, with the original manuscript in London, these omissions, with sundry minor errors in word and numeral, are not unreasonable. The curious will be pleased to learn that the supplied lines are from the following pages of the manuscript, viz.: page 122, eight lines; page 129, two lines; the obverse of page 201, found on the last page of Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two [x]lines; pages 239 and 258, one line each. The pages of the manuscript are indicated in these printed pages by numerals in parentheses.

There are several errors in the paging of the original manuscript. Pages 105 and 106 are marked 145 and 146, and pages 219 and 220 are marked 119 and 120, respectively. Page 243 is missing.

Such as it is, the book is put forth that the public may know what manner of men the Pilgrims were, through what perils and vicissitudes they passed, and how much we of to-day owe to their devotion and determination.

[xi]

[xiii]

MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897.

The following message from His Excellency the Governor came up from the House, to wit:—

Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe,—

Ordered, That, in accordance with the suggestion of His Excellency the Governor, a joint convention of the two branches be held in the chamber of the House [xiv]of Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty-sixth, at eleven o'clock a.m., for the purpose of witnessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree of the Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be returned to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts by the hands of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court of St. James; and further

Ordered, That the clerks of the two branches give notice to His Excellency the Governor of the adoption of this order.

Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with same date.)

[xv]

WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897.

Joint Convention.

At eleven o'clock a.m., pursuant to assignment, the two branches met in

Convention

in the chamber of the House of Representatives.

On motion of Mr. Roe,—

Ordered, That a committee, to consist of three members of the Senate and eight members of the House of Representatives, be appointed, to wait upon His Excellency the Governor and inform him that the two branches are now in convention for the purpose of witnessing the exercises of the formal presentation, to the Governor of the Commonwealth, of the Bradford Manuscript History.

Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the Senate, and Messrs. Pierce of Milton, Bailey of Plymouth, Brown of Gloucester, Fairbank of Warren, Bailey of Newbury, Sanderson of Lynn, Whittlesey of Pittsfield [xvi]and Bartlett of Boston, of the House, were appointed the committee.

Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards reported that they had attended to the duty assigned them, and that His Excellency the Governor had been pleased to say that he received the message and should be pleased to wait upon the Convention forthwith for the purpose named.

His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable Council, and by the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court of St. James's, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Senator from Massachusetts in the Congress of the United States, and other invited guests, entered the chamber.

The decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, authorizing the return of the manuscript and its delivery to the Governor, was read.

The President then presented the Honorable George F. Hoar, who gave an account of the manuscript and of the many efforts that had been made to secure its return.

The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then introduced by the President, and he formally presented the manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who accepted it in behalf of the Commonwealth.

On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following order was adopted:—

[xvii]

Whereas, In the presence of the Senate and of the House of Representatives in joint convention assembled, and in accordance with a decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript of Bradford's "History of the Plimouth Plantation" has this day been delivered to His Excellency the Governor of the Commonwealth by the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador of the United States at the Court of St. James's; and

Whereas, His Excellency the Governor has accepted the said manuscript in behalf of the Commonwealth; therefore, be it

Ordered, That the Senate and the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts place on record their high appreciation of the generous and gracious courtesy that prompted this act of international good-will, and express their grateful thanks to all concerned therein, and especially to the Lord Bishop of London, for the return to the Commonwealth of this precious relic; and be it further

Ordered, That His Excellency the Governor be requested to transmit an engrossed and duly authenticated copy of this order with its preamble to the Lord Bishop of London.

His Excellency, accompanied by the other dignitaries, then withdrew, the Convention was dissolved, and the Senate returned to its chamber.

Subsequently a resolve was passed (approved June [xviii]10, 1897) providing for the publication of the history from the original manuscript, together with a report of the proceedings of the joint convention, such report to be prepared by a committee consisting of one member of the Senate and two members of the House of Representatives, and to include, so far as practicable, portraits of His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott, William Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lord Bishop of London; facsimiles of pages from the manuscript history, and a picture of the book itself; copies of the decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, the receipt of the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard for the manuscript, and the receipt sent by His Excellency the Governor to the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an account of the legislative action taken with reference to the presentation and reception of the manuscript; the addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott; and such other papers and illustrations as the committee might deem advisable; the whole to be printed under the direction of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, and the book distributed by him according to directions contained in the resolve.

Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and Representatives Francis C. Lowell of Boston and Walter L. Bouvé of Hingham were appointed as the committee.

[xix]

[xxi]

MANDELL by Divine Permission LORD BISHOP OF LONDON—To The Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's in London and To The Governor and Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United States of America Greeting—WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in the Registry of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London by you the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's in London on behalf of the President and Citizens of the United States of America wherein you have alleged that there is in Our Custody as Lord Bishop of London a certain Manuscript Book known as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower" containing an account as narrated by Captain William Bradford who was one of the Company of Englishmen who left England in April 1620 in the ship known as "The Mayflower" of the circumstances leading to the prior Settlement of [xxii]that Company at Leyden in Holland their return to England and subsequent departure for New England their landing at Cape Cod in December 1620 their Settlement at New Plymouth and their later history for several years they being the Company whose Settlement in America is regarded as the first real Colonisation of the New England States and wherein you have also alleged that the said Manuscript Book had been for many years past and was then deposited in the Library attached to Our Episcopal Palace at Fulham in the County of Middlesex and is of the greatest interest importance and value to the Citizens of the United States of America inasmuch as it is one of the earliest records of their national History and contains much valuable information in regard to the original Settlers in the States their family history and antecedents and that therefore you earnestly desired to acquire possession of the same for and on behalf of the President and Citizens of the said United States of America AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are informed that We as Lord Bishop of London had fully recognised the value and interest of the said Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the United States of America and the claims which they have to its possession and that We were desirous of transferring it to the said President and Citizens AND WHEREIN you have also alleged that you are advised and believe that the Custody of documents in [xxiii]the nature of public or ecclesiastical records belonging to the See of London is vested in the Consistorial Court of the said See and that any disposal thereof must be authorised by an Order issued by the Judge of that Honorable Court And that you therefore humbly prayed that the said Honorable Court would deliver to you the said Manuscript Book on your undertaking to use every means in your power for the safe transmission of the said Book to the United States of America and its secure deposit and custody in the Pilgrim Hall at New Plymouth or in such other place as may be selected by the President and Senate of the said United States and upon such conditions as to security and access by and on behalf of the English Nation as that Honorable Court might determine AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set down for hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary Term to wit Thursday the Twenty fifth day of March One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven in Our Consistorial Court in the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul in London before The Right Worshipful Thomas Hutchinson Tristram Doctor of Laws and one of Her Majesty's Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar General and Official Principal the Judge of the said Court and you at the sitting of the said Court appeared by Counsel in support of the Prayer of the said Petition and during the hearing thereof the said Manuscript Book was produced in the said Court by Our legal [xxiv]Secretary and was then inspected and examined by the said Judge and evidence was also given before the Court by which it appeared that the Registry at Fulham Palace was a Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese of London and to the Colonial and other possessions of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same remained by custom within the said Diocese AND WHEREAS it appeared on the face of the said Manuscript Book that the whole of the body thereof with the exception of part of the last page thereof was in the handwriting of the said William Bradford who was elected Governor of New Plymouth in April 1621 and continued Governor thereof from that date excepting between the years 1635 and 1637 up to 1650 and that the last five pages of the said Manuscript which is in the handwriting of the said William Bradford contain what in Law is an authentic Register between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the Marriages of the Founders of the Colony of New England with the names of their respective wives and the names of their Children the lawful issue of such Marriages and of the fact of the Marriages of many of their Children and Grandchildren and of the names of the issue of such marriages and of the deaths of many of the persons named therein And after hearing Counsel in support of the said application the Judge being of opinion that the said Manuscript [xxv]Book had been upon the evidence before the Court presumably deposited at Fulham Palace sometime between the year 1729 and the year 1785 during which time the said Colony was by custom within the Diocese of London for purposes Ecclesiastical and the Registry of the said Consistorial Court was a legitimate Registry for the Custody of Registers of Marriages Births and Deaths within the said Colony and that the Registry at Fulham Palace was a Registry for Historical and other Documents connected with the Colonies and possessions of Great Britain beyond the Seas so long as the same remained by custom within the Diocese of London and that on the Declaration of the Independence of the United States of America in 1776 the said Colony had ceased to be within the Diocese of London and the Registry of the Court had ceased to be a public registry for the said Colony and having maturely deliberated on the Cases precedents and practice of the Ecclesiastical Court bearing on the application before him and having regard to the Special Circumstances of the Case Decreed as follows—(1) That a Photographic facsimile reproduction of the said Manuscript Book verified by affidavit as being a true and correct Photographic reproduction of the said Manuscript Book be deposited in the Registry of Our said Court by or on behalf of the Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner of the said original Manuscript Book as hereinafter [xxvi]ordered—(2) That the said Manuscript Book be delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the Lord Bishop of London or in his Lordship's absence by the Registrar of the said Court on his giving his undertaking in writing that he will with all due care and diligence on his arrival from England in the United States convey and deliver in person the said Manuscript Book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the United States of America at his Official Office in the State House in the City of Boston and that from the time of the delivery of the said Book to him by the said Lord Bishop of London or by the said Registrar until he shall have delivered the same to the Governor of Massachusetts he will retain the same in his own Personal custody—(3) That the said Book be deposited by the Petitioner with the Governor of Massachusetts for the purpose of the same being with all convenient speed finally deposited either in the State Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in the City of Boston or in the Library of the Historical Society of the said Commonwealth in the City of Boston as the Governor shall determine—(4) That the Governors of the said Commonwealth for all time to come be officially responsible for the safe custody of the said Manuscript Book whether the same be deposited in the State Archives at Boston or in the Historical Library in Boston aforesaid as well as for [xxvii]the performance of the following conditions subject to a compliance wherewith the said Manuscript Book is hereby decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and his Successors to wit:—(a) That all persons have such access to the said Manuscript Book as to the Governor of the said Commonwealth for the time being shall appear to be reasonable and with such safeguard as he shall order—(b) That all persons desirous of searching the said Manuscript Book for the bona fide purpose of establishing or tracing a Pedigree through persons named in the last five pages thereof or in any other part thereof shall be permitted to search the same under such safeguards as the Governor for the time being shall determine on payment of a fee to be fixed by the Governor—(c) That any person applying to the Official having the immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book for a Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof of Marriage Birth or Death of persons named therein or of any other matter of like purport for the purpose of tracing descents shall be furnished with such certificate on the payment of a sum not exceeding one Dollar—(d) That with all convenient speed after the delivery of the said Manuscript Book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts the Governor shall transmit to the Registrar of the Court a Certificate of the delivery of the same to him by [xxviii]the Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of the same subject to the terms and conditions herein named AND the Judge lastly decreed that the Petitioner on delivering the said Manuscript Book to the Governor aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to him this Our Decree Sealed with the Seal of the Court WHEREFORE WE the Bishop of London aforesaid well weighing and considering the premises DO by virtue of Our Authority Ordinary and Episcopal and as far as in Us lies and by Law We may or can ratify and confirm such Decree of Our Vicar General and Official Principal of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof We have caused the Seal of Our said Vicar General and Official Principal of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London which We use in this behalf to be affixed to these Presents DATED AT LONDON this Twelfth day of April One thousand eight hundred and ninety seven and in the first year of Our Translation.

(L.S.)

[xxix]

[xxxi]

In the Consistory Court of London

In the Matter of the Original Manuscript of the Book entitled and known as "The Log of the Mayflower."

I the Honourable THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of Saint James's London Do hereby undertake, in compliance with the Order of this Honourable Court dated the twelfth day of April 1897 and made on my Petition filed in the said Honourable Court, that I will with all due care and diligence on my arrival from England in the United States of America safely convey over the Original Manuscript Book Known as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower" which has been this twenty ninth day of April 1897 delivered over to me by the Lord Bishop of London, to the City of Boston in the United States of America and on my arrival in the said City deliver the same over in person to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts at his Official Office in the State House in the said City of Boston AND I further hereby undertake from the time of the said [xxxii]delivery of the said Book to me by the said Lord Bishop of London until I shall have delivered the same to the Governor of Massachusetts, to retain the same in my own personal custody.

[xxxiii]

[xxxv]

His Excellency Roger Wolcott, Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in the United States of America.

To the Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London.

Whereas, The said Honorable Court, by its decree dated the twelfth day of April, 1897, and made on the petition of the Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard, lately Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America at the Court of Saint James in London, did order that a certain original manuscript book then in the custody of the Lord Bishop of London, known as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower," and more specifically described in said decree, should be delivered over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the Lord Bishop of London, on certain conditions specified in said decree, to be delivered by the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, thereafter to be kept in the custody of the aforesaid Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts and his successors, subject to a compliance with certain conditions, as set forth in said decree;

And Whereas, The said Honorable Court by its decree aforesaid did further order that, with all convenient speed after the delivery of the said manuscript book to the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, [xxxvi]the Governor should transmit to the Registrar of the said Honorable Court a certificate of the delivery of the same to him by the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the custody of the same, subject to the terms and conditions named in the decree aforesaid;

Now, Therefore, In compliance with the decree aforesaid I do hereby certify that on the twenty-sixth day of May, 1897, the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard delivered in person to me, at my official office in the State House in the city of Boston, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, in the United States of America, a certain manuscript book which the said Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and there declared to be the original manuscript book known as and entitled "The Log of the Mayflower," which is more specifically described in the decree aforesaid; and I do further certify that I hereby accept the custody of the same, subject to the terms and conditions named in the decree aforesaid.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto signed my name and caused the seal of the Commonwealth to be affixed, at the Capitol in Boston, this twelfth day of July in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven.

[xxxvii]

[xxxviii]

[xxxix]

The first American Ambassador to Great Britain, at the end of his official service, comes to Massachusetts on an interesting errand. He comes to deliver to the lineal successor of Governor Bradford, in the presence of the representatives and rulers of the body politic formed by the compact on board the "Mayflower," Nov. 11, 1620, the only authentic history of the founding of their Commonwealth; the only authentic history of what we have a right to consider the most important political transaction that has ever taken place on the face of the earth.

Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the mother country, not so much the diplomacy as the good-will of the American people. If in this anybody be tempted to judge him severely, let us remember what his great predecessor, John Adams, the first minister at the same court, representing more than any other man, embodying more than any other man, the spirit of Massachusetts, said to George III., on the first day of June, 1785, after the close of our long and bitter struggle for independence: "I shall esteem myself the happiest of men if I can be instrumental [xl]in restoring an entire esteem, confidence and affection, or, in better words, the old good-nature and the old good-humor between people who, though separated by an ocean and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion and kindred blood."

And let us remember, too, the answer of the old monarch, who, with all his faults, must have had something of a noble and royal nature stirring in his bosom, when he replied: "Let the circumstances of language, religion and blood have their natural and full effect."

It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and left behind him a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It was quoted by early chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the records at Plymouth. Thomas Prince used it when he compiled his annals. Hubbard depended on it when he wrote his "History of New England." Cotton Mather had read it, or a copy of a portion of it, when he wrote his "Magnalia." Governor Hutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his history in 1767. From that time it disappeared from the knowledge of everybody on this side of the water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and can only guess what had been its fate. Some persons suspected that it was destroyed when Governor Hutchinson's house was sacked in 1765, others that it was [xli]carried off by some officer or soldier when Boston was evacuated by the British army in 1776.

In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward Bishop of Winchester, one of the brightest of men, published one of the dullest and stupidest of books. It is entitled "The History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America." It contained extracts from manuscripts which he said he had discovered in the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham. The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve years later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom many of us remember as an accomplished antiquary and a delightful gentleman, happened to pick up a copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book store. He read the bishop's quotations, and carried the book to his office, where he left it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was then writing his "History of Massachusetts," with passages marked, and with a note which is not preserved, but which, according to his memory, suggested that the passages must have come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the claim for Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry that there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr. Thornton's note, but in reading the book when he got it an hour or so later, the thought struck him for the first time that the clew had been found to the precious book which had been lost so long. He at once repaired to Charles [xlii]Deane, then and ever since, down to his death, as President Eliot felicitously styled him, "the master of historical investigators in this country." Mr. Deane saw the importance of the discovery. He communicated at once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English scholar. Hunter was high authority on all matters connected with the settlement of New England. He visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond question the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford's history, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been sent over for comparison of handwriting.

How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was carried over by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was taken as spoil from the tower of the Old South Church in 1775; whether, with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in America, just before the revolution, to establish an episcopate here,—nobody knows. It would seem that Hutchinson would have sent it to the colonial office; that an officer would naturally have sent it to the war office; and a private would have sent it to the war office, unless he had carried it off as mere private booty and plunder,—in which case it would have been unlikely that it would have reached a public place of custody. But we find it in the possession of the church and of the church official having, [xliii]until independence was declared, special jurisdiction over Episcopal interests in Massachusetts and Plymouth. This may seem to point to a transfer for some ecclesiastical purpose.

The bishop's chancellor conjectures that it was sent to Fulham because of the record annexed to it of the early births, marriages and deaths, such records being in England always in ecclesiastical custody. But this is merely conjecture.

I know of no incident like this in history, unless it be the discovery in a chest in the castle of Edinburgh, where they had been lost for one hundred and eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scotland,—the crown of Bruce, the sceptre and sword of state. The lovers of Walter Scott, who was one of the commissioners who made the search, remember his intense emotion, as described by his daughter, when the lid was removed. Her feelings were worked up to such a pitch that she nearly fainted, and drew back from the circle.

As she was retiring she was startled by his voice exclaiming, in a tone of the deepest emotion, "something between anger and despair," as she expressed it: "By God, no!" One of the commissioners, not quite entering into the solemnity with which Scott regarded this business, had, it seems, made a sort of motion as if he meant to put the crown on the head of one of the young ladies near him, but the [xliv]voice and the aspect of the poet were more than sufficient to make this worthy gentleman understand his error; and, respecting the enthusiasm with which he had not been taught to sympathize, he laid down the ancient diadem with an air of painful embarrassment. Scott whispered, "Pray forgive me," and turning round at the moment observed his daughter deadly pale and leaning by the door. He immediately drew her out of the room, and when she had somewhat recovered in the fresh air, walked with her across Mound to Castle Street. "He never spoke all the way home," she says, "but every now and then I felt his arm tremble, and from that time I fancied he began to treat me more like a woman than a child. I thought he liked me better, too, than he had ever done before."

There have been several attempts to procure the return of the manuscript to this country. Mr. Winthrop, in 1860, through the venerable John Sinclair, archdeacon, urged the Bishop of London to give it up, and proposed that the Prince of Wales, then just coming to this country, should take it across the Atlantic and present it to the people of Massachusetts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, approved the plan, and said it would be an exceptional act of grace, a most interesting action, and that he heartily wished the success of the application. But the bishop refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop [xlv]Motley, then minister to England, who had a great and deserved influence there, repeated the proposition, at the suggestion of that most accomplished scholar, Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the same fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said, as had been said nine years before, that the property could not be alienated without an act of Parliament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt on his visit to England in 1877. When he was at Fulham the bishop was absent, and he was obliged to come home without seeing him in person.

In 1881, at the time of the death of President Garfield, Benjamin Scott, chamberlain of London, proposed again in the newspapers that the restitution should be made. But nothing came of it.

Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at Plymouth, on the occasion of the two hundred and seventy-fifth anniversary of the landing of the Pilgrims upon the rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again, with renewed enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touching story, as told by Governor Bradford. I felt that this precious history of the Pilgrims ought to be in no other custody than that of their children. But the case seemed hopeless. I found myself compelled by a serious physical infirmity to take a vacation, and to get a rest from public cares and duties, which was impossible while I stayed at home. When I went abroad I determined to visit the locality, on the [xlvi]borders of Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from which Bradford and Brewster and Robinson, the three leaders of the Pilgrims, came, and where their first church was formed, and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden where the emigrants spent thirteen years. But I longed especially to see the manuscript of Bradford at Fulham, which then seemed to me, as it now seems to me, the most precious manuscript on earth, unless we could recover one of the four gospels as it came in the beginning from the pen of the Evangelist.

The desire to get it back grew and grew during the voyage across the Atlantic. I did not know how such a proposition would be received in England. A few days after I landed I made a call upon John Morley. I asked him whether he thought the thing could be done. He inquired carefully into the story, took down from his shelf the excellent though brief life of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's "Biographical Dictionary," and told me he thought the book ought to come back to us, and that he should be glad to do anything in his power to help. It was my fortune, a week or two after, to sit next to Mr. Bayard at a dinner given to Mr. Collins by the American consuls in Great Britain. I took occasion to tell him the story, and he gave me the assurance, which he has since so abundantly and successfully fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was [xlvii]compelled, by the health of one of the party with whom I was travelling, to go to the continent almost immediately, and was disappointed in the hope of an early return to England. So the matter was delayed until about a week before I sailed for home, when I went to Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing the manuscript. I had supposed that it was a quasi-public library, open to general visitors. But I found the bishop was absent. I asked for the librarian, but there was no such officer, and I was told very politely that the library was not open to the public, and was treated in all respects as that of a private gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing anything in person. But I happened, the Friday before I sailed for home, to dine with an English friend who had been exceedingly kind to me. As he took leave of me, about eleven o'clock in the evening, he asked me if there was anything more he could do for me. I said, "No, unless you happen to know the Lord Bishop of London. I should like to get a sight at the manuscript of Bradford's history before I go home." He said, "I do not know the bishop myself, but Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent a few days in the early summer, married the bishop's niece, and will gladly give you an introduction to his uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him before I go to bed."

Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter from [xlviii]Mr. Grenfell, introducing me to the bishop. I wrote a note to his lordship, saying I should be glad to have an opportunity to see Bradford's history; that I was to sail for the United States the next Wednesday, but would be pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday, if that were agreeable to him.

I got a note in reply, in which he said if I would call on Tuesday he would be happy to show me "The Log of the Mayflower," which is the title the English, without the slightest reason in the world, give the manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the bishop with the book in his hand. He received me with great courtesy, showed me the palace, and said that that spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace for more than a thousand years.

After looking at the volume and reading the records on the flyleaf, I said: "My lord, I am going to say something which you may think rather audacious. I think this book ought to go back to Massachusetts. Nobody knows how it got over here. Some people think it was carried off by Governor Hutchinson, the Tory governor; other people think it was carried off by British soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but in either case the property would not have changed. Or, if you treat it as a booty, in which last case, I suppose, by the law of nations ordinary property does change, no civilized nation in modern times [xlix]applies that principle to the property of libraries and institutions of learning."

"Well," said the bishop, "I did not know you cared anything about it."

"Why," said I, "if there were in existence in England a history of King Alfred's reign for thirty years, written by his own hand, it would not be more precious in the eyes of Englishmen than this manuscript is to us."

"Well," said he, "I think myself it ought to go back, and if it had depended on me it would have gone back before this. But the Americans who have been here—many of them have been commercial people—did not seem to care much about it except as a curiosity. I suppose I ought not to give it up on my own authority. It belongs to me in my official capacity, and not as private or personal property. I think I ought to consult the Archbishop of Canterbury. And, indeed," he added, "I think I ought to speak to the Queen about it. We should not do such a thing behind Her Majesty's back."

I said: "Very well. When I go home I will have a proper application made from some of our literary societies, and ask you to give it consideration."

I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the story. He was at the train when I left London for the steamer at Southampton. He entered with great interest [l]into the matter, and told me again he would gladly do anything in his power to forward it.

When I got home I communicated with Secretary Olney about it, who took a kindly interest in the matter, and wrote to Mr. Bayard that the administration desired he should do everything in his power to promote the application. The matter was then brought to the attention of the council of the American Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the New England Society of New York. These bodies appointed committees to unite in the application. Governor Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his hearty approbation to the movement, and a letter was dispatched through Mr. Bayard.

Meantime Bishop Temple, with whom I had my conversation, had himself become Archbishop of Canterbury, and in that capacity Primate of all England. His successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the delegate of John Harvard's College to the great celebration at Harvard University on the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of its foundation, in 1886. He had received the degree of doctor of laws from the university, had been a guest of President Eliot, and had received President Eliot as his guest in England.

He is an accomplished historical scholar, and very friendly in sentiment to the people of the United [li]States. So, by great fortune, the two eminent ecclesiastical personages who were to have a powerful influence in the matter were likely to be exceedingly well disposed. Dr. Benjamin A. Gould, the famous mathematician, was appointed one of the committee of the American Antiquarian Society. He died suddenly, just after a letter to the Bishop of London was prepared and about to be sent to him for signing. He took a very zealous interest in the matter. The letter formally asked for the return of the manuscript, and was signed by the following-named gentlemen: George F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward Everett Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American Antiquarian Society; Charles Francis Adams, William Lawrence, Charles W. Eliot, for the Massachusetts Historical Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts, William T. Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plymouth; Charles C. Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pierpont Morgan, for the New England Society of New York; Roger Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.

The rarest good fortune seems to have attended every step in this transaction.

I was fortunate in having formed the friendship of Mr. Grenfell, which secured to me so cordial a reception from the Bishop of London.

It was fortunate that the Bishop of London was Dr. Temple, an eminent scholar, kindly disposed toward the people of the United States, and a man [lii]thoroughly capable of understanding and respecting the deep and holy sentiment which a compliance with our desire would gratify.

It was fortunate, too, that Bishop Temple, who thought he must have the approbation of the archbishop before his action, when the time came had himself become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England.

It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had succeeded to the see of London. He is, himself, as I have just said, an eminent historical scholar. He has many friends in America. He was the delegate of Emmanuel, John Harvard's College, at the great Harvard centennial celebration in 1886. He received the degree of doctor of laws at Harvard and is a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He had, as I have said, entertained President Eliot as his guest in England.

It was fortunate, too, that the application came in a time of cordial good-will between the two countries, when the desire of John Adams and the longing of George III. have their ample and complete fulfilment. This token of the good-will of England reached Boston on the eve of the birthday of the illustrious sovereign, who is not more venerated and beloved by her own subjects than by the kindred people across the sea.

It comes to us at the time of the rejoicing of the [liii]English people at the sixtieth anniversary of a reign more crowded with benefit to humanity than any other known in the annals of the race. Upon the power of England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion, the army and the fleet, the monster ships of war, the all-shattering guns, the American people are strong enough now to look with an entire indifference. We encounter her commerce and her manufacture in the spirit of a generous emulation. The inheritance from which England has gained these things is ours also. We, too, are of the Saxon strain.

Our temple covers a continent, and its porches are upon both the seas. Our fathers knew the secret to lay, in Christian liberty and law, the foundations of empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need be, to speak with the enemy in the gate.

But to the illustrious lady, type of gentlest womanhood, model of mother and wife and friend, who came at eighteen to the throne of George IV. and William; of purer eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden presence before which everything unholy shrank; the sovereign who, during her long reign, "ever knew the people that she ruled;" the royal nature that disdained to strike at her kingdom's rival in the hour of our sorest need; the heart which even in [liv]the bosom of a queen beat with sympathy for the cause of constitutional liberty; who, herself not unacquainted with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead Garfield the wreath fragrant with a sister's sympathy,—to her our republican manhood does not disdain to bend.

But I am afraid this application might have had the fate of its predecessors but for our special good fortune in the fact that Mr. Bayard was our ambassador at the Court of St. James. He had been, as I said in the beginning, the ambassador not so much of the diplomacy as of the good-will of the American people. Before his powerful influence every obstacle gave way. It was almost impossible for Englishmen to refuse a request like this, made by him, and in which his own sympathies were so profoundly enlisted.

You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of Massachusetts, to the gratitude of every lover of Massachusetts and of every lover of the country. You have succeeded where so many others have failed, and where so many others would have been likely to fail. You may be sure that our debt to you is fully understood and will not be forgotten.

The question of the permanent abiding-place of this [lv]manuscript will be settled after it has reached the hands of His Excellency. Wherever it shall go it will be an object of reverent care. I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without a little trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty triumph which that book tells,—which the hand of the great leader and founder of America has traced on those pages.

There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem. These Englishmen and English women going out from their homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and mother from child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued to the beach by English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam "in alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at Leyden; the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in the harbor; the landing on the rock; the dreadful first winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the days of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listening for the yell of wild beast and the war-whoop of the savage; the building of the State on those sure foundations which no wave or tempest has ever shaken; the breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the [lvi]beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,—of all these things this is the original record by the hand of our beloved father and founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the time shall come that her children are unworthy of it; and that time shall come,—never.

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[lix]

Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two Houses of the Legislature of Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentlemen, Fellow Countrymen: The honorable and most gratifying duty with which I am charged is about to receive its final act of execution, for I have the book here, as it was placed in my hands by the Lord Bishop of London on April 29, intact then and now; and I am about to deliver it according to the provisions of the decree of the Chancellor of London, which has been read in your presence, and the receipt signed by me and registered in his court that I would obey the provisions of that decree.

I have kept my trust; I have kept the book as I received it; I shall deliver it into the hands of the representative of the people who are entitled to its custody.

And now, gentlemen, it would be superfluous for me to dwell upon the historical features of this remarkable occasion, for it has been done, as we all knew it would be done, with ability, learning, eloquence and impressiveness, by the distinguished Senator who represents you so well in the Congress of the United States.

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For all that related to myself, and for every gracious word of recognition and commendation that fell from his lips in relation to the part that I have taken in the act of restoration, I am profoundly grateful. It is an additional reward, but not the reward which induced my action.

To have served your State, to have been instrumental in such an act as this, was of itself a high privilege to me. The Bradford manuscript was in the library of Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I could have become possessed of the volume, and have brought it here and quietly deposited it, I should have gone to my home with the great satisfaction of knowing that I had performed an act of justice, an act of right between two countries. Therefore the praise, however grateful, is additional, and I am very thankful for it.

It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing to you should I state in a very simple manner the history of my relation to the return of this book, for it all has occurred within the last twelve months.

I knew of the existence of this manuscript, and had seen the reproduction in facsimile. I knew that attempts had been made, unsuccessfully, to obtain the original book.

At that time Senator Hoar made a short visit to England, and in passing through London I was informed by him of the great interest that he, in [lxi]common with the people of this State, had in the restoration of this manuscript to the custody of the State.

We discussed the methods by which it might be accomplished, and after two or three concurrent suggestions he returned to the United States, and presently I received, under cover from the Secretary of State,—a distinguished citizen of your own State, Mr. Olney,—a formal note, suggesting rather than instructing that in an informal manner I should endeavor to have carried out the wishes of the various societies that had addressed themselves to the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in order to obtain the return of this manuscript.

It necessarily had to be done informally. The strict regulations of the office I then occupied forbade my correspondence with any member of the British government except through the foreign office, unless it were informal. An old saying describes the entire case, that "When there's a will there's a way." There certainly was the will to get the book, and there certainly was also a will and a way to give the book, and that way was discovered by the legal custodians of the book itself.

At first there were suggestions of difficulty, some technical questions; and following a very safe rule, the first thought was, What is the law? and the case was submitted to the law officers of the Crown. [lxii]Then there arose the necessity of a formal act of permission.

There could be entertained no question as to the title to the manuscript in the possession of the British government. There was no authority to grant a claim, founded on adverse title, and the question arose as to the requisite form of law of a permissive rather than of a mandatory nature, in order to be authoritative with those who had charge of the document.

But, as I have said, when there was a will there was found a way. By personal correspondence and interviews with the Bishop of London, I soon discovered that he was as anxious to find the way as I was that he should find it. In March last it was finally agreed that I should employ legal counsel to present a formal petition in the Episcopal Consistorial Court of London, and there before the Chancellor to represent the strong desire of Massachusetts and her people for the return of the record of her early Governor.

Accordingly, the petition was prepared, and by my authority signed as for me by an eminent member of the bar, and it was also signed by the Bishop of London, so that there was a complete consensus. The decree was ordered, as is published in the London "Times" on March 25 last, and nothing after that remained but formalities, in which, as you are well aware, the English law is not lacking, especially in the ecclesiastical tribunals.

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These formalities were carried out during my absence from London on a short visit to the Continent, and the decree which you have just heard read was duly entered on April 12 last, consigning the document to my personal custody, to be delivered by me in this city to the high official therein named, subject to those conditions which you have also heard.

Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I was summoned to the court, and there, having signed the receipt, this decree was read in my presence. Then the Bishop of London arose, and, taking the book in his hands, delivered it with a few gracious words into my custody, and here it is to-day.

The records of those proceedings will no doubt be preserved here as accompanying this book, as they are in the Episcopal Consistorial Court in London, and they tell the entire story.

But that is but part. The thing that I wish to impress upon you, and upon my fellow countrymen throughout the United States, is that this is an act of courtesy and friendship by another government—the government of what we once called our "mother country"—to the entire people of the United States.

You cannot limit it to the Governor of this Commonwealth; nor to the Legislature; nor even to the citizens of this Commonwealth. It extends in its courtesy, its kindness and comity to the entire people of the United States. From first to last there was [lxiv]the ready response of courtesy and kindness to the request for the restoration of this manuscript record.

I may say to you that there has been nothing that I have sought more earnestly than to place the affairs of these two great nations in the atmosphere of mutual confidence and respect and good-will. If it be a sin to long for the honor of one's country, for the safety and strength of one's country, then I have been a great sinner, for I have striven to advance the honor and the safety and the welfare of my country, and believed it was best accomplished by treating all with justice and courtesy, and doing those things to others which we would ask to have done to ourselves.

When the Chancellor pronounced his decree in March last, he cited certain precedents to justify him in restoring this volume to Massachusetts. One precedent which powerfully controlled his decision, and which in the closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes, was an act of generous liberality upon the part of the American Library Society in Philadelphia in voluntarily returning to the British government some volumes of original manuscript of the period of James the First, which by some means not very clearly explained had found their way among the books of that institution.

Those books were received by a distinguished man, Lord Romilly, Master of the Rolls, who took occasion [lxv]to speak of the liberality and kindness which dictated the action of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen, I am one of those who believe that a generous and kindly act is never unwise between individuals or nations.

The return of this book to you is an echo of the kindly act of your countrymen in the city of Philadelphia in 1866.

It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any influence or special effort of mine; but it is international good feeling and comity which brought about to you the pleasure and the joy of having this manuscript returned, and so it will ever be. A generous act will beget a generous act; trust and confidence will beget trust and confidence; and so it will be while the world shall last, and well will it be for the man or for the people who shall recognize this truth and act upon it.

Now, gentlemen, there is another coincidence that I may venture to point out. It is history repeating itself. More than three hundred years ago the ancestors from whom my father drew his name and blood were French Protestants, who had been compelled to flee from the religious persecutions of that day, and for the sake of conscience to find an asylum in Holland. Fifty years after they had fled and found safety in Holland, the little congregation of Independents from the English village of Scrooby, under the pastorate of John Robinson, was forced to fly, and with [lxvi]difficulty found its way into the same country of the Netherlands, seeking an asylum for consciences' sake.

Time passed on. The little English colony removed, as this manuscript of William Bradford will tell you, across the Atlantic, and soon after the Huguenot family from whom I drew my name found their first settlement in what was then the New Netherlands, now New York. Both came from the same cause; both came with the same object, the same purpose,—"soul freedom," as Roger Williams well called it. Both came to found homes where they could worship God according to their own conscience and live as free men. They came to these shores, and they have found the asylum, and they have strengthened it, and it is what we see to-day,—a country of absolute religious and civil freedom,—of equal rights and toleration.

And is it not fitting that I, who have in my veins the blood of the Huguenots, should present to you and your Governor the log of the English emigrants, who left their country for the sake of religious freedom?

They are blended here,—their names, their interests. No man asks and no man has a right to ask or have ascertained by any method authorized by law what is the conscientious religious tenet or opinion of any man, of any citizen, as a prerequisite for holding an office of trust or power in the United States.

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I think it well on this occasion to make, as I am sure you are making, acknowledgment to that heroic little country, the Lowlands as they call it, the Netherlands,—the country without one single feature of military defence except the brave hearts of the men who live in it and defend it.

Holland was the anvil upon which religious and civil liberty was beaten out in Europe at a time when the clang was scarcely heard anywhere else. We can never forget our historical debt to that country and to those people. Puritan, Independent, Huguenot, whoever he may be, forced to flee for conscience's sake, will not forget that in the Netherlands there was found in his time of need the asylum where conscience, property and person might be secure.

And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful for the part that I have been enabled to take in this act of just and natural restitution. In Massachusetts or out of Massachusetts there is no one more willing than I to assist this work; and here, sir [addressing Governor Wolcott], I fulfil my trust in placing in your hands the manuscript.

To you, as the honored representative of the people of this Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pursuance of my obligations, gladly undertaken under the decree of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of London.

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[lxx]

[lxxi]

On receiving the volume, Governor Wolcott, addressing Mr. Bayard, spoke as follows: I thank you, sir, for the diligent and faithful manner in which you have executed the honorable trust imposed upon you by the decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London, a copy of which you have now placed in my hands. It was fitting that one of your high distinction should be selected to perform so dignified an office.

The gracious act of international courtesy which is now completed will not fail of grateful appreciation by the people of this Commonwealth and of the nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated not to prefer the request and to those whose generous liberality has prompted compliance with it. It may be that the story of the departure of this precious relic from our shores may never in its every detail be revealed; but the story of its return will be read of all men, and will become a part of the history of the Commonwealth. There are places and objects so intimately associated with the world's greatest men or with mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes upon them is lost in a sense of reverent awe, as it [lxxii]listens to the voice that speaks from the past, in words like those which came from the burning bush, "Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground."

On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that bathes its feet in the waters of the Atlantic, such a voice is breathed by the brooding genius of the place, and the ear must be dull that fails to catch the whispered words. For here not alone did godly men and women suffer greatly for a great cause, but their noble purpose was not doomed to defeat, but was carried to perfect victory. They stablished what they planned. Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which pictures our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the golden threads of conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by that little band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which founded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that no act of any future generation may put in peril the fundamental principles on which it is based,—of equal rights in a free state, equal privileges in a free church and equal opportunities in a free school.

In this precious volume which I hold in my hands—the gift of England to the Commonwealth of [lxxiii]Massachusetts—is told the noble, simple story "of Plim̃oth Plantation." In the midst of suffering and privation and anxiety the pious hand of William Bradford here set down in ample detail the history of the enterprise from its inception to the year 1647. From him we may learn "that all great and honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages."

The sadness and pathos which some might read into the narrative are to me lost in victory. The triumph of a noble cause even at a great price is theme for rejoicing, not for sorrow, and the story here told is one of triumphant achievement, and not of defeat.

As the official representative of the Commonwealth, I receive it, sir, at your hands. I pledge the faith of the Commonwealth that for all time it shall be guarded in accordance with the terms of the decree under which it is delivered into her possession as one of her chiefest treasures. I express the thanks of the Commonwealth for the priceless gift. And I venture the prophecy that for countless years to come and to untold thousands these mute pages shall eloquently speak of high resolve, great suffering and heroic endurance made possible by an absolute faith in the over-ruling providence of Almighty God.

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(Copy)

Dear Sir,

I would ask you to express to the Convention of the two branches of the General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts my grateful thanks for the copy of their resolution of May 26, which was presented to me by Mr. Adams.[A]

I consider it a great privilege to have been associated with an act of courtesy, which was also an act of justice, in restoring to its proper place a document which is so important in the records of your illustrious Commonwealth.

[1]

[3]

Of Plimoth Plantation.

And first of y^e occasion and indũsments ther unto; the which that I may truly unfould, I must begine at y^e very roote & rise of y^e same. The which I shall endevor to manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler regard unto y^e simple trueth in all things, at least as near as my slender judgmente can attaine the same.

It is well knowne unto y^e godly and judicious, how ever since y^e first breaking out of y^e lighte of y^e gospell in our Honourable Nation of England, (which was y^e first of nations whom y^e Lord adorned ther with, affter y^t grosse darknes of popery which had covered & overspred y^e Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued against the Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or other. Some times by bloody death and cruell torments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments, & other hard usages; as being loath his kingdom should goe downe, the trueth prevaile, and y^e churches of God reverte to their anciente puritie, and recover their primative order, libertie, & bewtie. But when he could not [4]prevaile by these means, against the maine trueths of y^e gospell, but that they began to take rootting in many places, being watered with y^e blooud of y^e martires, and blessed from heaven with a gracious encrease; He then begane to take him to his anciente strategemes, used of old against the first Christians. That when by y^e bloody & barbarous persecutions of y^e Heathen Emperours, he could not stoppe & subuerte the course of y^e gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a wounderfull celeritie the then best known parts of y^e world, He then begane to sow errours, heresies, and wounderfull dissentions amongst y^e professours them selves, (working upon their pride & ambition, with other corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men, yea to y^e saints them selves in some measure,) by which wofull effects followed; as not only bitter contentions, & hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible confusions, but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby to foyst in a number of vile ceremoneys, with many unproffitable cannons & decrees, which have since been as snares to many poore & peaceable souls even to this day. So as in y^e anciente times, the persecutions[2] by y^e heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then of the Christians one against other; the Arians & other their complices against y^e orthodoxe & true Christians. As witneseth Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are these;[B] The violence truly (saith he) was no less than [5]that of ould practised towards y^e Christians when they were compelled & drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many indured sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, & dismembering of their joynts; confiscating of ther goods; some bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this life under y^e hands of y^e tormentor; and some died in banishmēte, & never saw ther cuntrie againe, &c.

The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since y^e trueth begane to springe & spread after y^e great defection made by Antichrist, y^t man of sin̅e.

For to let pass y^e infinite examples in sundrie nations and severall places of y^e world, and instance in our owne, when as y^t old serpente could not prevaile by those firie flames & other his cruell tragedies, which he[C] by his instruments put in ure every wher in y^e days of queene Mary & before, he then begane an other kind of warre, & went more closly to worke; not only to oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy y^e kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means, by kindling y^e flames of contention and sowing y^e seeds of discorde & bitter enmitie amongst y^e proffessors & seeming reformed them selves. For when he could not prevaile by y^e former means against the principall doctrins of faith, he bente his force against the holy discipline & outward regimente of the kingdom of [6]Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be conserved, & true pietie maintained amongest the saints & people of God.

Mr. Foxe recordeth how y^t besids those worthy martires & confessors which were burned in queene Marys days & otherwise tormented,[D] many (both studients & others) fled out of y^e land, to y^e number of 800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell, Frankford, Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh, & Geneva, &c. Amongst whom (but especialy those at Frankford) begane y^t bitter warr of contention & persecutiō aboute y^e ceremonies, & servise-booke, and other popish and antichristian stuffe, the plague of England to this day, which are like y^e highplases in Israell, w^ch the prophets cried out against, & were their ruine; [3] which y^e better parte sought, according to y^e puritie of y^e gospell, to roote out and utterly to abandon. And the other parte (under veiled pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments, sought as stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend. As appeareth by y^e discourse therof published in printe, An^o: 1575; a booke y^t deserves better to be knowne and considred.

The one side laboured to have y^e right worship of God & discipline of Christ established in y^e church, according to y^e simplicitie of y^e gospell, without the mixture of mens inventions, and to have & to be [7]ruled by y^e laws of Gods word, dispensed in those offices, & by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, & Elders, &c. according to y^e Scripturs. The other partie, though under many colours & pretences, endevored to have y^e episcopall dignitie (affter y^e popish man̅er) with their large power & jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies, togeather with all such livings, revenues, & subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatnes, and enabled them with lordly & tyranous power to persecute y^e poore servants of God. This contention was so great, as neither y^e honour of God, the commone persecution, nor y^e mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of y^e Lord in those places, could prevaile with those thus episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all means to disturbe y^e peace of this poor persecuted church, even so farr as to charge (very unjustly, & ungodlily, yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe opposers, with rebellion & hightreason against y^e Emperour, & other such crimes.

And this contētion dyed not with queene Mary, nor was left beyonde y^e seas, but at her death these people returning into England under gracious queene Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishopricks & other promotions, according to their aimes and desires, that inveterate hatered against y^e holy discipline of Christ in his church hath continued to [8]this day. In somuch that for fear [4] it should preveile, all plotts & devices have been used to keepe it out, incensing y^e queene & state against it as dangerous for y^e com̅on wealth; and that it was most needfull y^t y^e fundamentall poynts of Religion should be preached in those ignorante & superstitious times; and to win̅e y^e weake & ignorante, they might retaine diverse harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be wished y^t diverse things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the like, to stop y^e mouthes of y^e more godly, to bring them over to yeeld to one ceremoney after another, and one corruption after another; by these wyles begyleing some & corrupting others till at length they begane to persecute all y^e zealous professors in y^e land (though they knew little what this discipline mente) both by word & deed, if they would not submitte to their ceremonies, & become slaves to them & their popish trash, which have no ground in y^e word of God, but are relikes of y^t man of sine. And the more y^e light of y^e gospell grew, y^e more y^ey urged their subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former pretences & fair colures) they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see wherto these things tended. And to cast contempte the more upon y^e sincere servants of God, they opprobriously & most injuriously gave unto, & imposed upon them, that name of Puritans, which [it] is said [9]the Novatians out of prid did assume & take unto themselves.[E] And lamentable it is to see y^e effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, sundrie have lost their lives in prisones & otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced, ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased, & the papists encouraged to hope againe for a day.

This made that holy man Mr. Perkins[F] crie out in his exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2. Religion (saith he) hath been amongst us this 35. years; but the more it is published, the more it is contemned & reproached of many, &c. Thus not prophanes nor wickednes, but Religion it selfe is a byword, a moking-stock, & a matter of reproach; so that in England at this day the man or woman y^t begines to profes Religion, & to serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine [5] mocks & injueries even as though he lived amongst y^e enimies of Religion. And this com̅one experience hath confirmed & made too apparente.

But that I may come more near my intendmente; when as by the travell & diligence of some godly & zealous preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as [12]in other places of y^e land, so in y^e North parts, many became inlightened by the word of God, and had their ignorance & sins discovered unto them, and begane by his grace to reforme their lives, and make conscience of their wayes, the worke of God was no sooner manifest in them, but presently they were both scoffed and scorned by y^e prophane multitude, and y^e ministers urged with y^e yoak of subscription, or els must be silenced; and y^e poore people were so vexed with apparators, & pursuants, & y^e comissarie courts, as truly their affliction was not smale; which, notwithstanding, they bore sundrie years with much patience, till they were occasioned (by y^e continuance & encrease of these troubls, and other means which the Lord raised up in those days) to see further into things by the light of y^e word of God. How not only these base and beggerly ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that y^e lordly & tiranous power of y^e prelats ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedome of the gospell, would load & burden mens consciences, and by their compulsive power make a prophane mixture of persons & things in the worship of God. And that their offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were unlawfull and antichristian; being such as have no warrante in y^e word of God; but the same y^t were used in poperie, & still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch com̅taries.[I] At the coming of [13]king James into England; The new king (saith he) found their established y^e reformed religion, according to y^e reformed religion of king Edward y^e 6. Retaining, or keeping still y^e spirituall state of y^e Bishops, &c. after y^e ould maner, much varying & differing from y^e reformed churches in Scotland, France, & y^e Neatherlands, Embden, Geneva, &c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen much nerer y^e first Christian churches, as it was used in y^e Apostles times.[J]

[6] So many therfore of these proffessors as saw y^e evill of these things, in thes parts, and whose harts y^e Lord had touched w^th heavenly zeale for his trueth, they shooke of this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as y^e Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in y^e felowship of y^e gospell, to walke in all his wayes, made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something this ensewing historie will declare.

These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches, & in regarde of distance of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some in Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of Yorkshire, wher they border nearest togeather. In one [14]of these churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, & a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in y^e Low Countries, ther (for y^e most part) buried them selves, & their names.

But in this other church (w^ch must be y^e subjecte of our discourse) besids other worthy men, was M^r. Richard Clifton, a grave and reverēd preacher, who by his paines and dilligens had done much good, and under God had ben a means of y^e conversion of many. And also that famous and worthy man M^r. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for many years, till y^e Lord tooke him away by death. Also M^r. William Brewster a reverent man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of y^e church and lived with them till old age.

But after these things they could not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as flea-bitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. For some were taken & clapt up in prison, others had their houses besett & watcht night and day, & hardly escaped their hands; and y^e most were faine to flie & leave their howses & habitations, and the means of their livelehood. Yet these & many other sharper things which affterward befell them, were no other then they looked for, and therfore were y^e better prepared to bear them by y^e assistance of Gods [15]grace & spirite. Yet seeing them selves thus molested, [7] and that ther was no hope of their continuance ther, by a joynte consente they resolved to goe into y^e Low-Countries, wher they heard was freedome of Religion for all men; as also how sundrie from London, & other parts of y^e land, had been exiled and persecuted for y^e same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Amsterdam, & in other places of y^e land. So affter they had continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their meetings every Saboth in one place or other, exercising the worship of God amongst them selves, notwithstanding all y^e dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they seeing they could no longer continue in y^t condition, they resolved to get over into Hollād as they could; which was in y^e year 1607. & 1608.; of which more at large in y^e next chap.

Of their departure into Holland and their troubls ther aboute, with some of the many difficulties they found and mete withall.

An^o. 1608.

Being thus constrained to leave their native soyle and countrie, their lands & livings, and all their freinds & famillier acquaintance, it was much, and thought marvelous by many. But to goe into a countrie they knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must [16]learne a new language, and get their livings they knew not how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to y^e misseries of warr, it was by many thought an adventure almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a misserie worse then death. Espetially seeing they were not aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which y^t countrie doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a plaine countrie life, & y^e inocente trade of husbandrey. But these things did not dismay them (though they did some times trouble them) for their desires were sett on y^e ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances; but they rested on his providence, & knew whom they had beleeved. Yet [8] this was not all, for though they could not stay, yet were y^e not suffered to goe, but y^e ports and havens were shut against them, so as they were faine to seeke secrete means of conveance, & to bribe & fee y^e mariners, & give exterordinarie rates for their passages. And yet were they often times betrayed (many of them), and both they & their goods intercepted & surprised, and therby put to great trouble & charge, of which I will give an instance or tow, & omitte the rest.

Ther was a large companie of them purposed to get passage at Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end had hired a shipe wholy to them selves, & made agreement with the maister to be ready at a certaine day, and take them and their goods in, at a conveniente place, wher they accordingly would all attende [17]in readines. So after long waiting, & large expences, though he kepte not day with them, yet he came at length & tooke them in, in y^e night. But when he had them & their goods abord, he betrayed them, haveing before hand complotted with y^e serchers & other officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put them into open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea even y^e women furder then became modestie; and then caried them back into y^e towne, & made them a spectackle & wonder to the multitude, which came flocking on all sids to behould them. Being thus first, by the chatch-poule officers, rifled, & stripte of their money, books, and much other goods, they were presented to y^e magestrates, and messengers sente to informe y^e lords of y^e Counsell of them; and so they were com̅ited to ward. Indeed y^e magestrats used them courteously, and shewed them what favour they could; but could not deliver them, till order came from y^e Counsell-table. But y^e issue was that after a months imprisonmente, y^e greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to y^e places from whence they came; but 7. of y^e principall were still kept in prison, and bound over to y^e Assises.

The nexte spring after, ther was another attempte made by some of these & others, to get over at an other place. And it so fell out, that they light of a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his owne belonging [18]to Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and acquainted [9] him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfullnes in him, then in y^e former of their owne nation. He bad them not fear, for he would doe well enough. He was by appointment to take them in betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher was a large com̅one a good way distante from any towne. Now aganst the prefixed time, the women & children, with y^e goods, were sent to y^e place in a small barke, which they had hired for y^t end; and y^e men were to meete them by land. But it so fell out, that they were ther a day before y^e shipe came, & y^e sea being rough, and y^e women very sicke, prevailed with y^e seamen to put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on ground at lowwater. The nexte morning y^e shipe came, but they were fast, & could not stir till aboute noone. In y^e mean time, y^e shipe maister, perceiveing how y^e matter was, sente his boate to be getting y^e men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute y^e shore. But after y^e first boat full was gott abord, & she was ready to goe for more, the m^r espied a greate company, both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, & other weapons; for y^e countrie was raised to take them. Y^e Dutch-man seeing y^t, swore his countries oath, "sacremente," and having y^e wind faire, waiged his Ancor, hoysed sayles, & away. But y^e poore men which were gott abord, were in great distress for their wives and children, which they saw thus to be [19]taken, and were left destitute of their helps; and them selves also, not having a cloath to shifte them with, more then they had on their baks, & some scarce a peney aboute them, all they had being abord y^e barke. It drew tears from their eyes, and any thing they had they would have given to have been a shore againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured a fearfull storme at sea, being 14. days or more before y^ey arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they neither saw son, moone, nor stars, & were driven near y^e coast of Norway; the mariners them selves often despairing of life; and once with shriks & cries gave over all, as if y^e ship had been foundred in y^e sea, & they sinking without recoverie. But when mans hope & helpe wholy failed, y^e Lords power & mercie appeared in ther recoverie; for y^e ship rose againe, & gave y^e mariners courage againe to manage her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might declare with what fervente [10] prayres they cried unto y^e Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of them,) even without any great distraction, when y^e water rane into their mouthes & ears; & the mariners cried out, We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not with mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of devine faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord thou canst save; with shuch other expressions as I will forbeare. Upon which y^e ship did not only recover, [20]but shortly after y^e violence of y^e storme begane to abate, and y^e Lord filed their afflicted minds with shuch comforts as every one can̅ot understand, and in y^e end brought them to their desired Haven, wher y^e people came flockeing admiring their deliverance, the storme having ben so longe & sore, in which much hurt had been don, as y^e masters freinds related unto him in their congrattulations.

But to returne to y^e others wher we left. The rest of y^e men y^t were in greatest danger, made shift to escape away before y^e troope could surprise them; those only staying y^t best might, to be assistante unto y^e women. But pitifull it was to see y^e heavie case of these poore women in this distress; what weeping & crying on every side, some for their husbands, that were caried away in y^e ship as is before related; others not knowing what should become of them, & their litle ones; others againe melted in teares, seeing their poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying for feare, and quaking with could. Being thus aprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, and from one justice to another, till in y^e ende they knew not what to doe with them; for to imprison so many women & innocent children for no other cause (many of them) but that they must goe with their husbands, semed to be unreasonable and all would crie out of them; and to send them home againe was as difficult, for they aledged, as y^e trueth was, they had [21]no homes to goe to, for they had either sould, or otherwise disposed of their houses & livings. To be shorte, after they had been thus turmolyed a good while, and conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be ridd of them in y^e end upon any termes; for all were wearied & tired with them. Though in y^e mean time they (poore soules) indured miserie enough; and thus in the end necessitie forste a way for them.

But y^t I be not tedious in these things, I will omitte y^e rest, though I might relate many other notable passages and troubles which they endured & underwente in these their wanderings & travells both at land & sea; but I hast to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte y^e fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick troubls, in so many eminente places, their cause became famouss, & occasioned many to looke into y^e same; and their godly cariage & Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp beginings, (as it was no marvell,) yet many more came on with fresh courage, & greatly animated others. And in y^e end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossition, they all gatt over at length, some at one time & some at an other, and some in one place & some in an other, and mette togeather againe according to their desires, with no small rejoycing.

[22]

Of their setling in Holand, & their maner of living, & entertainmente ther.

Being now come into y^e Low Countries, they saw many goodly & fortified cities, strongly walled and garded with troopes of armed men. Also they heard a strange & uncouth language, and beheld y^e differente man̅ers & customes of y^e people, with their strange fashons and attires; all so farre differing from y^t of their plaine countrie villages (wherin they were bred, & had so longe lived) as it seemed they were come into a new world. But these were not y^e things they much looked on, or long tooke up their thoughts; for they had other work in hand, & an other kind of warr to wage & maintaine. For though they saw faire & bewtifull cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of welth & riches, yet it was not longe before they saw the grim̅e & grisly face of povertie coming upon them like an armed man, with whom they must bukle & incounter, and from whom they could not flye; but they were armed with faith & patience against him, and all his encounters; and though they were sometimes foyled, yet by Gods assistance they prevailed and got y^e victorie.

Now when M^r. Robinson, M^r. Brewster, & other principall [23]members were come over, (for they were of y^e last, & stayed to help y^e weakest over before them,) such things were [12] thought on as were necessarie for their setling and best ordering of y^e church affairs. And when they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year, M^r. Robinson, their pastor, and some others of best discerning, seeing how M^r. John Smith and his companie was allready fallen in to contention with y^e church y^t was ther before them, & no means they could use would doe any good to cure y^e same, and also that y^e flames of contention were like to breake out in y^t anciente church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably came to pass); which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best to remove, before they were any way engaged with y^e same; though they well knew it would be much to y^e prejudice of their outward estats, both at presente & in licklyhood in y^e future; as indeed it proved to be.

Their remoovall to Leyden.

For these & some other reasons they removed to Leyden, a fair & bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation, but made more famous by y^e universitie wherwith it is adorned, in which of late had been so many learned men. But wanting that traffike by sea which Amsterdam injoyes, it was not so beneficiall for their outward means of living & estats. But being now hear pitchet they fell to such trads & imployments as they best [24]could; valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above any other riches whatsoever. And at lenght they came to raise a competente & comforteable living, but with hard and continuall labor.

Being thus setled (after many difficulties) they continued many years in a comfortable condition, injoying much sweete & delightefull societie & spirituall comforte togeather in y^e wayes of God, under y^e able ministrie, and prudente governmente of M^r. John Robinson, & M^r. William Brewster, who was an assistante unto him in y^e place of an Elder, unto which he was now called & chosen by the church. So as they grew in knowledge & other gifts & graces of y^e spirite of God, & lived togeather in peace, & love, and holines; and many came unto them from diverse parts of England, so as they grew a great congregation. And if at any time any differences arose, or offences broak[13] out (as it cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst y^e best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt in y^e head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as still love, peace, and communion was continued; or els y^e church purged of those that were incurable & incorrigible, when, after much patience used, no other means would serve, which seldom came to pass. Yea such was y^e mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this worthy man had to his flocke, and his flocke to him, that it might be said of them as it once was of y^t [25]famouse Emperour Marcus Aurelious,[K] and y^e people of Rome, that it was hard to judge wheather he delighted more in haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing such a pastor. His love was greate towards them, and his care was all ways bente for their best good, both for soule and body; for besids his singuler abilities in devine things (wherin he excelled), he was also very able to give directions in civill affaires, and to foresee dangers & inconveniences; by w^ch means he was very helpfull to their outward estats, & so was every way as a commone father unto them. And none did more offend him then those that were close and cleaving to them selves, and retired from y^e commōe good; as also such as would be stiffe & riged in matters of outward order, and invey against y^e evills of others, and yet be remisse in them selves, and not so carefull to express a vertuous conversation. They in like maner had ever a reverente regard unto him, & had him in precious estimation, as his worth & wisdom did deserve; and though they esteemed him highly whilst he lived & laboured amongst them, yet much more after his death, when they came to feele y^e wante of his help, and saw (by woefull experience) what a treasure they had lost, to y^e greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls; yea such a loss as they saw could not be repaired; for it was as hard for them to find such another leader and feeder in all respects, as for y^e Taborits to find another Ziska. And though they did not call themselves [26]orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet they had cause as much to lamente, in another regard, their present condition, and after usage. But to returne; I know not but it may be spoken to y^e honour of God, & without prejudice [14] to any, that such was y^e true pietie, y^e humble zeale, & fervent love, of this people (whilst they thus lived together) towards God and his waies, and y^e single hartednes & sinceir affection one towards another, that they came as near y^e primative patterne of y^e first churches, as any other church of these later times have done, according to their ranke & qualitie.

But seeing it is not my purpose to treat of y^e severall passages that befell this people whilst they thus lived in y^e Low Countries, (which might worthily require a large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to shew y^e begining of this plantation, which is that I aime at; yet because some of their adversaries did, upon y^e rumore of their removall, cast out slanders against them, as if that state had been wearie of them, & had rather driven them out (as y^e heathen historians did faine of Moyses & y^e Isralits when they went out of Egipte), then y^t it was their owne free choyse & motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler or too to shew y^e contrary, and the good acceptation they had in y^e place wher they lived. And first though many of them weer poore, yet ther was none so poore, but if they were known to be of y^t congregation, [27]the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust them in any reasonable matter when y^ey wanted money. Because they had found by experience how carfull they were to keep their word, and saw them so painfull & dilligente in their callings; yea, they would strive to gett their custome, and to imploy them above others, in their worke, for their honestie & diligence.

Againe; y^e magistrats of y^e citie, aboute y^e time of their coming away, or a litle before, in y^e publick place of justice, gave this comendable testemoney of them, in y^e reproofe of the Wallons, who were of y^e French church in y^t citie. These English, said they, have lived amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we never had any sute or accusation came against any of them; but your strifs & quarels are continuall, &c. In these times allso were y^e great troubls raised by y^e Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested y^e whole state, so this citie in particuler, in which was y^e cheefe universitie; so as ther were dayly & hote disputs in y^e schooles ther aboute; and as y^e studients & other lerned were devided in their oppinions hearin, so were y^e 2. proffessors or devinitie readers them selves; the one daly teaching for it, y^e other against it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the discipls of y^e one would hear y^e other teach. But M^r. Robinson, though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, & write sundrie books, besids his manyfould pains otherwise, yet he went constantly [15] to hear ther readings, [28]and heard y^e one as well as y^e other; by which means he was so well grounded in y^e controversie, and saw y^e force of all their arguments, and knew y^e shifts of y^e adversarie, and being him selfe very able, none was fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as appered by sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be terrible to y^e Arminians; which made Episcopius (y^e Arminian professor) to put forth his best stringth, and set forth sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he would defend against all men. Now Poliander y^e other proffessor, and y^e cheefe preachers of y^e citie, desired M^r. Robinson to dispute against him; but he was loath, being a stranger; yet the other did importune him, and tould him y^t such was y^e abilitie and nimblnes of y^e adversarie, that y^e truth would suffer if he did not help them. So as he condescended, & prepared him selfe against the time; and when y^e day came, the Lord did so help him to defend y^e truth & foyle this adversarie, as he put him to an apparent nonplus, in this great & publike audience. And y^e like he did a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions. The which as it caused many to praise God y^t the trueth had so famous victory, so it procured him much honour & respecte from those lerned men & others which loved y^e trueth. Yea, so farr were they from being weary of him & his people, or desiring their absence, as it was said by some, of no mean note, that were it not for giveing offence to y^e state [29]of England, they would have preferd him otherwise if he would, and alowd them some publike favour. Yea when ther was speech of their remoovall into these parts, sundrie of note & eminencie of y^t nation would have had them come under them, and for y^t end made them large offers. Now though I might aledg many other perticulers & examples of the like kinde, to shew y^e untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these shall suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only raised by y^e malice of some, who laboured their disgrace.

Showing y^e reasons & causes of their remoovall.

After they had lived in this citie about some 11. or 12. years, (which is y^e more observable being y^e whole time of y^t famose truce between that state & y^e Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away by death, & many others begane to be well striken in years, the grave mistris Experience haveing taught them many things, [16] those prudent governours with sundrie of y^e sagest members begane both deeply to apprehend their present dangers, & wisely to foresee y^e future, & thinke of timly remedy. In y^e agitation of their thoughts, and much discours of things hear aboute, at length they began to incline to this conclusion, of remoovall to some other place. Not out of any newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor, by which men are oftentimes transported to their [30]great hurt & danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid reasons; some of y^e cheefe of which I will hear breefly touch. And first, they saw & found by experience the hardnes of y^e place & countrie to be such, as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out, and continew with them. For many y^t came to them, and many more y^t desired to be with them, could not endure y^t great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent & were contented with. But though they loved their persons, approved their cause, and honoured their sufferings, yet they left them as it weer weeping, as Orpah did her mother in law Naomie, or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused & borne with, though they could not all be Catoes. For many, though they desired to injoye y^e ordinances of God in their puritie, and y^e libertie of the gospell with them, yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with danger of conscience, rather then to indure these hardships; yea, some preferred & chose y^e prisons in England, rather then this libertie in Holland, with these afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many, & take away these discouragments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those w^o both wrate & preached now against them, if they were in a place wher they might have libertie and live comfortably, they would then practise as they did.

[31]

2^ly. They saw that though y^e people generally bore all these difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute courage, being in y^e best & strength of their years, yet old age began to steale on many of them, (and their great & continuall labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before y^e time,) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sinke under their burdens, or both. And therfore according to y^e devine proverb, y^t a wise man seeth y^e plague when it cometh, & hideth him selfe, Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten souldiers were fearfull either to be intrapped or surrounded by their enimies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage & less danger, if any such could be found. [16] Thirdly; as necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a sorte, to their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not a litle wound y^e tender harts of many a loving father & mother, so it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowful effects. For many of their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde to bear y^e yoake in their youth, and willing to bear parte of their parents burden, were, often times, so oppressed with their hevie labours, that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed [32]under y^e weight of y^e same, and became decreped in their early youth; the vigor of nature being consumed in y^e very budd as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and y^e great licentiousnes of youth in y^t countrie, and y^e manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away by evill examples into extravagante & dangerous courses, getting y^e raines off their neks, & departing from their parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon them farr viages by sea, and other some worse courses, tending to dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to y^e great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God. So that they saw their posteritie would be in danger to degenerate & be corrupted.

Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope & inward zeall they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way therunto, for y^e propagating & advancing y^e gospell of y^e kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of y^e world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for y^e performing of so great a work.

These, & some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this resolution of their removall; the which they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequell will appeare.

The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast & unpeopled countries of America, which are frutfull [33]& fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill inhabitants, wher ther are only salvage & brutish men, which range up and downe, litle otherwise then y^e wild beasts of the same. This proposition being made publike and coming to y^e scaning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears & doubts amongst them selves. Some, from their reasons & hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & incourage the rest to undertake & prosecute y^e same; others, againe, out of their fears, objected against it, & sought to diverte from it, aledging many things, and those neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it was a great designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable perills & dangers; as, besids the casulties of y^e seas (which none can be freed from) the length of y^e vioage was such, as y^e weake bodys of women and other persons worne out with age & traville (as many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of y^e land which they should be [17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be borne; and lickly, some or all of them togeither, to consume & utterly to ruinate them. For ther they should be liable to famine, and nakednes, & y^e wante, in a maner, of all things. The chang of aire, diate, & drinking of water, would infecte their bodies with sore sickneses, and greevous diseases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett be in continuall danger of y^e salvage people, who are [34]cruell, barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not being contente only to kill, & take away life, but delight to tormente men in y^e most bloodie man̅er that may be; fleaing some alive with y^e shells of fishes, cutting of y^e members & joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling on y^e coles, eate y^e collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but y^e very hearing of these things could not but move y^e very bowels of men to grate within them, and make y^e weake to quake & tremble. It was furder objected, that it would require greater sum̅es of money to furnish such a voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then their consumed estats would amounte too; and yett they must as well looke to be seconded with supplies, as presently to be trāsported. Also many presidents of ill success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in the like designes, were easie to be found, and not forgotten to be aledged; besids their owne experience, in their former troubles & hardships in their removall into Holand, and how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour countrie, & a civill and rich comone wealth.

It was answered, that all great & honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted y^e dangers were great, but not [35]desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though their were many of them likly, yet they were not cartaine; it might be sundrie of y^e things feared might never befale; others by providente care & y^e use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through y^e help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne, or overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground & reason; not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiositie or hope of gaine, &c. But their condition was not ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable; their calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might expecte y^e blessing of God in their proceding. Yea, though they should loose their lives in this action, yet might they have comforte in the same, and their endeavors would be honourable. They lived hear but as men in exile, & in a poore condition; and as great miseries might possibly befale them in this place, for y^e 12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing but beating of drumes, and preparing for warr, the events wherof are allway uncertaine. Y^e Spaniard might prove as cruell as [18] the salvages of America, and y^e famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, & their libertie less to looke out for remedie. After many other perticuler things answered & aledged on both sids, it was fully concluded by y^e major parte, to put this designe in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they could.

[36]

Shewing what means they used for preparation to this waightie vioag.

And first after thir humble praiers unto God for his direction & assistance, & a generall conferrence held hear aboute, they consulted what perticuler place to pitch upon, & prepare for. Some (& none of y^e meanest) had thoughts & were ernest for Guiana, or some of those fertill places in those hott climats; others were for some parts of Virginia, wher y^e English had all ready made enterance, & begining. Those for Guiana aledged that the cuntrie was rich, fruitfull, & blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a florishing greenes; where vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance & plentie without any great labour or art of man. So as it must needs make y^e inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of clothing and other things would serve, then in more coulder & less frutfull countries must be had. As also y^t the Spaniards (having much more then they could possess) had not yet planted there, nor any where very near y^e same. But to this it was answered, that out of question y^e countrie was both frutfull and pleasante, and might yeeld riches & maintenance to y^e possessors, more easily then y^e other; yet, other things considered, [37]it would not be so fitt for them. And first, y^t such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases, and many noysome impediments, which other more temperate places are freer from, and would not so well agree with our English bodys. Againe, if they should ther live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard would never suffer them long, but would displante or overthrow them, as he did y^e French in Florida, who were seated furder from his richest countries; and the sooner because they should have none to protect them, & their owne strength would be too smale to resiste so potent an enemie, & so neare a neighbor.

On y^e other hand, for Virginia it was objected, that if they lived among y^e English w^ch wear ther planted, or so near them as to be under their goverment, they should be in as great danger to be troubled and persecuted for the cause of religion, as if they lived in England, and it might be worse. And if they lived too farr of, they should neither have succour, nor defence from them.

But at length y^e conclusion was, to live as a distincte body by them selves, under y^e generall Goverment of Virginia; and by their freinds to sue to his majestie that he would be pleased to grant them freedome of Religion; and y^t this might be obtained, they wear putt in good hope by some great persons, of good ranke & qualitie, that were made their freinds. [38]Whereupon 2. were chosen [19] & sent in to England (at y^e charge of y^e rest) to sollicite this matter, who found the Virginia Company very desirous to have them goe thither, and willing to grante them a patent, with as ample priviliges as they had, or could grant to any, and to give them the best furderance they could. And some of y^e cheefe of y^t company douted not to obtaine their suite of y^e king for liberty in Religion, and to have it confirmed under y^e kings broad seale, according to their desires. But it prooved a harder peece of worke then they tooke it for; for though many means were used to bring it aboute, yet it could not be effected; for ther were diverse of good worth laboured with the king to obtaine it, (amongst whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,[L]) and some other wrought with y^e archbishop to give way therunto; but it proved all in vaine. Yet thus farr they prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind, that he would connive at them, & not molest them, provided they carried them selves peacably. But to allow or tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under his seale, they found it would not be. And this was all the cheefe of y^e Virginia companie or any other of their best freinds could doe in the case. Yet they perswaded them to goe on, for they presumed they should not be troubled. And with this answer y^e messengers returned, and signified what diligence had bene used, and to what issue things were come. [39]

But this made a dampe in y^e busines, and caused some distraction, for many were afraid that if they should unsetle them selves, & put of their estates, and goe upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous, and but a sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought they might better have presumed hear upon without makeing any suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be thus rejected. But some of y^e cheefest thought other wise, and y^t they might well proceede hereupon, & that y^e kings majestie was willing enough to suffer them without molestation, though for other reasons he would not confirme it by any publick acte. And furdermore, if ther was no securitie in this promise intimated, ther would be no great certainty in a furder confirmation of y^e same; for if after wards ther should be a purpose or desire to wrong them, though they had a seale as broad as y^e house flore, it would not serve y^e turne; for ther would be means enew found to recall or reverse it. Seeing therfore the course was probable, they must rest herein on Gods providence, as they had done in other things.

Upon this resolution, other messengers were dispatched, to end with y^e Virginia Company as well as they could. And to procure [20] a patent with as good and ample conditions as they might by any good means obtaine. As also to treate and conclude with such merchants and other freinds as had manifested [40]their forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this vioage. For which end they had instructions given them upon what conditions they should proceed with them, or els to conclude nothing without further advice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a letter or too that may give light to these proceedings.

For further light in these proceedings see some other letters & notes as followeth.

[24] These things being long in agitation, & messengers passing too and againe aboute them, after all their hopes they were long delayed by many rubs that fell in y^e way; for at y^e returne of these messengers into England they found things farr otherwise then they expected. For y^e Virginia Counsell was now so disturbed with factions and quarrels amongst them selves, as no bussines could well goe forward. The which may the better appear in one of the messengers letters as followeth.

A word or tow by way of digression touching this M^r. Blackwell; he was an elder of y^e church at Amsterdam, a man well known of most of them. He declined from y^e trueth w^th M^r. Johnson & y^e rest, and went with him when y^ey parted assunder in y^t wofull maner, w^ch brought so great dishonour to God, scandall to y^e trueth, & outward ruine to them selves in this world. But I hope, notwithstanding, through y^e mercies of y^e Lord, their souls are now at rest with him in y^e heavens, and y^t they are arrived in y^e Haven of hapines; though some of their bodies were thus buried in y^e terrable seas, and others sunke under y^e burthen of bitter afflictions. He with some others had prepared for to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie godly citizens, being at a private meēing (I take it a fast) in London, being discovered, many of them were apprehended, wherof M^r. Blackwell was one; but he so glosed w^th y^e bp̃s,[N] and either dissembled or flatly denyed y^e trueth which formerly he had maintained; and not only so, but very unworthily betrayed and [50]accused another godly man who had escaped, that so he might slip his own neck out of y^e collar, & to obtaine his owne freedome brought others into bonds. Wherupon he so wone y^e bp̃s favour (but lost y^e Lord's) as he was not only dismiste, but in open courte y^e arch-bishop gave him great applause and his sollemne blessing to proseed in his vioage. But if such events follow y^e bp̃s blessing, happie are they y^t misse y^e same; it is much better to keepe a good conscience and have y^e Lords blessing, whether in life or death.

But see how y^e man thus apprehended by M^r. Blackwells means, writs to a freind of his.

But thus much by y^e way, which may be of instruction & good use.

But at last, after all these things, and their long attendance, they had a patent granted them, and confirmed under y^e Companies seale; but these devissions and distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended freinds, and disappointed them of much of their hoped for & proffered means. By the advise of some freinds this pattente was not taken in y^e name of any of their owne, but in y^e name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious gentleman then belonging to y^e Countess of Lincoline), who intended to goe with them. But God so disposed [52]as he never went, nor they ever made use of this patente, which had cost them so much labour and charge, as by y^e sequell will appeare. This patente being sente over for them to veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute y^e propossitions between them & such marchants & freinds as should either goe or adventure with them, and espetially with those[O] on whom y^ey did cheefly depend for shipping and means, whose proffers had been large, they were requested to fitt and prepare them selves with all speed. A right emblime, it may be, of y^e uncertine things of this world; y^t when men have toyld them selves for them, they vanish into smoke.

Conscerning y^e agreements and artickles between them, and such marchants & others as adventured moneys; with other things falling out aboute making their provissions.

Upon y^e receite of these things by one of their messengers, they had a sollemne meeting and a day of humilliation to seeke y^e Lord for his direction; and their pastor tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And David's men said unto him, see, we be afraid hear in Judah, how much more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Phillistines? Then David asked counsell of y^e Lord againe, &c. From which texte he taught [53]many things very aptly, and befitting ther present occasion and condition, strengthing them against their fears and perplexities, and incouraging them in their resolutions. [27] After which they concluded both what number and what persons should prepare them selves to goe with y^e first; for all y^t were willing to have gone could not gett ready for their other affairs in so shorte a time; neither if all could have been ready, had ther been means to have trasported them alltogeather. Those that staied being y^e greater number required y^e pastor to stay with them; and indeede for other reasons he could not then well goe, and so it was y^e more easilie yeelded unto. The other then desired y^e elder, M^r. Brewster, to goe with them, which was also condescended unto. It was also agreed on by mutuall consente and covenante, that those that went should be an absolute church of them selves, as well as those y^t staid; seing in such a dangrous vioage, and a removall to such a distance, it might come to pass they should (for y^e body of them) never meete againe in this world; yet with this proviso, that as any of y^e rest came over to them, or of y^e other returned upon occasion, they should be reputed as members without any further dismission or testimoniall. It was allso promised to those y^t wente first, by y^e body of y^e rest, that if y^e Lord gave them life, & meās, & opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as they could.

[54]

Aboute this time, whilst they were perplexed with y^e proseedings of y^e Virginia Company, & y^e ill news from thence aboute M^r. Blackwell & his company, and making inquirey about y^e hiring & buying of shiping for their vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers aboute goeing with them. Also one M^r. Thomas Weston, a m^rchant of London, came to Leyden aboute y^e same time, (who was well aquainted with some of them, and a furtherer of them in their former proseedings,) haveing much conferance w^th M^r. Robinson & other of y^e cheefe of them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems) & not to medle with y^e Dutch, or too much to depend on the Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came to resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds (togeather with their owne means) would sett them forth; and they should make ready, and neither feare wante of shipping nor money; for what they wanted should be provided. And, not so much for him selfe as for y^e satisfing of such frends as he should procure to adventure in this bussines, they were to draw such articls of agreemente, and make such propossitions, as might y^e better induce his freinds to venture. Upon which (after y^e formere conclusion) articles were drawne & agreed unto, and were showne unto him, and approved by him; and afterwards by their messenger (M^r. John Carver) sent into England, who, togeather with Robart Cushman, were to receive y^e moneys & make provissione both for shiping & other things for y^e vioage; with this [55]charge, not to exseede their com̅ission, but to proseed according to y^e former articles. Also some were chossen to doe y^e like for such things as were to be prepared there; so those that weare to goe, prepared them selves with all speed, and sould of their estats and (such as were able) put in their moneys into y^e commone stock, which was disposed by those appointed, for y^e making of generall provissions. Aboute this time also they had heard, both by M^r. Weston and others, y^t sundrie Hon^bl: Lords had obtained a large grante from y^e king, for y^e more northerly parts of that countrie, derived out of y^e Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from their Govermente, and to be called by another name, viz. New-England. Unto which M^r. Weston, and y^e cheefe of them, begane to incline it was [28] best for them to goe, as for other reasons, so cheefly for y^e hope of present profite to be made by y^e fishing that was found in y^t countrie.

But as in all bussineses y^e acting parte is most difficulte, espetially wher y^e worke of many agents must concurr, so it was found in this; for some of those y^t should have gone in England, fell of & would not goe; other marchants & freinds y^t had offered to adventure their moneys withdrew, and pretended many excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana; others againe would adventure nothing excepte they wente to Virginia. Some againe (and those that were most relied on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and [56]would doe nothing if they wente thither. In y^e midds of these distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of their estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought into a greate streight, fearing what issue these things would come too; but at length y^e generalitie was swaid to this latter opinion.

But now another difficultie arose, for M^r. Weston and some other that were for this course, either for their better advantage or rather for y^e drawing on of others, as they pretended, would have some of those conditions altered y^t were first agreed on at Leyden. To which y^e 2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is most charged with it) did consente; seeing els y^t all was like to be dashte, & y^e opportunitie lost, and y^t they which had put of their estats and paid in their moneys were in hazard to be undon. They presumed to conclude with y^e marchants on those termes, in some things contrary to their order & com̅ission, and without giving them notice of y^e same; yea, it was conceled least it should make any furder delay; which was y^e cause afterward of much trouble & contention.

It will be meete I here inserte these conditions, which are as foloweth.

The cheefe & principall differences betwene these & the former conditions, stood in those 2. points; that y^e houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine undevided wholy to y^e planters at y^e 7. years end. 2^ly, y^t they should have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for y^e more comforte of them selves and their families, espetialy such as had families. But because letters are by some wise men counted y^e best parte of histories, I shall shew their greevances hereaboute by their owne letters, in which y^e passages of things will be more truly discerned.

But whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it was staied by M^r. Carver & kept by him, forgiving offence. But this which follows was ther received; both which I thought pertenent to recite.

Besids these things, ther fell out a differance amongs those 3. that received [35] the moneys & made y^e provissions in England; for besids these tow formerly mentioned [69]sent from Leyden for this end, viz. M^r. Carver & Robart Cushman, ther was one chosen in England to be joyned with them, to make y^e provisions for y^e vioage; his name was M^r. Martin, he came from Billirike in Essexe, from which parts came sundrie others to goe with them, as also from London & other places; and therfore it was thought meete & conveniente by them in Holand that these strangers that were to goe with them, should apointe one thus to be joyned with them, not so much for any great need of their help, as to avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving offence, both in this & other things afterward, turned to great inconvenience unto them, as in y^e sequell will apeare; but however it shewed their equall & honest minds. The provissions were for y^e most parte made at Southhamton, contrarie to M^r. Westons & Robert Cushmās mind (whose counsells did most concure in all things). A touch of which things I shall give in a letter of his to M^r. Carver, and more will appear afterward.

I have bene y^e larger in these things, and so shall crave leave in some like passages following, (thoug in other things I shal labour to be more contracte,) that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers wrastled in going throug these things in their first begin̅ings, and how God brought them along notwithstanding all their weaknesses & infirmities. As allso that some use may be made hereof in after times by others in such like waightie imployments; and herewith I will end this chapter.

Of their departure from Leyden, and other things ther aboute, with their arivall at South hamton, were they all mete togeather, and tooke in ther provissions.

At length, after much travell and these debats, all things were got ready and provided. A smale ship[U] [72]was bought, & fitted in Holand, which was intended as to serve to help to transport them, so to stay in y^e cuntrie and atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs as might be for y^e good & benefite of y^e colonie when they came ther. Another was hired at London, of burden about 9. score; and all other things gott in readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day of solleme humiliation, their pastor taking his texte from Ezra 8. 21. And ther at y^e river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seeke of him a right way for us, and for our children, and for all our substance. Upon which he spente a good parte of y^e day very profitably, and suitable to their presente occasion. The rest of the time was spente in powering out prairs to y^e Lord with great fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears. And y^e time being come that they must departe, they were accompanied with most of their brethren out of y^e citie, unto a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven, wher the ship lay ready to receive them. So they lefte y^t goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting place near 12. years; but they knew they were pilgrimes,[V] & looked not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to y^e heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits. When they [37] came to y^e place they found y^e ship and all things ready; and shuch of their freinds as could not come with them [73]followed after them, and sundrie also came from Amsterdame to see them shipte and to take their leave of them. That night was spent with litle sleepe by y^e most, but with freindly entertainmente & christian discourse and other reall expressions of true christian love. The next day, the wind being faire, they wente aborde, and their freinds with them, where truly dolfull was y^e sight of that sade and mournfull parting; to see what sighs and sobbs and praires did sound amongst them, what tears did gush from every eye, & pithy speeches peirst each harte; that sundry of y^e Dutch strangers y^t stood on y^e key as spectators, could not refraine from tears. Yet comfortable & sweete it was to see shuch lively and true expressions of clear & unfained love. But the tide (which stays for no man) caling them away y^t were thus loath to departe, their Reṽē^d: pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they all with him,) with watrie cheeks com̅ended them with most fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing. And then with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they tooke their leaves one of an other; which proved to be y^e last leave to many of them.

Thus hoysing saile,[W] with a prosperus winde they came in short time to Southhamton, wher they found the bigger ship come from London, lying ready, w^th all the rest of their company. After a joyfull wellcome, and mutuall congratulations, with other frendly [74]entertainements, they fell to parley aboute their bussines, how to dispatch with y^e best expedition; as allso with their agents, aboute y^e alteration of y^e conditions. M^r. Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton, and knew not well what y^e other had don at London. M^r. Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what he was urged too, partly by y^e grounds of equity, and more espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene dasht and many undon. And in y^e begining he aquainted his felow agents here with, who consented unto him, and left it to him to execute, and to receive y^e money at London and send it downe to them at Hamton, wher they made y^e provissions; the which he accordingly did, though it was against his minde, & some of y^e marchants, y^t they were their made. And for giveing them notise at Leyden of this change, he could not well in regarde of y^e shortnes of y^e time; againe, he knew it would trouble them and hinder y^e bussines, which was already delayed overlong in regard of y^e season of y^e year, which he feared they would find to their cost. But these things gave not contente at presente. Mr. Weston, likwise, came up from London to see them dispatcht and to have y^e conditions confirmed; but they refused, and answered him, that he knew right well that these were not according to y^e first agreemente, neither could they yeeld to them without y^e consente of the rest that were behind. And indeed they had spetiall charge [75]when they came away, from the cheefe of those that were behind, not to doe it. At which he was much offended, and tould them, they must then looke to stand on their owne leggs. So he returned in displeasure, and this was y^e first ground of discontent betweene them. And wheras ther wanted well near 100^li. to clear things at their going away, he would not take order to disburse a penie, but let them shift as they could. [38] So they were forst to selle of some of their provissions to stop this gape, which was some 3. or 4. score firkins of butter, which comoditie they might best spare, haveing provided too large a quantitie of y^t kind. Then they write a leter to y^e marchants & adventures aboute y^e diferances concerning y^e conditions, as foloweth.

It was subscribed with many names of y^e cheefest of y^e company.

At their parting M^r. Robinson write a leter to y^e whole company, which though it hath already bene printed, yet I thought good here likwise to inserte it; as also a breefe leter writ at y^e same time to M^r. Carver, in which y^e tender love & godly care of a true pastor appears.

This was y^e last letter y^t M^r. Carver lived to see from him. The other follows.

This letter, though large, yet being so frutfull in it selfe, and suitable to their occation, I thought meete to inserte in this place.

All things being now ready, & every bussines dispatched, the company was caled togeather, and this letter read amongst them, which had good acceptation with all, and after fruit with many. Then they ordered [83]& distributed their company for either shipe, as they conceived for y^e best. And chose a Governor & 2. or 3. assistants for each shipe, to order y^e people by y^e way, and see to y^e dispossing of there provissions, and shuch like affairs. All which was not only with y^e liking of y^e maisters of y^e ships, but according to their desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from thence aboute y^e 5. of August; but what befell them further upon y^e coast of England will appeare in y^e nexte chapter.

Off the troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea being forced, after much trouble, to leave one of ther ships & some of their companie behind them.

[42] Being thus put to sea they had not gone farr, but M^r. Reinolds y^e master of y^e leser ship complained that he found his ship so leak as he durst not put further to sea till she was mended. So y^e m^r. of y^e biger ship (caled M^r. Jonas) being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth & have her ther searched & mended, which accordingly was done, to their great charg & losse of time and a faire winde. She was hear thorowly searcht from steme to sterne, some leaks were found & mended, and now it was conceived by the workmen & all, that she was sufficiente, & they might proceede without either fear or danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put [84]to sea againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably on, not looking for any more lets of this kind; but it fell out otherwise, for after they were gone to sea againe above 100. leagues without the Lands End, houlding company togeather all this while, the m^r. of y^e small ship complained his ship was so leake as he must beare up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce free her with much pumping. So they came to consultation againe, and resolved both ships to bear up backe againe & put into Plim̅oth, which accordingly was done. But no spetiall leake could be founde, but it was judged to be y^e generall weaknes of y^e shipe, and that shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage. Upon which it was resolved to dismise her & parte of y^e companie, and proceede with y^e other shipe. The which (though it was greevous, & caused great discouragmente) was put in execution. So after they had tooke out such provission as y^e other ship could well stow, and concluded both what number and what persons to send bak, they made another sad parting, y^e one ship going backe for London, and y^e other was to proceede on her viage. Those that went bak were for the most parte such as were willing so to doe, either out of some discontente, or feare they conceived of y^e ill success of y^e vioage, seeing so many croses befale, & the year time so farr spente; but others, in regarde of their owne weaknes, and charge of many yonge children, were thought least usefull, and most [85]unfite to bear y^e brunte of this hard adventure; unto which worke of God, and judgmente of their brethern, they were contented to submite. And thus, like Gedions armie, this small number was devided, as if y^e Lord by this worke of his providence thought these few to many for y^e great worke he had to doe. But here by the way let me show, how afterward it was found y^t the leaknes of this ship was partly by being over masted, and too much pressed with sayles; for after she was sould & put into her old trime, she made many viages & performed her service very sufficiently, to y^e great profite of her owners. But more espetially, by the cuning & deceite of y^e m^r. & his company, who were hired to stay a whole year in y^e cuntrie, and now fancying dislike & fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strategem to free them selves; as afterwards was knowne, & by some of them confessed. For they apprehended y^t the greater ship, being of force, & in whom most of y^e provissions were stowed, she would retayne enough for her selfe, what soever became of them or y^e passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast out by some of them; and yet, besids other incouragments, y^e cheefe of them that came from Leyden wente in this shipe to give y^e m^r. contente. But so strong was self love & his fears, as he forgott all duty and [43] former kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them, though he pretended otherwise. Amongest those that returned was M^r. Cushman & his familie, whose hart [86]& courage was gone from them before, as it seems, though his body was with them till now he departed; as may appear by a passionate letter he write to a freind in London from Dartmouth, whilst y^e ship lay ther a mending; the which, besids y^e expressions of his owne fears, it shows much of y^e providence of God working for their good beyonde man's expectation, & other things concerning their condition in these streats. I will hear relate it. And though it discover some infirmities in him (as who under temtation is free), yet after this he continued to be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and to doe y^e offices of a loving freind & faithfull brother unto them, and pertaker of much comforte with them.

The letter is as followth.

These being his conceptions & fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.

Of their vioage, & how they passed y^e sea, and of their safe arrivall at Cape Codd.

Sept^r: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now all being compacte togeather in one shipe,[AE] they put to sea againe with a prosperus winde, which continued diverce days togeather, which was some incouragmente unto them; yet according to y^e usuall maner many were afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may not omite hear a spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther was a proud & very profane yonge man, one of y^e [91]sea-men, of a lustie, able body, which made him the more hauty; he would allway be contemning y^e poore people in their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with greēous execrations, and did not let to tell them, that he hoped to help to cast halfe of them over board before they came to their jurneys end, and to make mery with what they had; and if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse and swear most bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe seas over, to smite this yong man with a greeveous disease, of which he dyed in a desperate maner, and so was him selfe y^e first y^t was throwne overbord. Thus his curses light on his owne head; and it was an astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it to be y^e just hand of God upon him.

After they had injoyed faire winds and weather for a season, they were incountred many times with crosse winds, and mette with many feirce stormes, with which y^e shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works made very leakie; and one of the maine beames in y^e midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them in some fear that y^e shipe could not be able to performe y^e vioage. So some of y^e cheefe of y^e company, perceiveing y^e mariners to feare y^e suffisiencie of y^e shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they entred into serious consulltation with y^e m^r. & other officers of y^e ship, to consider in time of y^e danger; and rather to returne then to cast them selves into a [92]desperate & inevitable perill. And truly ther was great distraction & differance of opinion amongst y^e mariners them selves; faine would they doe what could be done for their wages sake, (being now halfe the seas over,) and on y^e other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperatly. But in examening of all opinions, the m^r. & others affirmed they knew y^e ship to be stronge & firme under water; and for the buckling of y^e maine beame, ther was a great iron scrue y^e passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise y^e beame into his place; y^e which being done, the carpenter & m^r. affirmed that with a post put under it, set firme in y^e lower deck, & otherways bounde, he would make it sufficiente. And as for y^e decks & uper workes they would calke them as well as they could, and though with y^e workeing of y^e ship they [46] would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they com̅ited them selves to y^e will of God, & resolved to proseede. In sundrie of these stormes the winds were so feirce, & y^e seas so high, as they could not beare a knote of saile, but were forced to hull, for diverce days togither. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty storme, a lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion above y^e grattings, was, with a seele of the shipe throwne into [y^e] sea; but it pleased God y^t he caught hould of y^e top-saile [93]halliards, which hunge over board, & rane out at length; yet he held his hould (though he was sundrie fadomes under water) till he was hald up by y^e same rope to y^e brime of y^e water, and then with a boat hooke & other means got into y^e shipe againe, & his life saved; and though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after, and became a profitable member both in church & com̅one wealthe. In all this viage ther died but one of y^e passengers, which was William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller, when they drew near y^e coast. But to omite other things, (that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; the which being made & certainly knowne to be it, they were not a litle joyfull. After some deliberation had amongst them selves & with y^e m^r. of y^e ship, they tacked aboute and resolved to stande for y^e southward (y^e wind & weather being faire) to finde some place aboute Hudsons river for their habitation. But after they had sailed y^t course aboute halfe y^e day, they fell amongst deangerous shoulds and roring breakers, and they were so farr intangled ther with as they conceived them selves in great danger; & y^e wind shrinking upon them withall, they resolved to bear up againe for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy to gett out of those dangers before night overtooke them, as by Gods providence they did. And y^e next day they gott into y^e Cape-harbor wher they ridd in [94]saftie. A word or too by y^e way of this cape; it was thus first named by Capten Gosnole & his company,[AF] Anno: 1602, and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape James; but it retains y^e former name amongst seamen. Also y^t pointe which first shewed those dangerous shoulds unto them, they called Pointe Care, & Tuckers Terrour; but y^e French & Dutch to this day call it Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds, and y^e losses they have suffered their.

Being thus arived in a good harbor and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed y^e God of heaven, who had brought them over y^e vast & furious ocean, and delivered them from all y^e periles & miseries therof, againe to set their feete on y^e firme and stable earth, their proper elemente. And no marvell if they were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on y^e coast of his owne Italy; as he affirmed,[AG] that he had rather remaine twentie years on his way by land, then pass by sea to any place in a short time; so tedious & dreadfull was y^e same unto him.

But hear I cannot but stay and make a pause, and stand half amased at this poore peoples presente condition; and so I thinke will the reader too, when he well considers [47] y^e same. Being thus passed y^e vast ocean, and a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembred by y^t which wente [95]before), they had now no freinds to wellcome them, nor inns to entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten bodys, no houses or much less townes to repaire too, to seeke for succoure. It is recorded in scripture[AH] as a mercie to y^e apostle & his shipwraked company, y^t the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they mette with them (as after will appeare) were readier to fill their sids full of arrows then otherwise. And for y^e season it was winter, and they that know y^e winters of y^t cuntrie know them to be sharp & violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes, deangerous to travill to known places, much more to serch an unknown coast. Besids, what could they see but a hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts & willd men? and what multituds ther might be of them they knew not. Nether could they, as it were, goe up to y^e tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willdernes a more goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for which way soever they turnd their eys (save upward to y^e heavens) they could have litle solace or content in respecte of any outward objects. For sum̅er being done, all things stand upon them with a wetherbeaten face; and y^e whole countrie, full of woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw. If they looked behind them, ther was y^e mighty ocean which they had passed, and was now as a [96]maine barr & goulfe to seperate them from all y^e civill parts of y^e world. If it be said they had a ship to sucour them, it is trew; but what heard they daly from y^e m^r. & company? but y^t with speede they should looke out a place with their shallop, wher they would be at some near distance; for y^e season was shuch as he would not stirr from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them wher they would be, and he might goe without danger; and that victells consumed apace, but he must & would keepe sufficient for them selves & their returne. Yea, it was muttered by some, that if they gott not a place in time, they would turne them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be considred what weake hopes of supply & succoure they left behinde them, y^t might bear up their minds in this sade condition and trialls they were under; and they could not but be very smale. It is true, indeed, y^e affections & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordiall & entire towards them, but they had litle power to help them, or them selves; and how y^e case stode betweene them & y^e marchants at their coming away, hath allready been declared. What could now sustaine them but the spirite of God & his grace? May not & ought not the children of these fathers rightly say: Our faithers were Englishmen which came over this great [97]ocean, and were ready to perish in this willdernes;[AI] but they cried unto y^e Lord, and he heard their voyce, and looked on their adversitie, &c. Let them therfore praise y^e Lord, because he is good, & his mercies endure for ever.[AJ] Yea, let them which have been redeemed of y^e Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from y^e hand of y^e oppressour. When they wandered in y^e deserte willdernes out of y^e way, and found no citie to dwell in, both hungrie, & thirstie, their sowle was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before y^e Lord his loving kindnes, and his wonderfull works before y^e sons of men.

Showing how they sought out a place of habitation, and what befell them theraboute.

[48] Being thus arrived at Cap-Cod y^e 11. of November, and necessitie calling them to looke out a place for habitation, (as well as the maisters & mariners importunitie,) they having brought a large shalop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in y^e ship, they now gott her out & sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up; but being much brused & shatered in y^e shipe w^th foule weather, they saw she would be longe in mending. Wherupon a few of them tendered them selves to goe by land and discovere those nearest places, whilst y^e shallop was in [98]mending; and y^e rather because as they wente into y^t harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or 3 leagues of, which y^e maister judged to be a river. It was conceived ther might be some danger in y^e attempte, yet seeing them resolute, they were permited to goe, being 16. of them well armed, under y^e conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch instructions given them as was thought meete. They sett forth y^e 15. of Nove^br: and when they had marched aboute the space of a mile by y^e sea side, they espied 5. or 6. persons with a dogg coming towards them, who were salvages; but they fled from them, & ran̅e up into y^e woods, and y^e English followed them, partly to see if they could speake with them, and partly to discover if ther might not be more of them lying in ambush. But y^e Indeans seeing them selves thus followed, they againe forsooke the woods, & rane away on y^e sands as hard as they could, so as they could not come near them, but followed them by y^e tracte of their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they had come the same way. So, night coming on, they made their randevous & set out their sentinels, and rested in quiete y^t night, and the next morning followed their tracte till they had headed a great creake, & so left the sands, & turned an other way into y^e woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hopeing to find their dwellings; but they soone lost both them & them selves, falling into shuch thickets as [99]were ready to tear their cloaths & armore in peeces, but were most distresed for wante of drinke. But at length they found water & refreshed them selves, being y^e first New-England water they drunke of, and was now in thir great thirste as pleasante unto them as wine or bear had been in for-times. Afterwards they directed their course to come to y^e other [49] shore, for they knew it was a necke of land they were to crosse over, and so at length gott to y^e sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, & by y^e way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly after a good quantitie of clear ground wher y^e Indeans had formerly set corne, and some of their graves. And proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher corne had been set y^e same year, also they found wher latly a house had been, wher some planks and a great ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, (haveing never seen any shuch before). This was near y^e place of that supposed river they came to seeck; unto which they wente and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes with a high cliffe of sand in y^e enterance, but more like to be crikes of salte water then any fresh, for ought they saw; and that ther was good harborige for their shalope; leaving it further to be discovered [100]by their shalop when she was ready. So their time limeted them being expired, they returned to y^e ship, least they should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke with them parte of y^e corne, and buried up y^e rest, and so like y^e men from Eshcoll carried with them of y^e fruits of y^e land, & showed their breethren; of which, & their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and their harts incouraged.

After this, y^e shalop being got ready, they set out againe for y^e better discovery of this place, & y^e m^r. of y^e ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went some 30. men, but found it to be no harbor for ships but only for boats; ther was allso found 2. of their houses covered with matts, & sundrie of their implements in them, but y^e people were rune away & could not be seen; also ther was found more of their corne, & of their beans of various collours. The corne & beans they brought away, purposing to give them full satisfaction when they should meete with any of them (as about some 6. months afterward they did, to their good contente). And here is to be noted a spetiall providence of God, and a great mercie to this poore people, that hear they gott seed to plant them corne y^e next year, or els they might have starved, for they had none, nor any liklyhood to get any [50] till y^e season had beene past (as y^e sequell did manyfest). Neither is it lickly they had had this, if y^e first viage had [101]not been made, for the ground was now all covered with snow, & hard frozen. But the Lord is never wanting unto his in their greatest needs; let his holy name have all y^e praise.

The month of November being spente in these affairs, & much foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desem^r: they sente out their shallop againe with 10. of their principall men, & some sea men, upon further discovery, intending to circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd. The weather was very could, & it frose so hard as y^e sprea of y^e sea lighting on their coats, they were as if they had been glased; yet that night betimes they gott downe into y^e botome of y^e bay, and as they drue nere y^e shore they saw some 10. or 12. Indeans very busie aboute some thing. They landed aboute a league or 2. from them, and had much a doe to put a shore any wher, it lay so full of flats. Being landed, it grew late, and they made them selves a barricade with loggs & bowes as well as they could in y^e time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them to rest, and saw y^e smoake of y^e fire y^e savages made y^t night. When morning was come they devided their company, some to coaste along y^e shore in y^e boate, and the rest marched throw y^e woods to see y^e land, if any fit place might be for their dwelling. They came allso to y^e place wher they saw the Indans y^e night before, & found they had been cuting up a great fish like a grampus, being some 2. inches thike of [102]fate like a hogg, some peeces wher of they had left by y^e way; and y^e shallop found 2. more of these fishes dead on y^e sands, a thing usuall after storms in y^t place, by reason of y^e great flats of sand that lye of. So they ranged up and doune all y^t day, but found no people, nor any place they liked. When y^e sune grue low, they hasted out of y^e woods to meete with their shallop, to whom they made signes to come to them into a creeke hardby, the which they did at highwater; of which they were very glad, for they had not seen each other all y^t day, since y^e morning. So they made them a barricado (as usually they did every night) with loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, y^e height of a man, leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter them from y^e could & wind (making their fire in y^e midle, & lying round aboute it), and partly to defend them from any sudden assaults of y^e savags, if they should surround them. So being very weary, they betooke them to rest. But aboute midnight, [51] they heard a hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled, "Arme, arme"; so they bestired them & stood to their armes, & shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the noys seased. They concluded it was a companie of wolves, or such like willd beasts; for one of y^e sea men tould them he had often heard shuch a noyse in New-found land. So they rested till about 5. of y^e clock in the morning; for y^e tide, & ther purposs to goe from thence, made them be stiring betimes. So [103]after praier they prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be carring things downe to y^e boate. But some said it was not best to carrie y^e armes downe, others said they would be the readier, for they had laped them up in their coats from y^e dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary theirs till they wente them selves, yet as it fell out, y^e water being not high enough, they layed them downe on y^e banke side, & came up to breakfast. But presently, all on y^e sudain, they heard a great & strange crie, which they knew to be the same voyces they heard in y^e night, though they varied their notes, & one of their company being abroad came runing in, & cried, "Men, Indeans, Indeans"; and w^thall, their arowes came flying amongst them. Their men rane with all speed to recover their armes, as by y^e good providence of God they did. In y^e mean time, of those that were ther ready, tow muskets were discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in y^e enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded not to shoote till they could take full aime at them; & y^e other 2. charged againe with all speed, for ther were only 4. had armes ther, & defended y^e baricado which was first assalted. The crie of y^e Indeans was dreadfull, espetially when they saw ther men rune out of y^e randevoue towourds y^e shallop, to recover their armes, the Indeans wheeling aboute upon them. But some run̅ing out with coats of malle on, & cutlasses [104]in their hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye amongs them, and quickly stopped their violence. Yet ther was a lustie man, and no less valiante, stood behind a tree within halfe a musket shot, and let his arrows flie at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes, which were all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a musket, till one taking full aime at him, and made y^e barke or splinters of y^e tree fly about his ears, after which he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away they wente all of them. They left some to keep y^e shalop, and followed them aboute a quarter of a mille, and shouted once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces, & so returned. This they did, that they might conceive that they were not [52] affrade of them or any way discouraged. Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enimies, and give them deliverance; and by his spetiall providence so to dispose that not any one of them were either hurte, or hitt, though their arrows came close by them, & on every side them, and sundry of their coats, which hunge up in y^e barricado, were shot throw & throw. Aterwards they gave God sollamne thanks & praise for their deliverance, & gathered up a bundle of their arrows, & sente them into England afterward by y^e m^r. of y^e ship, and called that place y^e first encounter. From hence they departed, & costed all along, but discerned no place likly for harbor; & therfore hasted to a place that their pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had [105]bine in y^e cuntrie before) did assure them was a good harbor, which he had been in, and they might fetch it before night; of which they were glad, for it begane to be foule weather. After some houres sailing, it begane to snow & raine, & about y^e midle of y^e afternoone, y^e wind increased, & y^e sea became very rough, and they broake their rudder, & it was as much as 2. men could doe to steere her with a cupple of oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere, for he saw y^e harbor; but y^e storme increasing, & night drawing on, they bore what saile they could to gett in, while they could see. But herwith they broake their mast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over bord, in a very grown sea, so as they had like to have been cast away; yet by Gods mercie they recovered them selves, & having y^e floud with them, struck into y^e harbore. But when it came too, y^e pillott was deceived in y^e place, and said, y^e Lord be mercifull unto them, for his eys never saw y^t place before; & he & the m^r. mate would have rune her ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before y^e winde. But a lusty seaman which steered, bad those which rowed, if they were men, about with her, or ells they were all cast away; the which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheere & row lustly, for ther was a faire sound before them, & he doubted not but they should find one place or other wher they might ride in saftie. And though it was very darke, [106]and rained sore, yet in y^e end they gott under y^e lee of a smalle iland, and remained ther all y^t night in saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till morning, but were devided in their minds; some would keepe y^e boate for fear they might be amongst y^e Indians; others were so weake and could, they could not endure, but got a shore, & with much adoe got fire, (all things being so wett,) and y^e rest were glad to come to them; for after midnight y^e wind shifted to the [53] north-west, & it frose hard. But though this had been a day & night of much trouble & danger unto them, yet God gave them a morning of comforte & refreshing (as usually he doth to his children), for y^e next day was a faire sunshinīg day, and they found them sellvs to be on an iland secure from y^e Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their peeces, & rest them selves, and gave God thanks for his mercies, in their manifould deliverances. And this being the last day of y^e weeke, they prepared ther to keepe y^e Sabath. On Munday they sounded y^e harbor, and founde it fitt for shipping; and marched into y^e land, & found diverse cornfeilds, & litle runing brooks, a place (as they supposed) fitt for situation; at least it was y^e best they could find, and y^e season, & their presente necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it. So they returned to their shipp againe with this news to y^e rest of their people, which did much comforte their harts. [107]

On y^e 15. of Desem^r: they wayed anchor to goe to y^e place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues of it, but were faine to bear up againe; but y^e 16. day y^e winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this harbor. And after wards tooke better view of y^e place, and resolved wher to pitch their dwelling; and y^e 25. day begane to erecte y^e first house for com̅one use to receive them and their goods.

[109]

The rest of this History (if God give me life, & opportunitie) I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way of annalls, noteing only the heads of principall things, and passages as they fell in order of time, and may seeme to be profitable to know, or to make use of. And this may be as y^e 2. Booke.

The remainder of An^o: 1620.

I shall a litle returne backe and begine with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being y^e first foundation of their govermente in this place; occasioned partly by y^e discontented & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them had let fall from them in y^e ship—That when they came a shore they would use their owne libertie; for none had power to com̅and them, the patente they had being for Virginia, and not for New-england, which belonged to an other Goverment, with which y^e Virginia Company had nothing to doe. And partly that shuch an [54] acte by them done (this their condition considered) might be as firme as any patent, and in some respects more sure.

The forme was as followeth. [110]

After this they chose, or rather confirmed, M^r. John Carver (a man godly & well approved amongst them) their Governour for that year. And after they had provided a place for their goods, or comone store, (which were long in unlading for want of boats, foulnes of winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,) and begune some small cottages for their habitation, as time would admitte, they mette and consulted of lawes & orders, both for their civill & military Govermente, as y^e necessitie of their condition did require, still adding therunto as urgent occasion in severall times, and as cases did require. [111]

In these hard & difficulte beginings they found some discontents & murmurings arise amongst some, and mutinous speeches & carriags in other; but they were soone quelled & overcome by y^e wisdome, patience, and just & equall carrage of things by y^e Gov^r and better part, w^ch clave faithfully togeather in y^e maine. But that which was most sadd & lamentable was, that in 2. or 3. moneths time halfe of their company dyed, espetialy in Jan: & February, being y^e depth of winter, and wanting houses & other comforts; being infected with y^e scurvie & [55] other diseases, which this long vioage & their inacomodate condition had brought upon them; so as ther dyed some times 2. or 3. of a day, in y^e foresaid time; that of 100. & odd persons, scarce 50. remained. And of these in y^e time of most distres, ther was but 6. or 7. sound persons, who, to their great comendations be it spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but with abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne health, fetched them woode, made them fires, drest them meat, made their beads, washed their lothsome cloaths, cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did all y^e homly & necessarie offices for them w^ch dainty & quesie stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and all this willingly & cherfully, without any grudging in y^e least, shewing herein their true love unto their freinds & bretheren. A rare example & worthy to [112]be remembred. Tow of these 7. were M^r. William Brewster, ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther Captein & military comander, unto whom my selfe, & many others, were much beholden in our low & sicke condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these persons, as in this generall calamity they were not at all infected either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what I have said of these, I may say of many others who dyed in this generall vissitation, & others yet living, that whilst they had health, yea, or any strength continuing, they were not wanting to any that had need of them. And I doute not but their recompence is with y^e Lord.

But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable passage not to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell among y^e passengers that were to be left here to plant, and were hasted a shore and made to drinke water, that y^e sea-men might have y^e more bear, and one[AK] in his sicknes desiring but a small cann of beere, it was answered, that if he were their owne father he should have none; the disease begane to fall amongst them also, so as allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away, and many of their officers and lustyest men, as y^e boatson, gunner, 3. quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others. At w^ch y^e m^r. was something strucken and sent to y^e sick a shore and tould y^e Gov^r he should send for beer for [113]them that had need of it, though he drunke water homward bound. But now amongst his company [56] ther was farr another kind of carriage in this miserie then amongst y^e passengers; for they that before had been boone companions in drinking & joyllity in y^e time of their health & wellfare, begane now to deserte one another in this calamitie, saing they would not hasard ther lives for them, they should be infected by coming to help them in their cabins, and so, after they came to dye by it, would doe litle or nothing for them, but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch of y^e passengers as were yet abord shewed them what mercy they could, w^ch made some of their harts relente, as y^e boatson (& some others), who was a prowd yonge man, and would often curse & scofe at y^e passengers; but when he grew weak, they had compassion on him and helped him; then he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, he had abused them in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I now see, shew your love like Christians indeed one to another, but we let one another lye & dye like doggs. Another lay cursing his wife, saing if it had not ben for her he had never come this unlucky viage, and anone cursing his felows, saing he had done this & that, for some of them, he had spente so much, & so much, amongst them, and they were now weary of him, and did not help him, having need. Another gave his companion all he had, if he died, to help [114]him in his weaknes; he went and got a litle spise & made him a mess of meat once or twise, and because he dyed not so soone as he expected, he went amongst his fellows, & swore y^e rogue would cousen him, he would see him choaked before he made him any more meate; and yet y^e pore fellow dyed before morning.

All this while y^e Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but when any aproached near them, they would rune away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at worke, & were gone to diner. But about y^e 16. of March a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to y^e eastrene parts, wher some English-ships came to fhish, with whom he was aquainted, & could name sundrie of them by their names, amongst whom he had gott his language. He became proftable to them [57] in aquainting them with many things concerning y^e state of y^e cuntry in y^e east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of y^e people hear, of their names, number, & strength; of their situation & distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name was Samaset; he tould them also of another Indian whos name was [115]Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England & could speake better English then him selfe. Being, after some time of entertainmente & gifts, dismist, a while after he came againe, & 5. more with him, & they brought againe all y^e tooles that were stolen away before, and made way for y^e coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4. or 5. days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds & other attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after frendly entertainment, & some gifts given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24. years) in these terms.

1. That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any of their peopl.

2. That if any of his did any hurte to any of theirs, he should send y^e offender, that they might punish him.

3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored; and they should doe y^e like to his.

4. If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aide him; if any did warr against them, he should aide them.

5. He should send to his neighbours confederats, to certifie them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in y^e conditions of peace.

6. That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows & arrows behind them. [116]

After these things he returned to his place caled Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter, and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a native [58] of this place, & scarce any left alive besids him selfe. He was caried away with diverce others by one Hunt, a m^r. of a ship, who thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England, and was entertained by a marchante in London, & imployed to New-foundland & other parts, & lastly brought hither into these parts by one M^r. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sr. Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other designes in these parts. Of whom I shall say some thing, because it is mentioned in a booke set forth An^o: 1622. by the Presidente & Counsell for New-England,[AL] that he made y^e peace betweene y^e salvages of these parts & y^e English; of which this plantation, as it is intimated, had y^e benefite. But what a peace it was, may apeare by what befell him & his men.

This M^r. Dermer was hear the same year that these [117]people came, as apears by a relation written by him, & given me by a friend, bearing date June 30. An^o: 1620. And they came in Novemb^r: following, so ther was but 4. months differance. In which relation to his honored freind, he hath these passages of this very place.

But above all he comends Pacanawkite for y^e richest soyle, and much open ground fitt for English graine, &c. [118]

With sundrie shuch relations which I forbear to transcribe, being now better knowne then they were to him.

He was taken prisoner by y^e Indeans at Manamoiak (a place not farr from hence, now well knowne). He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, but when they had gott what they desired, they kept him still & indevored to kill his men; but he was freed by seasing on some of them, and kept them bound till they gave him a cannows load of corne. Of which, see Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was An^o: 1619.

After y^e writing of y^e former relation he came to y^e Ile of Capawack (which lyes south of this place in y^e way to Virginia), and y^e foresaid Squanto w^th him, wher he going a shore amongst y^e Indans to trad, as he used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by them, & all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat; but him selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they had cut of his head upon y^e cudy of his boat, had not y^e man reskued him with a sword. And so they got away, & made shift to gett into Virginia, wher he dyed; whether of his wounds or y^e diseases of y^e cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine. [60] By all which it may appeare how farr these people were [119]from peace, and with what danger this plantation was begune, save as y^e powerfull hand of the Lord did protect them. These things[AM] were partly the reason why they kept aloofe & were so long before they came to the English. An other reason (as after them selvs made know̅) was how aboute 3. years before, a French-ship was cast away at Cap-Codd, but y^e men gott ashore, & saved their lives, and much of their victails, & other goods; but after y^e Indeans heard of it, they geathered togeather from these parts, and never left watching & dogging them till they got advantage, and kild them all but 3. or 4. which they kept, & sent from one Sachem to another, to make sporte with, and used them worse then slaves; (of which y^e foresaid M^r. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;) and they conceived this ship was now come to revenge it.

Also, (as after was made knowne,) before they came to y^e English to make freindship, they gott all the Powachs of y^e cuntrie, for 3. days togeather, in a horid and divellish maner to curse & execrate them with their cunjurations, which asembly & service they held in a darke & dismale swampe.

But to returne. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the mortalitie begane to cease amongst them, and y^e sick and lame recovered apace, which put as it were new life into them; though they had [120]borne their sadd affliction with much patience & contentednes, as I thinke any people could doe. But it was y^e Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand prepared them; many having long borne y^e yoake, yea from their youth. Many other smaler maters I omite, sundrie of them having been allready published in a Jurnall made by one of the company; and some other passages of jurneys and relations allredy published, to which I referr those that are willing to know them more perticulerly. And being now come to y^e 25. of March I shall begine y^e year 1621.

[61] Anno. 1621.

They now begane to dispatch y^e ship away which brought them over, which lay tille aboute this time, or y^e begining of Aprill. The reason on their parts why she stayed so long, was y^e necessitie and danger that lay upon them, for it was well towards y^e ende of Desember before she could land any thing hear, or they able to receive any thing ashore. Afterwards, y^e 14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a generall randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire abord for shilter. Then the sicknes begane to fall sore amongst them, and y^e weather so bad as they could not make much sooner any dispatch. Againe, the Gov^r & cheefe of them, seeing so many dye, and fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the ship, their condition considered, and [121]y^e danger they stood in from y^e Indeans, till they could procure some shelter; and therfore thought it better to draw some more charge upon them selves & freinds, then hazard all. The m^r. and sea-men likewise, though before they hasted y^e passengers a shore to be goone, now many of their men being dead, & of y^e ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of y^e rest many lay sick & weake, y^e m^r. durst not put to sea, till he saw his men begine to recover, and y^e hart of winter over.

Afterwards they (as many as were able) began to plant ther corne, in which servise Squanto stood them in great stead, showing them both y^e maner how to set it, and after how to dress & tend it. Also he tould them excepte they gott fish & set with it (in these old grounds) it would come to nothing, and he showed them y^t in y^e midle of Aprill they should have store enough come up y^e brooke, by which they begane to build, and taught them how to take it, and wher to get other provissions necessary for them; all which they found true by triall & experience. Some English seed they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came not to good, eather by y^e badnes of y^e seed, or latenes of y^e season, or both, or some other defecte.

[62] In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie about their seed, their Gov^r (M^r. John Carver) came out of y^e feild very sick, it being a hott day; he complained greatly of his head, and lay downe, and [122]within a few howers his sences failed, so as he never spake more till he dyed, which was within a few days after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused great heavines amongst them, as ther was cause. He was buried in y^e best maner they could, with some vollies of shott by all that bore armes; and his wife, being a weak woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after him.

Shortly after William Bradford was chosen Gove^r in his stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes, in which he had been near y^e point of death, Isaak Allerton was chosen to be an Asistante unto him, who, by renewed election every year, continued sundry years togeather, which I hear note once for all.

May 12. was y^e first mariage in this place, which, according to y^e laudable custome of the Low-Cuntries, in which they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their cognizans, and most consonante to y^e scripturs, Ruth 4. and no wher found in y^e gospell to be layed on y^e ministers as a part of their office. "This decree or law about mariage was published by y^e Stats of y^e Low-Cuntries An^o: 1590. That those of any religion, after lawfull and open publication, coming before y^e magistrats, in y^e Town or Stat-house, were to be orderly (by them) maried one to another." Petets [123]Hist, fol: 1029. And this practiss hath continued amongst, not only them, but hath been followed by all y^e famous churches of Christ in these parts to this time,—An^o: 1646.

Haveing in some sorte ordered their bussines at home, it was thought meete to send some abroad to see their new friend Massasoyet, and to bestow upon him some gratuitie to bind him y^e faster unto them; as also that hearby they might veiw y^e countrie, and see in what maner he lived, what strength he had aboute him, and how y^e ways were to his place, if at any time they should have occasion. So y^e 2. of July they sente M^r. Edward Winslow & M^r. Hopkins, with y^e foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him a suite of cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some other small things, which were kindly accepted; but they found but short com̅ons, and came both weary & hungrie home. For y^e Indeans used then to have nothing [63] so much corne as they have since y^e English have stored them with their hows, and seene their industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith. They found his place to be 40. miles from hence, y^e soyle good, & y^e people not many, being dead & abundantly wasted in y^e late great mortalitie which fell in all these parts aboute three years before y^e coming of y^e English, wherin thousands of them dyed, they not being able to burie one another; ther sculs and bones were found in many places lying still above [124]ground, where their houses & dwellings had been; a very sad spectackle to behould. But they brought word that y^e Narighansets lived but on y^e other side of that great bay, & were a strong people, & many in number, living compacte togeather, & had not been at all touched with this wasting plague.

Aboute y^e later end of this month, one John Billington lost him selfe in y^e woods, & wandered up & downe some 5. days, living on beries & what he could find. At length he light on an Indean plantation, 20. mils south of this place, called Manamet, they conveid him furder of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had before set upon y^e English when they were costing, whilest y^e ship lay at y^e Cape, as is before noted. But y^e Gove^r caused him to be enquired for among y^e Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher he was, and y^e Gove^r sent a shalop for him, & had him delivered. Those people also came and made their peace; and they gave full satisfaction to those whose come they had found & taken when they were at Cap-Codd.

Thus ther peace & aquaintance was prety well establisht w^th the natives aboute them; and ther was an other Indean called Hobamack come to live amongst them, a proper lustie man, and a man of accounte for his vallour & parts amongst y^e Indeans, and continued very faithfull and constant to y^e English till he dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon bussines [125]amonge y^e Indeans, at their returne (whether it was out of envie to them or malice to the English) ther was a Sachem called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte, but never any good friend to y^e English to this day, mett with them at an Indean towne caled Namassakett 14. miles to y^e west of this place, and begane to quarell w^th [64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack; but being a lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him, and came run̅ing away all sweating and tould y^e Gov^r what had befalne him, and he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them both, and for no other cause but because they were freinds to y^e English, and servisable unto them. Upon this y^e Gove^r taking counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne; for if they should suffer their freinds & messengers thus to be wronged, they should have none would cleave unto them, or give them any inteligence, or doe them serviss afterwards; but nexte they would fall upon them selves. Whereupon it was resolved to send y^e Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe & fall upon them in y^e night; and if they found that Squanto was kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not to hurt any but those that had a hand in it. Hobamack was asked if he would goe & be their guid, & bring them ther before day. He said he would, & bring them to y^e house wher the man lay, and show them which was he. So they set forth y^e 14. of August, and beset y^e house round; the Captin giving [126]charg to let none pass out, entred y^e house to search for him. But he was goone away that day, so they mist him; but understood y^t Squanto was alive, & that he had only threatened to kill him, & made an offer to stabe him but did not. So they withheld and did no more hurte, & y^e people came trembling, & brought them the best provissions they had, after they were aquainted by Hobamack what was only intended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out of y^e house, and asaid to pass through y^e garde. These they brought home with them, & they had their wounds drest & cured, and sente home. After this they had many gratulations from diverce sachims, and much firmer peace; yea, those of y^e Iles of Capawack sent to make frendship; and this Corbitant him selfe used y^e mediation of Massassoyte to make his peace, but was shie to come neare them a longe while after.

After this, y^e 18. of Septemb^r: they sente out ther shalop to the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto for their guid and [65] interpreter, to discover and veiw that bay, and trade with y^e natives; the which they performed, and found kind entertainement. The people were much affraid of y^e Tarentins, a people to y^e eastward which used to come in harvest time and take away their corne, & many times kill their persons. They returned in saftie, and brought home a good quanty of beaver, and made reporte of y^e place, wishing [127]they had been ther seated; (but it seems y^e Lord, who assignes to all men y^e bounds of their habitations, had apoynted it for an other use). And thus they found the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to blesse their outgoings & incom̅ings, for which let his holy name have y^e praise for ever, to all posteritie.

They begane now to gather in y^e small harvest they had, and to fitte up their houses and dwellings against winter, being all well recovered in health & strenght, and had all things in good plenty; for as some were thus imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised in fishing, aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which y^ey tooke good store, of which every family had their portion. All y^e som̅er ther was no wante. And now begane to come in store of foule, as winter aproached, of which this place did abound when they came first (but afterward decreased by degrees). And besids water foule, ther was great store of wild Turkies, of which they tooke many, besids venison, &c. Besids they had aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person, or now since harvest, Indean corne to y^t proportion. Which made many afterwards write so largly of their plenty hear to their freinds in England, which were not fained, but true reports.

In Novemb^r, about y^e time twelfe month that them selves came, ther came in a small ship to them unexpected or loked for,[AN] in which came Mr. Cushman (so [128]much spoken of before) and with him 35. persons to remaine & live in y^e plantation; which did not a litle rejoyce them. And they when they came a shore and found all well, and saw plenty of vitails in every house, were no less glade. For most of them were lusty yonge men, and many of them wild enough, who litle considered whither or aboute what they wente, till they came into y^e harbore at Cap-Codd, and ther saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then begane to thinke what should become of them, if the people here were dead or cut of by y^e Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches that some of y^e sea-men had cast out) to take y^e sayls from y^e yeard least y^e ship [66] should gett away and leave them ther. But y^e m^r. hereing of it, gave them good words, and tould them if any thing but well should have befallne y^e people hear, he hoped he had vitails enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bitt they should have their parte; which gave them good satisfaction. So they were all landed; but ther was not so much as bisket-cake or any other victialls[AO] for them, neither had they any beding, but some sory things they had in their cabins, nor pot, nor pan, to drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths, for many of them had brusht away their coats & cloaks at Plimoth as they came. But ther was sent over some burching-lane suits in y^e ship, out of which they were [129]supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition of strenght, but could have wished that many of them had been of beter condition, and all of them beter furnished with provissions; but y^t could not now be helpte.

In this ship M^r. Weston sent a large leter to M^r. Carver, y^e late Gove^r, now deseased, full of complaints & expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton; and y^e keeping y^e shipe so long in y^e country, and returning her without lading, &c., which for brevitie I omite. The rest is as followeth.

This ship (caled y^e Fortune) was speedily dispatcht away, being laden with good clapbord as full as she could stowe, and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they gott with a few trifling comodities brought with them at first, being alltogeather unprovided for trade; neither was ther any amongst them that ever saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and were informed by Squanto. The fraight was estimated to be worth near 500^li. M^r. Cushman returned backe also with this ship, for so Mr. Weston & y^e rest had apoynted him, for their better information. And he doubted not, nor them selves neither, but they should have a speedy supply; considering allso how by M^r. Cushmans perswation, and letters received from Leyden, wherin they willed them so to doe, they yeelded[AP] to y^e afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with [131]their hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr. Weston, who had made y^e large promise in his leter, (as is before noted,) that if all y^e rest should fall of, yet he would never quit y^e bussines, but stick to them, if they yeelded to y^e conditions, and sente some lading in y^e ship; and of this M^r. Cushman was confident, and confirmed y^e same from his mouth, & serious protestations to him selfe before he came. But all proved but wind, for he was y^e first and only man that forsooke them, and that before he so much as heard of y^e returne of this ship, or knew what was done; (so vaine is the confidence in man.) But of this more in its place.

A leter in answer to his write to M^r. Carver, was sente to him from y^e Gov^r, of which so much as is pertenente to y^e thing in hand I shall hear inserte.

The rest of y^e letter declared how they had subscribed those conditions according to his desire, and sente him y^e former accounts very perticulerly; also how y^e ship was laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that y^e coming of these [69] people would bring famine upon them unavoydably, if they [133]had not supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more fully informe him & y^e rest of y^e adventurers). Also that seeing he was now satisfied in all his demands, that offences would be forgoten, and he remember his promise, &c.

After y^e departure of this ship, (which stayed not above 14. days,) the Gove^r & his assistante haveing disposed these late com̅ers into severall families, as y^ey best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their provissions in store, and proportioned y^e same to y^e number of persons, and found that it would not hould out above 6. months at halfe alowance, and hardly that. And they could not well give less this winter time till fish came in againe. So they were presently put to half alowance, one as well as an other, which begane to be hard, but they bore it patiently under hope of supply.

Sone after this ships departure, y^e great people of y^e Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger unto them with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with a great sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould them was a threatening & a chaleng. Upon which y^e Gov^r, with y^e advice of others, sente them a round answere, that if they had rather have warre then peace, they might begine when they would; they had done them no wrong, neither did y^ey fear them, or should they find them unprovided. And by another messenger sente y^e sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they [134]would not receive it, but sent it back againe. But these things I doe but mention, because they are more at large allready put forth in printe, by M^r. Winslow, at y^e requeste of some freinds. And it is like y^e reason was their owne ambition, who, (since y^e death of so many of y^e Indeans,) thought to dominire & lord it over y^e rest, & conceived y^e English would be a barr in their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheilter allready under their wings.

But this made them y^e more carefully to looke to them selves, so as they agreed to inclose their dwellings with a good strong pale, and make flankers in convenient places, with gates to shute, which were every night locked, and a watch kept, and when neede required ther was also warding in y^e day time. And y^e company was by y^e Captaine and y^e Gov^r [70] advise, devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had ther quarter apoynted them, unto which they were to repaire upon any suddane alarme. And if ther should be any crie of fire, a company were appointed for a gard, with muskets, whilst others quenchet y^e same, to prevent Indean treachery. This was accomplished very cherfully, and y^e towne impayled round by y^e begining of March, in which evry family had a prety garden plote secured. And herewith I shall end this year. Only I shall remember one passage more, rather of mirth then of waight. One y^e day called Chrismasday, y^e Gov^r caled them out to worke, (as was used,) [135]but y^e most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against their consciences to work on y^t day. So y^e Gov^r tould them that if they made it mater of conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So he led-away y^e rest and left them; but when they came home at noone from their worke, he found them in y^e streete at play, openly; some pitching y^e barr, & some at stoole-ball, and shuch like sports. So he went to them, and tooke away their implements, and tould them that was against his conscience, that they should play & others worke. If they made y^e keeping of it mater of devotion, let them kepe their houses, but ther should be no gameing or revelling in y^e streets. Since which time nothing hath been atempted that way, at least openly.

Anno 1622.

At y^e spring of y^e year they had apointed y^e Massachusets to come againe and trade with them, and begane now to prepare for that vioag about y^e later end of March. But upon some rumors heard, Hobamak, their Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had, he feared they were joyned w^th y^e Narighansets and might betray them if they were not carefull. He intimated also some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gathered from some private whisperings betweene him and other Indeans. But [71] they resolved to proseede, and sente out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe [136]men aboute y^e begining of Aprill, and both Squanto & Hobamake with them, in regarde of y^e jelocie betweene them. But they had not bene gone longe, but an Indean belonging to Squantos family came runing in seeming great fear, and tould them that many of y^e Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought also Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he gott away to tell them, not without danger. And being examined by y^e Gov^r, he made as if they were at hand, and would still be looking back, as if they were at his heels. At which the Governor caused them to take armes & stand on their garde, and supposing y^e boat to be still within hearing (by reason it was calme) caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote of, the which y^ey heard and came in. But no Indeans apeared; watch was kepte all night, but nothing was scene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and thought all was false; yet y^e Gov^r caused him to send his wife privatly, to see what she could observe (pretening other occasions), but ther was nothing found, but all was quiet. After this they proseeded on their vioge to y^e Massachusets, and had good trade, and returned in saftie, blessed be God.

But by the former passages, and other things of like nature, they begane to see y^t Squanto sought his owne ends, and plaid his owne game, by putting y^e Indeans in fear, and drawing gifts from them to enrich him selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up [137]warr against whom he would, & make peece for whom he would. Yea, he made them beleeve they kept y^e plague buried in y^e ground, and could send it amongs whom they would, which did much terrifie the Indeans, and made them depend more on him, and seeke more to him then to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie, and had like to have cost him his life. For after y^e discovery of his practises, Massasoyt sought it both privatly and openly; which caused him to stick close to y^e English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed. They also made good use of y^e emulation y^t grue betweene Hobamack and him, which made them cary more squarely. And y^e Gov^r seemed to countenance y^e one, and y^e Captaine y^e other, by which they had better intelligence, and made them both more diligente.

[72] Now in a maner their provissions were wholy spent, and they looked hard for supply, but none came. But about y^e later end of May, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought had beene some Frenchman; but it proved a shalop which came from a ship which M^r. Weston & an other had set out a fishing, at a place called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to y^e eastward of them, wher were y^t year many more ships come a fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers and some letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any. Some part of which I shall set downe.

Sundry other things I pass over, being tedious & impertinent.

All this was but could comfort to fill their hungrie bellies, and a slender performance of his former late promiss; and as litle did it either fill or warme them, as those y^e Apostle James spake of, by him before mentioned. And well might it make them remember what y^e psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa. [140]146. Put not you trust in princes (much less in y^e marchants) nor in y^e sone of man, for ther is no help in them. v. 5. Blesed is he that hath y^e God of Jacob for his help, whose hope is in y^e Lord his God. And as they were now fayled of suply by him and others in this their greatest neede and wants, which was caused by him and y^e rest, who put so great a company of men upon them, as y^e former company were, without any food, and came at shuch a time as they must live almost a whole year before any could [74] be raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon y^e pointe they never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord gave them otherwise); for all y^e company sent at any time was allways too short for those people y^t came with it.

Ther came allso by y^e same ship other leters, but of later date, one from M^r. Weston, an other from a parte of y^e adventurers, as foloweth.

Another leter was write from part of y^e company of y^e adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with 9. of their names, wherof M^r. Westons & M^r. Beachamphs were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto them, seeing this unconstancie & shufling; it made them to thinke ther was some misterie in y^e matter. And therfore y^e Gov^r concealed these letters from y^e publick, only imparted them to some trustie freinds for advice, who concluded with him, that this tended to disband & scater them (in regard of their straits); and if M^r. Weston & others, who seemed to rune in a perticuler way, should come over with shiping so provided as his letters did intimate, they most would fall to him, to y^e prejudice of them selves & y^e rest of the adventurers,[AS] their freinds, from whom as yet they heard nothing. And it was doubted whether he [142]had not sente [75] over shuch a company in y^e former ship, for shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion of those 7. men which this ship, which fished to y^e eastward, had kept till planting time was over, and so could set no corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for y^ey turned them off w^thout any, and indeed wanted for them selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as y^ey could not performe any of those things which M^r. Weston had apointed, and might have starved if y^e plantation had not succoured them; who, in their wants, gave them as good as any of their owne. The ship wente to Virginia, wher they sould both ship & fish, of which (it was conceived) M^r. Weston had a very slender accounte.

After this came another of his ships, and brought letters dated y^e 10. of Aprill, from M^r. Weston, as followeth.

[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of M^r. Weston were layed in y^e dust, and all his promised helpe turned into an empttie advice, which they apprehended was nether lawfull nor profitable for them to follow. And they were not only thus left destitute of help in their extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any thing to trade with, but others prepared & ready to glean up what y^e cuntrie might have afforded for their releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions intimated in y^e former and following leters, they desired to judg as charitably and wisly of them as they could, waighing them in y^e ballance of love and reason; and though they (in parte) came from godly & loveing freinds, yet they conceived many things might arise from over deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with unmeete provocations, though they well saw M^r. Weston pursued his owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite. [147]For after the receit of y^e former leters, the Gov^r received one from M^r. Cushman, who went home in y^e ship, and was allway intimate with M^r. Weston, (as former passages declare), and it was much marveled that nothing was heard from him, all this while. But it should seeme it was y^e difficulty of sending, for this leter was directed as y^e leter of a wife to her husband, who was here, and brought by him to y^e Gov^r. It was as followeth.

On y^e other sid of y^e leafe, in y^e same leter, came these few lines from M^r. John Peirce, in whose name the patente was taken, and of whom more will follow, to be spoken in its place.

All these things they pondred and well considered, yet concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente; partly in regard of M^r. Weston him selfe, considering what he had been unto them, & done for them, & to some, more espetially; and partly in compassion to y^e people, who were now come into a willdernes, (as them selves were,) and were by y^e ship to be presently put a shore, (for she was to cary other passengers to Virginia, who lay at great charge,) and they were alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to doe. So as they had received his former company of 7. men, and vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so they also received these (being aboute 60. lusty men), and gave [79] housing for them selves and their goods; and many being sicke, they had y^e best means y^e place could aford them. They stayed hear y^e most parte of y^e som̅er till y^e ship came back againe from Virginia. Then, by his direction, or those whom he set over them, they removed into y^e Massachusset Bay, he having got a patente for some part ther, (by light of ther former discovery in leters sent home). Yet they left all ther sicke folke hear till they were setled and housed. But of ther victails they had not [150]any, though they were in great wante, nor any thing els in recompence of any courtecie done them; neither did they desire it, for they saw they were an unruly company, and had no good govermente over them, and by disorder would soone fall into wants if M^r. Weston came not y^e sooner amongst them; and therfore, to prevente all after occasion, would have nothing of them.

Amids these streigths, and y^e desertion of those from whom they had hoped for supply, and when famine begane now to pinch them sore, they not knowing what to doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) presents them with an occasion, beyond all expectation. This boat which came from y^e eastward brought them a letter from a stranger, of whose name they had never heard before, being a captaine of a ship come ther a fishing. This leter was as followeth. Being thus inscribed.

By this boat y^e Gov^r returned a thankfull answer, as was meete, and sent a boate of their owne with them, which was piloted by them, in which M^r. Winslow was sente to procure what provissions he could of y^e ships, who was kindly received by y^e foresaid gentill-man, who not only spared what he [90[AW]] could, but writ to others to doe y^e like. By which means he gott some good quantitie and returned in saftie, by which y^e plantation had a duble benefite, first, a present refreshing by y^e food brought, and secondly, they knew y^e way to those parts for their benifite hearafter. But what was gott, & this small boat brought, being devided among so many, came but to a litle, yet by Gods blesing it upheld them till harvest. It arose but to a quarter of a pound of bread a day to each person; and y^e Gov^r caused it to be dayly given them, otherwise, had it been in their owne custody, they would have eate it up & then starved. But thus, with what els they could get, they made pretie shift till corne was ripe.

[152]

This som̅er they builte a fort with good timber, both strong & comly, which was of good defence, made with a flate rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance were mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch, espetially in time of danger. It served them allso for a meeting house, and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes and time of wants; but y^e deanger of y^e time required it, and both y^e continuall rumors of y^e fears from y^e Indeans hear, espetially y^e Narigansets, and also y^e hearing of that great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing to despatch y^e same.

Now y^e wellcome time of harvest aproached, in which all had their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle, in comparison of a full years supplie; partly by reason they were not yet well aquainted with y^e man̅er of Indean corne, (and they had no other,) allso their many other imployments, but cheefly their weaknes for wante of food, to tend it as they should have done. Also much was stolne both by night & day, before it became scarce eatable, & much more afterward. And though many were well whipt (when they were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet hunger made others (whom conscience did not restraine) to venture. So as it well appeared y^e famine must still insue y^e next year allso, if not some way prevented, or supplie should faile, to which they durst not trust. Markets there was none to goe too, but [153]only y^e Indeans, and they had no trading comodities. Behold now another providence of God; a ship comes into y^e [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe therin. They were set out by some marchants to discovere all y^e harbors betweene this & Virginia, and y^e shoulds of Cap-Cod, and to trade along y^e coast wher they could. This ship had store of English-beads (which were then good trade) and some knives, but would sell none but at dear rates, and also a good quantie togeather. Yet they weere glad of y^e occasion, and faine to buy at any rate; they were faine to give after y^e rate of cento per cento, if not more, and yet pay away coat-beaver at 3^s. per^li, which in a few years after yeelded 20^s. By this means they were fitted againe to trade for beaver & other things, and intended to buy what corne they could.

But I will hear take liberty to make a litle digression. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by name M^r. John Poory; he had been secretarie in Virginia, and was now going home passenger in this ship. After his departure he write a leter to y^e Gov^r in the postscrite wherof he hath these lines.

These things I hear inserte for honour sake of y^e authors memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus ingeniusly acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne did this poore-plantation much credite amongst those of no mean ranck. But to returne.

[92] Shortly after harvest M^r. Westons people who were now seated at y^e Massachusets, and by disorder (as it seems) had made havock of their provissions, begane now to perceive that want would come upon them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading comodities & intended to trade for corne, they write to y^e Gov^r and desired they might joyne with them, and they would imploy their small ship in y^e servise; and furder requested either to lend or sell them so much of their trading comodities as their part might come to, and they would undertake to make paymente when M^r. Weston, or their supply, should come. The Gov^r condesended upon equall terms of agreemente, thinkeing to goe aboute y^e Cap to y^e southward with y^e ship, wher some store of corne might be got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish was [155]apointed to goe with them, and Squanto for a guid & interpreter, about y^e latter end of September; but y^e winds put them in againe, & putting out y^e 2. time, he fell sick of a feavor, so y^e Gov^r wente him selfe. But they could not get aboute y^e should of Cap-Cod, for flats & breakers, neither could Squanto directe them better, nor y^e m^r. durst venture any further, so they put into Manamoyack Bay and got w^t[AX] they could ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of an Indean feavor, bleeding much at y^e nose (which y^e Indeans take for a simptome of death), and within a few days dyed ther; desiring y^e Gov^r to pray for him, that he might goe to y^e Englishmens God in heaven, and bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his English freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom they had a great loss. They got in this vioage, in one place & other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne & beans, which was more then the Indeans could well spare in these parts, for y^e set but a litle till they got English hows. And so were faine to returne, being sory they could not gett about the Cap, to have been better laden. After ward y^e Gov^r tooke a few men & wente to y^e inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch it home at y^e spring, which did help them something.

[93] After these things, in Feb: a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left cheefe over M^r. Weston's men in y^e bay of Massachusets, who brought a [156]letter shewing the great wants they were falen into; and he would have borrowed a ħħ of corne of y^e Indeans, but they would lend him none. He desired advice whether he might not take it from them by force to succore his men till he came from y^e eastward, whither he was going. The Gov^r & rest deswaded him by all means from it, for it might so exasperate the Indeans as might endanger their saftie, and all of us might smart for it; for they had already heard how they had so wronged y^e Indeans by stealing their corne, &c. as they were much incensed against them. Yea, so base were some of their own company, as they wente & tould y^e Indeans y^t their Gov^r was purposed to come and take their corne by force. The which with other things made them enter into a conspiracie against y^e English, of which more in y^e nexte. Hear with I end this year.

Anno Dom: 1623.

It may be thought strang that these people should fall to these extremities in so short a time, being left competently provided when y^e ship left them, and had an addition by that moyetie of corn that was got by trade, besids much they gott of y^e Indans wher they lived, by one means & other. It must needs be their great disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they had, or could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte away among y^e Indeans (for he y^t was their cheef [157]was taxed by some amongst them for keeping Indean women, how truly I know not). And after they begane to come into wants, many sould away their cloathes and bed coverings; others (so base were they) became servants to y^e Indeans, and would cutt them woode & fetch them water, for a cap full of corne; others fell to plaine stealing, both night & day, from y^e Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In y^e end, they came to that misery, that some starved & dyed with could & hunger. One in geathering shell-fish was so weake as he stuck fast in y^e mudd, and was found dead in y^e place. At last most of them left their dwellings & scatered up & downe in y^e [94] woods, & by y^e water sids, wher they could find ground nuts & clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By which their cariages they became contemned & scorned of y^e Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over them in a most insolente maner; insomuch, many times as they lay thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot with ground nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the Indeans would come and eate it up; and when night came, wheras some of them had a sorie blanket, or such like, to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would take it and let y^e other lye all nighte in the could; so as their condition was very lamentable. Yea, in y^e end they were faine to hange one of their men, whom they could not reclaime from stealing, to give y^e Indeans contente.

[158]

Whilst things wente in this maner with them, y^e Gov^r & people hear had notice y^t Massasoyte ther freind was sick & near unto death. They sent to vissete him, and withall sente him such comfortable things as gave him great contente, and was a means of his recovery; upon which occasion he discovers y^e conspiracie of these Indeans, how they were resolved to cutt of M^r. Westons people, for the continuall injuries they did them, & would now take opportunitie of their weaknes to doe it; and for that end had conspired with other Indeans their neighbours their aboute. And thinking the people hear would revenge their death, they therfore thought to doe y^e like by them, & had solisited him to joyne with them. He advised them therfore to prevent it, and that speedly by taking of some of y^e cheefe of them, before it was to late, for he asured them of y^e truth hereof.

This did much trouble them, and they tooke it into serious delibration, and found upon examenation other evidence to give light hear unto, to longe hear to relate. In y^e mean time, came one of them from y^e Massachucets, with a small pack at his back; and though he knew not a foote of y^e way, yet he got safe hither, but lost his way, which was well for him, for he was pursued, and so was mist. He tould them hear how all things stood amongst them, and that he durst stay no longer, he apprehended they (by what he observed) would be all knokt in y^e head shortly. [159]This made them make y^e more hast, & dispatched a boate away w^th Capten Standish & some men, who found them in a miserable condition, out of which he rescued them, and helped them to some releef, cut of some few of y^e cheefe conspirators, and, according to his order, offered to bring them all hither if they thought good; and they should fare no worse then them selves, till M^r. Weston or some supplie came to them. Or, if any other course liked them better, he was to doe them any helpfullnes he could. They thanked him & y^e rest. But most of them desired he would help them with some corne, and they would goe with their smale ship to y^e eastward, wher hapily they might here of M^r. Weston, or some supply from him, seing y^e time of y^e year was for fishing ships to [95] be in y^e land. If not, they would worke among y^e fishermen for their liveing, and get ther passage into England, if they heard nothing from M^r. Weston in time. So they shipped what they had of any worth, and he got them all y^e corne he could (scarce leaving to bring him home), and saw them well out of the bay, under saile at sea, and so came home, not takeing y^e worth of a peny of any thing that was theirs. I have but touched these things breefly, because they have allready been published in printe more at large.

This was y^e end of these that some time bosted of their strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what [160]they would doe & bring to pass, in comparison of y^e people hear, who had many women & children and weak ons amongst them; and said at their first arivall, when they saw the wants hear, that they would take an other course, and not to fall into shuch a condition, as this simple people were come too. But a mans way is not in his owne power; God can make y^e weake to stand; let him also that standeth take heed least he fall.

Shortly after, M^r. Weston came over with some of y^e fishermen, under another name, and y^e disguise of a blacke-smith, were he heard of y^e ruine and disolution of his colony. He got a boat and with a man or 2. came to see how things were. But by y^e way, for wante of skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in y^e botome of y^e bay between Meremek river & Pascataquack, & hardly escaped with life, and afterwards fell into the hands of y^e Indeans, who pillaged him of all he saved from the sea, & striped him out of all his cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to Pascataquack, & borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got means to come to Plimoth. A strang alteration ther was in him to such as had seen & known him in his former florishing condition; so uncertaine are y^e mutable things of this unstable world. And yet men set their harts upon them, though they dayly see y^e vanity therof.

After many passages, and much discourse, (former [161]things boyling in his mind, but bit in as was discernd,) he desired to borrow some beaver of them; and tould them he had hope of a ship & good supply to come to him, and then they should have any thing for it they stood in neede of. They gave litle credite to his supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered former curtesies. They tould him he saw their wants, and they knew not when they should have any supply; also how y^e case stood betweene them & their adventurers, he well knew; they had not much bever, & if they should let him have it, it were enoughe to make a mutinie among y^e people, seeing ther was no other means to procure them foode which they so much wanted, & cloaths allso. Yet they tould him they would help him, considering his necessitie, but must doe it secretly for y^e former reasons. So they let him have 100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170^li. odd pounds. Thus they helpt him when all y^e world faild him, and with this means he went againe to y^e ships, and stayed his small ship & some of his men, & bought provissions and fited him selfe; and it was y^e only foundation [96] of his after course. But he requited them ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie unto them upon all occasions, and never repayed them any thing for it, to this day, but reproches and evill words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none of their best freinds, whilst he yet had y^e beaver in his boat; that he could now set them all togeather by [162]y^e ears, because they had done more then they could answer, in letting him have this beaver, and he did not spare to doe what he could. But his malice could not prevaile.

All this whille no supply was heard of, neither knew they when they might expecte any. So they begane to thinke how they might raise as much corne as they could, and obtaine a beter crope then they had done, that they might not still thus languish in miserie. At length, after much debate of things, the Gov^r (with y^e advise of y^e cheefest amongest them) gave way that they should set corne every man for his owne perticuler, and in that regard trust to them selves; in all other things to goe on in y^e generall way as before. And so assigned to every family a parcell of land, according to the proportion of their number for that end, only for present use (but made no devission for inheritance), and ranged all boys & youth under some familie. This had very good success; for it made all hands very industrious, so as much more corne was planted then other waise would have bene by any means y^e Gov^r or any other could use, and saved him a great deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente. The women now wente willingly into y^e feild, and tooke their litle-ons with them to set corne, which before would aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to have compelled would have bene thought great tiranie and oppression.

[163]

The experience that was had in this com̅one course and condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst godly and sober men, may well evince the vanitie of that conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded by some of later times;—that y^e taking away of propertie, and bringing in com̅unitie into a comone wealth, would make them happy and florishing; as if they were wiser then God. For this comunitie (so farr as it was) was found to breed much confusion & discontent, and retard much imploymēt that would have been to their benefite and comforte. For y^e yong-men that were most able and fitte for labour & service did repine that they should spend their time & streingth to worke for other mens wives and children, with out any recompence. The strong, or man of parts, had no more in devission of victails & cloaths, then he that was weake and not able to doe a quarter y^e other could; this was thought injuestice. The aged and graver men to be ranked and [97] equalised in labours, and victails, cloaths, &c., with y^e meaner & yonger sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect unto them. And for mens wives to be commanded to doe servise for other men, as dresing their meate, washing their cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie, neither could many husbands well brooke it. Upon y^e poynte all being to have alike, and all to doe alike, they thought them selves in y^e like condition, and one as good as another; and so, if it did not cut of those [164]relations that God hath set amongest men, yet it did at least much diminish and take of y^e mutuall respects that should be preserved amongst them. And would have bene worse if they had been men of another condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption, and nothing to y^e course it selfe. I answer, seeing all men have this corruption in them, God in his wisdome saw another course fiter for them.

But to returne. After this course setled, and by that their cor̅e was planted, all ther victails were spente, and they were only to rest on Gods providence; at night not many times knowing wher to have a bitt of any thing y^e next day. And so, as one well observed, had need to pray that God would give them their dayly brade, above all people in y^e world. Yet they bore these wants with great patience & allacritie of spirite, and that for so long a time as for y^e most parte of 2. years; which makes me remember what Peter Martire writs, (in magnifying y^e Spaniards) in his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a miserable life for 5. days togeather, with y^e parched graine of maize only, and that not to saturitie; and then concluds, that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger, he thought none living which is not a Spaniard could have endured. But alass! these, when they had maize (y^t is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a feast, and wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but some time 2. or 3. months togeather, and neither had [165]bread nor any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other place, in his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how others of them were worse put to it, wher they were faine to eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so dyed almost all. From these extremities the[AY] Lord in his goodnes kept these his people, and in their great wants preserved both their lives and healthes; let his name have y^e praise. Yet let me hear make use of his conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied to this people: That with their miseries they opened a way to these new-lands; and after these stormes, with what ease other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte of y^e calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to goe to a bride feaste wher all things are provided for them.

They haveing but one boat left and she not over well fitted, they were devided into severall companies, 6. or 7. to a gangg or company, and so wente out with a nett they had bought, to take bass & such like fish, by course, every company knowing their turne. No sooner was y^e boate discharged [98] of what she brought, but y^e next company tooke her and wente out with her. Neither did they returne till they had cauight something, though it were 5. or 6. days before, for they knew ther was nothing at home, and to goe home emptie would be a great discouragemente to y^e rest. Yea, they strive who should doe best. [166]If she stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seeking of shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out of y^e sands. And this was their living in y^e som̅er time, till God sente y^m beter; & in winter they were helped with ground-nuts and foule. Also in y^e som̅er they gott now & then a dear; for one or 2. of y^e fitest was apoynted to range y^e woods for y^t end, & what was gott that way was devided amongst them.

At length they received some leters from y^e adventurers, too long and tedious hear to record, by which they heard of their furder crosses and frustrations; begining in this maner.

These letters were dated Des. 21: 1622.

[167]

So farr of this leter.

This ship was brought by M^r. John Peirce, and set out at his owne charge, upon hope of great maters. These passengers, & y^e goods the company sent in her, he tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed with him to be delivered hear. This was he in whose name their first patente was taken, by reason of aquaintance, and some aliance that some of their freinds had with him. But his name was only used in trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus seated, and by y^e success God gave them had obtained y^e favour of y^e Counsell of New-England, he goes and sues to them for another patent of much larger extente (in their names), which was easily obtained. But he mente to keep it to him selfe and alow them what he pleased, to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his courts as cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which follows. But y^e Lord marvelously crost him; for after this first returne, and y^e charge above mentioned, when shee was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and taks in more passengers, and those not very good to help to bear his losses, and sets out y^e 2. time. But [99] what y^e event was will appear from another leter from one of y^e cheefe of y^e company, dated y^e 9. of Aprill, 1623. writ to y^e Gov^r hear, as followeth.

This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.

These were ther owne words and judgmente of this mans dealing & proceedings; for I thought it more meete to render them in theirs then my owne words. And yet though ther was never got other recompence then the resignation of this patente, and y^e shares he had in adventure, for all y^e former great sumes, he was never quiet, but sued them in most of y^e cheefe [169]courts in England, and when he was still cast, brought it to y^e Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I will leave him to y^e Lord.

This ship suffered y^e greatest extreemitie at sea at her 2. returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be saved; as I have been informed by M^r. William Peirce who was then m^r. of her, and many others that were passengers in her. It was aboute y^e midle of Feb: The storme was for y^e most parte of 14. days, but for 2. or 3. days & nights togeather in most violent extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, y^e storme beat of their round house and all their uper works; 3. men had worke enough at y^e helme, and he that cund y^e ship before y^e sea, was faine [100] to be bound fast for washing away; the seas did so over-rake them, as many times those upon y^e decke knew not whether they were within bord or withoute; and once she was so foundered in y^e sea as they all thought she would never rise againe. But yet y^e Lord preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Ports-mouth, to y^e wonder of all men y^t saw in what a case she was in, and heard what they had endured.

About y^e later end of June came in a ship, with Captaine Francis West, who had a comission to be admirall of New-England, to restraine interlopers, and shuch fishing ships as came to fish & trade without a licence from y^e Counsell of New-England, for which [170]they should pay a round sume of money. But he could doe no good of them, for they were to stronge for him, and he found y^e fisher men to be stuberne fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to y^e Parlemente, procured an order y^t fishing should be free. He tould y^e Gov^r they spooke with a ship at sea, and were abord her, y^t was coming for this plantation, in which were sundrie passengers, and they marvelled she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage; for they lost her in a storme that fell shortly after they had been abord. Which relation filled them full of fear, yet mixed with hope. The m^r. of this ship had some 2. ħħ of pease to sell, but seeing their wants, held them at 9^li. sterling a hoggshead, & under 8^li. he would not take, and yet would have beaver at an under rate. But they tould him they had lived so long with out, and would doe still, rather then give so unreasonably. So they went from hence to Virginia.[AZ]

[171]

About 14. days after came in this ship, caled y^e Anne, wherof M^r. William Peirce was m^r., and aboute a weeke or 10. days after came in y^e pinass which in foule weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of about 44. tune, which y^e company had builte to stay in the cuntrie. They brought about 60. persons for y^e generall, some of them being very usefull persons, and became good members to y^e body, and some were y^e wives and children of shuch as were hear allready. And some were so bad, as they were faine to be at charge to send them home againe y^e next year. Also, besids these ther came a company, that did not belong to y^e generall body, but came one[BA] their perticuler, and were to have lands assigned them, and be for them selves, yet to be subjecte to y^e generall Goverment; [172]which caused some diferance and disturbance [101] amongst them, as will after appeare. I shall hear againe take libertie to inserte a few things out of shuch leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather to manefest things in ther words and apprehentions, then in my owne, as much as may be, without tediousness.

[173]

The following was from y^e genrall.

This leter was subscribed with 13. of their names.

These passengers, when they saw their low & poore condition a shore, were much danted and dismayed, [175]and according to their diverse humores were diversly affected; some wished them selves in England againe; others fell a weeping, fancying their own miserie in what y^ey saw now in others; other some pitying the distress they saw their freinds had been long in, and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadnes. Only some of their old freinds rejoysed to see them, and y^t it was no worse with them, for they could not expecte it should be better, and now hoped they should injoye better days togeather. And truly it was [103] no marvell they should be thus affected, for they were in a very low condition, many were ragged in aparell, & some litle beter then halfe naked; though some y^t were well stord before, were well enough in this regard. But for food they were all alike, save some y^t had got a few pease of y^e ship y^t was last hear. The best dish they could presente their freinds with was a lobster, or a peece of fish, without bread or any thing els but a cupp of fair spring water. And y^e long continuance of this diate, and their labours abroad, had something abated y^e freshnes of their former complexion. But God gave them health and strength in a good measure; and shewed them by experience y^e truth of y^t word, Deut. 8. 3. Y^t man liveth not by bread only, but by every word y^t proceedeth out of y^e mouth of y^e Lord doth a man live.

When I think how sadly y^e scripture speaks of the famine in Jaakobs time, when he said to his sonns, [176]Goe buy us food, that we may live and not dye. Gen. 42. 2. and 43. 1, that the famine was great, or heavie in the land; and yet they had such great herds, and store of catle of sundrie kinds, which, besids flesh, must needs produse other food, as milke, butter & cheese, &c., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; theirs hear must needs be very great, therfore, who not only wanted the staffe of bread, but all these things, and had no Egipte to goe too. But God fedd them out of y^e sea for y^e most parte, so wonderfull is his providence over his in all ages; for his mercie endureth for ever.

On y^e other hand the old planters were affraid that their corne, when it was ripe, should be imparted to y^e new-com̅ers, whose provissions w^ch they brought with them they feared would fall short before y^e year wente aboute (as indeed it did). They came to y^e Gov^r and besought him that as it was before agreed that they should set corne for their perticuler, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary pains ther aboute, that they might freely injoye the same, and they would not have a bitte of y^e victails now come, but waite till harvest for their owne, and let y^e new-com̅ers injoye what they had brought; they would have none of it, excepte they could purchase any of it of them by bargaine or exchainge. Their requeste was granted them, for it gave both sides good contente; for y^e new-com̅ers were as much afraid that y^e hungrie [177]planters would have eat up y^e provissions brought, and they should have fallen into y^e like condition.

This ship was in a shorte time laden with clapbord, by y^e help of many hands. Also they sente in her all y^e beaver and other furrs they had, & M^r. Winslow was sent over with her, to informe of all things, and procure such things as were thought needfull for their presente condition. By this time harvest was come, and in stead of famine, now God gave them plentie, and y^e face of things was changed, to y^e rejoysing of y^e harts of many, for which they blessed God. And y^e effect of their particuler planting was well seene, for all had, one way & other, pretty well to bring y^e year aboute, and some of y^e abler sorte and more [104] industrious had to spare, and sell to others, so as any generall wante or famine hath not been amongst them since to this day.

Those that come on their perticuler looked for greater matters then they found or could attaine unto, aboute building great houses, and such pleasant situations for them, as them selves had fancied; as if they would be great men & rich, all of a sudaine; but they proved castls in y^e aire. These were y^e conditions agreed on betweene y^e colony and them.

First, that y^e Gov^r, in y^e name and with y^e consente of y^e company, doth in all love and frendship receive and imbrace them; and is to allote them competente places for habitations within y^e towne. And promiseth [178]to shew them all such other curtesies as shall be reasonable for them to desire, or us to performe.

2. That they, on their parts, be subjecte to all such laws & orders as are already made, or hear after shall be, for y^e publick good.

3. That they be freed and exempte from y^e generall imployments of the said company, (which their presente condition of comunitie requireth,) excepte commune defence, & such other imployments as tend to y^e perpetuall good of y^e collony.

4^ly. Towards y^e maintenance of Goṽ^rt, & publick officers of y^e said collony, every male above y^e age of 16. years shall pay a bushell of Indean wheat, or y^e worth of it, into y^e commone store.

5^ly. That (according to y^e agreemente y^e marchants made with y^m before they came) they are to be wholy debared from all trade with the Indeans for all sorts of furrs, and such like commodities, till y^e time of y^e comunallitie be ended.

About y^e midle of September arrived Captaine Robart Gorges in y^e Bay of y^e Massachusets, with sundrie passengers and families, intending ther to begine a plantation; and pitched upon y^e place M^r. Weston's people had forsaken. He had a com̅ission from y^e Counsell of New-England, to be generall Gove^r of y^e cuntrie, and they appoynted for his counsell & assistance, Captaine Francis West, y^e aforesaid admirall, Christopher Levite, Esquire, and y^e Gov^r of Plimoth for [179]y^e time beeing, etc. Allso, they gave him authoritie to chuse such other as he should find fit. Allso, they gave (by their com̅ission) full power to him and his assistants, or any 3. of them, wherof him selfe was allway to be one, to doe and execute what to them should seeme good, in all cases, Capitall, Criminall, and Civill, etc., with diverce other instructions. Of which, and his comission, it pleased him to suffer y^e Gov^r hear to take a coppy.

He gave them notice of his arivall by letter, but before they could visite him he went to y^e eastward with y^e ship he came in; but a storme arising, (and they wanting a good pilot to harbor them in those parts,) they bore up for this harbor. He and his men were hear kindly entertained; he stayed hear 14. days. In y^e mean time came in M^r. Weston with his small ship, which he had now recovered. [105[BE]] Captaine Gorges tooke hold of y^e opportunitie, and acquainted y^e Gov^r hear, that one occasion of his going to y^e eastward was to meete with M^r. Weston, and call him to accounte for some abuses he had to lay to his charge. Wherupon he called him before him, and some other of his assistants, with y^e Gov^r of this place; and charged him, first, with y^e ille carriage of his men at y^e Massachusets; by which means the peace of y^e cuntrie was disturbed, and him selfe and the people which he had brought over to plante in that [180]bay were therby much prejudised. To this M^r. Weston easily answered, that what was that way done, was in his absence, and might have befalen any man; he left them sufficently provided, and conceived they would have been well governed; and for any errour com̅itted he had sufficiently smarted. This particuler was passed by. A 2^d. was, for an abuse done to his father, S^r. Ferdenando Gorges, and to y^e State. The thing was this; he used him & others of y^e Counsell of New-England, to procure him a licence for y^e transporting of many peeces of great ordnance for New-England, pretending great fortification hear in y^e countrie, & I know not what shipping. The which when he had obtained, he went and sould them beyond seas for his private profite; for which (he said) y^e State was much offended, and his father suffered a shrowd check, and he had order to apprehend him for it. M^r. Weston excused it as well as he could, but could not deney it; it being one maine thing (as was said) for which he with-drew himself. But after many passages, by y^e mediation of y^e Gov^r and some other freinds hear, he was inclined to gentlnes (though he aprehended y^e abuse of his father deeply); which, when M^r. Weston saw, he grew more presumptuous, and gave such provocking & cutting speches, as made him rise up in great indignation & distemper, and vowed y^t he would either curb him, or send him home for England. At which M^r. Weston was something danted, and came [181]privatly to y^e Gov^r hear, to know whether they would suffer Captaine Gorges to apprehend him. He was tould they could not hinder him, but much blamed him, y^t after they had pacified things, he should thus breake out, by his owne folly & rashnes, to bring trouble upon him selfe & them too. He confest it was his passion, and prayd y^e Gov^r to entreat for him, and pacifie him if he could. The which at last he did, with much adoe; so he was called againe, and y^e Gov^r was contente to take his owne bond to be ready to make further answer, when either he or y^e lords should send for him. And at last he tooke only his word, and ther was a freīdly parting on all hands.

But after he was gone, M^r. Weston in lue of thanks to y^e Gov^r and his freinds hear, gave them this quib (behind their baks) for all their pains. That though they were but yonge justices, yet they wear good beggers. Thus they parted at this time, and shortly after y^e Gov^r tooke his leave and went to y^e Massachusets by land, being very thankfull for his kind entertainemente. The ship stayed hear, and fitted her selfe to goe for Virginia, having some passengers ther to deliver; and with her returned sundrie of those from hence which came over on their perticuler, some out of discontente and dislike of y^e cuntrie; others by reason of a fire that broke out, and burnt y^e houses they lived in, and all their provisions [106[BF]] so as [182]they were necessitated therunto. This fire was occasioned by some of y^e sea-men that were roystering in a house wher it first begane, makeing a great fire in very could weather, which broke out of y^e chimney into y^e thatch, and burnte downe 3. or 4. houses, and consumed all y^e goods & provissions in y^m. The house in which it begane was right against their store-house, which they had much adoe to save, in which were their com̅one store & all their provissions; y^e which if it had been lost, y^e plantation had been over-throwne. But through Gods mercie it was saved by y^e great dilligence of y^e people, & care of the Gov^r & some aboute him. Some would have had y^e goods throwne out; but if they had, ther would much have been stolne by the rude company y^t belonged to these 2. ships, which were allmost all ashore. But a trusty company was plased within, as well as those that with wet-cloaths & other means kept of y^e fire without, that if necessitie required they might have them out with all speed. For y^ey suspected some malicious dealling, if not plaine treacherie, and whether it was only suspition or no, God knows; but this is certaine, that when y^e tumulte was greatest, ther was a voyce heard (but from whom it was not knowne) that bid them looke well aboute them, for all were not freinds y^t were near them. And shortly after, when the vemencie of y^e fire was over, smoke was seen to arise within a shed y^t was joynd to y^e end of y^e storehouse, [183]which was watled up with bowes, in y^e withered leaves wherof y^e fire was kindled, which some, run̅ing to quench, found a longe firebrand of an ell longe, lying under y^e wale on y^e inside, which could not possibly come their by cassualtie, but must be laid ther by some hand, in y^e judgmente of all that saw it. But God kept them from this deanger, what ever was intended.

Shortly after Captaine Gorges, y^e generall Gov^r, was come home to y^e Massachusets, he sends a warrante to arrest M^r. Weston & his ship, and sends a m^r. to bring her away thither, and one Captain Hanson (that belonged to him) to conducte him along. The Gov^r & others hear were very sory to see him take this course, and tooke exception at y^e warrante, as not legall nor sufficiente; and withall write to him to disswade him from this course, shewing him y^t he would but entangle and burthen him selfe in doing this; for he could not doe M^r. Weston a better turne, (as things stood with him); for he had a great many men that belonged to him in this barke, and was deeply ingaged to them for wages, and was in a man̅er out of victails (and now winter); all which would light upon him, if he did arrest his barke. In y^e mean time M^r. Weston had notice to shift for him selfe; but it was conceived he either knew not whither to goe, or how to mend him selfe, but was rather glad of y^e occasion, and so stirred not. But y^e Gov^r would not be perswaded, but [184][107] sent a very formall warrente under his hand & seall, with strict charge as they would answere it to y^e state; he also write that he had better considered of things since he was hear, and he could not answer it to let him goe so; besids other things that were come to his knowledg since, which he must answer too. So he was suffered to proceede, but he found in the end that to be true that was tould him; for when an inventorie was taken of what was in y^e ship, ther was not vitailes found for above 14. days, at a pare allowance, and not much else of any great worth, & the men did so crie out of him for wages and diate, in y^e mean time, as made him soone weary. So as in conclusion it turned to his loss, and y^e expence of his owne provissions; and towards the spring they came to agreement, (after they had bene to y^e eastward,) and y^e Gov^r restord him his vessell againe, and made him satisfaction, in bisket, meal, and such like provissions, for what he had made use of that was his, or what his men had any way wasted or consumed. So M^r. Weston came hither againe, and afterward shaped his course for Virginie, & so for present I shall leave him.[BG]

The Gov^r and some y^t depended upon him returned for England, haveing scarcly saluted y^e cuntrie in his Govermente, not finding the state of things hear to [185]answer his quallitie & condition. The peopl dispersed them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from hence. The Gov^r brought over a minister with him, one M^r. Morell, who, about a year after y^e Gov^r returned, tooke shipping from hence. He had I know not what power and authority of superintendancie over other churches granted him, and sundrie instructions for that end; but he never shewed it, or made any use of it; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away. This was in effect y^e end of a 2. plantation in that place. Ther were allso this year some scatering beginings made in other places, as at Paskataway, by M^r. David Thomson, at Monhigen, and some other places by sundrie others.

It rests now y^t I speake a word aboute y^e pin̅ass spoken of before, which was sent by y^e adventurers to be imployed in y^e cuntrie. She was a fine vessell, and bravely set out,[BH] and I fear y^e adventurers did over pride them selves in her, for she had ill success. How ever, they erred grosly in tow things aboute her; first, though she had a sufficiente maister, yet she was rudly man̅ed, and all her men were upon shars, and none was to have any wages but y^e m^r. 2^ly, wheras they mainly lookt at trade, they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When the men came hear, and mette with [186]ill counsell from M^r. Weston & his crue, with others of y^e same stampe, neither m^r. nor Gov^r could scarce rule [108] them, for they exclaimed that they were abused & deceived, for they were tould they should goe for a man of warr, and take I know not whom, French & Spaniards, &c. They would neither trade nor fish, excepte they had wages; in fine, they would obey no com̅and of y^e maisters; so it was apprehended they would either rune away with y^e vessell, or get away w^th y^e ships, and leave her; so as M^r. Peirce & others of their freinds perswaded the Gov^r to chaing their condition, and give them wages; which was accordingly done. And she was sente about y^e Cape to y^e Narigansets to trade, but they made but a poore vioage of it. Some corne and beaver they got, but y^e Dutch used to furnish them with cloath & better com̅odities, they haveing only a few beads & knives, which were not ther much esteemed. Allso, in her returne home, at y^e very entrance into ther owne harbore, she had like to have been cast away in a storme, and was forced to cut her maine mast by y^e bord, to save herselfe from driving on y^e flats that lye without, caled Browns Ilands, the force of y^e wind being so great as made her anchors give way and she drive right upon them; but her mast & takling being gone, they held her till y^e wind shifted. [187]

Anno Dom: 1624.

The time of new election of ther officers for this year being come, and[BI] y^e number of their people increased, and their troubls and occasions therwith, the Gov^r desired them to chainge y^e persons, as well as renew y^e election; and also to adde more Assistans to y^e Gov^r for help & counsell, and y^e better carrying on of affairs. Showing that it was necessarie it should be so. If it was any honour or benefite, it was fitte others should be made pertakers of it; if it was a burthen, (as doubtles it was,) it was but equall others should help to bear it; and y^t this was y^e end of An̅uall Elections. The issue was, that as before ther was but one Assistante, they now chose 5. giving the Gov^r a duble voyce; and aftwards they increased them to 7. which course hath continued to this day.

They having with some truble & charge new-masted and rigged their pinass, in y^e begining of March they sent her well vitaled to the eastward on fishing. She arrived safly at a place near Damarins cove, and was there well harbored in a place wher ships used to ride, ther being also some ships allready arived out of England. But shortly after ther [109] arose such a violent & extraordinarie storme, as y^e seas broak over such places in y^e harbor as was never seene before, and drive her against great roks, which beat such [188]a hole in her bulke, as a horse and carte might have gone in, and after drive her into deep-water, wher she lay sunke. The m^r. was drowned, the rest of y^e men, all save one, saved their lives, with much a doe; all her provision, salt, and what els was in her, was lost. And here I must leave her to lye till afterward.

Some of those that still remained hear on their perticuler, begane privatly to nurish a faction, and being privie to a strong faction that was among y^e adventurers in England, on whom sundry of them did depend, by their private whispering they drew some of the weaker sorte of y^e company to their side, and so filld them with discontente, as nothing would satisfie them excepte they might be suffered to be in their perticuler allso; and made great offers, so they might be freed from y^e generall. The Gov^r consulting with y^e ablest of y^e generall body what was best to be done hear in, it was resolved to permitte them so to doe, upon equall conditions. The conditions were the same in effect with y^e former before related. Only some more added, as that they should be bound here to remaine till y^e generall partnership was ended. And also that they should pay into y^e store, y^e on halfe of all such goods and comodities as they should any waise raise above their food, in consideration of what charg had been layed out for them, with some such like things. This liberty granted, soone stopt this gape, for ther was but a few that undertooke this course when it [189]came too; and they were as sone weary of it. For the other had perswaded them, & M^r. Weston togeather, that ther would never come more supply to y^e generall body; but y^e perticulers had such freinds as would carry all, and doe for them I know not what.

Shortly after, M^r. Winslow came over, and brought a prety good supply, and the ship came on fishing, a thing fatall to this plantation. He brought 3. heifers & a bull, the first begining of any catle of that kind in y^e land, with some cloathing & other necessaries, as will further appear; but withall y^e reporte of a strong faction amongst y^e adventurers[BJ] against them, and espetially against y^e coming of y^e rest from Leyden, and with what difficulty this supply was procured, and how, by their strong & long opposision, bussines was so retarded as not only they were now falne too late for y^e fishing season, but the best men were taken up of y^e fishermen in the west countrie, and he was forct to take such a m^r. & company for that imployment as he could procure upon y^e present. Some letters from them shall beter declare these things, being as followeth.

With y^e former letter write by M^r. Sherley, there were sente sundrie objections concerning which he thus writeth. "These are the cheefe objections which they [112] that are now returned make against you and the countrie. I pray you consider them, and answer them by the first conveniencie." These objections were made by some of those that came over on their perticuler and were returned home, as is before mentioned, and were of y^e same suite with those y^t this other letter mentions.

I shall here set them downe, with y^e answers then made unto them, and sent over at y^e returne of this ship; which did so confound y^e objecters, as some confessed their falte, and others deneyed what they had said, and eate their words, & some others of them have since come over againe and heere lived to convince them selves sufficiently, both in their owne & other mens judgments.

1. obj. was diversitie aboute Religion. Ans: We know no such matter, for here was never any controversie or opposition, either publicke or private, (to our knowledg,) since we came.

[194]

2. ob: Neglecte of familie duties, one y^e Lords day.

Ans. We allow no such thing, but blame it in our selves & others; and they that thus reporte it, should have shewed their Christian love the more if they had in love tould y^e offenders of it, rather then thus to reproach them behind their baks. But (to say no more) we wish them selves had given better example.

3. ob: Wante of both the sacrements.

Ans. The more is our greefe, that our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might injoye them; for we used to have the Lords Supper every Saboth, and baptisme as often as ther was occasion of children to baptise.

4. ob: Children not catechised nor taught to read.

Ans: Neither is true; for diverse take pains with their owne as they can; indeede, we have no com̅one schoole for want of a fitt person, or hithertoo means to maintaine one; though we desire now to begine.

5. ob: Many of y^e perticuler members of y^e plantation will not work for y^e generall.

Ans: This allso is not wholy true; for though some doe it not willingly, & other not honestly, yet all doe it; and he that doth worst gets his owne foode & something besids. But we will not excuse them, but labour to reforme them y^e best we cane, or else to quitte y^e plantation of them.

6. ob: The water is not wholsome.

Ans: If they mean, not so wholsome as y^e good [195]beere and wine in London, (which they so dearly love,) we will not dispute with them; but els, for water, it is as good as any in the world, (for ought we knowe,) and it is wholsome enough to us that can be contente therwith.

7. ob: The ground is barren and doth bear no grasse.

[113] Ans: It is hear (as in all places) some better & some worse; and if they well consider their words, in England they shall not find such grasse in them, as in their feelds & meadows. The catle find grasse, for they are as fatt as need be; we wish we had but one for every hundred that hear is grase to keep. Indeed, this objection, as some other, are ridiculous to all here which see and know y^e contrary.

8. ob: The fish will not take salt to keepe sweete.

Ans: This is as true as that which was written, that ther is scarce a foule to be seene or a fish to be taken. Things likly to be true in a cuntrie wher so many sayle of ships come yearly a fishing; they might as well say, there can no aile or beere in London be kept from sowering.

9. ob: Many of them are theevish and steale on from an other.

Ans: Would London had been free from that crime, then we should not have been trobled with these here; it is well knowne sundrie have smarted well for it, and so are y^e rest like to doe, if they be taken.

[196]

10. ob: The countrie is anoyed with foxes and woules.

Ans: So are many other good cuntries too; but poyson, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them.

11. ob: The Dutch are planted nere Hudsons Bay, and are likely to overthrow the trade.

Ans: They will come and plante in these parts, also, if we and others doe not, but goe home and leave it to them. We rather commend them, then condemne them for it.

12. ob: The people are much anoyed with muskeetoes.

Ans: They are too delicate and unfitte to begine new-plantations and collonies, that cannot enduer the biting of a muskeeto; we would wish such to keepe at home till at least they be muskeeto proofe. Yet this place is as free as any, and experience teacheth that y^e more y^e land is tild, and y^e woods cut downe, the fewer ther will be, and in the end scarse any at all.

Having thus dispatcht these things, that I may handle things togeather, I shall here inserte 2. other letters from M^r. Robinson their pastor; the one to y^e Gov^r, y^e other to M^r. Brewster their Elder, which will give much light to y^e former things, and express the tender love & care of a true pastor over them.[197]

These things premised, I shall now prosecute y^e procedings and afairs here. And before I come to other things I must speak a word of their planting this year; they having found y^e benifite of their last years harvest, and setting corne for their particuler, having therby with a great deale of patience overcome hunger & famine. Which maks me remember a saing of Senecas, Epis: 123. That a great parte of libertie is a well governed belly, and to be patiente in all wants. They begane now highly to prise corne as [201]more pretious then silver, and those that had some to spare begane to trade one with another for smale things, by y^e quarte, potle, & peck, &c.; for money they had none, and if any had, corne was prefered before it. That they might therfore encrease their tillage to better advantage, they made suite [116] to the Gov^r to have some portion of land given them for continuance, and not by yearly lotte, for by that means, that which y^e more industrious had brought into good culture (by much pains) one year, came to leave it y^e nexte, and often another might injoye it; so as the dressing of their lands were the more sleighted over, & to lese profite. Which being well considered, their request was granted. And to every person was given only one acrre of land, to them & theirs, as nere y^e towne as might be, and they had no more till y^e 7. years were expired. The reason was, that they might be kept close together both for more saftie and defence, and y^e better improvement of y^e generall imployments. Which condition of theirs did make me often thinke, of what I had read in Plinie[BQ] of y^e Romans first beginings in Romulus time. How every man contented him selfe with 2. Acres of land, and had no more assigned them. And chap. 3. It was thought a great reward, to receive at y^e hands of y^e people of Rome a pinte of corne. And long after, the greatest presente given to a Captaine y^t had gotte a [202]victory over their enemise, was as much ground as they could till in one day. And he was not counted a good, but a dangerous man, that would not contente him selfe with 7. Acres of land. As also how they did pound their corne in morters, as these people were forcte to doe many years before they could get a mille.

The ship which brought this supply, was speedily discharged, and with her m^r & company sente to Cap-Anne (of which place they had gott a patente, as before is shewed) on fishing, and because the season was so farr spente some of y^e planters were sent to help to build their stage, to their owne hinderance. But partly by y^e latenes of y^e year, and more espetialy by y^e basnes of y^e m^r, one Baker, they made a poore viage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did nothing (in a maner) but drink, & gusle, and consume away y^e time & his victails; and most of his company followed his example; and though M^r. William Peirce was to over see the busines, & to be m^r. of y^e ship home, yet he could doe no good amongst them, so as y^e loss was great, and would have bene more to them, but that they kept one a trading ther, which in those times got some store of skins, which was some help unto them.

The ship-carpenter that was sent them, was an honest and very industrious man, and followed his labour very dilligently, and made all that were imployed [203]with him doe y^e like; he quickly builte them 2. very good & strong shalops (which after did them greate service), and a great and strong lighter, and had hewne timber for 2. catches; but that was lost, for he fell into a feaver in y^e hote season of the year, and though he had the best means y^e place could aforde, yet he dyed; of whom they had a very [117] great loss, and were very sorie for his death. But he whom they sent to make salte was an ignorante, foolish, self-willd fellow; he bore them in hand he could doe great matters in making salt-works, so he was sente to seeke out fitte ground for his purpose; and after some serch he tould y^e Gov^r that he had found a sufficente place, with a good botome to hold water, and otherwise very conveniente, which he doubted not but in a short time to bring to good perfection, and to yeeld them great profite; but he must have 8. or ten men to be constantly imployed. He was wisht to be sure that y^e ground was good, and other things answerable, and y^t he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would bring upon them a great charge by imploying him selfe and so many men. But he was, after some triall, so confidente, as he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, to receive y^e salte & such other uses. But in y^e end all proved vaine. Then he layed fault of y^e ground, in which he was deceived; but if he might have the lighter to cary clay, he was sure then he could doe it. Now though [204]y^e Gov^r & some other foresaw that this would come to litle, yet they had so many malignant spirits amongst them, that would have laid it upon them, in their letters of complainte to the adventurers, as to be their falte y^t would not suffer him to goe on to bring his work to perfection; for as he by his bould confidence & large promises deceived them in England that sente him, so he had wound him selfe in to these mens high esteeme hear, so as they were faine to let him goe on till all men saw his vanity. For he could not doe any thing but boyle salt in pans, & yet would make them y^t were joynd with him beleeve ther was so grat a misterie in it as was not easie to be attained, and made them doe many unnecessary things to blind their eys, till they discerned his sutltie. The next yere he was sente to Cap-Anne, and y^e pans were set up ther wher the fishing was; but before som̅er was out, he bur̅te the house, and the fire was so vehemente as it spoyld the pans, at least some of them, and this was the end of that chargable bussines.

The 3^d. eminente person (which y^e letters before mention) was y^e minister which they sent over, by name M^r. John Lyford, of whom & whose doing I must be more large, though I shall abridg things as much as I can. When this man first came a shore, he saluted them with that reverence & humilitie as is seldome to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their [205]hands if they would have [118] suffered him;[BR] yea, he wept & shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring y^e things they had done in their wants, &c. as if he had been made all of love, and y^e humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judg by his after cariags) he was but like him mentioned in Psa: 10. 10. That croucheth & boweth, that heaps of poore may fall by his might. Or like to that dissembling Ishmaell,[BS] who, when he had slaine Gedelia, went out weeping and mette them y^t were coming to offer incence in y^e house of y^e Lord; saing, Come to Gedelia, when he ment to slay them. They gave him y^e best entertainment y^ey could, (in all simplisitie,) and a larger alowans of food out of y^e store then any other had, and as the Gov^r had used in all waightie affairs to consulte with their Elder, M^r. Brewster, (togeither with his assistants,) so now he caled M^r. Liford also to counsell with them in their waightiest bussineses. Ater some short time he desired to joyne himselfe a member to y^e church hear, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgemente of his former disorderly walking, and his being intangled with many corruptions, which had been a burthen to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportunitie of freedom & libertie to injoye y^e ordinances of God in puritie among his people, with many [206]more such like expressions. I must hear speake a word also of M^r. John Oldom, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. He had bene a cheefe sticler in y^e former faction among y^e perticulers, and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that came, he tooke occasion to open his minde to some of y^e cheefe amongst them heere, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word & deed, & writing into England; but he now saw the eminente hand of God to be with them, and his blesing upon them, which made his hart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrumente any longer against them in any thing; he also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would looke upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hipocrisie, or out of some sudden pange of conviction (which I rather thinke), God only knows. Upon it they shew all readynes to imbrace his love, and carry towards him in all frendlynes, and called him to counsell with them in all cheefe affairs, as y^e other, without any distrust at all.

Thus all things seemed to goe very comfortably and smothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoyce; but this lasted not [119] long, for both Oldom and he grew very perverse, and shewed a spirite of great malignancie, drawing as many into faction as [207]they could; were they never so vile or profane, they did nourish & back them in all their doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against y^e church hear; so as ther was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves & others with what they should bring to pass in England by the faction of their freinds their, which brought others as well as them selves into a fools paradise. Yet they could not cary so closly but much of both their doings & sayings were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a faire face of things.

At lenght when y^e ship was ready to goe, it was observed Liford was long in writing, & sente many letters, and could not forbear to comunicate to his intimats such things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done ther errand sufficiently. The Gov^r and some other of his freinds knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt these things might doe, tooke a shalop and wente out with the ship a league or 2. to sea, and caled for all Lifords & Oldums letters. Mr. William Peirce being m^r. of y^e ship, (and knew well their evill dealing both in England & here,) afforded him all y^e assistance he could. He found above 20. of Lyfords letters, many of them larg, and full of slanders, & false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruine & utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pas, only tooke copys of them, but some of y^e most materiall [208]they sent true copyes of them, and kept y^e originalls, least he should deney them, and that they might produce his owne hand against him. Amongst his letters they found y^e coppyes of tow letters which he sent inclosed in a leter of his to M^r. John Pemberton, a minster, and a great opposite of theirs. These 2. letters of which he tooke the coppyes were one of them write by a gentle-man in England to M^r. Brewster here, the other by M^r. Winslow to M^r. Robinson, in Holand, at his coming away, as y^e ship lay at Gravsend. They lying sealed in y^e great cabin, (whilst M^r. Winslow was bussie aboute the affairs of y^e ship,) this slye marchante taks & opens them, taks these coppys, & seals them up againe; and not only sends the coppyes of them thus to his friend and their adversarie, but adds thertoo in y^e margente many scurrilous and flouting an̅otations. This ship went out towards ev̅ing, and in the night y^e Gov^r retur̅ed. They were somwaht blanke at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as briske as ever, thinking nothing had been knowne, but all was gone currente, and that the Gov^r went but to dispatch his owne letters. The reason why the Gov^r & rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, that they [120] might y^e better discover their intents and see who were their adherents. And y^e rather because amongst y^e rest they found a letter of one of their confederats, in w^ch was writen that M^r. Oldame [209]& M^r. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commone wealth; and, as soone as the ship was gone, they intended to joyne togeather, and have the sacrements, &c.

For Oldame, few of his leters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deepe in y^e mischeefe as the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they begane to pick quarells at every thing. Oldame being called to watch (according to order) refused to come, fell out with y^e Capten, caled him raskell, and beggerly raskell, and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ille termes, but with all fairnes required him to doe his duty. The Gov^r, hearing y^e tumulte, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast then a man, and cald them all treatours, and rebells, and other such foule language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he was clapt up a while, he came to him selfe, and with some slight punishmente was let goe upon his behaviour for further censure.

But to cutt things shorte, at length it grew to this esseue, that Lyford with his complicies, without ever speaking one word either to y^e Gov^r, Church, or Elder, withdrewe them selves & set up a publick meeting aparte, on y^e Lord's day; with sundry such insolente cariages, too long here to relate, begining now publikly to acte what privatly they had been long plotting.

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It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischeefe) to calle them to accounte; so y^e Gov^r called a courte and sum̅oned the whol company to appeare. And then charged Lyford & Oldom with such things as they were guilty of. But they were stiffe, & stood resolutly upon y^e deneyall of most things, and required proofe. They first alledged what was write to them out of England, compared with their doings & pactises hear; that it was evident they joyned in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, both in respecte of their civill & church state, which was most injurious; for both they and all y^e world knew they came hither to injoye y^e libertie of their conscience and y^e free use of Gods ordinances; and for y^t end had ventured their lives and passed throwgh so much hardshipe hithertoo, and they and their freinds had borne the charg of these beginings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his parte was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great family was maintained on y^e same, and also was joyned to y^e church, & a member of them; and for him to plote against them & seek their ruine, was most unjust & perfidious. And for [121] Oldam or any other that came over at their owne charge, and were on ther perticuler, seeing they were received in curtesie by the plantation, when they came only to seeke shelter & protection under their wings, not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to y^e fable,) [211]like the Hedghogg whom y^e conny in a stormy day in pittie received into her borrow, would not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forst the poore conny to forsake her owne borrow; so these men with the like injustice indevored to doe y^e same to thos that entertained them.

Lyford denyed that he had any thing to doe with them in England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were prodused & some of them read, at which he was struck mute. But Oldam begane to rage furiously, because they had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous maner stood up & caled upon y^e people, saying, My maisters, wher is your harts? now shew your courage, you have oft complained to me so & so; now is y^e time, if you will doe any thing, I will stand by you, &c. Thinking y^t every one (knowing his humor) that had soothed and flattered him, or other wise in their discontente uttered any thing unto him, would now side w^th him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being strucken with the injustice of y^e thing. Then y^e Gov^r turned his speech to M^r. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had done evill to open his letters; but he was silente, & would not say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then y^e Gov^r shewed the people he did it as [212]a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent y^e mischeefe & ruine that this conspiracie and plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besids his evill dealing hear, had delte trecherusly with his freinds y^t trusted him, & stole their letters & opened them, and sent coppies of them, with disgracefull an̅otations, to his freinds in England. And then y^e Gov^r produced them and his other letters under his owne hand, (which he could not deney,) and caused them to be read before all y^e people; at which all his freinds were blanke, and had not a word to say.

It would be too long & tedious here to inserte his letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of y^e cheefe things collected out of them, with y^e answers to them as they were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the rest may be judged of.

[121[BT]] 1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live hear but them selves. 2^ly. Neither are any willing so to doe if they had company to live elswher.

Ans: Their answer was, that this was false, in both y^e parts of it; for they were willing & desirous y^t any honest men may live with them, that will cary them selves peacably, and seek y^e com̅one good, or at least doe them no hurte. And againe, ther are many that [213]will not live els wher so long as they may live with them.

2. That if ther come over any honest men that are not of y^e seperation, they will quickly distast them, &c.

A. Ther answer was as before, that it was a false callumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them.

3. That they excepted against him for these 2. doctrins raised from 2. Sam: 12. 7. First, that ministers must sume times perticulerly apply their doctrine to spetiall persons; 2^ly, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner.

A. Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or colour of y^e same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and beleeved these things long before they knew M^r. Liford.

4. That they utterly sought y^e ruine of y^e perticulers; as appeareth by this, that they would not suffer any of y^e generall either to buy or sell with them, or to exchaing one com̅oditie for another.

Ans: This was a most malicious slander and voyd of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchaing with them as often as they had any occation. Yea, and allso both lend & give to them when they wanted; and this the perticuler persons them selves could not [214]deney, but freely confest in open court. But y^e ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in counsell with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for receiving powder and bisket from y^e gun̅er of the small ship, which was y^e companys, and had it put in at his window in the night, and allso for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being one of these perticulers) by excusing & extenuating his falte, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mischec̅ous & most false slander: That because they would not suffer them to buy stolne goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruine. Bad logick for a devine.

5. Next he writs, that he chocked them with this; that they turned [122] men into their perticuler, and then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistance.

A. To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned none into their perticuler; it was their owne importunitie and ernest desire that moved them, yea, constrained them to doe it. And they apealed to y^e persons them selves for y^e truth hereof. And they testified the same against him before all present, as allso that they had no cause to complaine of any either hard or unkind usage.

6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a strang difference, that some have bene alowed 16^li. of meale by y^e weeke, and others [215]but 4^li. And then (floutingly) saith, it seems some mens mouths and bellies are very litle & slender over others.

Ans: This might seeme strange indeed to those to whom he write his leters in England, which knew not y^e reason of it; but to him and others hear, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the first com̅ers had none at all, but lived on their corne. Those w^ch came in y^e Anne, y^e August before, & were to live 13. months of the provissions they brought, had as good alowance in meal & pease as it would extend too, y^e most part of y^e year; but a litle before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but 4^li. having their libertie to make their owne provisions. But some of these which came last, as y^e ship carpenter, and samiers, the salte-men & others that were to follow constante imployments, and had not an howers time, from their hard labours, to looke for any thing above their alowance; they had at first, 16^li. alowed them, and afterwards as fish, & other food coued be gott, they had as balemente, to 14. &. 12. yea some of them to 8. as the times & occasions did vary. And yet those which followed planting and their owne occasions, and had but 4^li. of meall a week, lived better then y^e other, as was well knowne to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford & his had allwais the highest alowance.

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Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many aggravations; as that he saw exseeding great wast of tools & vesseles; & this, when it came to be examened, all y^e instance he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshed or too fallen to peeces, and a broken how or tow lefte carlesly in y^e feilds by some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to looke to these things. But these things & such like was write of by him, to cast disgrace & prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a [123] minister would pass for currente. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that ther was not above 7. of y^e adventurers y^t souight y^e good of y^e collony. That M^r. Oldam & him selfe had had much to doe with them, and that y^e faction here might match y^e Jesuits for politie. With many y^e like greevious complaints & accusations.

1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his freinds counsell and directtion. And first, that y^e Leyden company (M^r. Robinson & y^e rest) must still be kepte back, or els all will be spoyled. And least any of them should be taken in privatly somewher on y^e coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must chaing the m^r. of y^e ship (M^r. William Peirce), and put another allso in Winslows stead, for marchante, or els it would not be prevented.

2. Then he would have such a number provided as might oversway them hear. And that y^e perticulers [217]should have voyces in all courts & elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every perticuler should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a servante; some other venturing 10^li., y^e bill may be taken out in y^e servants name, and then assigned to y^e party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn betweene them for y^e clearing of y^e matter; and this (saith he) would be a means to strengthen this side y^e more.

3. Then he tells them that if that Capten they spoake of should come over hither as a generall, he was perswaded he would be chosen Capten; for this Captaine Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempte.

4. Then he shows that if by y^e forementioned means they cannot be strengthened to cary & overbear things, it will be best for them to plant els wher by them selves; and would have it artickled by them that they might make choyse of any place that they liked best within 3. or 4. myls distance, shewing ther were farr better places for plantation then this.

5. And lastly he concluds, that if some number came not over to bear them up here, then ther would be no abiding for them, but by joyning with these hear. Then he adds: Since I begane to write, ther are letters come from your company, wherin they would give sole authoritie in diverce things unto the [218]Gov^r here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will be more vigilante hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a man̅er. I suppose (saith he) M^r. Oldame will write to you further of these things. I pray you conceall me in the discovery of these things, &c.

Thus I have breefly touched some cheefe things in his leters, and shall now returne to their procceeding with him. After the reading of his leters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to these things. [124] But all y^e answer he made was, that Billington and some others had informed him of many things, and made sundrie complaints, which they now deneyed. He was againe asked if that was a sufficiente ground for him thus to accuse & traduse them by his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many bonds betweene them. And so they went on from poynte to poynte; and wisht him, or any of his freinds & confederats, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proofe or witnes of any corrupte or evill dealing of theirs, his or their evidence must needs be ther presente, for ther was the whole company and sundery strangers. He said he had been abused by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this was all the answer they could have, for none would take his parte in any thing; but Billington, & any whom he named, deneyed the things, and protested he [219]wronged them, and would have drawne them to such & such things which they could not consente too, though they were sometimes drawne to his meetings. Then they delte with him aboute his dissembling with them aboute y^e church, and that he professed to concur with them in all things, and what a large confession he made at his admittance, and that he held not him selfe a minister till he had a new calling, &c. And yet now he contested against them, and drew a company aparte, & sequestred him selfe; and would goe minister the sacrements (by his Episcopall caling) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrats or bretheren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and burst out into tears, and "confest he feared he was a reprobate, his sinns were so great that he doubted God would not pardon them, he was unsavorie salte, &c.; and that he had so wronged them as he could never make them amends, confessing all he had write against them was false & nought, both for matter & man̅er." And all this he did with as much fullnes as words & tears could express.

After their triall & conviction, the court censured them to be expeld the place; Oldame presently, though his wife & family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could make provission to remove them comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay 6. months. It was, indeede, with some eye to his release, if he [220]caried him selfe well in the meane time, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was farr less then he deserved.

Afterwards, he confest his sin publikly in y^e church, with tears more largly then before. I shall here put it downe as I find it recorded by some who tooke it from his owne words, as him selfe utered them. Acknowledging [125] "That he had don very evill, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most of y^e people would take parte with him, he thought to cary all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God might justly lay in̅ocente blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and blest God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take knowledg from any, of any evill that was spoaken, but shut his eyes & ears against all the good; and if God should make him a vacabund in y^e earth, as was Caine, it was but just, for he had sined in envie & malice against his brethren as he did. And he confessed 3. things to be y^e ground & causes of these his doings: pride, vaine-glorie, & selfe love." Amplifying these heads with many other sade expressions, in the perticulers of them.

So as they begane againe to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his repentance, and admited him to teach amongst them as before; and Samuell Fuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender harted [221]men amongst them, were so taken with his signes of sorrow & repentance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure released.

But that which made them all stand amased in the end, and may doe all others that shall come to hear y^e same, (for a rarer president can scarse be showne,) was, that after a month or 2. notwithstand all his former conffessions, convictions, and publick acknowledgments, both in y^e face of y^e church and whole company, with so many tears & sadde censures of him selfe before God & men, he should goe againe to justifie what he had done.

For secretly he write a 2^d. leter to y^e adventurers in England, in w^ch he justified all his former writings, (save in some things which tended to their damage,) the which, because it is brefer then y^e former, I shall here inserte.

They made a breefe answer to some things in this leter, but referred cheefly to their former. The effecte was to this purpose: That if God in his providence had not brought these things to their hands (both y^e former & later), they might have been thus abused, tradused, and calumniated, overthrowne, & undone; and never have knowne by whom, nor for what. They desired but this equall favoure, that they would be pleased to hear their just defence, as well as his accusations, and waigh them in y^e balance of justice & reason, and then censure as they pleased. They had write breefly to y^e heads of things before, and should be ready to give further [127] answer as any occasion should require; craving leave to adde a word or tow to this last.

1. And first, they desire to examene what filth that was y^t he acknowledgeth might justly be throwne in his face, and might cause blushing & perpetuall silence; some great mater sure! But if it be looked into, it amounts to no more then a poynte of indiscretion, and thats all; and yet he licks of y^t too with this excuse, that he was stired up therunto by beholding [224]y^e indirecte course here. But this point never troubled him here, it was counted a light matter both by him & his freinds, and put of with this,—that any man might doe so, to advise his private freinds to come over for their best advantage. All his sorrow & tears here was for y^e wrong & hurt he had done us, and not at all for this he pretends to be done to you: it was not counted so much as indiscretion.

2. Having thus payed you full satisfaction, he thinks he may lay load of us here. And first complains that we have changed his wages ten times. We never agreed with him for any wages, nor made any bargen at all with him, neither know of any that you have made. You sent him over to teach amongst us, and desired he might be kindly used; and more then this we know not. That he hath beene kindly used, (and farr beter then he deserves from us,) he shall be judged first of his owne mouth. If you please to looke upon that writing of his, that was sent you amongst his leters, which he cals a generall relation, in which, though he doth otherwise traduse us, yet in this he him selfe clears us. In y^e latter end therof he hath these words. I speak not this (saith he) out of any ill affection to the men, for I have found them very kind & loving to me. You may ther see these to be his owne words under his owne hand. 2^ly. It will appere by this that he hath ever had a larger alowance of food [225]out of y^e store for him and his then any, and clothing as his neede hath required; a dwelling in one of our best houses, and a man wholy at his owne com̅and to tend his private affairs. What cause he hath therfore to complaine, judge ye; and what he means in his speech we know not, except he aluds to y^t of Jaacob & Laban. If you have promised him more or other wise, you may doe it when you please.

3. Then with an impudente face he would have you take notice, that (in his leters) he hath write nothing but what is certainly true, yea, and he could make it so appeare plainly to any indifferente men. This indeed doth astonish us and causeth us to tremble at y^e deceitfullnes [128] and desperate wickednes of mans harte. This is to devoure holy things, and after voues to enquire. It is admirable that after such publick confession, and acknowledgmente in court, in church, before God, & men, with such sadd expressions as he used, and with such melting into teares, that after all this he shoud now justifie all againe. If things had bene done in a corner, it had been some thinge to deney them; but being done in y^e open view of y^e cuntrie & before all men, it is more then strange now to avow to make them plainly appear to any indifferente men; and here wher things were done, and all y^e evidence that could be were presente, and yet could make nothing appear, but even [226]his freinds condemnd him & gave their voyce to his censure, so grose were they; we leave your selves to judge herein. Yet least this man should triumph in his wikednes, we shall be ready to answer him, when, or wher you will, to any thing he shall lay to our charg, though we have done it sufficiently allready.

4. Then he saith he would not inlarge, but for some poore souls here who are destiute of y^e means of salvation, &c. But all his soothing is but that you would use means, that his censure might be released that he might here continue; and under you (at least) be sheltered, till he sees what his freinds (on whom he depends) can bring about & effecte. For such men pretend much for poor souls, but they will looke to their wages & conditions; if that be not to their content, let poor souls doe what they will, they will shift for them selves, and seek poore souls some wher els among richer bodys.

Next he fals upon y^e church, that indeed is y^e burthensome stone that troubls him. First, he saith they hold this principle, that the Lord hath not apointed any ordinarie ministrie for y^e converssion of those without. The church needs not be ashamed of what she houlds in this, haveing Gods word for her warrente; that ordinarie officers are bound cheefly to their flocks, Acts 20. 28. and are not to be extravagants, to goe, come, and leave them at their pleasurs to shift for them selves, or to be devoured of wolves. [227]But he perverts y^e truth in this as in other things, for y^e Lord hath as well appoynted them to converte, as to feede in their severall charges; and he wrongs y^e church to say other wise. Againe, he saith he was taxed for preaching to all in generall. This is a meere untruth, for this dissembler knows that every Lords day some are appointed to visite suspected places, & if any be found idling and neglecte y^e hearing of y^e word, (through idlnes or profanes,) they are punished for y^e same. Now to procure all to come to hear, and then to blame him for preaching to all, were to play y^e mad men.

[129] 6. Next (he saith) they have had no ministrie since they came, what soever pretences they make, &c. We answer, the more is our wrong, that our pastor is kept from us by these mens means, and then reproach us for it when they have done. Yet have we not been wholy distitute of y^e means of salvation, as this man would make y^e world beleeve; for our reve^d Elder hath laboured diligently in dispencing the word of God unto us, before he came; and since hath taken equalle pains with him selfe in preaching the same; and, be it spoaken without ostentation, he is not inferriour to M^r. Lyford (& some of his betters) either in gifts or larning, though he would never be perswaded to take higher office upon him. Nor ever was more pretended in this matter. For equivocating, he may take it to [228]him selfe; what y^e church houlds, they have manifested to y^e world, in all plaines, both in open confession, doctrine, & writing.

This was y^e sume of ther answer, and hear I will let them rest for y^e presente. I have bene longer in these things then I desired, and yet not so long as the things might require, for I pass many things in silence, and many more deserve to have been more largly handled. But I will returne to other things, and leave y^e rest to its place.