This is a modern-English version of A Budget of Paradoxes, Volume II, originally written by De Morgan, Augustus.
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.
Transcriber's note: | A few typographical errors have been corrected. They appear in the text like this, and the explanation will appear when the mouse pointer is moved over the marked passage. |
BY AUGUSTUS DE MORGAN
A BUDGET OF
PARADOXES
REPRINTED WITH THE AUTHOR'S ADDITIONS FROM THE ATHENAEUM
REPRINTED WITH THE AUTHOR'S UPDATES FROM THE ATHENAEUM
SECOND EDITION EDITED BY DAVID EUGENE SMITH
SECOND EDITION EDITED BY DAVID EUGENE SMITH
WITH A NEW INTRODUCTION BY ERNEST NAGEL
WITH A NEW INTRODUCTION BY ERNEST NAGEL
PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Philosophy Professor, Columbia University
UNABRIDGED EDITION—TWO VOLUMES BOUND AS ONE
UNABRIDGED EDITION—TWO VOLUMES BOUND AS ONE
Volume II
DOVER PUBLICATIONS, INC., NEW YORK
Dover Publications, Inc., New York
This new Dover Edition, published in 1954,
is an unabridged republication of the Second Edition
of 1915, with a new introduction by Professor Ernest Nagel.
This new Dover Edition, published in 1954,
is a complete reprint of the Second Edition
from 1915, featuring a new introduction by Professor Ernest Nagel.
Copyright 1954 by Dover Publications, Inc.
Manufactured in the United States of America
Copyright 1954 by Dover Publications, Inc.
Made in the United States of America
A BUDGET OF PARADOXES.
VOLUME II.
ON SOME PHILOSOPHICAL ATHEISTS.
ON SOME PHILOSOPHICAL ATHEISTS.
With the general run of the philosophical atheists of the last century the notion of a God was an hypothesis. There was left an admitted possibility that the vague somewhat which went by more names than one, might be personal, intelligent, and superintendent. In the works of Laplace,[1] who is sometimes called an atheist from his writings, there is nothing from which such an inference can be drawn: unless indeed a Reverend Fellow of the Royal Society may be held to be the fool who said in his heart, etc., etc., if his contributions to the Philosophical Transactions go no higher than nature. The following anecdote is well known in Paris, but has never been printed entire. Laplace once went in form to present some edition of his "Système du Monde" to the First Consul, or Emperor. Napoleon, whom some wags had told that this book contained no mention of the name of God, and who was fond of putting embarrassing questions, received it with—"M. Laplace, they tell me you have written this large book on the system of the universe, and have never even mentioned its Creator." Laplace, who, though the most supple of politicians, was as stiff as a martyr on every point of his philosophy or religion (e. g., even under Charles X he never concealed his dislike of the priests), drew himself up and answered [2]bluntly, "Je n'avais pas besoin de cette hypothèse-là."[2] Napoleon, greatly amused, told this reply to Lagrange, who exclaimed, "Ah! c'est une belle hypothèse; ça explique beaucoup de choses."[3]
With the usual crowd of philosophical atheists from the last century, the idea of God was just a hypothesis. There remained an accepted possibility that the vague something, which went by various names, could be personal, intelligent, and supervising. In the works of Laplace, [1] who is sometimes labeled an atheist based on his writings, there’s nothing that suggests such a conclusion can be drawn: unless, of course, a Reverend Fellow of the Royal Society might be considered the fool who said in his heart, etc., etc., if his contributions to the Philosophical Transactions stop at nature. The following anecdote is well known in Paris but has never been published in full. Laplace once formally went to present a copy of his "Système du Monde" to the First Consul or Emperor. Napoleon, who had been told by some jokers that this book didn’t mention the name of God and enjoyed asking tricky questions, received it with, “M. Laplace, I hear you’ve written this hefty book on the system of the universe, and you’ve never even mentioned its Creator.” Laplace, who was the most adaptable of politicians but as rigid as a martyr when it came to his philosophy or religion (for instance, even under Charles X he never hid his disdain for the priests), straightened up and replied bluntly, "Je n'avais pas besoin de cette hypothèse-là." [2] Napoleon, highly amused, shared this response with Lagrange, who exclaimed, "Ah! c'est une belle hypothèse; ça explique beaucoup de choses." [3]
It is commonly said that the last words of Laplace were, "Ce que nous connaissons est peu de chose; ce que nous ignorons est immense."[4] This looks like a parody on Newton's pebbles:[5] the following is the true account; it comes to me through one remove from Poisson.[6] After the publication (in 1825) of the fifth volume of the Mécanique Céleste, Laplace became gradually weaker, and with it musing and abstracted. He thought much on the great problems of existence, and often muttered to himself, Qu'est ce que c'est que tout cela![7] After many alternations, he appeared at last so permanently prostrated that his family applied to his favorite pupil, M. Poisson, to try to get a word from him. Poisson paid a visit, and after a few words of salutation, said, "J'ai une bonne nouvelle à vous annoncer: on a reçu au Bureau des Longitudes une lettre d'Allemagne annonçant que M. Bessel a vérifié par l'observation vos découvertes théoriques sur les satellites de Jupiter."[8] Laplace opened his eyes and answered with deep [3]gravity, "L'homme ne poursuit que des chimères."[9] He never spoke again. His death took place March 5, 1827.
It’s often said that Laplace's last words were, "What we know is a little; what we don’t know is vast." [4] This seems like a joke referencing Newton’s pebbles: [5] here’s the real story; it comes to me through a connection to Poisson. [6] After the publication (in 1825) of the fifth volume of the Mécanique Céleste, Laplace gradually became weaker and more lost in thought. He pondered the great questions of existence and often muttered to himself, What is all this! [7] After many ups and downs, he finally appeared so consistently exhausted that his family reached out to his favorite student, M. Poisson, to see if he could get a word from him. Poisson visited and after a few greetings, said, "I have good news to share: we've received a letter from Germany at the Bureau des Longitudes saying that Mr. Bessel has confirmed your theoretical discoveries about the moons of Jupiter through observation." [8] Laplace opened his eyes and responded solemnly, "Man only chases illusions." [9] He never spoke again. He passed away on March 5, 1827.
The language used by the two great geometers illustrates what I have said: a supreme and guiding intelligence—apart from a blind rule called nature of things—was an hypothesis. The absolute denial of such a ruling power was not in the plan of the higher philosophers: it was left for the smaller fry. A round assertion of the non-existence of anything which stands in the way is the refuge of a certain class of minds: but it succeeds only with things subjective; the objective offers resistance. A philosopher of the appropriative class tried it upon the constable who appropriated him: I deny your existence, said he; Come along all the same, said the unpsychological policeman.
The language used by the two great geometers shows what I mentioned: a supreme and guiding intelligence—aside from a blind principle called nature of things—was just an hypothesis. The absolute rejection of such a ruling power wasn’t part of the plan of the higher philosophers; that was left for the lesser thinkers. A bold claim denying the existence of anything that obstructs is the fallback for a certain type of mind: but it only works with subjective things; the objective pushes back. A philosopher of the opportunistic kind tried it with the officer who took him: I deny your existence, he claimed; Come along anyway, replied the unphilosophical cop.
Euler[10] was a believer in God, downright and straightforward. The following story is told by Thiébault,[11] in his Souvenirs de vingt ans de séjour à Berlin,[12] published in his old age, about 1804. This volume was fully received as trustworthy; and Marshall Mollendorff[13] told the Duc de Bassano[14] in 1807 that it was the most veracious of books written by the most honest of men. Thiébault says that he has no personal knowledge of the truth of the story, but [4]that it was believed throughout the whole of the north of Europe. Diderot[15] paid a visit to the Russian Court at the invitation of the Empress. He conversed very freely, and gave the younger members of the Court circle a good deal of lively atheism. The Empress was much amused, but some of her councillors suggested that it might be desirable to check these expositions of doctrine. The Empress did not like to put a direct muzzle on her guest's tongue, so the following plot was contrived. Diderot was informed that a learned mathematician was in possession of an algebraical demonstration of the existence of God, and would give it him before all the Court, if he desired to hear it. Diderot gladly consented: though the name of the mathematician is not given, it was Euler. He advanced towards Diderot, and said gravely, and in a tone of perfect conviction: Monsieur, (a + bn) / n = x, donc Dieu existe; répondez![16] Diderot, to whom algebra was Hebrew, was embarrassed and disconcerted; while peals of laughter rose on all sides. He asked permission to return to France at once, which was granted.
Euler[10] was a believer in God, straightforward and honest. The story that follows is told by Thiébault,[11] in his Souvenirs de vingt ans de séjour à Berlin,[12] published later in his life, around 1804. This book was widely accepted as credible; and Marshall Mollendorff[13] told Duc de Bassano[14] in 1807 that it was the most truthful book written by the most honest man. Thiébault notes that he doesn't personally verify the truth of the story, but [4]that it was believed throughout all of northern Europe. Diderot[15] visited the Russian Court at the Empress's invitation. He spoke openly and shared a bit of lively atheism with the younger members of the Court circle. The Empress found it entertaining, but some of her advisers thought it might be wise to rein in these ideas. Rather than directly silencing her guest, they came up with a plan. Diderot was told that a learned mathematician had a mathematical demonstration proving God's existence and would present it to the entire Court if he wanted to hear it. Diderot eagerly agreed; although the mathematician's name wasn't mentioned, it was Euler. He approached Diderot and said gravely, with complete conviction: Monsieur, (a + bn) / n = x, donc Dieu existe; répondez![16] Diderot, who found algebra incomprehensible, felt embarrassed and flustered, while laughter erupted around him. He requested to return to France immediately, which was granted.
ROTATION OF THE MOON.
Moon Rotation.
An examination of the Astronomical doctrine of the Moon's rotation. By J. L.[17] Edinburgh, 1847, 8vo.
A study of the astronomical theory regarding the Moon's rotation. By J. L.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Edinburgh, 1847, 8vo.
A systematic attack of the character afterwards made with less skill and more notice by Mr. Jellinger Symons.
A planned attack on the character was later made with less skill and more attention by Mr. Jellinger Symons.
July 1866, J. L. appears as Mr. James Laurie, with a new pamphlet "The Astronomical doctrines of the Moon's rotation ..." Edinburgh. Of all the works I have seen on the question, this is the most confident, and the sorest. [5]A writer on astronomy said of Mr. Jellinger Symons,[18] "Of course he convinced no one who knew anything of the subject." This "ungenerous slur" on the speculator's memory appears to have been keenly felt; but its truth is admitted. Those who knew anything of the subject are "the so-called men of science," whose three P's were assailed; prestige, pride, and prejudice: this the author tries to effect for himself with three Q's; quibble, quirk, and quiddity. He explains that the Scribes and Pharisees would not hear Jesus, and that the lordly bishop of Rome will not cast his tiara and keys at the feet of the "humble presbyter" who now plays the part of pope in Scotland. I do not know whom he means: but perhaps the friends of the presbyter-pope may consider this an ungenerous slur. The best proof of the astronomer is just such "as might have been expected from the merest of blockheads"; but as the giver is of course not a blockhead, this circumstance shows how deeply blinded by prejudice he must be.
July 1866, J. L. appears as Mr. James Laurie, with a new pamphlet "The Astronomical Doctrines of the Moon's Rotation..." Edinburgh. Of all the works I’ve seen on the topic, this one is the most assertive and the most painful. [5] An astronomy writer noted about Mr. Jellinger Symons, "Of course he convinced no one who knew anything about the subject." This "unkind jab" at the speculator's legacy seems to have struck a nerve, but its validity is acknowledged. Those who know anything about the topic are "the so-called men of science," whose three P's were challenged: prestige, pride, and prejudice. The author attempts to counter this with three Q's: quibble, quirk, and quiddity. He points out that the Scribes and Pharisees wouldn’t listen to Jesus, and that the lofty bishop of Rome won’t throw his tiara and keys at the feet of the "humble presbyter" who now acts like the pope in Scotland. I don’t know who he’s referring to, but perhaps the friends of the presbyter-pope might see this as an unkind insult. The best evidence from the astronomer is just what you would expect from the biggest fool; but since the giver is certainly not a fool, this indicates how deeply blind he must be due to prejudice.
Of course the paradoxers do not persuade any persons who know their subjects: and so these Scribes and Pharisees reject the Messiah. We must suppose that the makers of this comparison are Christians: for if they thought the Messiah an enthusiast or an impostor, they would be absurd in comparing those who reject what they take for truth with others who once rejected what they take for falsehood. And if Christians, they are both irreverent and blind to all analogy. The Messiah, with His Divine mission proved by miracles which all might see who chose to look, is degraded into a prototype of James Laurie, ingeniously astronomizing upon ignorant geometry and false logic, and comparing to blockheads those who expose his nonsense. Their comparison is as foolish as—supposing [6]them Christians—it is profane: but, like errors in general, its other end points to truth. There were Pseudochrists and Antichrists; and a Concordance would find the real forerunners of all the paradoxers. But they are not so clever as the old false prophets: there are none of whom we should be inclined to say that, if it were possible, they would deceive the very educated. Not an Egyptian among them all can make uproar enough to collect four thousand men that are murderers—of common sense—to lead out into the wilderness. Nothing, says the motto of this work, is so difficult to destroy as the errors and false facts propagated by illustrious men whose words have authority. I deny it altogether. There are things much more difficult to destroy: it is much more difficult to destroy the truths and real facts supported by such men. And again, it is much more difficult to prevent men of no authority from setting up false pretensions; and it is much more difficult to destroy assertions of fancy speculation. Many an error of thought and learning has fallen before a gradual growth of thoughtful and learned opposition. But such things as the quadrature of the circle, etc., are never put down. And why? Because thought can influence thought, but thought cannot influence self-conceit: learning can annihilate learning: but learning cannot annihilate ignorance. A sword may cut through an iron bar; and the severed ends will not reunite: let it go through the air, and the yielding substance is whole again in a moment.
Of course, the people who argue against these ideas don't convince anyone who knows their stuff, and that's why these Scribes and Pharisees dismiss the Messiah. We have to assume the people making this comparison are Christians; because if they thought the Messiah was just a zealot or a fraud, it would be ridiculous to compare those who reject what they believe to be true with others who once rejected what they believe to be false. If they are Christians, they show a lack of respect and fail to see the parallels. The Messiah, with His divine mission demonstrated through miracles visible to anyone who cared to see, is reduced to a mere example of James Laurie, who cleverly theorizes using misguided logic and ignorance, and likens to fools those who call out his nonsense. Their comparison is as foolish as—if we assume they are Christians—it is disrespectful: but, like many errors, it ultimately points to truth. There have been false messiahs and antichrists; and a concordance would reveal the true predecessors of all these paradoxers. However, they're not as clever as the old false prophets; none of them could convince the educated. Not a single Egyptian among them could rally four thousand common-sense murderers to lead into the wilderness. Nothing, as this work's motto states, is harder to dismantle than the falsehoods and misconceptions spread by influential figures whose words carry weight. I disagree completely. There are things far more challenging to dismantle: it is much tougher to destroy the truths and real facts backed by those same figures. Plus, it’s much harder to stop people without authority from making false claims; and it's also much more difficult to eliminate fantasies based on speculation. Many errors in thinking and education have fallen to the gradual rise of thoughtful and educated opposition. But concepts like the quadrature of the circle, etc., are never fully debunked. And why? Because thought can influence thought, but it cannot touch self-importance; knowledge can defeat knowledge, but it cannot eliminate ignorance. A sword can slice through an iron rod, and those severed ends won’t reconnect; let it pass through the air, and the pliable material becomes whole again in an instant.
Miracles versus Nature: being an application of certain propositions in the theory of chances to the Christian miracles. By Protimalethes.[19] Cambridge, 1847, 8vo.
Miracles versus Nature: using some concepts from probability theory to examine Christian miracles. By Protimalethes.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cambridge, 1847, 8vo.
The theory, as may be supposed, is carried further than most students of the subject would hold defensible.
The theory, as you might expect, goes further than most students of the subject would consider justifiable.
An astronomical Lecture. By the Rev. R. Wilson.[20] Greenock, 1847, 12mo.
An Astronomical Lecture by Rev. R. Wilson. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Greenock, 1847, 12mo.
Against the moon's rotation on her axis.
Against the moon's rotation on its axis.
[Handed about in the streets in 1847: I quote the whole:] Important discovery in astronomy, communicated to the Astronomer Royal, December 21st, 1846. That the Sun revolve round the Planets in 25748-2/5 years, in consequence of the combined attraction of the planets and their satellites, and that the Earth revolve round the Moon in 18 years and 228 days. D. T. Glazier [altered with a pen into Glazion.] Price one penny.
[Distributed on the streets in 1847: Here's the full text:] Important discovery in astronomy, reported to the Astronomer Royal on December 21st, 1846. It states that the Sun orbits the Planets in 25,748.4 years, due to the combined gravitational pull of the planets and their moons, and that the Earth orbits the Moon in 18 years and 228 days. D. T. Glazier [corrected with a pen to Glazion.] Price one penny.
1847. In the United Service Magazine for September, 1847, Mrs. Borron,[21] of Shrewsbury, published some remarks tending to impeach the fact that Neptune, the planet found by Galle,[22] really was the planet which Le Verrier and Adams[23] had a right to claim. This was followed (September 14) by two pages, separately circulated, of "Further Observations upon the Planets Neptune and Uranus, with a Theory of Perturbations"; and (October 19, 1848) by three pages of "A Review of M. Leverrier's Exposition." Several persons, when the remarkable discovery was made, contended that the planet actually discovered was an intruder; and the future histories of the discovery must contain some account of this little afterpiece. Tim Linkinwater's theory that there is no place like London for coincidences, would have been utterly overthrown in favor of what they used to call the celestial spaces, if there had been a planet which by chance was put [8]near the place assigned to Neptune at the time when the discovery was made.
1847. In the United Service Magazine for September 1847, Mrs. Borron, of Shrewsbury, published some comments questioning whether Neptune, the planet discovered by Galle, was truly the planet that Le Verrier and Adams had the right to claim. This was followed (September 14) by two pages, circulated separately, of "Further Observations upon the Planets Neptune and Uranus, with a Theory of Perturbations"; and (October 19, 1848) by three pages of "A Review of M. Leverrier's Exposition." Several people, when the remarkable discovery was made, argued that the planet discovered was an intruder; and the future accounts of the discovery must include some mention of this little add-on. Tim Linkinwater's theory that there's no place like London for coincidences would have been completely disproven in favor of what they used to call the celestial spaces, if there had been a planet that just happened to be located near the spot assigned to Neptune at the time of the discovery.
EARLY IDEAS OF AVIATION.
Early concepts of aviation.
Aerial Navigation; containing a description of a proposed flying machine, on a new principle. By Dædalus Britannicus. London, 1847, 8vo.
Aerial Navigation; presenting a description of a suggested flying machine, based on an innovative principle. By Dædalus Britannicus. London, 1847, 8vo.
In 1842-43 a Mr. Henson[24] had proposed what he called an aeronaut steam-engine, and a Bill was brought in to incorporate an "Aerial Transit Company." The present plan is altogether different, the moving power being the explosion of mixed hydrogen and air. Nothing came of it—not even a Bill. What the final destiny of the balloon may be no one knows: it may reasonably be suspected that difficulties will at last be overcome. Darwin,[25] in his "Botanic Garden" (1781), has the following prophecy:
In 1842-43, a Mr. Henson[24] proposed something he called an aeronaut steam-engine, and a Bill was introduced to create an "Aerial Transit Company." The current plan is completely different, using the explosion of a mixture of hydrogen and air as its power source. Nothing came of it—not even a Bill. What the final fate of the balloon will be, no one knows; it can be reasonably suspected that challenges will ultimately be overcome. Darwin,[25] in his "Botanic Garden" (1781), made the following prediction:
"Soon shall thy arm, unconquered Steam! afar
"Soon your unstoppable steam arm will reach far"
Drag the slow barge, or drive the rapid car;
Drag the slow barge or drive the fast car;
Or, on wide-waving wings expanded, bear
Or, on broad, expansive wings, carry
The flying chariot through the fields of air."
The flying chariot through the fields of air.
Darwin's contemporaries, no doubt, smiled pity on the poor man. It is worth note that the two true prophecies have been fulfilled in a sense different from that of the predictions. Darwin was thinking of the suggestion of Jonathan Hulls,[26] when he spoke of dragging the slow barge: it is only very recently that the steam-tug has been employed on the canals. The car was to be driven, not drawn, and on the common roads. Perhaps, the flying chariot will [9]be something of a character which we cannot imagine, even with the two prophecies and their fulfilments to help us.[27]
Darwin's contemporaries surely looked down on him with pity. It's worth mentioning that the two true predictions have been realized in a way that differs from what was expected. When Darwin talked about dragging the slow barge, he was referring to the idea from Jonathan Hulls; it's only recently that steam tugs started being used on the canals. The car was meant to be driven, not pulled, along regular roads. Maybe the flying chariot will be something we can't even envision now, despite the two predictions and their outcomes to guide us.
THE SECRET OF THE UNIVERSE DIVULGED.
THE SECRET OF THE UNIVERSE REVEALED.
A book for the public. New Discovery. The causes of the circulation of the blood; and the true nature of the planetary system. London, 1848, 8vo.
A book for everyone. New Discoveries. The reasons behind how blood circulates and the true nature of the solar system. London, 1848, 8vo.
Light is the sustainer of motion both in the earth and in the blood. The natural standard, the pulse of a person in health, four beats to one respiration, gives the natural second, which is the measure of the earth's progress in its daily revolution. The Greek fable of the Titans is an elaborate exposition of the atomic theory: but any attempt to convince learned classics would only meet their derision; so much does long-fostered prejudice stand in the way of truth. The author complains bitterly that men of science will not attend to him and others like him: he observes, that "in the time occupied in declining, a man of science might test the merits." This is, alas! too true; so well do applicants of this kind know how to stick on. But every rule has its exception: I have heard of one. The late Lord Spencer[28]—the Lord Althorp of the House of Commons—told me that a speculator once got access to him at the Home Office, and was proceeding to unfold his way of serving the public. "I do not understand these things," said Lord Althorp, "but I happen to have —— (naming an eminent engineer) upstairs; suppose you talk to him on the subject." The discoverer went up, and in half-an-hour returned, and said, "I am very much obliged to your Lordship for introducing me to Mr. ——; he has convinced me [10]that I am quite wrong." I supposed, when I heard the story—but it would not have been seemly to say it—that Lord A. exhaled candor and sense, which infected those who came within reach: he would have done so, if anybody.
Light sustains motion both on Earth and in our blood. The natural standard, a healthy person's pulse—four beats for every breath—provides the natural second, which measures the Earth's daily rotation. The Greek myth of the Titans is a detailed description of atomic theory, but trying to convince educated classics would only invite their ridicule; deep-rooted prejudice greatly hinders truth. The author expresses frustration that scientists won't pay attention to him and others like him: he notes that "in the time spent dismissing, a scientist could evaluate the merits." This is sadly true; those seeking attention know how to cling on. However, every rule has its exception: I've heard of one. The late Lord Spencer—Lord Althorp from the House of Commons—once shared that a speculator managed to reach him at the Home Office and began to explain his approach to serving the public. "I don't understand these things," said Lord Althorp, "but I happen to have —— (mentioning a well-known engineer) upstairs; why not discuss it with him?" The inventor went up, returned in half an hour, and said, "I really appreciate your Lordship for introducing me to Mr. ——; he has convinced me that I'm completely wrong." I assumed, when I heard this story—but it wouldn't have been appropriate to say—that Lord A. exuded honesty and wisdom, affecting those who came near him: he surely would have, if anyone could.
THE TRISECTION AND QUADRATURE AGAIN.
THE TRISECTION AND QUADRATURE AGAIN.
A method to trisect a series of angles having relation to each other; also another to trisect any given angle. By James Sabben. 1848 (two quarto pages).
A method for dividing a series of related angles, as well as another approach to divide a specific angle. By James Sabben. 1848 (two quarto pages).
"The consequence of years of intense thought": very likely, and very sad.
"The result of years of deep thinking": probably so, and very unfortunate.
1848. The following was sent to me in manuscript. I give the whole of it:
1848. The following was sent to me in manuscript. I'm sharing the entire text:
"Quadrature of the Circle.—A quadrant is a curvilinear angle traversing round and at an equal distance from a given point, called a center, no two points in the curve being at the same angle, but irreptitiously graduating from 90 to 60. It is therefore a mean angle of 90 and 60, which is 75, because it is more than 60, and less than 90, approximately from 60 to 90, and from 90 to 60, with equal generation in each irreptitious approximation, therefore meeting in 75, and which is the mean angle of the quadrant.
"Quadrature of the Circle.—A quadrant is a curved angle that lies evenly around a specific point, known as the center. No two points on the curve share the same angle, but they gradually transition from 90 to 60 degrees. Therefore, the average angle between 90 and 60 is 75, since it is greater than 60 and less than 90. This transition occurs approximately between 60 and 90, and then back from 90 to 60, with a consistent change in each gradual step, ultimately converging at 75, which is the average angle of the quadrant."
"Or suppose a line drawn from a given point at 90, and from the same point at 60. Let each of these lines revolve on this point toward each other at an equal ratio. They will become one line at 75, and bisect the curve, which is one-sixth of the entire circle. The result, taking 16 as a diameter, gives an area of 201.072400, and a circumference of 50.2681.
"Imagine a line drawn from a certain point at 90 degrees, and another from the same point at 60 degrees. If both lines rotate toward each other around that point at the same rate, they will merge into one line at 75 degrees, intersecting the curve, which is one-sixth of the full circle. The outcome, with a diameter of 16, results in an area of 201.072400 and a circumference of 50.2681."
"The original conception, its natural harmony, and the result, to my own mind is a demonstrative truth, which I presume it right to make known, though perhaps at the hazard of unpleasant if not uncourteous remarks."
"The original idea, its natural balance, and the outcome, in my opinion, is a clear truth that I believe it’s important to share, even if it might lead to some unpleasant or rude comments."
The quadrature and exact area of the circle demonstrated. By Wm. Peters. 8vo. n. d. (circa 1848).[29]
The calculation and precise area of the circle displayed. By Wm. Peters. 8vo. n. d. (circa 1848).__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Suggestions as to the necessity for a revolution in philosophy; and prospectus for the establishment of a new quarterly, to be called the Physical Philosopher and Heterodox Review. By Q. E. D. 8vo. 1848.
Ideas on the necessity for a revolution in philosophy; and a proposal for launching a new quarterly magazine, to be titled the Physical Philosopher and Heterodox Review. By Q. E. D. 8vo. 1848.
These works are by one author, who also published, as appears by advertisement,
These works are by one author, who also published, as shown by the advertisement,
"Newton rescued from the precipitancy of his followers through a century and a half,"[30] and "Dangers along a coast by correcting (as it is called) a ship's reckoning by bearings of the land at night fall, or in a fog, nearly out of print. Subscriptions are requested for a new edition."
"Newton saved his followers from rushing into things for a century and a half,"[30] and "Dangers along a coast by correcting (as it's called) a ship's navigation using landmarks when night falls or during fog are almost out of print. Subscriptions are needed for a new edition."
The area of a circle is made four-fifths of the circumscribed square: proved on an assumption which it is purposed to explain in a longer essay.[31] The author, as Q. E. D., was in controversy with the Athenæum journal, and criticised a correspondent, D., who wrote against a certain class of discoverers. He believed the common theories of hydrostatics to be wrong, and one of his questions was:
The area of a circle is four-fifths the size of the square that fits around it: this will be explained in more detail in a longer essay.[31] The author, as Q.E.D., was in a debate with the Athenæum journal and criticized a writer, D., who spoke out against a specific group of innovators. He thought the usual theories of hydrostatics were incorrect, and one of his questions was:
"Have you ever taken into account anent gravity and gravitation the fact that a five grain cube of cork will of itself half sink in the water, whilst it will take 20 grains of brass, which will sink of itself, to pull under the other half? Fit this if you can, friend D., to your notions of gravity and specific gravity, as applied to the construction of a universal law of gravitation."
"Have you ever considered that a five-grain cube of cork will naturally float halfway in water, while it takes 20 grains of brass, which sinks on its own, to push the other half down? See if you can connect this, friend D., to your ideas about gravity and specific gravity as they relate to creating a universal law of gravitation."
This the Athenæum published—but without some Italics, for which the editor was sharply reproved, as a sufficient [12]specimen of the quod erat D. monstrandum: on which the author remarks—"D,—Wherefore the e caret? is it D apostrophe? D', D'M, D'Mo, D'Monstrandum; we cannot find the wit of it." This I conjecture to contain an illusion to the name of the supposed author; but whether De Mocritus, De Mosthenes, or De Moivre was intended, I am not willing to decide.
This was published in the Athenæum—but without some italics, for which the editor was sharply criticized, as a sufficient [12]example of the quod erat D. monstrandum: about which the author comments—"D,—Why the e caret? Is it D apostrophe? D', D'M, D'Mo, D'Monstrandum; we can't figure out the wit of it." I suppose this refers to the name of the supposed author; but whether it was meant to be De Mocritus, De Mosthenes, or De Moivre, I’m not willing to say.
The Scriptural Calendar and Chronological Reformer, for the statute year 1849. Including a review of recent publications on the Sabbath question. London, 1849, 12mo.[32]
The Biblical Calendar and Chronological Guide for 1849. This includes a review of recent publications on the Sabbath topic. London, 1849, 12mo.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
This is the almanac of a sect of Christians who keep the Jewish Sabbath, having a chapel at Mill Yard, Goodman's Fields. They wrote controversial works, and perhaps do so still; but I never chanced to see one.
This is the almanac of a group of Christians who observe the Jewish Sabbath, with a chapel at Mill Yard, Goodman's Fields. They used to write controversial works, and they might still be doing it; however, I have never happened to see one.
Geometry versus Algebra; or the trisection of an angle geometrically solved. By W. Upton, B.A.[33] Bath (circa 1849). 8vo.
Geometry versus Algebra; or the geometric solution of the trisection of an angle. By W. Upton, B.A.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Bath (circa 1849). 8vo.
The author published two tracts under this title, containing different alleged proofs: but neither gives any notice of the change. Both contain the same preface, complaining of the British Association for refusing to examine the production. I suppose that the author, finding his first proof wrong, invented the second, of which the Association never had the offer; and, feeling sure that they would have equally refused to examine the second, thought it justifiable to [13]present that second as the one which they had refused. Mr. Upton has discovered that the common way of finding the circumference is wrong, would set it right if he had leisure, and, in the mean time, has solved the problem of the duplication of the cube.
The author published two papers under this title, presenting different supposed proofs; however, neither mentions the change. Both include the same preface, which criticizes the British Association for refusing to review the work. I believe that the author, realizing his first proof was incorrect, created the second one, which the Association never received. Confident that they would have similarly rejected the second, he thought it acceptable to present that one as the one they had turned down. Mr. Upton has found that the usual method for determining the circumference is incorrect and would fix it if he had more time. In the meantime, he has solved the problem of duplicating the cube.
The trisector of an angle, if he demand attention from any mathematician, is bound to produce, from his construction, an expression for the sine or cosine of the third part of any angle, in terms of the sine or cosine of the angle itself, obtained by help of no higher than the square root. The mathematician knows that such a thing cannot be; but the trisector virtually says it can be, and is bound to produce it, to save time. This is the misfortune of most of the solvers of the celebrated problems, that they have not knowledge enough to present those consequences of their results by which they can be easily judged. Sometimes they have the knowledge and quibble out of the use of it. In many cases a person makes an honest beginning and presents what he is sure is a solution. By conference with others he at last feels uneasy, fears the light, and puts self-love in the way of it. Dishonesty sometimes follows. The speculators are, as a class, very apt to imagine that the mathematicians are in fraudulent confederacy against them: I ought rather to say that each one of them consents to the mode in which the rest are treated, and fancies conspiracy against himself. The mania of conspiracy is a very curious subject. I do not mean these remarks to apply to the author before me.
The trisector of an angle, if it seeks attention from any mathematician, is expected to create, through its construction, an expression for the sine or cosine of a third of any angle, in terms of the sine or cosine of the angle itself, using no more than the square root. The mathematician understands that this isn't possible; however, the trisector suggests it is and is compelled to produce it to save time. This is the misfortune of most people trying to solve the famous problems: they lack the knowledge to present the outcomes of their results in a way that can be easily evaluated. Sometimes they possess the knowledge but avoid its application. In many cases, an individual starts off well and presents what they believe is a solution. Through discussions with others, they eventually feel uncertain, fear scrutiny, and let their ego get in the way. Dishonesty can sometimes follow. Speculators, as a group, often think that mathematicians are colluding against them: I should rather say that each of them accepts how the others are treated and imagines a conspiracy aimed at themselves. The obsession with conspiracy is quite an interesting topic. I do not intend these comments to reflect on the author before me.
One of Mr. Upton's trisections, if true, would prove the truth of the following equation:
One of Mr. Upton's trisections, if accurate, would confirm the validity of the following equation:
3 cos (θ / 3) = 1 + √(4 - sin2θ)
3 cos (θ / 3) = 1 + √(4 - sin2θ)
which is certainly false.[34]
which is definitely false.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
In 1852 I examined a terrific construction, at the request of the late Dr. Wallich,[35] who was anxious to persuade a poor countryman of his, that trisection of the angle was waste of time. One of the principles was, that "magnitude and direction determine each other." The construction was equivalent to the assertion that, θ being any angle, the cosine of its third part is
In 1852, I looked into an impressive construction at the request of the late Dr. Wallich, who wanted to convince a struggling farmer of his that trying to trisect an angle was pointless. One key principle was that "magnitude and direction determine each other." The construction was basically saying that if θ is any angle, the cosine of one-third of it is
sin 3θ . cos(5θ/2) + sin2 θ sin (5θ/2)
sin 3θ * cos(5θ/2) + sin2 θ * sin (5θ/2)
divided by the square root of
divided by the square root of
sin2 3θ . cos2 (5θ/2) + sin4 θ + sin 3θ . sin 5θ . sin2 θ.
sin2 3θ . cos2 (5θ/2) + sin4 θ + sin 3θ . sin 5θ . sin2 θ.
This is from my rough notes, and I believe it is correct.[36] It is so nearly true, unless the angle be very obtuse, that common drawing, applied to the construction, will not detect the error. There are many formulae of this kind: and I have several times found a speculator who has discovered the corresponding construction, has seen the approximate success of his drawing—often as great as absolute truth could give in graphical practice,—and has then set about his demonstration, in which he always succeeds to his own content.
This is from my rough notes, and I believe it’s accurate.[36] It’s so close to being true that regular drawing techniques won’t reveal the mistake unless the angle is really wide. There are many formulas like this, and I’ve often encountered someone who has figured out the corresponding construction, noticed that their drawing is nearly successful—sometimes as convincing as absolute accuracy in graphical practice—and then proceeded to demonstrate it, where they always succeed to their own satisfaction.
There is a trisection of which I have lost both cutting and reference: I think it is in the United Service Journal. I could not detect any error in it, though certain there must [15]be one. At least I discovered that two parts of the diagram were incompatible unless a certain point lay in line with two others, by which the angle to be trisected—and which was trisected—was bound to be either 0° or 180°.
There’s a trisection I’ve lost track of in terms of both the cutting method and the reference: I think it’s in the United Service Journal. I couldn’t find any mistakes in it, but I’m sure there’s one. At least I realized that two parts of the diagram didn’t match up unless a specific point was aligned with two others, meaning the angle to be trisected—and that was trisected—had to be either 0° or 180°. [15]
Aug. 22, 1866. Mr. Upton sticks to his subject. He has just published "The Uptonian Trisection. Respectfully dedicated to the schoolmasters of the United Kingdom." It seems to be a new attempt. He takes no notice of the sentence I have put in italics: nor does he mention my notice of him, unless he means to include me among those by whom he has been "ridiculed and sneered at" or "branded as a brainless heretic." I did neither one nor the other: I thought Mr. Upton a paradoxer to whom it was likely to be worth while to propound the definite assertion now in italics; and Mr. Upton does not find it convenient to take issue on the point. He prefers general assertions about algebra. So long as he cannot meet algebra on the above question, he may issue as many "respectful challenges" to the mathematicians as he can find paper to write: he will meet with no attention.
Aug. 22, 1866. Mr. Upton is sticking to his topic. He has just published "The Uptonian Trisection. Respectfully dedicated to the schoolmasters of the United Kingdom." It seems to be a new attempt. He ignores the statement I’ve put in italics and doesn’t mention my comments about him unless he intends to include me among those who have “ridiculed and sneered at” him or “branded him as a brainless heretic.” I did neither; I viewed Mr. Upton as someone who might benefit from a clear assertion now in italics. Mr. Upton doesn’t find it convenient to address that point. He prefers to make general statements about algebra. As long as he can’t engage with algebra on that question, he can issue as many “respectful challenges” to mathematicians as he can write on paper, but he won’t receive any attention.
There is one trisection which is of more importance than that of the angle. It is easy to get half the paper on which you write for margin; or a quarter; but very troublesome to get a third. Show us how, easily and certainly, to fold the paper into three, and you will be a real benefactor to society.
There is one way to divide things that's more important than splitting an angle. It's simple to get half the paper you’re writing on for a margin, or even a quarter. But getting a third is really tricky. If you can show us a simple and reliable way to fold the paper into three equal parts, you will truly be a great help to society.
Early in the century there was a Turkish trisector of the angle, Hussein Effendi, who published two methods. He was the father of Ameen Bey, who was well known in England thirty years ago as a most amiable and cultivated gentleman and an excellent mathematician. He was then a student at Cambridge; and he died, years ago, in command of the army in Syria. Hussein Effendi was instructed in mathematics by Ingliz Selim Effendi, who translated a work [16]of Bonnycastle[37] into Turkish.[38] This Englishman was Richard Baily, brother of Francis Baily[39] the astronomer, who emigrated to Turkey in his youth, and adopted the manners of the Turks, but whether their religion also I never heard, though I should suppose he did.
Early in the century, there was a Turkish mathematician named Hussein Effendi who published two methods. He was the father of Ameen Bey, well-known in England thirty years ago as a charming and educated gentleman and an excellent mathematician. Ameen was then a student at Cambridge and passed away years ago while leading the army in Syria. Hussein Effendi learned mathematics from Ingliz Selim Effendi, who translated a work [16]of Bonnycastle[37] into Turkish.[38] This Englishman was Richard Baily, the brother of Francis Baily[39] the astronomer, who moved to Turkey in his youth and adopted Turkish customs. However, I never heard whether he also adopted their religion, though I would suppose he did.
I now give the letters from the agricultural laborer and his friend, described on page 12, Vol. I. They are curiosities; and the history of the quadrature can never be well written without some specimens of this kind:
I’m now sharing the letters from the agricultural worker and his friend, mentioned on page 12, Vol. I. They are interesting; and the history of the quadrature can't be fully understood without examples like these:
"Doctor Morgan, Sir. Permit me to address you
"Doctor Morgan, Sir. Allow me to speak with you."
"Brute Creation may perhaps enjoy the faculty of beholding visible things with a more penitrating eye than ourselves. But Spiritual objects are as far out of their reach as though they had no being
"Animal creations might have a sharper ability to see physical things than we do. But spiritual things are just as beyond their grasp as if they didn't exist at all."
"Nearest therefore to the brute Creation are those men who Suppose themselves to be so far governed by external objects as to believe nothing but what they See and feel And Can accomedate to their Shallow understanding and Imaginations
"Closest to the raw Creation are those men who think they are so controlled by external objects that they believe only what they see and feel and can fit into their limited understanding and imaginations."
"My Dear Sir Let us all Consult ourselves by the wise proverb.
"My Dear Sir, let’s all consult ourselves using the wise proverb."
"I believe that evry mans merit & ability aught to be appreciated and valued In proportion to its worth & utility
"I believe that every person's merit and ability should be appreciated and valued according to their worth and usefulness."
"In whatever State or Circumstances they may fortunately or unfortunately be placed
"In whatever state or circumstances they may find themselves, whether lucky or unlucky,
"And happy it is for evry man to know his worth and place
"And it's good for every person to know their worth and role."
"When a Gentleman of your Standing in Society Clad with those honors Can not understand or Solve a problem That is explicitly explained by words and Letters and [17]mathematically operated by figuers He had best consult the wise proverd
"When a man of your status in society, dressed in those honors, cannot understand or solve a problem that is clearly explained by words and letters and mathematically operated on by figures, it’s best for him to consult the wise proverb."
"Do that which thou Canst understand and Comprehend for thy good.
"Do what you can understand and comprehend for your own good."
"I would recommend that Such Gentleman Change his business
I would suggest that this gentleman change his business.
"And appropriate his time and attention to a Sunday School to Learn what he Could and keep the Litle Children form durting their Close
"And dedicate his time and attention to a Sunday School to learn what he could and keep the little children from ruining their clothes."
"With Sincere feelings of Gratitude for your weakness and Inability I am
"With sincere feelings of gratitude for your weakness and inability, I am"
"Sir your Superior in Mathematics ——"
"Sir, your superior in math ——"
"1849 June th29."
"June 29, 1849."
"Dor Morgin Sir
"Dor Morgin, Sir"
"I wrote and Sent my work to Professor —— of —— State of —— United States
"I wrote and sent my work to Professor —— of —— State of —— United States."
"I am now in the possession of the facts that he highly approves of my work. And Says he will Insure me Reward in the States
"I now have the information that he really approves of my work. He says he will ensure I receive a reward in the States."
"I write this that you may understand that I have knowledge of the unfair way that I am treated In my own nati County
"I’m writing this so you understand that I know how unfairly I'm treated in my own county."
"I am told and have reasons to believe that it is the Clergy that treat me so unjust.
"I’ve been told and have reasons to believe that it’s the clergy who are treating me so unfairly."
"I am not Desirous of heaping Disonors upon my own nation. But if I have to Leave this kingdom without my Just dues. The world Shall know how I am and have been treated.
"I don't want to bring shame upon my own country. But if I have to leave this kingdom without what I rightfully deserve, the world will know how I've been treated."
"I am Sir Desirous of my
"I am Sir Desirous of my
"Just dues ——"
"Just dues -—"
"1849 July 3."
"July 3, 1849."
"Sir, I have been given to understand that a friend of mine one whom I shall never be ashamed to acknowledge as [18]such tho' lowly his origine; nay not only not ashamed but proud of doing so for I am one of those who esteem and respect a man according to his ability and probity, deeming with Dr. Watts 'that the mind is the standard of the man,'[40] has laid before you and asked your opinion of his extraordinary performance, viz. the quadrature of the circle, he did this with the firmest belief that you would not only treat the matter in a straightforward manner but with the conviction that from your known or supposed knowledge of mathematicks would have given an upright and honorable decision upon the subject; but the question is have you done so? Could I say yes I would with the greatest of pleasure and have congratulated you upon your decision whatever it might have been but I am sorry to say that I cannot your letter is a paltry evasion, you say 'that it is a great pity that you (Mr. ——) should have attempted this (the quadrature of the circle) for your mathematical knowledge is not sufficient to make you know in what the problem consists,' you don't say in what it does consist according to your ideas, oh! no nothing of the sort, you enter into no disquisition upon the subject in order to show where you think Mr. —— is wrong and why you have not is simply—because you cannot—you know that he has done it and what is if I am not wrongly informed you have been heard to say so. He has done what you nor any other mathematician as those who call themselves such have done. And what is the reason that you will not candidly acknowledge to him as you have to others that he has squared the circle shall I tell you? it is because he has performed the feat to obtain the glory of which mathematicians have battled from time immemorial that they might encircle their brows with a wreath of laurels far more glorious than ever conqueror won it is simply this that it is a poor man a [19]humble artisan who has gained that victory that you don't like to acknowledge it you don't like to be beaten and worse to acknowledge that you have miscalculated, you have in short too small a soul to acknowledge that he is right.
"Sir, I've come to understand that a friend of mine, someone I will always be proud to acknowledge despite his humble beginnings, has presented you with his remarkable work on the quadrature of the circle. He did this fully believing that you would handle the matter honestly and, given your expertise in mathematics, would provide a fair and honorable judgment on the subject. However, the question is, have you done so? If I could say yes, I would gladly congratulate you on your decision, no matter what it was. Unfortunately, I cannot; your letter reads like a pathetic evasion. You mention that it's a shame he attempted this because your math skills aren’t strong enough to comprehend the problem, but you don't explain what it consists of according to your understanding. No, instead, you offer no argument on the topic to show where you think he is wrong, and the reason is simple—it's because you cannot. You know he has accomplished it, and I have heard you admit that. He has achieved what you and other self-proclaimed mathematicians have not. The reason you won’t openly acknowledge his success, as you have with others, is simply that he achieved this coveted recognition that mathematicians have sought throughout history, a recognition worth more than any laurels a conqueror could win. It’s that a poor man, a humble worker, has triumphed, and you don't like to admit it. You don’t want to be outdone and, even worse, to concede that you miscalculated. In short, you have too small a soul to admit he is right."
"I was asked my opinion and I gave it unhesitatingly in the affirmative and I am backed in my opinion not only by Mr. —— a mathematician and watchmaker residing in the boro of Southwark but by no less an authority than the Professor of mathematics of —— College —— —— United States Mr. —— and I presume that he at least is your equal as an authority and Mr. —— says that the government of the U.S. will recompense M. D. for the discovery he has made if so what a reflection upon Old england the boasted land of freedom the nursery of arts and sciences that her sons are obliged to go to a foreign country to obtain that recompense to which they are justly entitled
"I was asked for my opinion and I gave it confidently in the affirmative. I have the support of Mr. ——, a mathematician and watchmaker from Southwark, as well as that of the Professor of Mathematics at —— College, ——— United States, Mr. ——. I assume he is at least your equal as an authority. Mr. —— mentions that the U.S. government will compensate M. D. for the discovery he has made. If that's the case, what a shame for Old England, the so-called land of freedom, the cradle of arts and sciences, that its citizens have to go to another country to receive the compensation they rightfully deserve."
"In conclusion I had to contradict an assertion you made to the effect that 'there is not nor ever was any reward offered by the government of this country for the discovery of the quadrature of the circle.' I beg to inform you that there was but that it having been deemed an impossibility the government has withdrawn it. I do this upon no less an authority than the Marquis of Northampton.[41]
"In conclusion, I need to challenge your statement that 'there is not and never was any reward offered by the government of this country for the discovery of the quadrature of the circle.' I must inform you that there was one, but it was withdrawn by the government because it was considered impossible. I base this on the authority of the Marquis of Northampton.[41]
"I am, sir, yours ——"
"I am, sir, yours—"
"Dr. Morgan."
"Dr. Morgan."
THE MOON'S ROTATION.
THE MOON'S ROTATION.
Notes on the Kinematic Effects of Revolution and Rotation, with reference to the Motions of the Moon and of the earth. By Henry Perigal, Jun. Esq. London, 1846-1849, 8vo.
Notes on the Kinematic Effects of Revolution and Rotation, referencing the Motions of the Moon and the Earth. By Henry Perigal, Jr. Esq. London, 1846-1849, 8vo.
On the misuse of technical terms. Ambiguity of the terms Rotation and Revolution, owing to the double meaning improperly [20]attributed to each of the words. (No date nor place, but by Mr. Perigal,[42] I have no doubt, and containing letters of 1849 and 1850.)
The moon controversy. Facts v. Definitions. By H. P., Jun. London, 1856, 8vo. (pp. 4.)
The moon controversy. Facts vs. Definitions. By H. P., Jr. London, 1856, 8vo. (pp. 4.)
Mr. Henry Perigal helped me twenty years ago with the diagrams, direct from the lathe to the wood, for the article "Trochoidal Curves," in the Penny Cyclopædia: these cuts add very greatly to the value of the article, which, indeed, could not have been made intelligible without them. He has had many years' experience, as an amateur turner, in combination of double and triple circular motions, and has published valuable diagrams in profusion. A person to whom the double circular motion is familiar in the lathe naturally looks upon one circle moving upon another as in simple motion, if the second circle be fixed to the revolving radius, so that one and the same point of the moving circle travels upon the fixed circle. Mr. Perigal commenced his attack upon the moon for moving about her axis, in the first of the tracts above, ten years before Mr. Jellinger Symons;[43] but he did not think it necessary to make it a subject for the Times newspaper. His familiarity with combined motions enabled him to handle his arguments much better than Mr. J. Symons could do: in fact, he is the clearest assailant of the lot which turned out with Mr. J. Symons. But he is as wrong as the rest. The assault is now, I suppose, abandoned, until it becomes epidemic again. This it will do: it is one of those fallacies which are very tempting. There was a dispute on the subject in 1748, between James Ferguson[44] and an anonymous opponent; and I think there have been others.
Mr. Henry Perigal helped me twenty years ago with the diagrams, directly from the lathe to the wood, for the article "Trochoidal Curves" in the Penny Cyclopædia: these diagrams really increase the value of the article, which honestly, wouldn’t have been understandable without them. He has many years of experience as an amateur turner, dealing with the combination of double and triple circular motions, and he has published a wealth of valuable diagrams. Someone who is familiar with double circular motion on the lathe naturally views one circle moving on another as in simple motion, if the second circle is fixed to the rotating radius, so that one point of the moving circle travels along the fixed circle. Mr. Perigal started his argument about the moon rotating on its axis in the first of the tracts mentioned above, ten years before Mr. Jellinger Symons; [43] but he didn’t see the need to make it a topic for the Times newspaper. His knowledge of combined motions allowed him to present his arguments much more effectively than Mr. J. Symons could: in fact, he is the clearest opponent among those who turned up with Mr. J. Symons. But he is just as mistaken as the others. The argument is now, I suppose, abandoned until it becomes popular again. And it will: it's one of those fallacies that are very appealing. There was a debate on this topic in 1748 between James Ferguson [44] and an anonymous opponent; and I believe there have been others.
A poet appears in the field (July 19, 1863) who calls himself Cyclops, and writes four octavo pages. He makes a distinction between rotation and revolution; and his doctrines and phrases are so like those of Mr. Perigal that he is a follower at least. One of his arguments has so often been used that it is worth while to cite it:
A poet shows up in the field (July 19, 1863) who goes by the name Cyclops and writes four octavo pages. He differentiates between rotation and revolution; and his ideas and expressions are so similar to those of Mr. Perigal that he is at least a follower. One of his arguments has been used so frequently that it’s worth mentioning:
"Would Mathematicals—forsooth—
"Would Math—indeed—"
If true, have failed to prove its truth?
If that's true, have they failed to prove it?
Would not they—if they could—submit
Wouldn't they—if they could—submit
Some overwhelming proofs of it?
Some overwhelming evidence of it?
But still it totters proofless! Hence
But it still totters proofless! Hence
There's strong presumptive evidence
There's solid presumption evidence
None do—or can—such proof profound
None do—or can—such deep proof
Because the dogma is unsound.
Because the dogma is flawed.
For, were there means of doing so,
For, if there were ways to do it,
They would have proved it long ago."
They would have proven it a long time ago.
This is only one of the alternatives. Proof requires a person who can give and a person who can receive. I feel inspired to add the following:
This is just one of the options. Proof requires someone to give and someone to receive. I'm feeling inspired to add the following:
"A blind man said, As to the Sun,
"A blind man said, As for the Sun,
I'll take my Bible oath there's none;
I'll swear on my Bible there's none;
For if there had been one to show
For if someone had been there to show
They would have shown it long ago.
They would have shown it a long time ago.
How came he such a goose to be?
How did he become such a fool?
Did he not know he couldn't see?
Did he not realize he couldn't see?
Not he!"
Not him!"
The absurdity of the verses is in the argument. The writer was not so ignorant or so dishonest as to affirm that nothing had been offered by the other side as proof; accordingly, his syllogism amounts to this: If your proposition were true, you could have given proof satisfactory to me; but this you have not done, therefore, your proposition is not true.
The absurdity of the verses lies in the argument. The writer wasn’t so ignorant or dishonest as to claim that nothing had been presented by the other side as proof; therefore, his reasoning boils down to this: If your claim were true, you could have provided evidence that is satisfactory to me; but you haven’t done that, so your claim isn’t true.
ON THE NAMES OF RELIGIOUS BODIES.
ON THE NAMES OF RELIGIOUS BODIES.
We see that there are paradoxers in argument as well as in assertion of fact: my plan does not bring me much into contact with these; but another instance may be useful. Sects, whether religious or political, give themselves names which, in meaning, are claimed also by their opponents; loyal, liberal, conservative (of good), etc. have been severally appropriated by parties. Whig and Tory are unobjectionable names: the first—which occurs in English ballad as well as in Scotland—is sour milk;[45] the second is a robber. In theology, the Greek Church is Orthodox, the Roman is Catholic, the modern Puritan is Evangelical, etc.
We see that there are paradoxes in arguments as well as in statements of fact: my plan doesn’t really involve me with these much; however, another example might be helpful. Groups, whether religious or political, choose names that their opponents also claim. Terms like loyal, liberal, and conservative (of good) have been adopted by different parties. Whig and Tory are acceptable names: the first—which appears in English ballads as well as in Scotland—means sour milk; [45] the second means robber. In theology, the Greek Church is called Orthodox, the Roman Church is Catholic, and the modern Puritan is Evangelical, etc.
The word Christian (Vol. I, p. 248[46]) is an instance. When words begin, they carry their meanings. The Jews, who had their Messiah to come, and the followers of Jesus of Nazareth, who took Him for their Messiah, were both Christians (which means Messianites): the Jews would never have invented the term to signify Jesuans, nor would the disciples have invented such an ambiguous term for themselves; had they done so, the Jews would have disputed it, as they would have done in later times if they had had fair play. The Jews of our day, I see by their newspapers, speak of Jesus Christ as the Rabbi Joshua. But the [23]heathens, who knew little or nothing about the Jewish hope, would naturally apply the term Christians to the only followers of a Messiah of whom they had heard. For the Jesuans invaded them in a missionary way; while the Jews did not attempt, at least openly, to make proselytes.
The word Christian (Vol. I, p. 248[46]) is an example. When words are created, they come with their meanings. The Jews, who were waiting for their Messiah, and the followers of Jesus of Nazareth, who regarded Him as their Messiah, were both Christians (which means Messianites): the Jews would never have come up with the term to refer to Jesuans, nor would the disciples have chosen such an unclear term for themselves; if they had, the Jews would have contested it, just as they would have done later on if given a fair chance. Today, I notice in their newspapers, the Jews refer to Jesus Christ as Rabbi Joshua. However, the [23]non-Jews, who knew very little about the Jewish hope, would naturally use the term Christians for the only followers of a Messiah they had heard about. The Jesuans reached out to them in a missionary spirit, while the Jews did not make a concerted effort, at least not publicly, to recruit new followers.
All such words as Catholic, etc., are well enough as mere nomenclature; and the world falls for the most part, into any names which parties choose to give themselves. Silly people found inferences on this concession; and, as usually happens, they can cite some of their betters. St. Augustine,[47] a freakish arguer, or, to put it in the way of an old writer, lectorem ne multiloquii tædio fastidiat, Punicis quibusdam argutiis recreare solet,[48] asks, with triumph, to what chapel a stranger would be directed, if he inquired the way to the Catholic assembly. But the best exhibition of this kind in our own century is that made by the excellent Dr. John Milner,[49] in a work (first published in 1801 or 1802) which I suppose still circulates, "The End of Religious Controversy": a startling title which, so far as its truth is concerned, might as well have been "The floor of the bottomless pit." This writer, whom every one of his readers will swear to have been a worthy soul, though many, even of his own sect, will not admire some of his logic, speaks as follows:
All words like Catholic, etc., are fine for naming purposes; and people generally accept whatever names groups choose for themselves. Ignorant folks draw conclusions from this naming, and, as usual, they can quote some respected figures. St. Augustine,[47] a quirky debater, or to put it like an old writer, to prevent the reader from being bored by excessive verbiage, he often refreshes with a few clever arguments,[48] triumphantly asks where a stranger would be directed if he asked for the way to the Catholic assembly. But the best example of this in our own century is given by the brilliant Dr. John Milner,[49] in a work (originally published in 1801 or 1802) that I assume is still being read, "The End of Religious Controversy": a striking title that, as far as its accuracy is concerned, might as well have been "The Floor of the Bottomless Pit." This writer, whom every reader will agree was a noble person, even though many, including some from his own group, may not appreciate his logic, states the following:
"Letter xxv. On the true Church being Catholic. In treating of this third mark of the true Church, as expressed in our common creed, I feel my spirits sink within me, and I am almost tempted to throw away my pen in despair. For what chance is there of opening the eyes of candid Protestants to the other marks of the Church, if they are capable of keeping them shut to this? Every time they address the [24]God of Truth, either in solemn worship or in private devotion [stretch of rhetoric], they are forced, each of them, to repeat: I believe in the Catholic Church, and yet if I ask any of them the question: Are you a Catholic? he is sure to answer me, No, I am a Protestant! Was there ever a more glaring instance of inconsistency and self-condemnation among rational beings!"
"Letter xxv. On the true Church being Catholic. When discussing this third mark of the true Church, as stated in our shared creed, I feel my spirits drop, and I'm almost tempted to put down my pen in frustration. What hope do we have of showing open-minded Protestants the other marks of the Church if they can keep their eyes closed to this one? Every time they pray to the [24]God of Truth, whether in formal worship or private prayer, they are compelled to say: I believe in the Catholic Church Church, and yet if I ask any of them, Are you a Catholic?, they will surely reply, No, I am a Protestant! Is there ever a clearer example of inconsistency and self-contradiction among reasonable individuals?"
"John Milner, honest and true,
"John Milner, genuine and loyal,
Did what honest people still may do,
Did what honest people might still do,
If they write for the many and not for the few,
If they write for everyone and not just a select few,
But what by and bye they must eschew."
But what they must avoid in due time.
He shortened his clause; and for a reason. If he had used the whole epithet which he knew so well, any one might have given his argument a half-turn. Had he written, as he ought, "the Holy Catholic Church" and then argued as above, some sly Protestant would have parodied him with "and yet if I ask any of them the question: Are you HOLY? he is sure to answer me No, I am a SINNER." To take the adjective from the Church, and apply it to the individual partisan, is recognized slipslop, but not ground of argument. If Dr. M. had asked his Protestant whether he belonged to the Catholic Church, the answer would have been Yes, but not to the Roman branch. When he put his question as he did, he was rightly answered and in his own division. This leaving out words is a common practice, especially when the omitter is in authority, and cannot be exposed. A year or two ago a bishop wrote a snubbing letter to a poor parson, who had complained that he was obliged, in burial, to send the worst of sinners to everlasting happiness. The bishop sternly said, "hope[50] is not assurance." [25]Could the clergyman have dared to answer, he would have said, "No, my Lord! but 'sure and certain hope' is as like assurance as a minikin man is like a dwarf." Sad to say, a theologian must be illogical: I feel sure that if you took the clearest headed writer on logic that ever lived, and made a bishop of him, he would be shamed by his own books in a twelvemonth.
He shortened his statement; and for a reason. If he had used the full term that he knew so well, anyone could have twisted his argument. Had he written, as he should have, "the Holy Catholic Church" and then argued as above, some clever Protestant would have mocked him with "and yet if I ask any of them the question: Are you Holy? he is sure to answer me No, I am a Sinner." Taking the adjective from the Church and applying it to the individual supporter is recognized as sloppy reasoning, but it's not a legitimate argument. If Dr. M had asked his Protestant whether he belonged to the Catholic Church, the answer would have been Yes, but not to the Roman branch. By phrasing his question the way he did, he was rightly answered within his own context. This practice of omitting words is common, especially when the person leaving out the words is in authority and cannot be challenged. A year or two ago, a bishop wrote a scolding letter to a poor parson, who had complained that he was forced, during burials, to send the worst of sinners to everlasting happiness. The bishop sternly stated, "hope[50] is not assurance." [25]If the clergyman had dared to respond, he would have said, "No, my Lord! but 'sure and certain hope' is as similar to assurance as a minikin man is to a dwarf." Sadly, a theologian must be illogical: I am certain that if you took the clearest-thinking writer on logic that ever lived and made him a bishop, he would be embarrassed by his own writings within a year.
Milner's sophism is glaring: but why should Dr. Milner be wiser than St. Augustine, one of his teachers? I am tempted to let out the true derivation of the word Catholic, as exclusively applied to the Church of Rome. All can find it who have access to the Rituale of Bonaventura Piscator[51] (lib. i. c. 12, de nomine Sacræ Ecclesiæ, p. 87 of the Venice [26]folio of 1537). I am told that there is a Rituale in the Index Expurgatorius, but I have not thought it worth while to examine whether this be the one: I am rather inclined to think, as I have heard elsewhere, that the book was held too dangerous for the faithful to know of it, even by a prohibition: it would not surprise me at all if Roman Christians should deny its existence.[52]
Milner's argument is obvious: but why should Dr. Milner know more than St. Augustine, one of his teachers? I'm tempted to reveal the true origin of the word Catholic, as it specifically refers to the Church of Rome. Anyone can find it who has access to the Rituale of Bonaventura Piscator[51] (lib. i. c. 12, de nomine Sacræ Ecclesiæ, p. 87 of the Venice [26]folio of 1537). I've heard there's a Rituale in the Index Expurgatorius, but I haven't bothered to check if it's the same one: I'm more inclined to think, as I've heard elsewhere, that the book was considered too dangerous for the faithful to know about, even by being banned: it wouldn't surprise me at all if Roman Christians denied its existence.[52]
It amuses me to give, at a great distance of time, a small Rowland for a small Oliver,[53] which I received, de par l'Eglise,[54] so far as lay in the Oliver-carrier more than twenty years ago. The following contribution of mine to Notes and Queries (3d Ser. vi. p. 175, Aug. 27, 1864) will explain what I say. There had been a complaint that a contributor had used the term Papist, which a very excellent dignitary of the Papal system pronounced an offensive term:
It makes me laugh to share, after quite some time, a small Rowland for a small Oliver, which I received, from the Church, as far as the Oliver-carrier's contribution goes, over twenty years ago. My following piece for Notes and Queries (3d Ser. vi. p. 175, Aug. 27, 1864) will clarify what I mean. There was a complaint about a contributor using the term Papist, which a very respectable figure in the Papal system deemed to be an offensive term:
PAPIST.
Catholic.
What is one to do about these names? First, it is clear that offence should, when possible, be avoided: secondly, no one must be required to give a name which favors any assumption made by those to whom it is given, and not [27]granted by those who give it. Thus the subdivision which calls itself distinctly Evangelical has no right to expect others to concede the title. Now the word Catholic, of course, falls under this rule; and even Roman Catholic may be refused to those who would restrict the word Catholic to themselves. Roman Christian is unobjectionable, since the Roman Church does not deny the name of Christian to those whom she calls heretics. No one is bound in this matter by Acts of Parliament. In many cases, no doubt, names which have offensive association are used merely by habit, sometimes by hereditary transmission. Boswell records of Johnson that he always used the words "dissenting teacher," refusing minister and clergyman to all but the recipients of episcopal ordination.
What should we do about these names? First, it's obvious that we should avoid causing offense when we can. Second, nobody should be forced to use a name that supports any assumptions made by those to whom it is given and not recognized by those who provide it. Therefore, the group that calls itself distinctly Evangelical has no right to expect others to accept that label. The term Catholic certainly falls under this rule, and even Roman Catholic can be denied to those who want to limit the term Catholic to themselves. Roman Christian is acceptable because the Roman Church doesn’t deny the title of Christian to those they refer to as heretics. No one is obligated in this matter by laws. In many cases, names that have negative connotations are used simply out of habit or sometimes passed down through generations. Boswell notes that Johnson always referred to “dissenting teacher,” refusing to use the words minister and clergyman for anyone except those ordained by bishops.
This distinctive phrase has been widely adopted: it occurs in the Index of 3d S. iv. [Notes and Queries]. Here we find "Platts (Rev. John), Unitarian teacher, 412;" the article indexed has "Unitarian minister."
This unique phrase has become quite popular: it appears in the Index of 3d S. iv. [Notes and Queries]. Here we see "Platts (Rev. John), Unitarian teacher, 412;" the indexed article uses "Unitarian minister."
This, of course is habit: an intentional refusal of the word minister would never occur in an index. I remember that, when I first read about Sam Johnson's little bit of exclusiveness, I said to myself: "Teacher? Teacher? surely I remember One who is often called teacher, but never minister or clergyman: have not the dissenters got the best of it?"
This, of course, is just a habit: an intentional refusal of the word minister would never show up in an index. I remember when I first read about Sam Johnson's little bit of exclusiveness, I thought to myself: "Teacher? Teacher? Surely I remember Someone who is often called teacher, but never minister or clergyman: haven't the dissenters gotten the better of this?"
When I said that the Roman Church concedes the epithet Christians to Protestants, I did not mean that all its adherents do the same. There is, or was, a Roman newspaper, the Tablet, which, seven or eight years ago, was one of the most virulent of the party journals. In it I read, referring to some complaint of grievance about mixed marriages, that if Christians would marry Protestants they must take the consequences. My memory notes this well; because I recollected, when I saw it, that there was in the stable a horse fit to run in the curricle with this one. About seventeen years ago an Oxford M. A., who hated [28]mathematics like a genuine Oxonian of the last century, was writing on education, and was compelled to give some countenance to the nasty subject. He got out cleverly; for he gave as his reason for the permission, that man is an arithmetical, geometrical, and mechanical animal, as well as a rational soul.
When I said that the Roman Church allows Protestants to be called Christians, I didn’t mean that all its members agree. There was a Roman newspaper, the Tablet, that around seven or eight years ago was one of the harshest party publications. In it, I read a response to complaints about mixed marriages, stating that if Christians chose to marry Protestants, they should accept the consequences. I remember this clearly because when I saw it, I thought there was another horse in the stable ready to race alongside it. About seventeen years ago, an Oxford M.A., who disliked mathematics like a true Oxonian of the last century, was writing about education and had to acknowledge the unpleasant topic. He got out of it cleverly by saying that man is not just a rational soul but also an arithmetical, geometrical, and mechanical animal.
The Tablet was founded by an old pupil of mine, Mr. Frederic Lucas,[57] who availed himself of his knowledge of me to write some severe articles—even abusive, I was told, but I never saw them—against me, for contributing to the Dublin Review, and poking my heretic nose into orthodox places. Dr. Wiseman, the editor, came in for his share, and ought to have got all. Who ever blamed the pig for intruding himself into the cabin when the door was left open? When Mr. Lucas was my pupil, he was of the Society of Friends—in any article but this I should say Quaker—and was quiet and gentlemanly, as members of that Church—in any article but this I should, from mere habit, say sect—usually are. This is due to his memory; for, by all I heard, when he changed his religion he ceased to be Lucas couchant, and became Lucas rampant, fanged and langued gules. (I looked into Guillim[58] to see if my terms were right: I could not find them; but to prove I have been there, I notice that he calls a violin a violent. How comes the word to take this form?) I met with several Roman Christians, born and bred, who were very much annoyed at Mr. Lucas and his doings; and said some severe things about new converts needing kicking-straps.
The Tablet was started by an old student of mine, Mr. Frederic Lucas,[57] who used his knowledge of me to write some harsh articles—even abusive ones, I was told, but I never saw them—against me for contributing to the Dublin Review and for poking my heretic nose into orthodox matters. Dr. Wiseman, the editor, also took some heat and should have gotten all of it. Who ever blames a pig for sneaking into the cabin when the door is left open? When Mr. Lucas was my student, he was part of the Society of Friends—in any article but this I would say Quaker—and was quiet and polite, as members of that Church—in any article but this I would, out of habit, say sect—usually are. This is how I remember him; for, by all I heard, once he changed his religion, he stopped being Lucas resting and became Lucas in full display, teeth and tongue red. (I checked Guillim[58] to see if my terms were correct: I couldn’t find them; but to prove I've been there, I noticed he calls a violin a violent. How did the word come to have this form?) I met several Roman Christians, born and raised, who were very annoyed with Mr. Lucas and what he was doing; and they said some harsh things about new converts needing to be put in their place.
The mention of Dr. Wiseman reminds me of another word, appropriated by Christians to themselves: fides;[59] the Roman faith is fides, and nothing else; and the adherents are fideles.[60] Hereby hangs a retort. When Dr. Wiseman was first in England, he gave a course of lectures in defence of his creed, which were thought very convincing by those who were already convinced. They determined to give him a medal, and there was a very serious discussion about the legend. Dr. Wiseman told me himself that he had answered to his subscribers that he would not have the medal at all unless—(naming some Italian authority, whom I forget) approved of the legend. At last pro fide vindicata[61] was chosen: this may be read either in a Popish or heretical sense. The feminine substantive fides means confidence, trust, (it is made to mean belief), but fidis, with the same ablative, fide, and also feminine, is a fiddle-string.[62] If a Latin writer had had to make a legend signifying "For the defence of the fiddle-string," he could not have done it otherwise, in the terseness of a legend, than by writing pro fide vindicata. Accordingly, when a Roman Christian talks to you of the faith, as a thing which is his and not yours, you may say fiddle. I have searched Bonaventura Piscator in vain for notice of this ambiguity. But the Greeks said fiddle; according to Suidas,[63] σκινδαψος[64]—a word meaning a four stringed instrument played with a quill—was an exclamation of contemptuous dissent. How the wits of different races jump!
The mention of Dr. Wiseman makes me think of another term, claimed by Christians for themselves: fides;[59] the Roman faith is fides, and nothing else; and the followers are fideles.[60] This sets up a comeback. When Dr. Wiseman was first in England, he gave a series of lectures supporting his beliefs, which those who already agreed found very persuasive. They decided to award him a medal, and there was a serious debate about the inscription. Dr. Wiseman told me that he had informally responded to his supporters that he wouldn't accept the medal unless—(naming some Italian authority, which I forget) approved of the inscription. Eventually, pro fide vindicata[61] was selected: this could be interpreted in either a Catholic or heretical way. The feminine noun fides means confidence, trust, (it's made to mean belief), but fidis, with the same ablative, fide, and also feminine, is a fiddle-string.[62] If a Latin writer had to create an inscription meaning "For the defense of the fiddle-string," he could only do it succinctly in the form of a legend by writing pro fide vindicata. Therefore, when a Roman Christian talks to you about the faith as something that belongs to him and not to you, you could just say fiddle. I've searched Bonaventura Piscator in vain for any reference to this ambiguity. But the Greeks had their own word for it; according to Suidas,[63] σκινδαψος[64]—a term for a four-stringed instrument played with a quill—was an expression of scornful disagreement. Isn’t it funny how different cultures have similar ways of joking?
I am reminded of a case of fides vindicata, which, being in a public letter, responding to a public invitation, was not meant to be confidential. Some of the pupils of University College, in which all subdivisions of religion are (1866; were, 1867) on a level, have of course changed their views in after life, and become adherents of various high churches. On the occasion of a dinner of old students of the College, convened by circular, one of these students, whether then Roman or Tractarian Christian I do not remember, not content with simply giving negative answer, or none at all, concocted a jorum of theological rebuke, and sent it to the Dinner Committee. Heyday! said one of them, this man got out of bed backwards! How is that? said the rest. Why, read his name backwards, and you will see. As thus read it was—No grub![65]
I’m reminded of a case of fides vindicata, which, being in a public letter and responding to a public invitation, wasn’t meant to be confidential. Some of the students from University College, where all religious denominations are (1866; were, 1867) treated equally, have, of course, changed their views later in life and joined various high churches. At a dinner for former students of the College, organized by circular, one of these students, whether a Roman or Tractarian Christian, I can’t remember, wasn’t satisfied with just giving a negative response or no reply at all. Instead, he crafted a lengthy theological criticism and sent it to the Dinner Committee. "Wow!" said one of them, "this guy must have gotten up on the wrong side of the bed!" "How so?" asked the others. "Well, read his name backwards, and you’ll see." When read that way, it was—No grub![65]
THE WORD CHURCH.
THE WORD CHURCH.
To return to Notes and Queries. The substitution in the (editorial) index of "Unitarian teacher," for the contributor's "Unitarian minister," struck me very much. I have seldom found such things unmeaning. But as the journal had always been free from editorial sectarianisms,—and very apt to check the contributorial,—I could not be sure in this case. True it was, that the editor and publisher had been changed more than a year before; but this was not of much force. Though one swallow does not make a summer, I have generally found it show that summer is coming. However, thought I to myself, if this be Little Shibboleth, we shall have Big Shibboleth by-and-bye. At last it came. About a twelvemonth afterwards, (3d S. vii. p. 36) the following was the editorial answer to the question when the establishment was first called the "Church of England and Ireland":
To return to Notes and Queries. I was really struck by the change in the (editorial) index from "Unitarian minister" to "Unitarian teacher" in the contributor's entry. I rarely find such adjustments meaningless. However, since the journal had always avoided editorial biases and was quick to correct any from contributors, I couldn't be sure in this instance. It was true that the editor and publisher had changed over a year prior, but that didn’t hold much weight. While one swallow doesn’t make a summer, I have generally found it indicates that summer is on the way. Still, I thought to myself, if this is a small issue, we will likely see a big issue later on. Eventually, it came. About a year later, (3d S. vii. p. 36) the editorial response to the question of when the establishment was first referred to as the "Church of England and Ireland" was as follows:
"That unmeaning clause, 'The United Church of England and Ireland,' which occurs on the title-page of The Book of Common Prayer, was first used at the commencement of the present century. The authority for this phrase is the fifth article of the Union of 1800: 'That the Churches of England and Ireland be united into one Protestant (!) episcopal Church, to be called "The United Church of England and Ireland."' Of course, churchmen are not responsible for the theology of Acts of Parliament, especially those passed during the dark ages of the Georgian era."
"That meaningless phrase, 'The United Church of England and Ireland,' which appears on the title page of The Book of Common Prayer, was first used at the start of this century. The source of this phrase is the fifth article of the Union of 1800: 'That the Churches of England and Ireland be united into one Protestant (!) episcopal Church, to be called "The United Church of England and Ireland."' Naturally, church officials aren't accountable for the theology of Acts of Parliament, especially those enacted during the dark times of the Georgian era."
That is to say, the journal gives its adhesion to the party which—under the assumed title of the Church of England—claims for the endowed corporation for the support of religion rights which Parliament cannot control, and makes it, in fact, a power above the State. The State has given an inch: it calls this corporation by the name of the "United Church of England and Ireland," as if neither England nor Ireland had any other Church. The corporation, accordingly aspires to an ell. But this the nation will only give with the aspiration prefixed. To illustrate my allusion in a delicate way to polite ears, I will relate what happened in a Johnian lecture-room at Cambridge, some fifty years ago, my informant being present. A youth of undue aspirations was giving a proposition, and at last said, "Let E F be produced to 'L':" "Not quite so far, Mr. ——," said the lecturer, quietly, to the great amusement of the class, and the utter astonishment of the aspirant, who knew no more than a Tractarian the tendency of his construction.
That is to say, the journal supports the party that—under the name of the Church of England—claims that the funded organization for religious support has rights that Parliament can't control, making it, in reality, a power above the State. The State has given a little: it refers to this organization as the "United Church of England and Ireland," as if neither England nor Ireland had any other church. The organization, therefore, aims for much more. But the nation will only give that with the intention stated first. To illustrate my point in a way that's suitable for polite company, I’ll recount something that happened in a Johnian lecture room at Cambridge around fifty years ago, with my source being present. A young man with excessive ambitions was making a proposition, and finally said, "Let E F be produced to 'L':" "Not quite so far, Mr. ——," said the lecturer calmly, to the great amusement of the class and the complete surprise of the aspirant, who understood no more than a Tractarian the nature of his reasoning.
This word Church is made to have a very mystical meaning. The following dialogue between Ecclesiastes and Hæreticus, which I cannot vouch for, has often taken place in spirit, if not in letter: E. The word Church (ἐκκλησια)[66] is never used in the New Testament except generally or locally for that holy and mystical body to which the sacraments and the ordinances of Christianity are entrusted. [32]H. Indeed! E. It is beyond a doubt (here he quoted half a dozen texts in support). H. Do you mean that any doctrine or ordinance which was solemnly practised by the ἐκκλησια is binding upon you and me? E. Certainly, unless we should be cut off from the congregation of the faithful. H. Have you a couple of hours to spare? E. What for? H. If you have, I propose we spend them in crying, Great is Diana of the Ephesians! E. What do you mean? H. You ought to know the solemn service of the ἐκκλησια (Acts xix. 32, 41), at Ephesus; which any one might take to be true Church, by the more part not knowing wherefore they were come together, and which was dismissed, after one of the most sensible sermons ever preached, by the Recorder. E. I see your meaning: it is true, there is that one exception! H. Why, the Recorder's sermon itself contains another, the ἐννομος ἐκκλησια,[67] legislative assembly. E. Ah! the New Testament can only be interpreted by the Church! H. I see! the Church interprets itself into existence out of the New Testament, and then interprets the New Testament out of existence into itself!
This word Church is given a very mystical meaning. The following conversation between Ecclesiastes and Hæreticus, which I can't confirm, has often occurred in spirit, if not in writing: E. The word Church (church) is never used in the New Testament except generally or locally for that holy and mystical body that is entrusted with the sacraments and teachings of Christianity. [32] H. Really? E. There's no doubt about it (here he quoted several texts in support). H. Are you saying that any doctrine or practice that was solemnly observed by the assembly is binding on you and me? E. Absolutely, unless we exclude ourselves from the community of believers. H. Do you have a couple of hours to spare? E. For what? H. If you do, I suggest we spend them shouting, Great is Diana of the Ephesians! E. What do you mean? H. You should know about the solemn service of the church (Acts xix. 32, 41) in Ephesus; anyone might mistake it for the true Church, as most people didn't even know why they were gathered, and it was dismissed after one of the most sensible sermons ever delivered, by the Recorder. E. I see your point: it's true, there’s that one exception! H. Well, the Recorder's sermon itself includes another, the legal assembly, legislative assembly. E. Ah! the New Testament can only be understood by the Church! H. I get it! The Church interprets itself into existence from the New Testament, and then interprets the New Testament out of existence back into itself!
I look upon all the Churches as fair game which declare of me that absque dubio in æternum peribo;[68] not for their presumption towards God, but for their personal insolence towards myself. I find that their sectaries stare when I say this. Why! they do not speak of you in particular! These poor reasoners seem to think that there could be no meaning, as against me, unless it should be propounded that "without doubt he shall perish everlastingly, especially A. De Morgan." But I hold, with the schoolmen, that "Omnis homo est animal" in conjunction with "Sortes est homo" amounts to "Sortes est animal."[69] But they do not mean it personally! Every universal proposition is [33]personal to every instance of the subject. If this be not conceded, then I retort, in their own sense and manner, "Whosoever would serve God, before all things he must not pronounce God's decision upon his neighbor. Which decision, except every one leave to God himself, without doubt he is a bigoted noodle."
I see all the Churches as open targets that declare about me that without a doubt, I will perish forever;[68] not because of their arrogance towards God, but because of their personal disrespect towards me. I notice that their followers look shocked when I say this. Why! They don't specifically mention you! These poor thinkers seem to believe that there could be no meaning directed at me unless it’s stated that "without a doubt he shall perish forever, especially A. De Morgan." But I believe, like the scholars, that "Every man is an animal" together with "Socrates is a man" leads to "Socrates is an animal."[69] But they don’t mean it personally! Every general statement applies to every instance of the subject. If this isn't accepted, then I respond, in their own sense and manner, "Whoever wants to serve God must first not impose God's judgment on his neighbor. If everyone doesn't leave that to God himself, without a doubt, he is a bigoted fool."
The reasoning habit of the educated community, in four cases out of five, permits universal propositions to be stated at one time, and denied, pro re nata,[70] at another. "Before we proceed to consider any question involving physical principles, we should set out with clear ideas of the naturally possible and impossible." The eminent man who said this, when wanting it for his views of mental education (!) never meant it for more than what was in hand, never assumed it in the researches which will give him to posterity! I have heard half-a-dozen defences of his having said this, not one of which affirmed the truth of what was said. A worthy clergyman wrote that if A. B. had said a certain thing the point in question would have been established. It was shown to him that A. B. had said it, to which the reply was a refusal to admit the point because A. B. said it in a second pamphlet and in answer to objections. And I might give fifty such instances with very little search. Always assume more than you want; because you cannot tell how much you may want: put what is over into the didn't-mean-that basket, or the extreme case what-not.
The reasoning patterns of educated people, in four out of five cases, allow universal statements to be made at one point and then refuted, pro re nata,[70] at another time. "Before we dive into any discussion about physical principles, we should start with clear ideas of what is naturally possible and impossible." The distinguished individual who stated this, when advocating for his perspective on mental education (!), never intended it to apply beyond the immediate context—he never considered it in the research that would secure his legacy! I've heard a handful of justifications for his statement, none of which confirmed its validity. A respectable clergyman argued that if A. B. had said something, it would have settled the matter. When it was pointed out that A. B. had actually said it, the response was to dismiss the claim because A. B. expressed it in a second pamphlet as a response to objections. I could provide dozens of similar examples with minimal effort. Always assume more than you need, because you can't predict how much you might actually need: put anything extra into the didn’t-mean-that basket, or in extreme cases, whatever.
PROTESTANT AND PAPAL CHRISTENDOM.
Protestant and Catholic Christianity.
Something near forty years of examination of the theologies on and off—more years very much on than quite off—have given me a good title—to myself, I ask no one else for leave—to make the following remarks: A conclusion has premises, facts or doctrines from proof or authority, and mode of inference. There may be invention or [34]falsehood of premise, with good logic; and there may be tenable premise, followed by bad logic; and there may be both false premise and bad logic. The Roman system has such a powerful manufactory of premises, that bad logic is little wanted; there is comparatively little of it. The doctrine-forge of the Roman Church is one glorious compound of everything that could make Heraclitus[71] sob and Democritus[72] snigger. But not the only one. The Protestants, in tearing away from the Church of Rome, took with them a fair quantity of the results of the Roman forge, which they could not bring themselves to give up. They had more in them of Martin than of Jack. But they would have no premises, except from the New Testament; though some eked out with a few general Councils. The consequence is that they have been obliged to find such a logic as would bring the conclusions they require out of the canonical books. And a queer logic it is; nothing but the Roman forge can be compared with the Protestant loom. The picking, the patching, the piecing, which goes to the Protestant termini ad quem,[73] would be as remarkable to the general eye, as the Roman manufacture of termini a quo,[74] if it were not that the world at large seizes the character of an asserted fact better than that of a mode of inference. A grand step towards the deification of a lady, made by alleged revelation 1800 years after her death, is of glaring evidence: two or three additional shiffle-shuffles towards defence of saying the Athanasian curse in church and unsaying it out of church, are hardly noticed. Swift has bungled his satire where he makes Peter a party to finding out what he wants, totidem syllabis and totidem literis, [35]when he cannot find it totidem verbis[75] This is Protestant method: the Roman plan is viam faciam; the Protestant plan is viam inveniam.[76] The public at large begins to be conversant with the ways of wriggling out, as shown in the interpretations of the damnatory parts of the Athanasian Creed, the phrases of the Burial Service, etc. The time will come when the same public will begin to see the ways of wriggling in. But one thing at a time: neither Papal Rome nor Protestant Rome was built—nor will be pulled down—in a day.
After nearly forty years of studying theologies on and off—mostly on—I feel entitled to share the following thoughts: A conclusion is based on premises, facts or doctrines supported by proof or authority, and mode of inference. There can be inventive or false premises paired with good logic; there can also be valid premises followed by flawed logic; or, both false premises and bad logic can exist together. The Roman system produces so many premises that bad logic isn’t often necessary; comparatively, there’s little of it. The Roman Church's doctrine factory is a striking mix of everything that could make Heraclitus[71] cry and Democritus[72] chuckle. But it’s not the only one. In breaking away from the Church of Rome, the Protestants took along quite a bit of what the Roman forge produced, which they couldn’t bear to discard. They embodied more of Martin than of Jack. They insisted on having premises only from the New Testament, though some supplemented it with a few general Councils. As a result, they had to come up with a logic that would extract the conclusions they needed from the canonical texts. And it’s quite an eccentric logic; nothing matches the Protestant loom compared to the Roman forge. The selection, the patchwork, the assembly that forms the Protestant termini ad quem,[73] would be astonishing to the casual observer, just like the Roman production of termini a quo,[74] if it weren’t for the fact that the general public grasps the nature of an asserted fact more readily than that of a mode of inference. A substantial move towards deifying a woman, supposedly revealed 1800 years after her death, is glaringly evident: a couple of additional justifications for saying the Athanasian curse in church and recanting it outside church barely get noticed. Swift messed up his satire when he makes Peter part of determining what he needs, totidem syllabis and totidem literis, [35]when he can’t find it totidem verbis.[75] This is the Protestant approach: the Roman strategy is viam faciam; the Protestant strategy is viam inveniam.[76] The general public is starting to understand the methods of wriggling out, as seen in the interpretations of the condemning sections of the Athanasian Creed, the wording of the Burial Service, etc. The time will come when the same public will also recognize the methods of wriggling in. But let’s focus on one thing at a time: neither Papal Rome nor Protestant Rome was built—nor will it be dismantled—in a single day.
The distinction above drawn between the two great antitheses of Christendom may be illustrated as follows. Two sets of little general dealers lived opposite to one another: all sold milk. Each vaunted its own produce: one set said that the stuff on the other side the way was only chalk and water; the other said that the opposites sold all sorts of filth, of which calves' brain was the least nasty. Now the fact was that both sets sold milk, and from the same dairy: but adulterated with different sorts of dirty water: and both honestly believed that the mixture was what they were meant to sell and ought to sell. The great difference between them, about which the apprentices fought each other like Trojans, was that the calves' brain men poured milk into the water, and the chalk men poured water into the milk. The Greek and Roman sects on one side, the Protestant sects on the other, must all have churches: the Greek and Roman sects pour the New Testament into their churches; the Protestant sects pour their churches into the New Testament. The Greek and Roman insist upon the New Testament being no more than part and parcel of their churches: the Protestant insist upon their churches being as much part and parcel of the New Testament. All dwell vehemently upon the doctrine that there must be milk [36]somewhere; and each says—I have it. The doctrine is true: and can be verified by any one who can and will go to the dairy for himself. Him will the several traders declare to have no milk at all. They will bring their own wares, and challenge a trial: they want nothing but to name the judges. To vary the metaphor, those who have looked at Christianity in open day, know that all who see it through painted windows shut out much of the light of heaven and color the rest; it matters nothing that the stains are shaped into what are meant for saints and angels.
The distinction made between the two main opposing sides of Christianity can be illustrated like this: Two groups of small retailers lived across from each other, and both sold milk. Each boasted about their own products: one group claimed that the stuff sold by the other was just chalk and water, while the other group said that their rivals sold all kinds of junk, with calves' brain being the least disgusting. The reality was that both groups sold milk from the same dairy, but it was mixed with different types of dirty water. Both truly believed that their mixture was what they were supposed to sell. The main difference, which caused the apprentices to argue fiercely, was that the "calves' brain" group added milk to the water, while the "chalk" group added water to the milk. The Greek and Roman sects on one side, and the Protestant sects on the other, all need to have churches: the Greek and Roman sects incorporate the New Testament into their churches, while the Protestant sects incorporate their churches into the New Testament. The Greek and Roman groups insist that the New Testament is only a part of their churches, while the Protestants argue that their churches are just as much a part of the New Testament. Everyone emphasizes the idea that there must be milk [36] somewhere, and each claims, “I have it.” The idea is true and can be proven by anyone willing to go to the dairy themselves. Those traders would claim that person has no milk at all. They will showcase their products and invite a comparison, seeking only to name the judges. To switch metaphors, those who have observed Christianity in broad daylight know that anyone viewing it through stained glass windows misses much of the heavenly light and alters what remains; it doesn’t matter that the stains are shaped into what are intended to be saints and angels.
But there is another side to the question. To decompose any substance, it must be placed between the poles of the battery. Now theology is but one pole; philosophy is the other. No one can make out the combinations of our day unless he read the writings both of the priest and the philosopher: and if any one should hold the first word offensive, I tell him that I mean both words to be significant. In reading these writings, he will need to bring both wires together to find out what it is all about. Time was when most priests were very explicit about the fate of philosophers, and most philosophers were very candid about their opinion of priests. But though some extremes of the old sorts still remain, there is now, in the middle, such a fusion of the two pursuits that a plain man is wofully puzzled. The theologian writes a philosophy which seems to tell us that the New Testament is a system of psychology; and the philosopher writes a Christianity which is utterly unintelligible as to the question whether the Resurrection be a fact or a transcendental allegory. What between the theologian who assents to the Athanasian denunciation in what seems the sense of no denunciation, and the philosopher who parades a Christianity which looks like no revelation, there is a maze which threatens to have the only possible clue in the theory that everything is something else, and nothing is anything at all. But this is a paradox far beyond my handling: it is a Budget of itself. [37]
But there's another side to this question. To break down any substance, it needs to be placed between the two poles of the battery. One pole is theology; the other is philosophy. No one can understand the combinations of our time unless they read the works of both the priest and the philosopher. And if someone finds the first word offensive, I want to emphasize that I mean both words to be significant. While reading these texts, they'll need to connect both wires to figure out what it’s all about. There was a time when most priests were very clear about the fate of philosophers, and most philosophers were very honest about their views on priests. But although some remnants of the old extremes still exist, there’s now such a blend of the two fields in the middle that an ordinary person is left completely confused. The theologian writes a philosophy that seems to suggest the New Testament is a system of psychology, while the philosopher offers a version of Christianity that is utterly unclear about whether the Resurrection is a fact or a symbolic story. Between the theologian who agrees with the Athanasian condemnation in what appears to be a contextless manner and the philosopher who showcases a Christianity that doesn’t seem like any true revelation, there's a perplexing situation that implies the only possible answer is that everything is something else, and nothing is really anything at all. But this is a paradox far beyond my ability to handle: it’s a topic in itself. [37]
RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY.
Spirituality and Philosophy.
Religion and Philosophy, the two best gifts of Heaven, set up in opposition to each other at the revival of letters; and never did competing tradesmen more grossly misbehave. Bad wishes and bad names flew about like swarms of wasps. The Athanasian curses were intended against philosophers; who, had they been a corporation, with state powers to protect them, would have formulized a per contra. But the tradesmen are beginning to combine: they are civil to each other; too civil by half. I speak especially of Great Britain. Old theology has run off to ritualism, much lamenting, with no comfort except the discovery that the cloak Paul left at Troas was a chasuble. Philosophy, which always had a little sense sewed up in its garments—to pay for its funeral?—has expended a trifle in accommodating itself to the new system. But the two are poles of a battery; and a question arises.
Religion and philosophy, the two greatest gifts from above, were set against each other with the revival of learning; and never did rival businesses behave more poorly. Bad intentions and hurtful names flew around like swarms of wasps. The harsh statements were directed at philosophers; who, if they had been a formal group with governmental support, would have established a counterclaim. But now, these two sides are starting to come together: they are polite to one another; perhaps too polite. I'm particularly talking about Great Britain. Traditional theology has shifted toward ritualism, lamenting the change, finding comfort only in the realization that the cloak Paul left at Troas was a chasuble. Philosophy, which always had a bit of wisdom woven into its fabric—to pay for its own demise?—has invested a little in adapting to the new system. But the two remain opposing forces, like the poles of a battery; and a question arises.
If Peter Piper picked a peck of pepper,
If Peter Piper picked a bunch of peppers,
Where is the peck of pepper Peter Piper picked?
Where's the bunch of pepper Peter Piper picked?
If Religion and Philosophy be the two poles of a battery, whose is the battery Religion and Philosophy have been made the poles of? Is the change in the relation of the wires any presumption of a removal of the managers? We know pretty well who handled the instrument: has he resigned or been[77] turned out? Has he been put under [38]restriction? A fool may ask more questions than twenty sages can answer: but there is hope; for twenty sages cannot ask more questions than one reviewer can answer. I should like to see the opposite sides employed upon the question, What are the commoda, and what the pericula,[78] of the current approximation of Religion and Philosophy?
If religion and philosophy are like the two ends of a battery, whose battery are they? Does a change in the connections mean the people in charge have been replaced? We pretty much know who was operating the device: has he quit or been removed? Has he been put under restrictions? A fool can ask more questions than twenty wise people can answer: but there’s hope; because twenty wise people can’t ask more questions than one reviewer can answer. I would like to see both sides tackle the question, what are the benefits and what are the risks of the current relationship between religion and philosophy?
All this is very profane and irreverent! It has always been so held by those whose position demands such holding. To describe the Church as it is passes for assailing the Church as it ought to be with all who cannot do without it. In Bedlam[79] a poor creature who fancied he was St. Paul, was told by another patient that he was an impostor; the first maniac lodged a complaint against the second for calling St. Paul an impostor, which, he argued, with much appearance of sanity, ought not to be permitted in a well regulated madhouse. Nothing could persuade him that he had missed the question, which was whether he was St. Paul. The same thing takes place in the world at large. And especially must be noted the refusal to permit to the profane the millionth part of the licence assumed by the sacred. I give a sound churchman the epitaph of St. John Long; the usual pronunciation of whose name must be noted—
All this is really disrespectful and irreverent! It’s been seen that way by those whose roles require such views. Describing the Church as it really is is seen as attacking the Church as it should be by anyone who can't live without it. In a mental hospital, a poor guy who thought he was St. Paul was told by another patient he was a fraud; the first guy filed a complaint against the second for calling St. Paul a fraud, arguing, with a good amount of sanity, that this shouldn't be allowed in a well-run mental institution. Nothing could convince him that he missed the point, which was whether he was St. Paul. The same thing happens in the world at large. And it’s especially important to note the refusal to allow the "profane" even a tiny bit of the freedom that the "sacred" claims. I give a faithful churchgoer the epitaph of St. John Long; the usual way to pronounce his name is worth noting—
How shameful to pronounce this of the poor man! What, Mr. Orthodox! may I not do in joke to one pretender what [39]you do in earnest—unless you quibble—to all the millions of the Greek Church, and a great many others. Enough of you and your reasoning! Go and square the circle!
How embarrassing to say this about the poor guy! What’s up, Mr. Orthodox! Can I not make a joke about one pretender like you do seriously—to all the millions in the Greek Church, and many others? I've had enough of you and your arguments! Go and try to square the circle!
The few years which end with 1867 have shown, not merely the intermediate fusion of Theology and Philosophy of which I have spoken, but much concentration of the two extremes, which looks like a gathering of forces for some very hard fought Armageddon. Extreme theology has been aiming at a high Church in England, which is to show a new front to all heresy: and extreme philosophy is contriving a physical organization which is to think, and to show that mind is a consequence of matter, or thought a recreation of brain. The physical speculators begin with a possible hypothesis, in which they aim at explanation: and so the bold aspirations of the author of the Vestiges find standing-ground in the variation of species by "natural selection." Some relics—so supposed—of extremely ancient men are brought to help the general cause. Only distant hints are given that by possibility it may end in the formation of all living organisms from a very few, if not from one. The better heads above mentioned know that their theory, if true, does not bear upon morals. The formation of solar systems from a nebular hypothesis, followed by organizations gradually emerging from some curious play of particles, nay, the very evolution of mind and thought from such an apparatus, are all as consistent with a Personal creative power to whom homage and obedience are due, and who has declared himself, as with a blind Nature of Things. A pure materialist, as to all things visible, may be even a bigotted Christian: this is not frequent, but it is possible. There is a proverb which says, A pig may fly, but it isn't a likely bird. But when the psychological speculator comes in, he often undertakes to draw inferences from the physical conclusions, by joining on his tremendous apparatus of a priori knowledge. He deduces that he can do without a God: he can deduce all things [40]without any such necessity. With Occam[81] and Newton he will have no more causes than are necessary to explain phenomena to him: and if by pure head-work combined with results of physical observation he can construct his universe, he must be a very unphilosophical man who would encumber himself with a useless Creator! There is something tangible about my method, says he; yours is vague. He requires it to be granted that his system is positive and that yours is impositive. So reasoned the stage coachman when the railroads began to depose him—"If you're upset in a stage-coach, why, there you are! but if you're upset on the railroad, where are you?" The answer lies in another question, Which is most positive knowledge, God deduced from man and his history, or the postulates of the few who think they can reason a priori on the tacit assumption of unlimited command of data?
The few years ending in 1867 have shown not only the merging of Theology and Philosophy that I’ve mentioned, but also a significant focus on the two extremes, resembling a buildup of forces for a fierce conflict. Extreme theology has been aiming for a high Church in England, intended to present a strong front against any heresy, while extreme philosophy is devising a physical framework designed to *think* and assert that mind is a result of matter, or that thought is simply a function of the brain. Physical theorists start with a potential hypothesis intending to provide explanations, leading to the bold ambitions of the author of the *Vestiges*, who finds support in species variation through "natural selection." Some supposed remnants of extremely ancient humans are brought forth to bolster this overall argument. Only vague hints suggest it might conclude with the emergence of all living organisms from just a few, if not a single, origin. The more enlightened thinkers mentioned know that their theory, if valid, does not impact morals. The development of solar systems from a nebular hypothesis, followed by the gradual emergence of organizations from some bizarre interplay of particles, even the evolution of mind and thought from such a framework, can all align with a Personal creative power deserving of reverence and obedience, who has made His presence known, as much as with a blind Nature of Things. A strict materialist concerning all visible entities could still be a narrow-minded Christian: this isn't common, but it is possible. There’s a saying, A pig may fly, but it’s not a likely bird. When psychological speculators enter the conversation, they often seek to draw conclusions from physical findings, piecing together their complex systems of *a priori* knowledge. They conclude they can *do without* a God, able to explain everything without such a necessity. Following Occam and Newton, they will include no more causes than are needed to explain phenomena *to them*: and if they can construct their universe purely through intellectual effort combined with physical observations, they must be quite *unphilosophical* to burden themselves with a pointless Creator! They argue that their method is concrete, while yours is ambiguous. They insist that it must be recognized that their system is *positive* and yours is *impositive*. So reasoned the stagecoach driver when railways began to replace him—"If you get upset in a stagecoach, you know where you are! But if you get upset on the railroad, where do you end up?" The response lies in another question: Which represents more certain knowledge, God inferred from humanity and its history, or the assumptions of a few who believe they can reason *a priori* based on an unspoken assumption of unlimited access to data?
We are not yet come to the existence of a school of philosophers who explicitly deny a Creator: but we are on the way, though common sense may interpose. There are always straws which show the direction of the wind. I have before me the printed letter of a medical man—to whose professional ability I have good testimony—who finds the vital principle in highly rarefied oxygen. With the usual logic of such thinkers, he dismisses the "eternal personal identity" because "If soul, spirit, mind, which are merely modes of sensation, be the attribute or function of nerve-tissue, it cannot possibly have any existence apart from its material organism!" How does he know this impossibility? If all the mind we know be from nerve-tissue, how does it appear that mind in other planets may not be another thing? Nay, when we come to possibilities, does not his own system give a queer one? If highly rarefied oxygen be vital power, more highly rarefied oxygen [41]may be more vital and more powerful. Where is this to stop? Is it impossible that a finite quantity, rarefied ad infinitum, may be an Omnipotent? Perhaps the true Genesis, when written, will open with "In the beginning was an imperial quart of oxygen at 60° of Fahrenheit, and the pressure of the atmosphere; and this oxygen was infinitely rarefied; and this oxygen became God." For myself, my aspirations as to this system are Manichæan. The quart of oxygen is the Ormuzd, or good principle: another quart, of hydrogen, is the Ahriman, or evil principle! My author says that his system explains Freewill and Immortality so obviously that it is difficult to read previous speculations with becoming gravity. My deduction explains the conflict of good and evil with such clearness that no one can henceforward read the New Testament with becoming reverence. The surgeon whom I have described is an early bud which will probably be nipped by the frost and wither on the ground: but there is a good crop coming. Material pneuma is destined to high functions; and man is to read by gas-light.
We haven’t yet reached a time when a group of philosophers openly denies the existence of a Creator, but we’re heading in that direction, although common sense may intervene. There are always hints that indicate the direction of thinking. I have in front of me a printed letter from a doctor—whose skills I can vouch for—who believes the essence of life is found in highly purified oxygen. Following the typical reasoning of such thinkers, he dismisses the idea of an “eternal personal identity” because, he claims, “If soul, spirit, and mind, which are just ways of experiencing things, are simply functions of nerve tissue, then they can't possibly exist apart from their physical body!” How does he know this is an impossibility? If all the mind we understand comes from nerve tissue, how can we assume that the mind on other planets isn’t something entirely different? Moreover, when we think about possibilities, doesn’t his own theory suggest a bizarre one? If highly purified oxygen is the source of life, then even more purified oxygen [41]could be even more vital and powerful. Where does this idea end? Is it impossible that a finite amount of oxygen, purified ad infinitum, could be an Omnipotent being? Perhaps the true creation story, when finally written, will start with, “In the beginning was an imperial quart of oxygen at 60° Fahrenheit, under standard atmospheric pressure; and this oxygen was infinitely purified; and this oxygen became God.” Personally, my thoughts on this theory are dualistic. The quart of oxygen represents Ormuzd, or the good principle; while another quart, of hydrogen, symbolizes Ahriman, or the evil principle! My author claims that his system makes Free Will and Immortality so obvious that it’s hard to approach past theories with any seriousness. My interpretation clarifies the struggle between good and evil to such an extent that no one will ever again read the New Testament with the necessary reverence. The doctor I mentioned is an early sign that will likely be stunted by the cold and will fade away; but there is a promising future ahead. Material essence is destined for significant roles, and humanity will be enlightened by gas-light.
THE SUN AN ELECTRIC SPACE.
THE SUN IS AN ELECTRIC SPACE.
The solar system truly solved; demonstrating by the perfect harmony of the planets, founded on the four universal laws, the Sun to be an electric space; and a source of every natural production displayed throughout the solar system. By James Hopkins.[82] London, 1849, 8vo.
The solar system has been clearly described, demonstrating how the perfect balance of the planets is based on the four universal laws, indicating that the Sun is an electric space and the source of all natural phenomena observed throughout the solar system. By James Hopkins.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1849, 8vo.
The author says:
The author states:
"I am satisfied that I have given the true laws constituting the Sun to be space; and I call upon those disposed to maintain the contrary, to give true laws showing him to be a body: until such can be satisfactorily established, I have an undoubted claim to the credit of my theory,—That the Sun is an Electric Space, fed and governed by the [42]planets, which have the property of attracting heat from it; and the means of supplying the necessary pabulum by their degenerated air driven off towards the central space—the wonderful alembic in which it becomes transmuted to the revivifying necessities of continuous action; and the central space or Sun being perfectly electric, has the counter property of repulsing the bodies that attract it. How wonderful a conception! How beautiful, how magnificent an arrangement!
"I am confident that I have provided the true laws defining the Sun as space; and I challenge anyone who believes otherwise to present valid laws proving it to be a physical body: until such evidence is convincingly established, I have a clear claim to the credit for my theory—that the Sun is an Electric Space, energized and controlled by the [42]planets, which have the ability to draw heat from it; and they supply the necessary pabulum through their depleted air released into the central space—the amazing alembic where it transforms into the life-giving needs for continuous activity; and the central space or Sun being entirely electric has the opposite property of repelling the bodies that attract it. What a marvelous idea! How beautiful and magnificent is this arrangement!
"O Centre! O Space! O Electric Space!"
"O Center! O Space! O Electric Space!"
JOSEPH ADY.
JOSEPH ADY.
1849. Joseph Ady[83] is entitled to a place in this list of discoverers: his great fault, like that of some others, lay in pushing his method too far. He began by detecting unclaimed dividends, and disclosing them to their right owners, exacting his fee before he made his communication. He then generalized into trying to get fees from all of the name belonging to a dividend; and he gave mysterious hints of danger impending. For instance, he would write to a clergyman that a legal penalty was hanging over him; and when the alarmed divine forwarded the sum required for disclosure, he was favored with an extract from some old statute or canon, never repealed, forbidding a clergyman to be a member of a corporation, and was reminded that he had insured his life in the —— Office, which had a royal charter. He was facetious, was Joseph: he described himself in his circulars as "personally known to Sir Peter Laurie[84] and all other aldermen"; which was nearly true, [43]as he had been before most of them on charges of false pretence; but I believe he was nearly always within the law. Sir James Duke, when Lord Mayor, having particularly displeased him by a decision, his circulars of 1849 contain the following:
1849. Joseph Ady[83] deserves a spot in this list of discoverers; his major flaw, like that of some others, was pushing his method too far. He started by identifying unclaimed dividends and informing their rightful owners, demanding his fee before making his disclosure. He then expanded to try to collect fees from anyone linked to a dividend; he would drop cryptic warnings of impending danger. For example, he would write to a clergyman, implying that a legal punishment was looming over him; and when the worried clergyman sent the amount requested for the information, he received a quote from some old statute or canon, never repealed, that forbade a clergyman from being part of a corporation, and was reminded that he had insured his life with the —— Office, which had a royal charter. Joseph had a sense of humor: he referred to himself in his circulars as "personally known to Sir Peter Laurie[84] and all other aldermen"; which was almost true, [43]as he had appeared before most of them on charges of false pretenses; but I believe he was generally within legal bounds. Sir James Duke, when he was Lord Mayor, particularly angered him with a decision, and his circulars from 1849 include the following:
"Should you have cause to complain of any party, Sir J. Duke has contrived a new law of evidence, viz., write to him, he will consider your letter sufficient proof, and make the parties complained of pay without judge or jury, and will frank you from every expense."
"if you have a reason to complain about someone, Sir J. Duke has set up a new law of evidence: just write to him, and he will take your letter as enough proof. He’ll make the people you’re complaining about pay without any judge or jury involved and won’t charge you for any costs."
I strongly suspect that Joseph Ady believed in himself.
I really think that Joseph Ady had confidence in himself.
He sometimes issued a second warning, of a Sibylline character:
He sometimes gave a second warning, one that was mysterious and prophetic:
"Should you find cause to complain of anybody, my voluntary referee, the Rt. Hon. Sir Peter Laurie, Kt., perpetual Deputy Lord Mayor, will see justice done you without any charge whatever: he and his toady, — —— ——. The accursed of Moses can hang any man: thus, by catching him alone and swearing Naboth spake evil against God and the King. Therefore (!) I admit no strangers to a personal conference without a prepayment of 20s. each. Had you attended to my former notice you would have received twice as much: neglect this and you will lose all."
"Should you find a reason to complain about anyone, my voluntary referee, the Rt. Hon. Sir Peter Laurie, Kt., the permanent Deputy Lord Mayor, will make sure you get justice without any charge at all: he and his sycophant, — —— ——. The outcasts of Moses can hang anyone: they can do this by catching someone alone and falsely swearing that they spoke against God and the King. So, I won’t allow any strangers to meet me in person without a prepayment of 20s. each. If you had paid attention to my previous notice, you would have received double that amount: ignore this and you will lose everything."
ON MODERN ASTROLOGY.
ON CONTEMPORARY ASTROLOGY.
Zadkiel's Almanac for 1849. Nineteenth number.
Zadkiel's Almanac for 1849. Nineteenth edition.
Raphael's Prophetic Almanac for 1849. Twenty-ninth number.
Raphael's Prophetic Almanac for 1849. Twenty-ninth edition.
Reasons for belief in judicial astrology, and remarks on the dangerous character of popish priestcraft. London, 1849, 12mo.
Reasons to believe in judicial astrology, along with comments on the negative aspects of Catholic priestcraft. London, 1849, 12mo.
Astronomy in a nutshell: or the leading problems of the solar system solved by simple proportion only, on the theory of magnetic attraction. By Lieut. Morrison,[85] N. N. London (s. a.) 12mo.
Astronomy Made Simple: or the key issues of the solar system explained through basic proportions, based on the theory of magnetic attraction. By Lieut. Morrison, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ N. N. London (year unknown) 12mo.
Lieut. Morrison is Zadkiel Tao Sze, and declares himself in real earnest an astrologer. There are a great many books on astrology, but I have not felt interest enough to preserve many of them which have come in my way. If anything ever had a fair trial, it was astrology. The idea itself is natural enough. A human being, set down on this earth, without any tradition, would probably suspect that the heavenly bodies had something to do with the guidance of affairs. I think that any one who tries will ascertain that the planets do not prophesy: but if he should find to the contrary, he will of course go on asking. A great many persons class together belief in astrology and belief in apparitions: the two things differ in precisely the way in which a science of observation differs from a science of experiment. Many make the mistake which M. le Marquis made when he came too late, and hoped M. Cassini[86] would do the eclipse over again for his ladies. The apparition chooses its own time, and comes as seldom or as often as it pleases, be it departed spirit, nervous derangement, or imposition. Consequently it can only be observed, and not experimented upon. But the heavens, if astrology be true, are prophesying away day and night all the year round, and about every body. Experiments can be made, then, except only on rare phenomena, such as eclipses: anybody may choose his time and his question. This is the great difference: and experiments were made, century after century. If astrology had been true, it must have lasted in an ever-improving state. If it be true, it is a truth, and a useful truth, which had experience and prejudice both in its favor, and yet lost ground as soon as astronomy, its working tool, began to improve.
Lieut. Morrison is Zadkiel Tao Sze, and he genuinely identifies as an astrologer. There are plenty of books on astrology, but I haven't felt interested enough to keep many of them that have come my way. If anything has ever been given a fair shot, it’s astrology. The idea itself makes sense. A person, placed on this earth without any background, would likely think that the heavenly bodies have something to do with guiding events. I believe that anyone who tries will find that the planets don’t predict the future; however, if someone does discover otherwise, they will naturally keep asking. Many people lump belief in astrology together with belief in ghosts: the two differ in the same way a science based on observation differs from one based on experimentation. Many make the mistake that M. le Marquis did when he arrived too late and hoped that M. Cassini[86] would recreate the eclipse for his ladies. A ghost chooses its own timing and appears as infrequently or frequently as it wants, whether it’s a departed spirit, a mental disturbance, or a hoax. Hence, it can only be observed, not tested. But the heavens, if astrology is accurate, are constantly predicting day and night all year round about everyone. Experiments can be conducted, except for rare occurrences like eclipses: anyone can choose their timing and their question. This is the major difference: and experiments have been carried out, century after century. If astrology were true, it should have persisted and improved over time. If it is true, it is a truth, and a useful one, that faced both experience and bias in its favor, yet it lost traction once astronomy, its foundational tool, began to advance.
1850. A letter in the handwriting of an educated man, dated from a street in which it must be taken that educated persons live, is addressed to the Secretary of the [45]Astronomical Society about a matter on which the writer says "his professional pursuit will enable him to give a satisfactory reply." In a question before a court of law it is sworn on one side that the moon was shining at a certain hour of a certain night on a certain spot in London; on the other side it is affirmed that she was clouded. The Secretary is requested to decide. This is curious, as the question is not astrological. Persons still send to Greenwich, now and then, to have their fortunes told. In one case, not very many years ago, a young gentleman begged to know who his wife was to be, and what fee he was to remit.
1850. A letter in the handwriting of an educated man, dated from a street where educated people likely live, is addressed to the Secretary of the [45]Astronomical Society about a matter on which the writer claims "his professional background will allow him to provide a satisfactory answer." In a court case, one side swears that the moon was shining at a specific hour on a certain night in a certain part of London; on the other side, it’s asserted that the moon was obscured by clouds. The Secretary is asked to make a decision. This is interesting, as the question is not astrological. Occasionally, people still reach out to Greenwich to get their fortunes told. In one case, not too long ago, a young man requested to know who his future wife would be and what fee he should send.
Sometimes the astronomer turns conjurer for fun, and his prophesies are fulfilled. It is related of Flamsteed[87] that an old woman came to know the whereabouts of a bundle of linen which had strayed. Flamsteed drew a circle, put a square into it, and gravely pointed out a ditch, near her cottage, in which he said it would be found. He meant to have given the woman a little good advice when she came back: but she came back in great delight, with the bundle in her hand, found in the very place. The late Baron Zach[88] received a letter from Pons,[89] a successful finder of comets, complaining that for a certain period he had found no comets, though he had searched diligently. Zach, a man of much sly humor, told him that no spots had been seen on the sun for about the same time—which was true,—and assured him that when the spots came back, the comets would come with them. Some time after he got a letter [46]from Pons, who informed him with great satisfaction that he was quite right, that very large spots had appeared on the sun, and that he had found a fine comet shortly after. I do not vouch for the first story, but I have the second in Zach's handwriting. It would mend the joke exceedingly if some day a real relation should be established between comets and solar spots: of late years good reason has been shown for advancing a connection between these spots and the earth's magnetism.[90] If the two things had been put to Zach, he would probably have chosen the comets. Here is a hint for a paradox: the solar spots are the dead comets, which have parted with their light and heat to feed the sun, as was once suggested. I should not wonder if I were too late, and the thing had been actually maintained. My list does not contain the twentieth part of the possible whole.
Sometimes the astronomer plays trickster for fun, and his predictions come true. It's said that Flamsteed[87] helped an old woman who was looking for a missing bundle of linen. He drew a circle, placed a square inside it, and seriously pointed out a ditch near her cottage, claiming that’s where it would be found. He intended to give her some good advice when she returned, but she came back thrilled, holding the bundle she found in exactly that spot. The late Baron Zach[88] received a letter from Pons,[89] a well-known comet finder, complaining that he hadn’t discovered any comets for a while, despite his thorough searches. Zach, who had a clever sense of humor, pointed out that no spots had been seen on the sun during that same time—which was true—and assured him that when the spots returned, so would the comets. Later, he got another letter [46] from Pons, who excitedly informed him that he was correct, that large spots had appeared on the sun, and he had found a beautiful comet shortly after. I can’t confirm the first story, but I have the second one in Zach's handwriting. The joke would be even funnier if one day a real connection was established between comets and solar spots: in recent years, compelling evidence has suggested a link between these spots and Earth's magnetism.[90] If Zach had been asked about the two, he would probably have picked the comets. Here’s a thought for a paradox: solar spots are the dormant comets that have lost their light and heat to nourish the sun, as was once proposed. I wouldn't be surprised if I were too late, and this idea has already been argued. My list doesn’t include even a fraction of what’s possible.
The mention of coincidences suggests an everlasting source of explanations, applicable to all that is extraordinary. The great paradox of coincidence is that of Leibnitz, known as the pre-established harmony, or law of coincidences, by which, separately and independently, the body receives impressions, and the mind proceeds as if it had perceived them from without. Every sensation, and the consequent state of the soul, are independent things coincident in time by the pre-established law. The philosopher could not otherwise account for the connection of mind and matter; and he never goes by so vulgar a rule as Whatever is, is; to him that which is not clear as to how, is not at all. Philosophers in general, who tolerate each other's theories much better than Christians do each other's failings, seldom revive Leibnitz's fantasy: they seem to act upon the maxim quoted by Father Eustace[91] from the [47]Decretals, Facinora ostendi dum puniuntur, flagitia autem abscondi debent.[92]
The idea of coincidences points to an endless source of explanations for all that is extraordinary. The major paradox of coincidence is Leibnitz's concept known as the pre-established harmony or law of coincidences, which explains how, independently, the body receives impressions while the mind processes them as if they were perceived externally. Every sensation and the resulting state of the soul exist as separate phenomena that coincide in time according to this pre-established law. The philosopher couldn’t otherwise account for the connection between mind and matter; he doesn’t rely on such a simplistic principle as Whatever is, is; for him, if something isn't clear, it simply doesn't exist. Philosophers generally tolerate each other's theories much better than Christians tolerate each other's shortcomings, and they rarely bring up Leibnitz's ideas: they seem to follow the saying quoted by Father Eustace[91] from the [47]Decretals, Facinora ostendi dum puniuntur, flagitia autem abscondi debent.[92]
The great ghost-paradox, and its theory of coincidences, will rise to the surface in the mind of every one. But the use of the word coincidence is here at variance with its common meaning. When A is constantly happening, and also B, the occurrence of A and B at the same moment is the mere coincidence which may be casualty. But the case before us is that A is constantly happening, while B, when it does happen, almost always happens with A, and very rarely without it. That is to say, such is the phenomenon asserted: and all who rationally refer it to casualty, affirm that B is happening very often as well as A, but that it is not thought worthy of being recorded except when A is simultaneous. Of course A is here a death, and B the spectral appearance of the person who dies. In talking of this subject it is necessary to put out of the question all who play fast and loose with their secret convictions: these had better give us a reason, when they feel internal pressure for explanation, that there is no weathercock at Kilve; this would do for all cases. But persons of real inquiry will see that first, experience does not bear out the asserted frequency of the spectre, without the alleged coincidence of death: and secondly, that if the crowd of purely casual spectres were so great that it is no wonder that, now and then the person should have died at or near the moment, we ought to expect a much larger proportion of cases in which the spectre should come at the moment of the death of one or another of all the cluster who are closely connected with the original of the spectre. But this, we know, is almost without example. It remains then, for all, who speculate at all, to look upon the asserted phenomenon, think what they may of it, the thing which is to be explained, as a connection in time of the death, and the [48]simultaneous appearance of the dead. Any person the least used to the theory of probabilities will see that purely casual coincidence, the wrong spectre being comparatively so rare that it may be said never to occur, is not within the rational field of possibility.
The big ghost-paradox, and its theory of coincidences, will come to mind for everyone. But the way we use the term coincidence doesn’t match its usual meaning here. When event A happens all the time, and event B does too, A and B occurring at the same moment is just a coincidence that might be random. However, in this case, A happens consistently, and when B occurs, it almost always coincides with A, and very rarely happens without it. This means that the phenomenon is as stated: those who logically attribute it to randomness claim that B occurs as often as A, but isn’t deemed significant enough to be recorded unless A happens at the same time. A here represents a death, and B signifies the ghostly appearance of the deceased. While discussing this topic, we must set aside anyone who wavers in their beliefs: they should provide a reason, when feeling pressure for an explanation, that there’s no weather vane at Kilve; that would apply to all situations. But those genuinely seeking answers will notice that, first, there’s no evidence supporting the claimed frequency of the ghost appearing without the supposed coincidence of death; and second, if a multitude of purely random apparitions were so common that it’s not surprising for a person to die around the same time, we should expect a much higher number of cases where the ghost appears at the moment of death for one or more people closely connected to the source of the ghost. Yet, we know this is almost unheard of. So, for anyone who speculates at all, the phenomenon to be explained involves the connection in time between the death and the [48]simultaneous appearance of the deceased. Anyone with even a little knowledge of probability theory will see that purely random coincidences, with the wrong spectre being so rare that it can be said to never happen, are not within the realm of rational possibility.
The purely casual coincidence, from which there is no escape except the actual doctrine of special providences, carried down to a very low point of special intention, requires a junction of the things the like of each of which is always happening. I will give three instances which have occurred to myself within the last few years: I solemnly vouch for the literal truth of every part of all three:
The random coincidences, from which there’s no escape except for the actual belief in special providence, taken to a very low level of specific intention, need a connection of the things that are always happening. I’ll share three examples that have happened to me in the last few years: I confidently guarantee the truth of every detail in all three:
In August 1861, M. Senarmont,[93] of the French Institute, wrote to me to the effect that Fresnel[94] had sent to England, in or shortly after 1824, a paper for translation and insertion in the European Review, which shortly afterwards expired. The question was what had become of that paper. I examined the Review at the Museum, found no trace of the paper, and wrote back to that effect at the Museum, adding that everything now depended on ascertaining the name of the editor, and tracing his papers: of this I thought there was no chance. I posted this letter on my way home, at a Post Office in the Hampstead Road at the junction with Edward Street, on the opposite side of which is a bookstall. Lounging for a moment over the exposed books, sicut meus est mos,[95] I saw, within a few minutes of the posting of the letter, a little catch-penny book of anecdotes of Macaulay, which I bought, and ran over for a minute. My eye was soon caught by this sentence: "One of the young fellows immediately wrote to the editor (Mr. Walker) [49]of the European Review." I thus got the clue by which I ascertained that there was no chance of recovering Fresnel's paper. Of the mention of current reviews, not one in a thousand names the editor.
In August 1861, M. Senarmont, [93] of the French Institute, wrote to me saying that Fresnel [94] had sent a paper to England, either in 1824 or shortly after, for translation and publication in the European Review, which soon after ceased publication. The question was what had happened to that paper. I checked the Review at the Museum, found no trace of it, and replied accordingly, mentioning that everything now depended on finding out the name of the editor and tracking down his papers: I thought there was little chance of that. I mailed this letter on my way home at a Post Office on the Hampstead Road at the junction with Edward Street, where there’s a bookstall across the street. While browsing the exposed books, sicut meus est mos, [95] I noticed, just a few minutes after posting the letter, a small inexpensive book of anecdotes about Macaulay, which I purchased and skimmed through for a minute. My attention was quickly drawn to this sentence: "One of the young fellows immediately wrote to the editor (Mr. Walker) [49]of the European Review." This led me to realize that there was no possibility of recovering Fresnel's paper. Of the mentions of current reviews, hardly any name the editor.
In the summer of 1865 I made my first acquaintance with the tales of Nathaniel Hawthorne, and the first I read was about the siege of Boston in the War of Independence. I could not make it out: everybody seemed to have got into somebody else's place. I was beginning the second tale, when a parcel arrived: it was a lot of old pamphlets and other rubbish, as he called it, sent by a friend who had lately sold his books, had not thought it worth while to send these things for sale, but thought I might like to look at them and possibly keep some. The first thing I looked at was a sheet which, being opened, displayed "A plan of Boston and its environs, shewing the true situation of his Majesty's army and also that of the rebels, drawn by an engineer, at Boston Oct. 1775." Such detailed plans of current sieges being then uncommon, it is explained that "The principal part of this plan was surveyed by Richard Williams, Lieutenant at Boston; and sent over by the son of a nobleman to his father in town, by whose permission it was published." I immediately saw that my confusion arose from my supposing that the king's troops were besieging the rebels, when it was just the other way.
In the summer of 1865, I first encountered the stories of Nathaniel Hawthorne, and the first one I read was about the siege of Boston during the War of Independence. I couldn't make sense of it: everyone seemed to be in someone else's position. I was about to start the second story when a package arrived: it was a bunch of old pamphlets and other junk, as he called it, sent by a friend who had recently sold his books and didn’t think it was worth sending these things for sale but thought I might like to check them out and maybe keep some. The first thing I looked at was a sheet that, when opened, revealed "A plan of Boston and its environs, showing the true location of his Majesty's army and also that of the rebels, drawn by an engineer, at Boston Oct. 1775." Since detailed plans of current sieges were uncommon, it noted that "The principal part of this plan was surveyed by Richard Williams, Lieutenant at Boston; and sent over by the son of a nobleman to his father in town, by whose permission it was published." I quickly realized that my confusion stemmed from assuming that the king's troops were besieging the rebels when it was actually the other way around.
April 1, 1853, while engaged in making some notes on a logical point, an idea occurred which was perfectly new to me, on the mode of conciliating the notions omnipresence and indivisibility into parts. What it was is no matter here: suffice it that, since it was published elsewhere (in a paper on Infinity, Camb. Phil. Trans. vol. xi. p. 1) I have not had it produced to me. I had just finished a paragraph on the subject, when a parcel came in from a bookseller containing Heywood's[96] Analysis of Kant's Critick, 1844.
April 1, 1853, while I was taking some notes on a logical issue, an idea struck me that was completely new, regarding how to reconcile the concepts of omnipresence and indivisibility into parts. What the idea was doesn't matter here; it's enough to say that since it was published elsewhere (in a paper on Infinity, Camb. Phil. Trans. vol. xi. p. 1), I haven’t seen it again. I had just finished a paragraph on the topic when a package arrived from a bookseller with Heywood’s Analysis of Kant's Critick, 1844.
On turning over the leaves I found (p. 109) the identical thought which up to this day, I only know as in my own paper, or in Kant. I feel sure I had not seen it before, for it is in Kant's first edition, which was never translated to my knowledge; and it does not appear in the later editions. Mr. Heywood gives some account of the first edition.
On flipping through the pages, I found (p. 109) the exact idea that, until now, I only recognized from my own writing or from Kant. I'm certain I hadn't come across it before because it's in Kant's first edition, which, to my knowledge, was never translated, and it doesn't show up in the later editions. Mr. Heywood provides some information about the first edition.
In the broadsheet which gave account of the dying scene of Charles II, it is said that the Roman Catholic priest was introduced by P. M. A. C. F. The chain was this: the Duchess of Portsmouth[97] applied to the Duke of York, who may have consulted his Cordelier confessor, Mansuete, about procuring a priest, and the priest was smuggled into the king's room by the Duchess and Chiffinch.[98] Now the letters are a verbal acrostic of Père Mansuete a Cordelier Friar, and a syllabic acrostic of PortsMouth and ChifFinch. This is a singular coincidence. Macaulay adopted the first interpretation, preferring it to the second, which I brought before him as the conjecture of a near relative of my own. But Mansuete is not mentioned in his narrative: it may well be doubted whether the writer of a broadside for English readers would use Père instead of Father. And the person who really "reminded" the Duke of "the duty he owed to his brother," was the Duchess and not Mansuete. But my affair is only with the coincidence.
In the newspaper that covered the death of Charles II, it says that the Roman Catholic priest was brought in by P. M. A. C. F. The connection was this: the Duchess of Portsmouth[97] approached the Duke of York, who might have consulted his Cordelier confessor, Mansuete, about finding a priest, and the priest was sneaked into the king's room by the Duchess and Chiffinch.[98] Now the letters form a verbal acrostic of Père Mansuete a Cordelier Friar, and a syllabic acrostic of PortsMouth and ChifFinch. This is quite a coincidence. Macaulay preferred the first interpretation over the second, which I presented to him as a suggestion from a close relative of mine. However, Mansuete isn’t mentioned in his account: one might question whether the author of a broadside for English readers would use Père instead of Father. And it was actually the Duchess who "reminded" the Duke of "the duty he owed to his brother," not Mansuete. But my focus here is solely on the coincidence.
But there are coincidences which are really connected without the connection being known to those who find in them matter of astonishment. Presentiments furnish marked cases: sometimes there is no mystery to those who have the clue. In the Gentleman's Magazine (vol. 80, part 2, p. 33) we read, the subject being presentiment of death, as follows: "In 1778, to come nearer the recollection of [51]survivors, at the taking of Pondicherry, Captain John Fletcher, Captain De Morgan, and Lieutenant Bosanquet, each distinctly foretold his own death on the morning of his fate." I have no doubt of all three; and I knew it of my grandfather long before I read the above passage. He saw that the battery he commanded was unduly exposed: I think by the sap running through the fort when produced. He represented this to the engineer officers, and to the commander-in-chief; the engineers denied the truth of the statement, the commander believed them, my grandfather quietly observed that he must make his will, and the French fulfilled his prediction. His will bore date the day of his death; and I always thought it more remarkable than the fulfilment of the prophecy that a soldier should not consider any danger short of one like the above, sufficient reason to make his will. I suppose the other officers were similarly posted. I am told that military men very often defer making their wills until just before an action: but to face the ordinary risks intestate, and to wait until speedy death must be the all but certain consequence of a stupid mistake, is carrying the principle very far. In the matter of coincidences there are, as in other cases, two wonderful extremes with every intermediate degree. At one end we have the confident people who can attribute anything to casual coincidence; who allow Zadok Imposture and Nathan Coincidence to anoint Solomon Selfconceit king. At the other end we have those who see something very curious in any coincidence you please, and whose minds yearn for a deep reason. A speculator of this class happened to find that Matthew viii. 28-33 and Luke viii. 26-33 contain the same account, that of the demons entering into the swine. Very odd! chapters tallying, and verses so nearly: is the versification rightly managed? Examination is sure to show that there are monstrous inconsistencies in the mode of division, which being corrected, the verses tally as well as the chapters. And then how comes it? I cannot go on, [52]for I have no gift at torturing a coincidence, but I would lay twopence, if I could make a bet—which I never did in all my life—that some one or more of my readers will try it. Some people say that the study of chances tends to awaken a spirit of gambling: I suspect the contrary. At any rate, I myself, the writer of a mathematical book and a comparatively popular book, have never laid a bet nor played for a stake, however small: not one single time.
But there are coincidences that are actually connected, even if the people who find them surprising aren't aware of that connection. Presentiments offer notable examples: sometimes there's no mystery to those who have the insight. In the Gentleman's Magazine (vol. 80, part 2, p. 33), we read about the presentiment of death: "In 1778, to bring back the memories of the survivors, during the taking of Pondicherry, Captain John Fletcher, Captain De Morgan, and Lieutenant Bosanquet each clearly predicted his own death on the morning of his fate." I have no doubt about any of the three; I knew about my grandfather long before I read this passage. He realized that the battery he commanded was unnecessarily exposed, I believe due to the sap running through the fort when it was created. He reported this to the engineering officers and to the commander-in-chief; the engineers denied his claim, the commander believed them, and my grandfather calmly noted that he needed to prepare his will, and the French made his prediction come true. His will was dated the day he died; and I always found it more remarkable than the prophecy that a soldier wouldn't consider anything less than a situation like this a good enough reason to make his will. I assume the other officers were in a similar situation. I've heard that military personnel often put off writing their wills until right before a battle; but to confront ordinary risks without one, and to delay until imminent death becomes nearly certain due to a foolish mistake, is pushing the principle quite far. In the realm of coincidences, as in other areas, there are two amazing extremes with many shades in between. On one end, we have the confident individuals who can attribute any event to pure coincidence, who allow Zadok Imposture and Nathan Coincidence to crown Solomon Selfconceit as king. On the other end are those who find something very curious in any coincidence you mention and whose minds crave a deeper explanation. A person from this group happened to notice that Matthew viii. 28-33 and Luke viii. 26-33 contain the same story about demons entering pigs. Very strange! chapters matching up, and verses so closely aligned: is the verse division accurate? An investigation will reveal that there are significant inconsistencies in the way the verses are divided, which when corrected, make the verses align just as well as the chapters. And then how does this happen? I can't continue, [52]because I'm not good at twisting a coincidence, but I would bet two pence, if I could make a wager—which I've never done in my life—that one or more of my readers will attempt it. Some people say that studying probabilities can spark a gambling mentality: I suspect the opposite. At any rate, I myself, the author of a mathematical book and a somewhat popular book, have never placed a bet or gambled for anything, no matter how small: not once.
It is useful to record such instances as I have given, with precision and on the solemn word of the recorder. When such a story as that of Flamsteed is told, a priori assures us that it could not have been: the story may have been a ben trovato,[99] but not the bundle. It is also useful to establish some of the good jokes which all take for inventions. My friend Mr. J. Bellingham Inglis,[100] before 1800, saw the tobacconist's carriage with a sample of tobacco in a shield, and the motto Quid rides[101] (N. & Q., 3d S. i. 245). His father was able to tell him all about it. The tobacconist was Jacob Brandon, well known to the elder Mr. Inglis, and the person who started the motto, the instant he was asked for such a thing, was Harry Calender of Lloyd's, a scholar and a wit. My friend Mr. H. Crabb Robinson[102] remembers the King's Counsel (Samuel Marryat) who took the motto Causes produce effects, when his success enabled him to start a carriage.
It's helpful to accurately record instances like the ones I've shared, with the serious commitment of the person recounting them. When a story like Flamsteed's is told, it seems impossible that it could be true: the story might have been a clever invention, but not the whole situation. It's also important to establish some of the popular jokes that everyone thinks are original. My friend Mr. J. Bellingham Inglis, before 1800, saw the tobacconist’s carriage featuring a sample of tobacco in a shield, along with the motto "Quid rides" (N. & Q., 3d S. i. 245). His father was able to fill him in on all the details. The tobacconist was Jacob Brandon, well-known to the elder Mr. Inglis, and the person who came up with the motto as soon as he was asked for one was Harry Calender of Lloyd's, a scholar and a wit. My friend Mr. H. Crabb Robinson remembers the King's Counsel (Samuel Marryat), who adopted the motto "Causes produce effects" when his success allowed him to start a carriage.
The coincidences of errata are sometimes very remarkable: it may be that the misprint has a sting. The death of Sir W. Hamilton[103] of Edinburgh was known in London on a Thursday, and the editor of the Athenæum wrote to [53]me in the afternoon for a short obituary notice to appear on Saturday. I dashed off the few lines which appeared without a moment to think: and those of my readers who might perhaps think me capable of contriving errata with meaning will, I am sure, allow the hurry, the occasion, and my own peculiar relation to the departed, as sufficient reasons for believing in my entire innocence. Of course I could not see a proof: and two errata occurred. The words "addition to Stewart"[104] require "for addition to read edition of." This represents what had been insisted on by the Edinburgh publisher, who, frightened by the edition of Reid,[105] had stipulated for a simple reprint without notes. Again "principles of logic and mathematics" required "for mathematics read metaphysics." No four words could be put together which would have so good a title to be Hamilton's motto.
The coincidences of mistakes are sometimes quite striking: it may be that the typo has a deeper meaning. The death of Sir W. Hamilton of Edinburgh was reported in London on a Thursday, and the editor of the Athenæum contacted me in the afternoon for a brief obituary to be published on Saturday. I quickly wrote the few lines that appeared without having any time to think: and those readers who might think I could plan errors with intention will, I’m sure, understand the urgency, the circumstance, and my unique connection to the person who passed, as enough reasons for believing in my complete innocence. Obviously, I couldn't see a proof, and two mistakes happened. The phrase "addition to Stewart" should be corrected to "for addition to read edition of." This change was required by the Edinburgh publisher, who, concerned about the edition of Reid, insisted on a simple reprint without notes. Similarly, "principles of logic and mathematics" should read "for mathematics read metaphysics." No four words could better serve as Hamilton's motto.
April 1850, found in the letter-box, three loose leaves, well printed and over punctuated, being
April 1850, found in the letterbox, three loose sheets, well printed and overly punctuated, being
Chapter VI. Brethren, lo I come, holding forth the word of life, for so I am commanded.... Chapter VII. Hear my prayer, O generations! and walk by the way, to drink the waters of the river.... Chapter VIII. Hearken o earth, earth, earth, and the kings of the earth, and their armies....
Chapter VI. Brothers, I'm here to share the message of life as I've been taught.... Chapter VII. Hear my prayer, O generations! and follow the way to drink from the waters of the river.... Chapter VIII. Pay attention, O earth, earth, earth, and all the kings of the earth, along with their armies....
A very large collection might be made of such apostolic writings. They go on well enough in a misty—meant for mystical—imitation of St. Paul or the prophets, until at last some prodigious want of keeping shows the education of the writer. For example, after half a page which might [54]pass for Irving's[106] preaching—though a person to whom it was presented as such would say that most likely the head and tail would make something more like head and tail of it—we are astounded by a declaration from the Holy Spirit, speaking of himself, that he is "not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ." It would be long before we should find in educated rhapsody—of which there are specimens enough—such a thing as a person of the Trinity taking merit for moral courage enough to stand where St. Peter fell. The following declaration comes next—"I will judge between cattle and cattle, that use their tongues."
A very large collection could be created from these apostolic writings. They flow pretty well in a vague—intended for mystical—imitation of St. Paul or the prophets, until ultimately a significant lack of consistency reveals the writer's education. For instance, after half a page that could pass for Irving's[106] preaching—though anyone presented with it would likely say the beginning and end would make more sense together—we are surprised by a statement from the Holy Spirit, referring to himself, that he is "not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ." It would take a long time before we would see in educated rhapsody—of which there are plenty of examples—anything like a member of the Trinity claiming credit for the moral courage to stand where St. Peter fell. Next comes the statement—"I will judge between cattle and cattle, that use their tongues."
THE FIGURE OF THE EARTH.
The shape of the Earth.
The figure of the earth. By J. L. Murphy,[107] of Birmingham. (London and Birmingham, 4 pages, 12mo.) (1850?)
The shape of the Earth. By J. L. Murphy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of Birmingham. (London and Birmingham, 4 pages, 12mo.) (1850?)
Mr. Murphy invites attention and objection to some assertions, as that the earth is prolate, not oblate. "If the philosopher's conclusion be right, then the pole is the center of a valley (!) thirteen miles deep." Hence it would be very warm. It is answer enough to ask—Who knows that it is not?
Mr. Murphy calls for attention and challenges some claims, like that the earth is prolate, not oblate. "If the philosopher's conclusion is correct, then the pole is the center of a valley thirteen miles deep." That would mean it would be pretty warm. A simple response to that is to ask—Who knows it isn't?
*** A paragraph in the MS. appears to have been inserted in this place by mistake. It will be found in the Appendix at the end of this volume.—S. E. De M.
*** It looks like a paragraph in the manuscript was accidentally included here. You can find it in the Appendix at the end of this volume.—S. E. De M.
PERPETUAL MOTION.
Perpetual motion.
1851. The following letter was written by one of a class of persons whom, after much experience of them, I [55]do not pronounce insane. But in this case the second sentence gives a suspicion of actual delusion of the senses; the third looks like that eye for the main chance which passes for sanity on the Stock Exchange and elsewhere:
1851. The following letter was written by someone from a group of people whom, after a lot of experience with them, I [55]do not consider insane. However, in this case, the second sentence suggests a possible delusion of the senses; the third sentence appears to reflect that knack for spotting opportunities that is often mistaken for sanity on the Stock Exchange and in other places:
"Gentlemen,—I pray you take steps to make known that yesterday I completed my invention which will give motion to every country on the Earth;—to move Machinery!—the long sought in vain 'Perpetual Motion'!!—I was supported at the time by the Queen and H.R.H. Prince Albert. If, Gentlemen, you can advise me how to proceed to claim the reward, if any is offered by the Government, or how to secure the Patent for the machine, or in any way assist me by advice in this great work, I shall most graciously acknowledge your consideration.
"Gentlemen, I ask you to help spread the word that yesterday I finished my invention that will bring motion to every country on Earth—machinery that can achieve the long-elusive 'Perpetual Motion'! I had the support of the Queen and H.R.H. Prince Albert at the time. If you can guide me on how to claim any rewards offered by the Government, or how to obtain the Patent for this machine, or any advice to assist me in this remarkable endeavor, I would be deeply grateful for your help."
These are my convictions that my SEVERAL discoveries will be realized: and this great one can be at once acted upon: although at this moment it only exists in my mind, from my knowledge of certain fixed principles in nature:—the Machine I have not made, as I only completed the discovery YESTERDAY, Sunday!
These are my beliefs that my SEVERAL discoveries will come to fruition: and this significant one can be put into action right away: even though it currently only exists in my mind, based on my understanding of certain established principles in nature:—I haven't built the machine yet, as I just finished the discovery YESTERDAY, Sunday!
I have, etc. —— ——"
I have, etc. —— ——"
To the Directors of the
To the Board of Directors of the
London University, Gower Street.
University of London, Gower Street.
ON SPIRITUALISM.
ON SPIRITUALISM.
The Divine Drama of History and Civilisation. By the Rev. James Smith, M.A.[108] London, 1854, 8vo.
The Divine Drama of History and Civilization. By Rev. James Smith, M.A. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1854, 8vo.
I have several books on that great paradox of our day, Spiritualism, but I shall exclude all but three. The bibliography of this subject is now very large. The question is one both of evidence and speculation;—Are the facts [56]true? Are they caused by spirits? These I shall not enter upon: I shall merely recommend this work as that of a spiritualist who does not enter on the subject, which he takes for granted, but applies his derived views to the history of mankind with learning and thought. Mr. Smith was a man of a very peculiar turn of thinking. He was, when alive, the editor, or an editor, of the Family Herald: I say when alive, to speak according to knowledge; for, if his own views be true, he may have a hand in it still. The answers to correspondents, in his time, were piquant and original above any I ever saw. I think a very readable book might be made out of them, resembling "Guesses at Truth:" the turn given to an inquiry about morals, religion, or socials, is often of the highest degree of unexpectedness; the poor querist would find himself right in a most unpalatable way.
I have several books on that great paradox of our time, Spiritualism, but I’ll only mention three. The bibliography on this topic is now quite extensive. The question involves both evidence and speculation: Are the facts [56]true? Are they caused by spirits? I won’t delve into that; I’ll just recommend this work by a spiritualist who doesn’t tackle the subject directly but instead applies his insights to human history with knowledge and thought. Mr. Smith had a very unique way of thinking. He was, when he was alive, the editor, or an editor, of the Family Herald: I say "when he was alive" based on what I know; if his beliefs are true, he might still be involved. The responses to correspondents during his time were more engaging and original than any I’ve ever seen. I believe a very interesting book could be created from them, similar to "Guesses at Truth": the way questions about morals, religion, or social issues were addressed often had the highest degree of unexpectedness; the poor asker would end up getting an answer in a way they never anticipated.
Answers to correspondents, in newspapers, are very often the fag ends of literature. I shall never forget the following. A person was invited to name a rule without exception, if he could: he answered "A man must be present when he is shaved." A lady—what right have ladies to decide questions about shaving?—said this was not properly a rule; and the oracle was consulted. The editor agreed with the lady; he said that "a man must be present when he is shaved" is not a rule, but a fact.
Answers to readers in newspapers are often the leftovers of literature. I'll never forget this one. Someone was challenged to come up with a rule that has no exceptions, and he replied, "A man must be present when he is shaved." A woman—what right do women have to comment on shaving?—said this wasn't really a rule; so they asked the expert. The editor sided with the woman; he said that "a man must be present when he is shaved" is not a rule, but a fact.
[Among my anonymous communicants is one who states that I have done injustice to the Rev. James Smith in "referring to him as a spiritualist," and placing his "Divine Drama" among paradoxes: "it is no paradox, nor do spiritualistic views mar or weaken the execution of the design." Quite true: for the design is to produce and enforce "spiritualistic views"; and leather does not mar nor weaken a shoemaker's plan. I knew Mr. Smith well, and have often talked to him on the subject: but more testimony from me is unnecessary; his book will speak for itself. [57]His peculiar style will justify a little more quotation than is just necessary to prove the point. Looking at the "battle of opinion" now in progress, we see that Mr. Smith was a prescient:
[Among my anonymous communicators is one who claims that I have wronged Rev. James Smith by "referring to him as a spiritualist" and placing his "Divine Drama" among paradoxes: "it is no paradox, nor do spiritualistic views diminish or lessen the execution of the design." That’s true, because the purpose is to create and promote "spiritualistic views"; and leather doesn’t diminish a shoemaker's plan. I knew Mr. Smith well and have often discussed this topic with him: but more testimony from me isn't needed; his book will speak for itself. [57]His unique style will warrant a bit more quotation than is strictly necessary to make the point. Looking at the "battle of opinion" currently happening, we can see that Mr. Smith was prescient:]
(P. 588.) "From the general review of parties in England, it is evident that no country in the world is better prepared for the great Battle of Opinion. Where else can the battle be fought but where the armies are arrayed? And here they all are, Greek, Roman, Anglican, Scotch, Lutheran, Calvinist, Established and Territorial, with Baronial Bishops, and Nonestablished of every grade—churches with living prophets and apostles, and churches with dead prophets and apostles, and apostolical churches without apostles, and philosophies without either prophets or apostles, and only wanting one more, 'the Christian Church,' like Aaron's rod, to swallow up and digest them all, and then bud and flourish. As if to prepare our minds for this desirable and inevitable consummation, different parties have been favored with a revival of that very spirit of revelation by which the Church itself was originally founded. There is a complete series of spiritual revelations in England and the United States, besides mesmeric phenomena that bear a resemblance to revelation, and thus gradually open the mind of the philosophical and infidel classes, as well as the professed believers of that old revelation which they never witnessed in living action, to a better understanding of that Law of Nature (for it is a Law of Nature) in which all revelation originates and by which its spiritual communications are regulated."
(P. 588.) "From looking at the various political parties in England, it's clear that no other country is more ready for the major Debate of Ideas. Where else can this debate happen but where the different groups are gathered? And here they are: Greek, Roman, Anglican, Scottish, Lutheran, Calvinist, Established and Territorial, with Barons as Bishops, and Nonestablished groups of every kind—churches with living prophets and apostles, churches with deceased prophets and apostles, apostolic churches without apostles, philosophies that lack both prophets and apostles, and just needing one more, 'the Christian Church,' like Aaron's rod, to absorb and incorporate them all, and then to blossom and thrive. To prepare us for this desired and inevitable outcome, various parties have experienced a revival of that very spirit of revelation that originally founded the Church. There is a comprehensive series of spiritual revelations in England and the United States, along with mesmerizing phenomena that resemble revelation. These gradually open the minds of both the philosophical and non-believing groups, as well as those who claim to believe in that old revelation which they have never actually seen in action, to a better grasp of that Law of Nature (because it is a Law of Nature) from which all revelation comes and through which its spiritual messages are governed."
Mr. Smith proceeds to say that there are only thirty-five incorporated churches in England, all formed from the New Testament except five, to each of which five he concedes a revelation of its own. The five are the Quakers, the Swedenborgians, the Southcottians, the Irvingites, and the Mormonites. Of Joanna Southcott he speaks as follows: [58]
Mr. Smith goes on to say that there are only thirty-five incorporated churches in England, all based on the New Testament except for five, which he admits have their own revelations. The five are the Quakers, the Swedenborgians, the Southcottians, the Irvingites, and the Mormons. He talks about Joanna Southcott as follows: [58]
(P. 592.) "Joanna Southcott[109] is not very gallantly treated by the gentlemen of the Press, who, we believe, without knowing anything about her, merely pick up their idea of her character from the rabble. We once entertained the same rabble idea of her; but having read her works—for we really have read them—we now regard her with great respect. However, there is a great abundance of chaff and straw to her grain; but the grain is good, and as we do not eat either the chaff or straw if we can avoid it, nor even the raw grain, but thrash it and winnow it, and grind it and bake it, we find it, after undergoing this process, not only very palatable, but a special dainty of its kind. But the husk is an insurmountable obstacle to those learned and educated gentlemen who judge of books entirely by the style and the grammar, or those who eat grain as it grows, like the cattle. Such men would reject all prological revelation; for there never was and probably never will be a revelation by voice and vision communicated in classical manner. It would be an invasion of the rights and prerogatives of Humanity, and as contrary to the Divine and Established order of mundane government, as a field of quartern loaves or hot French rolls."
(P. 592.) "Joanna Southcott[109] is not treated very well by the media, who, we believe, without knowing anything about her, simply form their opinions based on the gossip of the crowd. We once held the same misguided opinion of her, but after reading her works—for we genuinely have read them—we now hold her in high regard. However, there is a lot of fluff surrounding her good ideas; but the core ideas are strong, and since we don’t consume the fluff if we can help it, nor even the raw ideas, but instead refine them by separating the noise, analyzing, and developing them, we find that, after this process, they become not only enjoyable but a true delicacy in their own right. But the surrounding fluff poses a significant challenge for those educated gentlemen who judge books solely on style and grammar, or for those who consume ideas in their raw form, like livestock. Such people would dismiss any authentic revelation; because there has never been, and probably never will be, a revelation conveyed in a classical way through voice and vision. It would violate the rights and privileges of humanity and is just as contrary to the Divine and Established order of the world as a field full of fancy loaves or fresh French rolls."
Mr. Smith's book is spiritualism from beginning to end; and my anonymous gainsayer, honest of course, is either ignorant of the work he thinks he has read, or has a most remarkable development of the organ of imperception.]
Mr. Smith's book is all about spiritualism from start to finish; and my anonymous critic, who is obviously honest, is either unaware of the work he thinks he has read, or has an extraordinary lack of perception.
A CONDENSED HISTORY OF MATHEMATICS.
A Brief History of Math.
I cut the following from a Sunday paper in 1849:
I took the following from a Sunday newspaper in 1849:
"X. Y.—The Chaldeans began the mathematics, in which the Egyptians excelled. Then crossing the sea, by means [59]of Thales,[110] the Milesian, they came into Greece, where they were improved very much by Pythagoras,[111] Anaxagoras,[112] and Anopides[113] of Chios. These were followed by Briso,[114] Antipho, [two circle-squarers; where is Euclid?] and Hippocrates,[115] but the excellence of the algebraic art was begun by Geber,[116] an Arabian astronomer, and was carried on by Cardanus,[117] Tartaglia,[118] Clavius,[119], Stevinus,[120] Ghetaldus,[121] Herigenius,[122] Fran. Van Schooten [meaning Francis Van Schooten[123]], Florida de Beaume,[124] etc."
"X. Y.—The Chaldeans started mathematics, in which the Egyptians were really good. Then, crossing the sea through Thales, the Milesian, they arrived in Greece, where they were significantly developed by Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, and Anopides of Chios. They were later joined by Briso, Antipho, [two circle-squarers; where is Euclid?] and Hippocrates, but the real advancements in algebra began with Geber, an Arabian astronomer, and were continued by Cardanus, Tartaglia, Clavius, Stevinus, Ghetaldus, Herigenius, Fran. Van Schooten, Florida de Beaume, etc."
Bryso was a mistaken man. Antipho had the disadvantage of being in advance of his age. He had the notion of which the modern geometry has made so much, that of [60]a circle being the polygon of an infinitely great number of sides. He could make no use of it, but the notion itself made him a sophist in the eyes of Aristotle, Eutocius,[125] etc. Geber, an Arab astronomer, and a reputed conjurer in Europe, seems to have given his name to unintelligible language in the word gibberish. At one time algebra was traced to him; but very absurdly, though I have heard it suggested that algebra and gibberish must have had one inventor.
Bryso was an overly confused man. Antipho had the disadvantage of being ahead of his time. He had the idea that modern geometry has developed a lot, which is that a circle is a polygon with an infinite number of sides. He couldn’t really apply it, but the idea itself made him a sophist in the eyes of Aristotle, Eutocius, and others. Geber, an Arab astronomer, and a well-known magician in Europe, seems to have inspired the term for confusing language with the word gibberish. At one point, algebra was attributed to him; however, that was quite ridiculous, though I’ve heard it suggested that algebra and gibberish must have had the same inventor.
Any person who meddles with the circle may find himself the crane who was netted among the geese: as Antipho for one, and Olivier de Serres[126] for another. This last gentleman ascertained, by weighing, that the area of the circle is very nearly that of the square on the side of the inscribed equilateral triangle: which it is, as near as 3.162 ... to 3.141.... He did not pretend to more than approximation; but Montucla and others misunderstood him, and, still worse, misunderstood their own misunderstanding, and made him say the circle was exactly double of the equilateral triangle. He was let out of limbo by Lacroix, in a note to his edition of Montucla's History of Quadrature.
Anyone who interferes with the circle might end up like the crane trapped among the geese: like Antipho for one, and Olivier de Serres for another. This last gentleman figured out, by weighing, that the area of the circle is very close to that of the square on the side of the inscribed equilateral triangle: which it is, as near as 3.162 ... to 3.141.... He didn’t claim to be exact; but Montucla and others misunderstood him, and even worse, misunderstood their own misunderstanding, making him say the circle was exactly double that of the equilateral triangle. He was rescued from limbo by Lacroix, in a note to his edition of Montucla's History of Quadrature.
ST. VITUS, PATRON OF CYCLOMETERS.
St. Vitus, Patron of Cyclometers.
Quadratura del cerchio, trisezione dell' angulo, et duplicazione del cubo, problemi geometricamente risolute e dimostrate dal Reverendo Arciprete di San Vito D. Domenico Angherà,[127] Malta, 1854, 8vo.
The quadrature of the circle, angle trisection, and cube duplication are geometric problems solved and presented by the Reverend Archpriest of San Vito, D. Domenico Angherà, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Malta, 1854, 8vo.
Equazioni geometriche, estratte dalla lettera del Rev. Arciprete ... al Professore Pullicino[128] sulla quadratura del cerchio. Milan, 1855 or 1856, 8vo.
Equations from the letter of Rev. Archpriest ... to Professor Pullicino __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ regarding the squaring of the circle. Milan, 1855 or 1856, 8vo.
Il Mediterraneo gazetta di Malta, 26 Decembre 1855, No. 909: also 911, 912, 913, 914, 936, 939.
Il Mediterraneo gazette of Malta, December 26, 1855, No. 909: also 911, 912, 913, 914, 936, 939.
The Malta Times, Tuesday, 9th June 1857.
The Malta Times, Tuesday, June 9, 1857.
Misura esatta del cerchio, dal Rev. D. Angherà. Malta, 1857, 12mo.
Exact Measurement of the Circle, by Rev. D. Angherà. Malta, 1857, 12mo.
Quadrature of the circle ... by the Rev. D. Angherà, Archpriest of St. Vito. Malta, 1858, 12mo.
Quadrature of the Circle ... by Rev. D. Angherà, Archpriest of St. Vito. Malta, 1858, 12mo.
I have looked for St. Vitus in catalogues of saints, but never found his legend, though he figures as a day-mark in the oldest almanacs. He must be properly accredited, since he was an archpriest. And I pronounce and ordain, by right accruing from the trouble I have taken in this subject, that he, St. Vitus, who leads his votaries a never-ending and unmeaning dance, shall henceforth be held and taken to be the patron saint of the circle-squarer. His day is the 15th of June, which is also that of St. Modestus,[129] with whom the said circle-squarer often has nothing to do. And he must not put himself under the first saint with a slantendicular reference to the other, as is much to be feared was done by the Cardinal who came to govern England with a title containing St. Pudentiana,[130] who shares a day with St. Dunstan. The Archpriest of St. Vitus will have it that the square inscribed in a semicircle is half of the semicircle, or the circumference 3-1/5 diameters. He is active and able, with [62]nothing wrong about him except his paradoxes. In the second tract named he has given the testimonials of crowned heads and ministers, etc. as follows. Louis-Napoleon gives thanks. The minister at Turin refers it to the Academy of Sciences, and hopes so much labor will be judged degna di pregio.[131] The Vice-Chancellor of Oxford—a blunt Englishman—begs to say that the University has never proposed the problem, as some affirm. The Prince Regent of Baden has received the work with lively interest. The Academy of Vienna is not in a position to enter into the question. The Academy of Turin offers the most distinct thanks. The Academy della Crusca attends only to literature, but gives thanks. The Queen of Spain has received the work with the highest appreciation. The University of Salamanca gives infinite thanks, and feels true satisfaction in having the book. Lord Palmerston gives thanks, by the hand of "William San." The Viceroy of Egypt, not being yet up in Italian, will spend his first moments of leisure in studying the book, when it shall have been translated into French: in the mean time he congratulates the author upon his victory over a problem so long held insoluble. All this is seriously published as a rate in aid of demonstration. If these royal compliments cannot make the circumference of a circle about 2 per cent. larger than geometry will have it —which is all that is wanted—no wonder that thrones are shaky.
I have searched for St. Vitus in saint catalogs but never found his legend, even though he appears as a day-mark in the oldest almanacs. He must be properly recognized since he was an archpriest. And I declare, based on the effort I’ve put into this subject, that he, St. Vitus, who leads his followers in a never-ending and pointless dance, shall now be regarded as the patron saint of those squaring circles. His day is June 15th, which is also that of St. Modestus,[129] with whom the circle-squaring enthusiast often has nothing to do. And he must not place himself under the first saint with any sort of indirect link to the other, as is often feared was done by the Cardinal who came to rule England with a title that includes St. Pudentiana,[130] who shares a day with St. Dunstan. The Archpriest of St. Vitus insists that the square inscribed in a semicircle is half of the semicircle, or the circumference is 3-1/5 diameters. He is active and capable, with nothing wrong with him except his paradoxes. In the second tract, he provides testimonials from crowned heads and ministers, etc., as follows. Louis-Napoleon expresses gratitude. The minister in Turin refers it to the Academy of Sciences and hopes this effort will be deemed degna di pregio.[131] The Vice-Chancellor of Oxford—a straightforward Englishman—states that the University has never proposed the problem, contrary to some claims. The Prince Regent of Baden shows lively interest in the work. The Academy of Vienna cannot engage with the question. The Academy of Turin extends its most distinct thanks. The Academy della Crusca focuses solely on literature but expresses gratitude. The Queen of Spain has received the work with high appreciation. The University of Salamanca gives endless thanks and is truly pleased to have the book. Lord Palmerston expresses thanks, on behalf of "William San." The Viceroy of Egypt, not yet proficient in Italian, plans to spend his first free moments studying the book once it’s translated into French: in the meantime, he congratulates the author on his success in solving a problem that had long been deemed unsolvable. All this is seriously published as a rate in support of demonstration. If these royal compliments can't make the circumference of a circle about 2 percent larger than geometry suggests—which is all that’s needed—it’s no surprise that thrones are unstable.
I am informed that the legend of St. Vitus is given by Ribadeneira[132] in his lives of Saints, and that Baronius,[133] in [63]his Martyrologium Romanum, refers to several authors who have written concerning him. There is an account in Mrs. Jameson's[134] History of Sacred and Legendary Art (ed. of 1863, p. 544). But it seems that St. Vitus is the patron saint of all dances; so that I was not so far wrong in making him the protector of the cyclometers. Why he is represented with a cock is a disputed point, which is now made clear: next after gallus gallinaceus[135] himself, there is no crower like the circle-squarer.
I’ve learned that the story of St. Vitus is provided by Ribadeneira[132] in his lives of Saints, and that Baronius,[133] in [63]his Martyrologium Romanum, mentions several authors who have written about him. There’s an account in Mrs. Jameson's[134] History of Sacred and Legendary Art (1873 edition, p. 544). But it seems that St. Vitus is the patron saint of all dances, so I wasn’t too wrong in making him the protector of the cyclometers. The reason he is shown with a rooster is a debated topic, which is now clarified: right after gallus gallinaceus[135] himself, there’s no one that crows like the circle-squarer.
CELEBRATED APPROXIMATIONS OF π.
CELEBRATED ESTIMATES OF π.
The following is an extract from the English Cyclopædia, Art. Tables:
The following is an extract from the English Cyclopædia, Art. Tables:
"1853. William Shanks,[136] Contributions to Mathematics, comprising chiefly the Rectification of the Circle to 607 Places of Tables, London, 1853. (Quadrature of the Circle.) Here is a table, because it tabulates the results of the subordinate steps of this enormous calculation as far as 527 decimals: the remainder being added as results only during the printing. For instance, one step is the calculation of the reciprocal of 601.5601; and the result is given. The number of pages required to describe these results is 87. Mr. Shanks has also thrown off, as chips or splinters, the values of the base of Napier's logarithms, and of its logarithms of 2, 3, 5, 10, to 137 decimals; and the value of the modulus .4342 ... to 136 decimals: with the 13th, 25th, 37th ... up to the 721st powers of 2. These tremendous stretches of calculation—at least we so call them in our day—are useful in several respects; they prove more than [64]the capacity of this or that computer for labor and accuracy; they show that there is in the community an increase of skill and courage. We say in the community: we fully believe that the unequalled turnip which every now and then appears in the newspapers is a sufficient presumption that the average turnip is growing bigger, and the whole crop heavier. All who know the history of the quadrature are aware that the several increases of numbers of decimals to which π has been carried have been indications of a general increase in the power to calculate, and in courage to face the labor. Here is a comparison of two different times. In the day of Cocker,[137] the pupil was directed to perform a common subtraction with a voice-accompaniment of this kind: '7 from 4 I cannot, but add 10, 7 from 14 remains 7, set down 7 and carry 1; 8 and 1 which I carry is 9, 9 from 2 I cannot, etc.' We have before us the announcement of the following table, undated, as open to inspection at the Crystal Palace, Sydenham, in two diagrams of 7 ft. 2 in, by 6 ft. 6 in.: 'The figure 9 involved into the 912th power, and antecedent powers or involutions, containing upwards of 73,000 figures. Also, the proofs of the above, containing upwards of 146,000 figures. By Samuel Fancourt, of Mincing Lane, London, and completed by him in the year 1837, at the age of sixteen. N.B. The whole operation performed by simple arithmetic.' The young operator calculated by successive squaring the 2d, 4th, 8th, etc., powers up to the 512th, with proof by division. But 511 multiplications by 9, in the short (or 10-1) way, would have been much easier. The 2d, 32d, 64th, 128th, 256th, and 512th powers are given at the back of the announcement. The powers of 2 have been calculated for many purposes. In Vol. II of his Magia Universalis Naturæ et Artis, Herbipoli, 1658, 4to, the Jesuit Gaspar Schott[138] having discovered, on some grounds of theological [65]magic, that the degrees of grace of the Virgin Mary were in number the 256th power of 2, calculated that number. Whether or no his number correctly represented the result he announced, he certainly calculated it rightly, as we find by comparison with Mr. Shanks."
"1853. William Shanks, [136] Contributions to Mathematics, comprising chiefly the Rectification of the Circle to 607 Places of Tables, London, 1853. (Squaring the Circle.) Here is a table, because it lists the results of the smaller steps of this massive calculation up to 527 decimals: the remaining results were added during printing. For example, one step calculates the reciprocal of 601.5601; and the result is provided. It takes 87 pages to describe these results. Mr. Shanks has also produced, as smaller outputs, the values of the base of Napier's logarithms, as well as its logarithms of 2, 3, 5, and 10, up to 137 decimals; and the value of the modulus .4342 ... to 136 decimals: including the 13th, 25th, 37th ... up to the 721st powers of 2. These impressive calculations—at least that’s what we call them today—are useful in various ways; they demonstrate more than just the ability of a particular calculator for work and precision; they indicate that there's a greater level of skill and bravery in the community. We say in the community: we genuinely believe that the extraordinary turnip that occasionally appears in newspapers is enough evidence that the average turnip is growing larger, and the overall yield is heavier. Anyone familiar with the history of quadrature understands that the increasing number of decimals to which π has been computed showcases a general enhancement in computational ability and the willingness to tackle the workload. Here’s a comparison of two different eras. In Cocker’s day, [137] the student was instructed to do a simple subtraction with a narration like this: '7 from 4 I cannot, but add 10, 7 from 14 remains 7, write down 7 and carry 1; 8 and 1 which I carry is 9, 9 from 2 I cannot, etc.' We currently have a notification of the following table, undated, which is available for viewing at the Crystal Palace, Sydenham, displayed in two diagrams measuring 7 ft. 2 in. by 6 ft. 6 in.: 'The figure 9 raised to the 912th power and previous powers or involutions, containing over 73,000 figures. Additionally, the proofs of the above, containing over 146,000 figures. By Samuel Fancourt, of Mincing Lane, London, completed by him in 1837 at the age of sixteen. N.B. The whole operation done using simple arithmetic.' The young calculator derived the 2nd, 4th, 8th, etc., powers up to the 512th by successive squaring, verified by division. However, performing 511 multiplications by 9, using the short (or 10-1) method, would have been much simpler. The 2nd, 32nd, 64th, 128th, 256th, and 512th powers are listed on the reverse of the announcement. The powers of 2 have been calculated for various uses. In Vol. II of his Magia Universalis Naturæ et Artis, Herbipoli, 1658, 4to, the Jesuit Gaspar Schott [138] discovered, on some theological basis of magic, that the degrees of grace of the Virgin Mary were equal to the 256th power of 2, and he calculated that number. Whether or not his number accurately reflected the result he stated, he certainly performed the calculation correctly, as we find through comparison with Mr. Shanks."
There is a point about Mr. Shanks's 608 figures of the value of π which attracts attention, perhaps without deserving it. It might be expected that, in so many figures, the nine digits and the cipher would occur each about the same number of times; that is, each about 61 times. But the fact stands thus: 3 occurs 68 times; 9 and 2 occur 67 times each; 4 occurs 64 times; 1 and 6 occur 62 times each; 0 occurs 60 times; 8 occurs 58 times; 5 occurs 56 times; and 7 occurs only 44 times. Now, if all the digits were equally likely, and 608 drawings were made, it is 45 to 1 against the number of sevens being as distant from the probable average (say 61) as 44 on one side or 78 on the other. There must be some reason why the number 7 is thus deprived of its fair share in the structure. Here is a field of speculation in which two branches of inquirers might unite. There is but one number which is treated with an unfairness which is incredible as an accident; and that number is the mystic number seven! If the cyclometers and the apocalyptics would lay their heads together until they come to a unanimous verdict on this phenomenon, and would publish nothing until they are of one mind, they would earn the gratitude of their race.—I was wrong: it is the Pyramid-speculator who should have been appealed to. A correspondent of my friend Prof. Piazzi Smyth[139] notices that 3 is the number of most frequency, and that 3-1/7 is the nearest approximation to it in simple digits. Professor Smyth himself, whose word on Egypt is paradox of a very high order, backed by a great quantity of useful labor, the results which will be made available by those who do not receive [66]the paradoxes, is inclined to see confirmation for some of his theory in these phenomena.
There's an interesting point about Mr. Shanks's 608 digits of the value of π that catches the eye, even if it might not deserve the attention. You might expect that, across so many digits, each of the nine digits along with zero would show up about the same number of times—roughly 61 times each. However, the breakdown is like this: 3 appears 68 times; 9 and 2 each appear 67 times; 4 shows up 64 times; 1 and 6 each occur 62 times; 0 appears 60 times; 8 shows up 58 times; 5 is seen 56 times; and 7 occurs only 44 times. If all the digits had the same probability, the chance of getting seven showing up as far from the expected average (let's say 61) as 44 or 78 is 45 to 1. There must be an explanation for why the number 7 is missing out on its fair share in this mix. This opens up a speculative area where two groups of researchers could come together. There’s only one number that seems to be unfairly treated, which is too strange to be just an accident, and that number is the mystical seven! If the cyclometers and the apocalyptic theorists could join forces until they agree on this oddity and publish nothing until they reach a consensus, they would be appreciated by everyone. But I was mistaken: it’s actually the Pyramid-speculator who should be consulted. A friend of mine, Professor Piazzi Smyth[139], points out that 3 is the most frequent number and that 3-1/7 is the closest approximation to it using simple digits. Professor Smyth himself, whose insights on Egypt are highly paradoxical and backed by a considerable amount of relevant research, is inclined to find support for some of his theories in these patterns.
CURIOUS CALCULATIONS.
Intriguing calculations.
These paradoxes of calculation sometimes appear as illustrations of the value of a new method. In 1863, Mr. G. Suffield,[140] M.A., and Mr. J. R. Lunn,[141] M.A., of Clare College and of St. John's College, Cambridge, published the whole quotient of 10000 ... divided by 7699, throughout the whole of one of the recurring periods, having 7698 digits. This was done in illustration of Mr. Suffield's method of Synthetic division.
These calculation paradoxes sometimes serve as examples of the benefits of a new method. In 1863, Mr. G. Suffield, M.A., and Mr. J. R. Lunn, M.A., from Clare College and St. John's College, Cambridge, published the entire quotient of 10000 divided by 7699, covering the full length of one of the recurring periods, which had 7698 digits. This was done to demonstrate Mr. Suffield's method of Synthetic division.
Another instance of computation carried to paradoxical length, in order to illustrate a method, is the solution of x3 - 2x = 5, the example given of Newton's method, on which all improvements have been tested. In 1831, Fourier's[142] posthumous work on equations showed 33 figures of solution, got with enormous labor. Thinking this a good opportunity to illustrate the superiority of the method of W. G. Horner,[143] not yet known in France, and not much known in [67]England, I proposed to one of my classes, in 1841, to beat Fourier on this point, as a Christmas exercise. I received several answers, agreeing with each other, to 50 places of decimals. In 1848, I repeated the proposal, requesting that 50 places might be exceeded: I obtained answers of 75, 65, 63, 58, 57, and 52 places. But one answer, by Mr. W. Harris Johnston,[144] of Dundalk, and of the Excise Office, went to 101 decimal places. To test the accuracy of this, I requested Mr. Johnston to undertake another equation, connected with the former one in a way which I did not explain. His solution verified the former one, but he was unable to see the connection, even when his result was obtained. My reader may be as much at a loss: the two solutions are:
Another example of computation taken to an extreme to demonstrate a method is the solution of x3 - 2x = 5, which is the example used for Newton's method and has been the basis for all improvements. In 1831, Fourier's posthumous work on equations presented 33 figures of solution that were obtained with immense effort. Seeing this as a great chance to showcase the advantages of W. G. Horner's method, which was not yet known in France and not particularly well-known in England, I suggested to one of my classes in 1841 that they try to beat Fourier's figures as a Christmas exercise. I received several answers that matched each other up to 50 decimal places. In 1848, I repeated the challenge, asking for solutions that exceeded 50 decimal places: I received answers of 75, 65, 63, 58, 57, and 52 decimal places. However, one answer, from Mr. W. Harris Johnston of Dundalk and the Excise Office, reached 101 decimal places. To verify its accuracy, I asked Mr. Johnston to solve another equation related to the first one in a way that I didn't explain. His solution confirmed the previous one, but he couldn’t see the connection, even when he obtained his result. My reader might be just as confused: the two solutions are:
2.0945514815423265...
2.0945514815423265...
9.0544851845767340...
9.05
The results are published in the Mathematician, Vol. III, p. 290. In 1851, another pupil of mine, Mr. J. Power Hicks,[145] carried the result to 152 decimal places, without knowing what Mr. Johnston had done. The result is in the English Cyclopædia, article Involution and Evolution.
The results are published in the Mathematician, Vol. III, p. 290. In 1851, another student of mine, Mr. J. Power Hicks, [145] extended the result to 152 decimal places, without knowing what Mr. Johnston had accomplished. The result is included in the English Cyclopædia, article Involution and Evolution.
I remark that when I write the initial of a Christian name, the most usual name of that initial is understood. I never saw the name of W. G. Horner written at length, until I applied to a relative of his, who told me that he was, as I supposed, Wm. George, but that he was named after a relative of that surname.
I notice that when I write the initial of a Christian name, the most common name associated with that initial is generally understood. I had never seen the name W. G. Horner written out in full until I asked a relative of his, who told me that he was, as I thought, Wm. George, but that he was named after a relative with that surname.
1.4142135623730950488016887242096980785696
1.41
7187537694807317667973799073247846210703
7187537694807317667973799073247846210703
885038753432764157273501384623
885038753432764157273501384623
Mr. James Steel[146] of Birkenhead verified this by actual multiplication, and produced
Mr. James Steel[146] of Birkenhead confirmed this by doing the math and produced
2 - | 2580413![]() 10117 |
as the square.
as the plaza.
Calcolo decidozzinale del Barone Silvio Ferrari. Turin, 1854, 4to.
Decision-Making Calculation by Baron Silvio Ferrari. Turin, 1854, 4to.
This is a serious proposal to alter our numeral system and to count by twelves. Thus 10 would be twelve, 11 thirteen, etc., two new symbols being invented for ten and eleven. The names of numbers must of course be changed. There are persons who think such changes practicable. I thought this proposal absurd when I first saw it, and I think so still:[147] but the one I shall presently describe beats it so completely in that point, that I have not a smile left for this one.
This is a serious proposal to change our number system and start counting by twelves. So, 10 would be twelve, 11 would be thirteen, etc., with two new symbols created for ten and eleven. The names of the numbers would obviously need to be changed. Some people believe these changes are possible. I thought this proposal was ridiculous when I first saw it, and I still think so:[147] but the one I’m about to describe completely overshadows this idea, leaving me with no amusement left for it.
ON COMETS.
About Comets.
The successful and therefore probably true theory of Comets. London, 1854. (4pp. duodecimo.)
The successful and probably accurate theory of comets. London, 1854. (4 pages, duodecimo.)
The author is the late Mr. Peter Legh,[148] of Norbury Booths Hall, Knutsford, who published for eight or ten [69]years the Ombrological Almanac, a work of asserted discovery in meteorology. The theory of comets is that the joint attraction of the new moon and several planets in the direction of the sun, draws off the gases from the earth, and forms these cometic meteors. But how these meteors come to describe orbits round the sun, and to become capable of having their returns predicted, is not explained.
The author is the late Mr. Peter Legh, [148] of Norbury Booths Hall, Knutsford, who published the Ombrological Almanac for about eight to ten [69] years, a work claiming to make discoveries in meteorology. The theory about comets suggests that the combined gravity of the new moon and several planets, directed towards the sun, pulls gases away from the earth, forming these comet-like meteors. However, it doesn’t explain how these meteors create orbits around the sun or how their return can be predicted.
A NEW PHASE OF MORMONISM.
A New Era of Mormonism.
The Mormon, New York, Saturday, Oct. 27, 1855.
The Mormon, New York, Saturday, October 27, 1855.
A newspaper headed by a grand picture of starred and striped banners, beehive, and eagle surmounting it. A scroll on each side: on the left, "Mormon creed. Mind your own business. Brigham Young;"[149] on the right, "Given by inspiration of God. Joseph Smith."[150] A leading article on the discoveries of Prof. Orson Pratt[151] says, "Mormonism has long taken the lead in religion: it will soon be in the van both in science and politics." At the beginning of the paper is Professor Pratt's "Law of Planetary Rotation." The cube roots of the densities of the planets are as the square roots of their periods of rotation. The squares of the cube roots of the masses divided by the squares of the diameters are as the periods of rotation. Arithmetical verification attempted, and the whole very modestly stated [70]and commented on. Dated G. S. L. City, Utah Ter., Aug. 1, 1855. If the creed, as above, be correctly given, no wonder the Mormonites are in such bad odor.
A newspaper featuring a large image of starry and striped banners, a beehive, and an eagle on top. A banner on each side: on the left, "Mormon creed. Mind your own business. Brigham Young;" on the right, "Given by inspiration of God. Joseph Smith." A major article about the discoveries of Prof. Orson Pratt states, "Mormonism has long been a leader in religion: it will soon be leading in both science and politics." At the beginning of the paper is Professor Pratt's "Law of Planetary Rotation." The cube roots of the densities of the planets relate to the square roots of their rotation periods. The squares of the cube roots of the masses divided by the squares of the diameters are equal to the rotation periods. Arithmetic verification attempted, and all very modestly presented and commented on. Dated G. S. L. City, Utah Ter., Aug. 1, 1855. If the creed mentioned above is accurately stated, it’s no surprise the Mormons have such a bad reputation.
MATHEMATICAL ILLUSTRATIONS OF DOCTRINE.
Math Illustrations of Doctrine.
The two estates; or both worlds mathematically considered. London, 1855, small (pp. 16).
The two estates; or both worlds analyzed mathematically. London, 1855, small (pp. 16).
The author has published mathematical works with his name. The present tract is intended to illustrate mathematically a point which may be guessed from the title. But the symbols do very little in the way of illustration: thus, x being the present value of the future estate (eternal happiness), and a of all that this world can give, the author impresses it on the mathematician that, x being infinitely greater than a, x + a = x, so that a need not be considered. This will not act much more powerfully on a mathematician by virtue of the symbols than if those same symbols had been dispensed with: even though, as the author adds, "It was this method of neglecting infinitely small quantities that Sir Isaac Newton was indebted to for his greatest discoveries."
The author has published mathematical works under his name. This document aims to mathematically illustrate a point that can be inferred from the title. However, the symbols do very little to help with the illustration: x represents the present value of the future estate (eternal happiness), and a represents everything this world can offer. The author emphasizes to mathematicians that since x is infinitely greater than a, x + a = x, meaning that a doesn’t need to be taken into account. This won't significantly impact a mathematician any more than if those symbols were left out entirely; even though, as the author points out, "It was this method of ignoring infinitely small quantities that Sir Isaac Newton credited for his greatest discoveries."
There has been a moderate quantity of well-meant attempt to enforce, sometimes motive, sometimes doctrine, by arguments drawn from mathematics, the proponents being persons unskilled in that science for the most part. The ground is very dangerous: for the illustration often turns the other way with greater power, in a manner which requires only a little more knowledge to see. I have, in my life, heard from the pulpit or read, at least a dozen times, that all sin is infinitely great, proved as follows. The greater the being, the greater the sin of any offence against him: therefore the offence committed against an infinite being is infinitely great. Now the mathematician, of which the proposers of this argument are not aware, is perfectly familiar with quantities which increase together, and never cease increasing, but so that one of them remains finite when [71]the other becomes infinite. In fact, the argument is a perfect non sequitur.[152] Those who propose it have in their minds, though in a cloudy and indefinite form, the idea of the increase of guilt being proportionate to the increase of greatness in the being offended. But this it would never do to state: for by such statement not only would the argument lose all that it has of the picturesque, but the asserted premise would have no strong air of exact truth. How could any one undertake to appeal to conscience to declare that an offence against a being 4-7/10 times as great as another is exactly, no more and no less, 4-7/10 times as great an offence against the other?
There has been a fair amount of well-intentioned efforts to enforce, sometimes motivations and sometimes doctrines, using arguments based on mathematics, mostly by people who aren’t skilled in that field. This is a risky approach because the illustration often works the other way with even more force, which only requires a bit more knowledge to understand. Throughout my life, I’ve heard from the pulpit or read at least a dozen times that all sin is infinitely great, proven as follows: the greater the being, the greater the sin of any offense against him; therefore, the offense against an infinite being is infinitely great. However, mathematicians—of which the people proposing this argument are unaware—are well-acquainted with quantities that increase together but remain finite while one of them becomes infinite. In fact, the argument is a perfect non sequitur. Those who propose it have an unclear and vague idea that the increase in guilt is proportionate to the increase in greatness of the being offended. But this is not something they should state outright; doing so would strip the argument of its vividness, and the stated premise wouldn’t have much of a solid claim to exact truth. How could anyone reasonably argue that an offense against a being 4-7/10 times greater than another is exactly, no more and no less, 4-7/10 times as great an offense against the other?
The infinite character of the offence against an infinite being is laid down in Dryden's Religio Laici,[153] and is, no doubt, an old argument:
The endless nature of the offense against an infinite being is stated in Dryden's Religio Laici,[153] and is, without a doubt, an age-old argument:
"For, granting we have sinned, and that th' offence
"For, if we admit we have sinned, and that the offense
Of man is made against Omnipotence,
Of man is made against Omnipotence,
Some price that bears proportion must be paid,
Some price that is proportional must be paid,
And infinite with infinite be weighed.
And infinite with infinite be measured.
See then the Deist lost; remorse for vice
See then the Deist lost; guilt for wrongdoing
Not paid; or, paid, inadequate in price."
Not paid; or, paid but insufficient in amount.
Dryden, in the words "bears proportion" is in verse more accurate than most of the recent repeaters in prose. And this is not the only case of the kind in his argumentative poetry.
Dryden's phrase "bears proportion" is more precise in verse than most of the recent prose writers. And this isn't the only instance of this kind in his argumentative poetry.
My old friend, the late Dr. Olinthus Gregory,[154] who was a sound and learned mathematician, adopted this dangerous kind of illustration in his Letters on the Christian Religion. [72]He argued, by parallel, from what he supposed to be the necessarily mysterious nature of the impossible quantity of algebra to the necessarily mysterious nature of certain doctrines of his system of Christianity. But all the difficulty and mystery of the impossible quantity is now cleared away by the advance of algebraical thought: and yet Dr. Gregory's book continues to be sold, and no doubt the illustration is still accepted as appropriate.
My old friend, the late Dr. Olinthus Gregory, who was a knowledgeable and skilled mathematician, used this risky type of illustration in his Letters on the Christian Religion. [72] He made an argument by comparing what he believed to be the inherently mysterious nature of the impossible quantity in algebra to the inherently mysterious nature of certain doctrines in his version of Christianity. However, all the difficulty and mystery surrounding the impossible quantity have now been resolved through advances in algebraic thought. Still, Dr. Gregory's book continues to sell, and it’s likely that the illustration is still seen as fitting.
The mode of argument used by the author of the tract above named has a striking defect. He talks of reducing this world and the next to "present value," as an actuary does with successive lives or next presentations. Does value make interest? and if not, why? And if it do, then the present value of an eternity is not infinitely great. Who is ignorant that a perpetual annuity at five per cent is worth only twenty years' purchase? This point ought to be discussed by a person who treats heaven as a deferred perpetual annuity. I do not ask him to do so, and would rather he did not; but if he will do it, he must either deal with the question of discount, or be asked the reason why.
The way the author of the mentioned tract argues has a significant flaw. He mentions reducing this world and the next to "present value," similar to how an actuary handles various lives or future payouts. Does value create interest? And if it doesn’t, then why? And if it does, then the present value of eternity is not infinitely high. Who doesn’t know that a perpetual annuity at five percent is worth only twenty years' worth of payments? This issue should be addressed by someone who considers heaven as a postponed perpetual annuity. I’m not asking him to do this and would actually prefer that he doesn’t; but if he will do it, he must either tackle the question of discounting or explain why not.
When a very young man, I was frequently exhorted to one or another view of religion by pastors and others who thought that a mathematical argument would be irresistible. And I heard the following more than once, and have since seen it in print, I forget where. Since eternal happiness belonged to the particular views in question, a benefit infinitely great, then, even if the probability of their arguments were small, or even infinitely small, yet the product of the chance and benefit, according to the usual rule, might give a result which no one ought in prudence to pass over. They did not see that this applied to all systems as well as their own. I take this argument to be the most perverse of all the perversions I have heard or read on the subject: there is some high authority for it, whom I forget.
When I was a very young man, I was often urged by pastors and others to adopt certain religious views, believing that a mathematical argument would be convincing. I heard this more than once, and I've since come across it in print, though I can't recall where. Since eternal happiness was tied to those particular beliefs, which were thought to be infinitely valuable, even if the likelihood of their arguments was low—maybe even infinitely low—the product of the chance and the benefit, according to the standard principle, could yield a result that no one should dismiss without careful consideration. They didn't realize this applied to all belief systems, not just their own. I consider this argument to be the most misguided of all the distortions I've encountered on the topic; there's some high authority behind it, but I can't remember who.
[The high authority referred to above is Pascal, an early cultivator of mathematical probability, and obviously too much enamoured of his new pursuit. But he conceives himself bound to wager on one side or the other. To the argument (Pensées, ch. 7)[155] that "le juste est de ne point parier," he answers, "Oui: mais il faut parier: vous êtes embarqué; et ne parier point que Dieu est, c'est parier qu'il n'est pas."[156] Leaving Pascal's argument to make its way with a person who, being a sceptic, is yet positive that the issue is salvation or perdition, if a God there be,—for the case as put by Pascal requires this,—I shall merely observe that a person who elects to believe in God, as the best chance of gain, is not one who, according to Pascal's creed, or any other worth naming, will really secure that gain. I wonder whether Pascal's curious imagination ever presented to him in sleep his convert, in the future state, shaken out of a red-hot dice-box upon a red-hot hazard-table, as perhaps he might have been, if Dante had been the later of the two. The original idea is due to the elder Arnobius,[157] who, as cited by Bayle,[158] speaks thus:
[The high authority mentioned earlier is Pascal, an early pioneer of mathematical probability, and clearly too enamored with his new interest. However, he feels compelled to take a bet on one side or the other. In response to the argument (Thoughts, ch. 7)[155] that "it is just not to bet," he replies, "Yes: but you have to bet: you are already in; and to not bet that God exists is to bet that He does not."[156] Leaving Pascal's argument for someone who, being a skeptic, is still certain that the outcome is salvation or damnation, if God exists,—since Pascal's case requires this,—I will simply point out that someone who chooses to believe in God for the best chance of reward is not someone who, according to Pascal's belief system, or any other that is worth mentioning, will truly secure that reward. I wonder if Pascal's vivid imagination ever envisioned his convert, in the afterlife, tossed out of a fiery dice box onto a fiery gambling table, as he might have been, had Dante been the later of the two. The original idea comes from the elder Arnobius,[157] who, as cited by Bayle,[158] says this:
"Sed et ipse [Christus] quæ pollicetur, non probat. Ita est. Nulla enim, ut dixi, futurorum potest existere comprobatio. Cum ergo hæc sit conditio futurorum, ut teneri et comprehendi nullius possint anticipationis attactu; nonne [74]purior ratio est, ex duobus incertis, et in ambigua expectatione pendentibus, id potius credere, quod aliquas spes ferat, quam omnino quod nullas? In illo enim periculi nihil est, si quod dicitur imminere, cassum fiat et vacuum: in hoc damnum est maximum, id est salutis amissio, si cum tempus advenerit aperiatur non fuisse mendacium."[159]
"Yet even he [Christ] does not prove what he promises. That’s true. For there can be no evidence of future events, as I said. Since this is the condition of the future — that it cannot be grasped or held by any anticipation's touch — isn't it more reasonable, given two uncertainties hanging in ambiguous expectation, to believe in something that offers some hope instead of nothing at all? After all, there’s no danger in what is said to be imminent turning out to be empty and void; but there is a great loss, which is the loss of salvation, if it is revealed when the time comes that it was not a lie."[159]
Really Arnobius seems to have got as much out of the notion, in the third century, as if he had been fourteen centuries later, with the arithmetic of chances to help him.]
Really, Arnobius seems to have understood the concept in the third century as if he had lived fourteen centuries later, with probability calculations to assist him.
NOVUM ORGANUM MORALIUM.
New Moral Framework.
The Sentinel, vol. ix. no. 27. London, Saturday, May 26, 1855.
The Sentinel, vol. 9, no. 27. London, Saturday, May 26, 1855.
This is the first London number of an Irish paper, Protestant in politics. It opens with "Suggestions on the subject of a Novum Organum Moralium," which is the application of algebra and the differential calculus to morals, socials, and politics. There is also a leading article on the subject, and some applications in notes to other articles. A separate publication was afterwards made, with the addition of a long Preface; the author being a clergyman who I presume must have been the editor of the Sentinel.
This is the first London issue of an Irish paper, which has a Protestant perspective on politics. It starts with "Suggestions on the subject of a Novum Organum Moralium," focusing on how algebra and differential calculus relate to morals, society, and politics. There's also a main article on the topic, along with some notes that relate to other articles. Later, a separate publication was released with a long Preface added; the author, who I assume was the editor of the Sentinel, is a clergyman.
Suggestions as to the employment of a Novum Organum Moralium. Or, thoughts on the nature of the Differential Calculus, and on the application of its principles to metaphysics, with a view to the attainment of demonstration and certainty in moral, [75]political and ecclesiastical affairs. By Tresham Dames Gregg,[160] Chaplain of St. Mary's, within the church of St. Nicholas intra muros, Dublin. London, 1859, 8vo. (pp. xl + 32).
Suggestions for using a Novum Organum Moralium.
Or, ideas about the nature of Differential Calculus and how to apply its principles to metaphysics, focusing on demonstrating certainty in moral, [75]political, and religious matters. By Tresham Dames Gregg, Chaplain of St. Mary's, in the church of St. Nicholas within the city walls, Dublin. London, 1859, 8vo. (pp. xl + 32).
I have a personal interest in this system, as will appear from the following extract from the newspaper:
I have a personal interest in this system, as you'll see from the following excerpt from the newspaper:
"We were subsequently referred to De Morgan's Formal Logic and Boole's Laws of Thought[161] both very elaborate works, and greatly in the direction taken by ourselves. That the writers amazingly surpass us in learning we most willingly admit, but we venture to pronounce of both their learned treatises, that they deal with the subject in a mode that is scholastic to an excess.... That their works have been for a considerable space of time before the world and effected nothing, would argue that they have overlooked the vital nature of the theme.... On the whole, the writings of De Morgan and Boole go to the full justification of our principle without in any wise so trenching upon our ground as to render us open to reproach in claiming our Calculus as a great discovery.... But we renounce any paltry jealousy as to a matter so vast. If De Morgan and Boole have had a priority in the case, to them we cheerfully shall resign the glory and honor. If such be the truth, they have neither done justice to the discovery, nor to themselves [quite true]. They have, under the circumstances, acted like 'the foolish man, who roasteth not that which he taketh [76]in hunting.... It will be sufficient for us, however, to be the Columbus of these great Americi, and popularize what they found, if they found it. We, as from the mountain top, will then become their trumpeters, and cry glory to De Morgan and glory to Boole, under Him who is the source of all glory, the only good and wise, to Whom be glory for ever! If they be our predecessors in this matter, they have, under Him, taken moral questions out of the category of probabilities, and rendered them perfectly certain. In that case, let their books be read by those who may doubt the principles this day laid before the world as a great discovery, by our newspaper. Our cry shall be ευρηκασι![162] Let us hope that they will join us, and henceforth keep their light [sic] from under their bushel."
"Later, we were pointed to De Morgan's Formal Logic and Boole's Laws of Thought__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, both of which are comprehensive works that align closely with our own focus. We openly admit that the authors have far more knowledge than we do, but we dare to say that their scholarly works approach the topic in an overly academic manner.... The fact that their works have existed for a long time without making a significant impact suggests they may have missed the core nature of the subject.... Overall, the writings of De Morgan and Boole fully support our principle without encroaching on our ground enough that anyone could justifiably criticize us for calling our Calculus a major discovery.... However, we dismiss any petty jealousy over such a significant topic. If De Morgan and Boole were the first to make this discovery, we willingly give them the credit and recognition. If that’s true, they haven't done justice to the discovery or to themselves [quite true]. In this case, they have acted like 'the foolish man, who roasts not what he takes [76] in hunting.... It will be enough for us to be the Columbus of these great discoveries and popularize what they found, if they found it. From the mountaintop, we will then become their advocates, proclaiming glory to De Morgan and glory to Boole, under Him who is the source of all glory, the only good and wise, to whom be glory forever! If they are our predecessors in this matter, they have, under Him, taken moral questions out of the realm of probabilities and made them absolutely certain. In that case, let anyone who might doubt the principles we are presenting to the world as a significant discovery in our newspaper read their books. Our shout shall be ευρηκασι!__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ Let us hope they will join us and, from now on, keep their light [sic] from being hidden under a bushel."
For myself, and for my old friend Mr. Boole, who I am sure would join me, I disclaim both priority, simultaneity, and posteriority, and request that nothing may be trumpeted from the mountain top except our abjuration of all community of thought or operation with this Novum Organum.
For me, and for my old friend Mr. Boole, who I know would agree, I disown any claims of being first, simultaneous, or last, and I ask that nothing be announced from the mountaintops except our rejection of any shared ideas or actions with this Novum Organum.
To such community we can make no more claim than Americus could make to being the forerunner of Columbus who popularized his discoveries. We do not wish for any ευρηκασι and not even for εὑρηκασι. For self and Boole, I point out what would have convinced either of us that this house is divided against itself.
To such a community, we can't claim any more than Americus could claim to be the forerunner of Columbus, who made his discoveries famous. We don’t wish for any found it and not even for εὑρηκασι. For myself and Boole, I’m highlighting what would have convinced either of us that this house is divided against itself.
Α being an apostolic element, δ the doctrinal element, and Χ the body of the faithful, the church is Α δ Χ, we are told. Also, that if Α become negative, or the Apostolicity become Diabolicity [my words]; or if δ become negative, and doctrine become heresy; or if Χ become negative, that is, if the faithful become unfaithful; the church becomes negative, "the very opposite to what it ought to be." For self and Boole, I admit this. But—which is not noticed—if Α and δ should both become negative, diabolical origin [77]and heretical doctrine, then the church, Α δ Χ, is still positive, what it ought to be, unless Χ be also negative, or the people unfaithful to it, in which case it is a bad church. Now, self and Boole—though I admit I have not asked my partner—are of opinion that a diabolical church with false doctrine does harm when the people are faithful, and can do good only when the people are unfaithful. We may be wrong, but this is what we do think. Accordingly, we have caught nothing, and can therefore roast nothing of our own: I content myself with roasting a joint of Mr. Gregg's larder.
A represents the apostolic aspect, δ represents the doctrinal aspect, and Χ represents the community of believers. The church is A δ Χ, as it's stated. If A turns negative, or the Apostolicity becomes diabolical [my words]; or if δ turns negative and doctrine becomes heresy; or if Χ becomes negative, meaning the faithful become unfaithful; then the church turns negative, "the exact opposite of what it should be." I acknowledge this for myself and Boole. However—which often gets overlooked—if A and δ both become negative, representing a diabolical origin [77] and heretical doctrine, then the church, A δ Χ, remains positive, as it should be, unless Χ also becomes negative, or the people are unfaithful to it, in which case it becomes a flawed church. Now, self and Boole—though I admit I haven’t consulted my partner—believe that a diabolical church with false doctrine causes harm when the people are faithful, and can only do good when the people are unfaithful. We might be mistaken, but this is our current view. Thus, we’ve caught nothing, so we can’t cook anything of our own: I’m content roasting a piece from Mr. Gregg's pantry.
These mathematical vagaries have uses which will justify a large amount of quotation: and in a score of years this may perhaps be the only attainable record. I therefore proceed.
These mathematical complexities have practical uses that will warrant extensive quoting: and in twenty years, this might be the only record we can get. So, I’ll continue.
After observing that by this calculus juries (heaven help them! say I) can calculate damages "almost to a nicety," and further that it is made abundantly evident that c e x is "the general expression for an individual," it is noted that the number of the Beast is not given in the Revelation in words at length, but as χξϜ'.[163] On this the following remark is made:
After noticing that, according to this calculation, juries (heaven help them! I say) can determine damages "almost perfectly," and that it’s clearly shown that c e x represents "the general expression for an individual," it's pointed out that the number of the Beast isn't spelled out in the Revelation but instead appears as χξϜ'.[163] On this, the following comment is made:
"Can it be possible that we have in this case a specimen given to us of the arithmetic of heaven, and an expression revealed, which indicates by its function of addibility, the name of the church in question, and of each member of it; and by its function of multiplicability the doctrine, the mission, and the members of the great Synagogue of Apostacy? We merely propound these questions;—we do not pretend to solve them."
"Could it be that we have in this case a sample presented to us of the arithmetic of heaven, and a revealed expression that indicates, through its ability to be added, the name of the church in question and each of its members; and through its ability to be multiplied, the doctrine, mission, and members of the great Synagogue of Apostasy? We only raise these questions; we don’t claim to answer them."
After a translation in blank verse—a very pretty one—of the 18th Psalm, the author proceeds as follows, to render it into differential calculus:
After a translation in blank verse—a really nice one—of the 18th Psalm, the author continues as follows, to convert it into differential calculus:
"And the whole tells us just this, that David did what he could. He augmented those elements of his constitution which were (exceptis excipiendis)[164] subject to himself, and the Almighty then augmented his personal qualities, and his vocational status. Otherwise, to throw the matter into the expression of our notation, the variable e was augmented, and c x rose proportionally. The law of the variation, according to our theory, would be thus expressed. The resultant was David the king c e x [c = r?] (who had been David the shepherd boy), and from the conditions of the theorem we have
"And the whole tells us just this: David did what he could. He enhanced the parts of his character that were within his control, and the Almighty then improved his personal attributes and his professional standing. In other words, the variable e increased, and c x rose accordingly. The principle of variation, according to our theory, would be expressed this way. The result was David the king c e x [c = r?] (who started as David the shepherd boy), and from the conditions of the theorem we have
du![]() de | = ce | dx![]() de | + ex | dc![]() de | x + cx |
which, in the terms of ordinary language, just means, the increase of David's educational excellence or qualities—his piety, his prayerfulness, his humility, obedience, etc.—was so great, that when multiplied by his original talent and position, it produced a product so great as to be equal in its amount to royalty, honor, wealth, and power, etc.: in short, to all the attributes of majesty."[165]
which, in simple terms, means that David's improvement in education and qualities—his faith, his ability to pray, his humility, obedience, etc.—was so significant that when combined with his original talent and status, it resulted in something so impressive that it was on par with royalty, honor, wealth, and power, essentially all the traits of greatness."[165]
The "solution of the family problem" is of high interest. It is to determine the effect on the family in general from a change [of conduct] in one of them. The person chosen is one of the maid-servants.
The "solution of the family problem" is very interesting. It aims to find out how a change in one person's behavior affects the family as a whole. The person chosen is one of the maids.
"Let c e x be the father; c1e1x1 the mother, etc. The family then consists of the maid's master, her mistress, her young master, her young mistress, and fellow servant. Now the master's calling (or c) is to exercise his share of control over this servant, and mind the rest of his business: call this remainder a, and let his calling generally, or all his affairs, be to his maid-servant as m : y, i.e., y = (mz/c); ... [79]and this expression will represent his relation to the servant. Consequently,
"Let c e x be the father; c1e1x1 the mother, etc. The family then includes the maid's employer, her mistress, her young master, her young mistress, and fellow servant. Now the employer's role (or c) is to manage his share of control over this servant and look after the rest of his responsibilities: call this remaining part a, and let his overall duties or all his affairs be to his maid-servant as m : y, meaning y = (mz/c); ... [79] and this expression will represent his relationship to the servant. Consequently,
c e x = | ![]() | a + | mz![]() c | ![]() | e x; otherwise | ![]() | a + | mz![]() c | ![]() | e x |
is the expression for the father when viewed as the girl's master."
is the way to describe the father when seen as the girl's authority figure."
I have no objection to repeat so far; but I will not give the formula for the maid's relation to her young master; for I am not quite sure that all young masters are to be trusted with it. Suffice it that the son will be affected directly as his influence over her, and inversely as his vocational power: if then he should have some influence and no vocational power, the effect on him would be infinite. This is dismal to think of. Further, the formula brings out that if one servant improve, the other must deteriorate, and vice versa. This is not the experience of most families: and the author remarks as follows:
I don't mind repeating this so far; however, I won't share the formula for the maid's relationship with her young master since I'm not entirely certain that all young masters can be trusted with it. It’s enough to say that the son will be affected directly by his influence over her and inversely by his job skills: if he has some influence but no job skills, the effect on him would be immense. It's a grim thought. Additionally, the formula suggests that if one servant improves, the other has to get worse, and vice versa. This isn't the experience of most families, and the author comments as follows:
"That is, we should venture to say, a very beautiful result, and we may say it yielded us no little astonishment. What our calculation might lead to we never dreamt of; that it should educe a conclusion so recondite that our unassisted power never could have attained to, and which, if we could have conjectured it, would have been at best the most distant probability, that conclusion being itself, as it would appear, the quintessence of truth, afforded us a measure of satisfaction that was not slight."
"That is, we can confidently say, a really beautiful result, and it surprised us a lot. We never imagined what our calculation could lead to; the fact that it reached such a deep conclusion that we never could have figured out on our own, and which, if we had even guessed it, would have been at best a very unlikely possibility. That conclusion itself, as it seems, the essence of truth, gave us a level of satisfaction that was quite significant."
That the writings of Mr. Boole and myself "go to the full justification of" this "principle," is only true in the sense in which the Scotch use, or did use, the word justification.
That the writings of Mr. Boole and I "fully justify" this "principle" is only true in the sense that the Scots use, or used to use, the word justification.
A TRIBUTE TO BOOLE.
A Tribute to Boole.
[The last number of this Budget had stood in type for months, waiting until there should be a little cessation of correspondence more connected with the things of the day. [80]I had quite forgotten what it was to contain; and little thought, when I read the proof, that my allusions to my friend Mr. Boole, then in life and health, would not be printed till many weeks after his death. Had I remembered what my last number contained, I should have added my expression of regret and admiration to the numerous obituary testimonials, which this great loss to science has called forth.
[The final issue of this Budget had been in print for months, waiting for a brief pause in correspondence related to current events. [80]I had completely forgotten its contents, and little did I realize, when I read the proof, that my references to my friend Mr. Boole, who was alive and well at the time, would not be published until weeks after his passing. If I had remembered what my last issue included, I would have added my feelings of regret and admiration to the many obituary tributes that this significant loss to science has prompted.]
The system of logic alluded to in the last number of this series is but one of many proofs of genius and patience combined. I might legitimately have entered it among my paradoxes, or things counter to general opinion: but it is a paradox which, like that of Copernicus, excited admiration from its first appearance. That the symbolic processes of algebra, invented as tools of numerical calculation, should be competent to express every act of thought, and to furnish the grammar and dictionary of an all-containing system of logic, would not have been believed until it was proved. When Hobbes,[166] in the time of the Commonwealth, published his Computation or Logique, he had a remote glimpse of some of the points which are placed in the light of day by Mr. Boole. The unity of the forms of thought in all the applications of reason, however remotely separated, will one day be matter of notoriety and common wonder: and Boole's name will be remembered in connection with one of the most important steps towards the attainment of this knowledge.]
The logic system mentioned in the last issue of this series is just one of many examples of combined genius and patience. I could have easily included it in my paradoxes, or things that go against common belief: but it’s a paradox that, like Copernicus's, garnered admiration from the moment it was introduced. The idea that the symbolic processes of algebra, created as tools for numerical calculations, could effectively express every act of thought and provide the grammar and vocabulary for a comprehensive system of logic would have seemed unbelievable until it was demonstrated. When Hobbes,[166] during the Commonwealth period, published his Computation or Logique, he had a faint glimpse of some points that Mr. Boole later illuminated. The unity of thought forms across all applications of reasoning, no matter how distantly related, will someday be well known and widely regarded: and Boole's name will be remembered as linked to one of the crucial steps toward achieving this understanding.
DECIMALS RUN RIOT.
DECIMALS GONE WILD.
The Decimal System as a whole. By Dover Statter.[167] London and Liverpool, 1856, 8vo.
The Decimal System in its entirety. By Dover Statter.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London and Liverpool, 1856, 8vo.
The proposition is to make everything decimal. The day, now 24 hours, is to be made 10 hours. The year is to have ten months, Unusber, Duober, etc. Fortunately there are ten commandments, so there will be neither addition to, nor deduction from, the moral law. But the twelve apostles! Even rejecting Judas, there is a whole apostle of difficulty. These points the author does not touch.
The idea is to change everything to a decimal system. The day, which is currently 24 hours, will be changed to 10 hours. The year will have ten months: Unusber, Duober, and so on. Fortunately, there are ten commandments, so the moral law won’t change. But what about the twelve apostles? Even if we leave out Judas, there’s still a whole apostle's worth of issues. These points the author does not address.
ON PHONETIC SPELLING.
ON PHONETIC SPELLING.
The first book of Phonetic Reading. London, Fred. Pitman,[168] Phonetic Depot, 20, Paternoster Row, 1856, 12mo.
The first book of Phonetic Reading. London, Fred. Pitman, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Phonetic Depot, 20, Paternoster Row, 1856, 12mo.
The Phonetic Journal. Devoted to the propagation of phonetic reading, phonetic longhand, phonetic shorthand, and phonetic printing. No. 46. Saturday, 15 November 1856. Vol. 15.
The Phonetic Journal. Dedicated to promoting phonetic reading, phonetic longhand, phonetic shorthand, and phonetic printing. No. 46. Saturday, November 15, 1856. Vol. 15.
I write the titles of a couple out of several tracts which I have by me. But the number of publications issued by the promoters of this spirited attempt is very large indeed.[169] The attempt itself has had no success with the mass of the public. This I do not regret. Had the world found that the change was useful, I should have gone contentedly with the stream; but not without regretting our old language. I admit the difficulties which our unpronounceable spelling puts in the way of learning to read: and I have no doubt that, as affirmed, it is easier to teach children phonetically, and afterwards to introduce them to our common system, than to proceed in the usual way. But by the usual way I mean proceeding by letters from the very beginning. If, which I am sure is a better plan, children be taught at the commencement very much by complete words, as if they were learning Chinese, and be gradually accustomed to [82]resolve the known words into letters, a fraction, perhaps a considerable one, of the advantage of the phonetic system is destroyed. It must be remembered that a phonetic system can only be an approximation. The differences of pronunciation existing among educated persons are so great, that, on the phonetic system, different persons ought to spell differently.
I’m listing the titles of a few out of several pamphlets I have with me. But the number of publications put out by the advocates of this ambitious project is indeed very large. The project itself hasn’t succeeded with most of the public. I don’t regret this. If people found the change beneficial, I would have happily gone along with it, but not without missing our old language. I acknowledge the challenges that our difficult spelling poses for learning to read, and I have no doubt that, as claimed, it’s easier to teach kids using phonetics first and then introduce them to our standard system than to follow the traditional method. When I say traditional, I mean starting with letters from the very beginning. However, I believe a better approach would be to teach children initially using mostly complete words, as if they were learning Chinese, and gradually help them break known words down into letters. Doing it this way may significantly undermine some of the benefits of the phonetic system. It’s important to note that a phonetic system can only be an approximation. The differences in pronunciation among educated people are so pronounced that, according to a phonetic system, different people should spell words differently.
But the phonetic party have produced something which will immortalize their plan: I mean their shorthand, which has had a fraction of the success it deserves. All who know anything of shorthand must see that nothing but a phonetic system can be worthy of the name: and the system promulgated is skilfully done. Were I a young man I should apply myself to it systematically. I believe this is the only system in which books were ever published. I wish some one would contribute to a public journal a brief account of the dates and circumstances of the phonetic movement, not forgetting a list of the books published in shorthand.
But the phonetic group has created something that will make their plan memorable: I mean their shorthand, which has only seen a small portion of the success it deserves. Anyone familiar with shorthand must realize that only a phonetic system is truly worthy of the name, and the system they’ve promoted is well crafted. If I were a young person, I would commit to it systematically. I believe this is the only system where books have ever been published. I wish someone would write a brief article for a public journal detailing the dates and circumstances of the phonetic movement, including a list of the books published in shorthand.
A child beginning to read by himself may owe terrible dreams and waking images of horror to our spelling, as I did when six years old. In one of the common poetry-books there is an admonition against confining little birds in cages, and the child is asked what if a great giant, amazingly strong, were to take you away, shut you up,
A child starting to read on their own might have scary dreams and frightening images because of our spelling, just like I did when I was six. In one of the usual poetry books, there’s a warning about keeping little birds in cages, and the child is asked what if a huge giant, incredibly strong, were to take you away and lock you up,
And feed you with vic-tu-als you ne-ver could bear.
And feed you with food you could never handle.
The book was hyphened for the beginner's use; and I had not the least idea that vic-tu-als were vittles: by the sound of the word I judged they must be of iron; and it entered into my soul.
The book was designed for beginners, and I had no clue that vic-tu-als were actually vittles: from the way the word sounded, I thought they must be made of iron; and it struck a chord with me.
The worst of the phonetic shorthand book is that they nowhere, so far as I have seen, give all the symbols, in every stage of advancement, together, in one or following pages. It is symbols and talk, more symbols and more talk, etc. A universal view of the signs ought to begin the works. [83]
The biggest issue with the phonetic shorthand book is that, as far as I can tell, it doesn’t provide all the symbols at every stage of advancement together on one or a few pages. It’s just symbols and explanations, more symbols and more explanations, and so on. A comprehensive overview of the signs should be included at the beginning of the book. [83]
A HANDFUL OF LITTLE PARADOXERS.
A handful of small paradoxes.
Ombrological Almanac. Seventeenth year. An essay on Anemology and Ombrology. By Peter Legh,[170] Esq. London, 1856, 12mo.
Ombrological Almanac. Seventeenth year. An essay on Anemology and Ombrology. By Peter Legh, Esq. London, 1856, 12mo.
Mr. Legh, already mentioned, was an intelligent country gentleman, and a legitimate speculator. But the clue was not reserved for him.
Mr. Legh, already mentioned, was a smart country gentleman and a legitimate investor. But the clue wasn't meant for him.
The proof that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right angles looked for in the inflation of the circle. By Gen. Perronet Thompson. London, 1856, 8vo. (pp. 4.)
The proof that the three angles of a triangle add up to two right angles can be found in the expansion of the circle. By Gen. Perronet Thompson. London, 1856, 8vo. (pp. 4.)
Another attempt, the third, at this old difficulty, which cannot be put into few words of explanation.[171]
Another attempt, the third, at this old challenge, which can't be explained in just a few words.[171]
Comets considered as volcanoes, and the cause of their velocity and other phenomena thereby explained. London (circa 1856), 8vo.
Comets seen as volcanoes, and the explanation for their speed and other behaviors discussed. London (circa 1856), 8vo.
The title explains the book better than the book explains the title.
The title explains the book better than the book explains the title.
1856. A stranger applied to me to know what the ideas of a friend of his were worth upon the magnitude of the earth. The matter being one involving points of antiquity, I mentioned various persons whose speculations he seemed to have ignored; among others, Thales. The reply was, "I am instructed by the author to inform you that he is perfectly acquainted with the works of Thales, Euclid, Archimedes, ..." I had some thought of asking whether he had used the Elzevir edition of Thales,[172] which is known to be very incomplete, or that of Professor Niemand with the lections, Nirgend, 1824, 2 vols. folio; just to see whether the [84]last would not have been the very edition he had read. But I refrained, in mercy.
1856. A stranger came to me to ask how much the ideas of a friend of his were worth regarding the size of the earth. Since this topic involves ancient concepts, I mentioned several figures whose theories he seemed to have overlooked, including Thales. The reply was, "I've been instructed by the author to tell you that he is fully familiar with the works of Thales, Euclid, Archimedes, ..." I briefly considered asking whether he had used the Elzevir edition of Thales, which is known to be very incomplete, or that of Professor Niemand with the readings, Nirgend, 1824, 2 vols. folio; just to see if the [84]last would have been the exact edition he had read. But I held back, out of kindness.
The moon is the image of the Earth, and is not a solid body. By The Longitude.[173] (Private Circulation.) In five parts. London, 1856, 1857, 1857; Calcutta, 1858, 1858, 8vo.
The moon reflects the Earth and isn't a solid object. By The Longitude.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (Private Circulation.) In five parts. London, 1856, 1857, 1857; Calcutta, 1858, 1858, 8vo.
The earth is "brought to a focus"; it describes a "looped orbit round the sun." The eclipse of the sun is thus explained: "At the time of eclipses, the image is more or less so directly before or behind the earth that, in the case of new moon, bright rays of the sun fall and bear upon the spot where the figure of the earth is brought to a focus, that is, bear upon the image of the earth, when a darkness beyond is produced reaching to the earth, and the sun becomes more or less eclipsed." How the earth is "brought to a focus" we do not find stated. Writers of this kind always have the argument that some things which have been ridiculed at first have been finally established. Those who put into the lottery had the same kind of argument; but were always answered by being reminded how many blanks there were to one prize. I am loath to pronounce against anything: but it does force itself upon me that the author of these tracts has drawn a blank.
The earth is "brought to a focus"; it describes a "looped orbit around the sun." The solar eclipse is explained like this: "During eclipses, the image is positioned more or less directly in front of or behind the earth so that, in the case of a new moon, bright rays from the sun hit the spot where the image of the earth is focused, resulting in darkness beyond that reaches the earth, making the sun appear partially or fully eclipsed." We don’t find out how the earth is "brought to a focus." Writers like this often argue that some ideas, initially laughed at, eventually become accepted. Those who buy lottery tickets use a similar argument; however, they are reminded of how many losing tickets there are compared to one winner. I’m reluctant to dismiss anything outright, but it seems to me that the author of these writings has come up empty.
LUNAR MOTION AGAIN.
Lunar motion again.
Times, April 6 or 7, 1856. The moon has no rotary motion.
Times, April 6 or 7, 1856. The moon doesn't spin on its axis.
A letter from Mr. Jellinger Symons,[174] inspector of schools, which commenced a controversy of many letters and pamphlets. This dispute comes on at intervals, and will continue to do so. It sometimes arises from inability to understand the character of simple rotation, geometrically; sometimes from not understanding the mechanical doctrine of rotation.
A letter from Mr. Jellinger Symons, [174] school inspector, sparked a debate that led to numerous letters and pamphlets. This argument pops up now and then and will keep happening. It sometimes comes from not being able to grasp the basic concept of simple rotation in geometric terms; other times it stems from a lack of understanding of the mechanical principles of rotation.
Lunar Motion. The whole argument stated, and illustrated by diagrams; with letters from the Astronomer Royal. By Jellinger C. Symons. London, 1856, 8vo.
Lunar Motion. The complete argument presented with diagrams, along with correspondence from the Astronomer Royal. By Jellinger C. Symons. London, 1856, 8vo.
The Astronomer Royal endeavored to disentangle Mr. J. C. Symons, but failed. Mr. Airy[175] can correct the error of a ship's compasses, because he can put her head which way he pleases: but this he cannot do with a speculator.
The Astronomer Royal tried to help Mr. J. C. Symons, but didn't succeed. Mr. Airy[175] can fix the mistake of a ship's compasses because he can steer it in any direction he wants: but he can't do this with a speculator.
Mr. Symons, in this tract, insinuated that the rotation of the moon is one of the silver shrines of the craftsmen. To see a thing so clearly as to be satisfied that all who say they do not see it are telling wilful falsehood, is the nature of man. Many of all sects find much comfort in it, when they think of the others; many unbelievers solace themselves with it against believers; priests of old time founded the right of persecution upon it, and of our time, in some cases, the right of slander: many of the paradoxers make it an argument against students of science. But I must say for men of science, for the whole body, that they are fully persuaded of the honesty of the paradoxers. The simple truth is, that all those I have mentioned, believers, unbelievers, priests, paradoxers, are not so sure they are right in their points of difference that they can safely allow themselves to be persuaded of the honesty of opponents. Those who know demonstration are differently situated. I suspect a train might be laid for the formation of a better habit in this way. We know that Suvaroff[176] taught his Russians at Ismail not to fear the Turks by accustoming them to charge bundles of faggots dressed in turbans, etc.
Mr. Symons, in this piece, suggested that the moon's rotation is one of the precious shrines of the craftsmen. To see something so clearly that you're convinced anyone who claims they don't see it is lying on purpose is just human nature. Many people from different groups find comfort in this when thinking about others; many non-believers find relief in it against believers; ancient priests justified their right to persecute based on it, and in some instances today, it lends itself to justifying slander: many paradoxers use it as an argument against those who study science. But I must say, for the scientific community as a whole, they genuinely believe in the honesty of the paradoxers. The simple truth is that all those I've mentioned—believers, non-believers, priests, paradoxers—aren't so sure they're right in their disagreements that they can easily accept the honesty of their opponents. Those who understand demonstration are in a different position. I suspect this could lead to developing a better habit in this regard. We know that Suvaroff[176] taught his Russian troops at Ismail not to fear the Turks by getting them used to charging at bundles of sticks dressed in turbans, etc.
At which your wise men sneered in phrases witty,
At which your wise men mocked in clever phrases,
He made no answer—but he took the city!
He didn't respond—but he took the city!
Would it not be a good thing to exercise boys, in pairs, in the following dialogue:—Sir, you are quite wrong!—Sir, [86]I am sure you honestly think so! This was suggested by what used to take place at Cambridge in my day. By statute, every B.A. was obliged to perform a certain number of disputations, and the father of the college had to affirm that it had been done. Some were performed in earnest: the rest were huddled over as follows. Two candidates occupied the places of the respondent and the opponent: Recte statuit Newtonus, said the respondent: Recte non statuit Newtonus,[177] said the opponent. This was repeated the requisite number of times, and counted for as many acts and opponencies. The parties then changed places, and each unsaid what he had said on the other side of the house: I remember thinking that it was capital drill for the House of Commons, if any of us should ever get there. The process was repeated with every pair of candidates.
Wouldn’t it be a good idea to have boys practice in pairs using the following dialogue:—Sir, you’re completely wrong!—Sir, [86]I’m sure you genuinely believe that! This was inspired by what used to happen at Cambridge in my time. By law, every B.A. had to engage in a specific number of debates, and the head of the college had to confirm that it had been completed. Some debates were serious: the others were rushed through like this. Two candidates took on the roles of the respondent and the opponent: Recte statuit Newtonus, said the respondent: Recte non statuit Newtonus,[177] said the opponent. This was done the required number of times and counted as so many acts and opponencies. The participants then switched roles, and each undid what they had said from the other side of the room: I remember thinking that it was great training for the House of Commons, in case any of us ever made it there. The process was repeated with each pair of candidates.
The real disputations were very severe exercises. I was badgered for two hours with arguments given and answered in Latin,—or what we called Latin—against Newton's first section, Lagrange's[178] derived functions, and Locke[179] on innate principles. And though I took off everything, and was pronounced by the moderator to have disputed magno honore,[180] I never had such a strain of thought in my life. For the inferior opponents were made as sharp as their betters by their tutors, who kept lists of queer objections, drawn from all quarters. The opponents used to meet the day before to compare their arguments, that the same might not come twice over. But, after I left Cambridge, it became the fashion to invite the respondent to be present, who therefore learnt all that was to be brought against him. This made the whole thing a farce: and the disputations were abolished.
The real debates were intense challenges. I was grilled for two hours with arguments presented and countered in Latin—or what we called Latin—against Newton's first section, Lagrange's[178] derived functions, and Locke[179] on innate principles. And even though I nailed it and was declared by the moderator to have disputed with great honor,[180] I had never experienced such a mental strain in my life. The less skilled opponents were sharpened by their tutors, who had lists of odd objections gathered from all over. The opponents would meet the day before to compare their arguments, so the same ones wouldn’t come up twice. But after I left Cambridge, it became common to invite the respondent to be there, so they learned everything that would be thrown at them. This turned the whole thing into a farce, and the debates were abolished.
The Doctrine of the Moon's Rotation, considered in a letter to the Astronomical Censor of the Athenæum. By Jones L. MacElshender.[181] Edinburgh, 1856, 8vo.
The Doctrine of the Moon's Rotation, mentioned in a letter to the Astronomical Censor of the Athenæum. By Jones L. MacElshender.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Edinburgh, 1856, 8vo.
This is an appeal to those cultivated persons who will read it "to overrule the dicta of judges who would sacrifice truth and justice to professional rule, or personal pique, pride, or prejudice"; meaning, the great mass of those who have studied the subject. But how? Suppose the "cultivated persons" were to side with the author, would those who have conclusions to draw and applications to make consent to be wrong because the "general body of intelligent men," who make no special study of the subject, are against them? They would do no such thing: they would request the general body of intelligent men to find their own astronomy, and welcome. But the truth is, that this intelligent body knows better: and no persons know better that they know better than the speculators themselves.
This is a call to well-educated individuals who read this to "overrule the decisions of judges who would sacrifice truth and justice for professional rules, personal feelings, pride, or prejudice"; meaning, the large group of those who have studied the topic. But how? If the "well-educated individuals" sided with the author, would those who have conclusions to make and applications to implement accept being wrong just because the "general body of intelligent people," who don’t study the topic deeply, disagrees with them? They wouldn’t do that: they would ask the general body of intelligent people to figure out their own astronomy, and that’s fine. But the truth is, this intelligent group knows better: and no one knows better that they know better than the speculators themselves.
But suppose the general body were to combine, in opposition to those who have studied. Of course all my list must be admitted to their trial; and then arises the question whether both sides are to be heard. If so, the general body of the intelligent must hear all the established side have to say: that is, they must become just as much of students as the inculpated orthodox themselves. And will they not then get into professional rule, pique, pride, and prejudice, as the others did? But if, which I suspect, they are intended to judge as they are, they will be in a rare difficulty. All the paradoxers are of like pretensions: they cannot, as a class, be right, for each one contradicts a great many of the rest. There will be the puzzle which silenced the crew of the cutter in Marryat's novel of the Dog Fiend.[182] "A tog is a tog," said Jansen.—"Yes," replied another, "we all know a dog is a dog; but the question is—Is this dog [88]a dog?" And this question would arise upon every dog of them all.
But what if the general group decided to band together against those who have done their research? Obviously, everyone on my list would have to be allowed to stand trial; and then the question comes up of whether both sides will have the chance to speak. If that’s the case, the informed group has to listen to everything the established side has to say: in other words, they need to become just as much students as the accused traditionalists. And won’t they then fall into the same issues of professional rule, irritation, arrogance, and bias as the others did? But if, as I suspect, they are meant to judge without being fully informed, they’re going to find themselves in a tough spot. All the challengers have similar claims: they can’t all be right as a group because each one contradicts many of the others. It’ll be like the riddle that puzzled the crew in Marryat's novel of the Dog Fiend. "A tog is a tog," said Jansen. "Yes," responded another, "we all know a dog is a dog; but the question is—Is this dog [88] a dog?" And this question would pop up for every single one of them.
ZETETIC ASTRONOMY.
Zetetic Astronomy.
Zetetic Astronomy: Earth not a globe. 1857 (Broadsheet).
Zetetic Astronomy: Earth Is Not a Globe. 1857 (Broadsheet).
Though only a traveling lecturer's advertisement, there are so many arguments and quotations that it is a little pamphlet. The lecturer gained great praise from provincial newspapers for his ingenuity in proving that the earth is a flat, surrounded by ice. Some of the journals rather incline to the view: but the Leicester Advertiser thinks that the statements "would seem very seriously to invalidate some of the most important conclusions of modern astronomy," while the Norfolk Herald is clear that "there must be a great error on one side or the other." This broadsheet is printed at Aylesbury in 1857, and the lecturer calls himself Parallax: but at Trowbridge, in 1849, he was S. Goulden.[183] In this last advertisement is the following announcement: "A paper on the above subjects was read before the Council and Members of the Royal Astronomical Society, Somerset House, Strand, London (Sir John F. W. Herschel,[184] President), Friday, Dec. 8, 1848." No account of such a paper appears in the Notice for that month: I suspect that the above is Mr. S. Goulden's way of representing the following occurrence: Dec. 8, 1848, the Secretary of the Astronomical Society (De Morgan by name) said, at the close of the proceedings,—"Now, gentlemen, if you will promise not to tell the Council, I will read something for your amusement": and he then read a few of the arguments which had been transmitted by the lecturer. The fact is worth noting that from 1849 to 1857, arguments on the roundness or flatness of the earth did itinerate. I have [89]no doubt they did much good: for very few persons have any distinct idea of the evidence for the rotundity of the earth. The Blackburn Standard and Preston Guardian (Dec. 12 and 16, 1849) unite in stating that the lecturer ran away from his second lecture at Burnley, having been rather too hard pressed at the end of his first lecture to explain why the large hull of a ship disappeared before the sails. The persons present and waiting for the second lecture assuaged their disappointment by concluding that the lecturer had slipped off the icy edge of his flat disk, and that he would not be seen again till he peeped up on the opposite side.
Though it’s just an ad for a traveling lecturer, it’s packed with arguments and quotes, making it more like a little pamphlet. The lecturer received high praise from local newspapers for his cleverness in arguing that the earth is flat and surrounded by ice. Some journals lean towards this view, but the Leicester Advertiser believes that these claims "seriously undermine some of the most important conclusions of modern astronomy," while the Norfolk Herald is clear that "there must be a significant error on one side or the other." This broadsheet was printed in Aylesbury in 1857, and the lecturer calls himself Parallax; however, back in 1849, he was known as S. Goulden.[183] In his last ad, he includes the following announcement: "A paper on the above subjects was presented before the Council and Members of the Royal Astronomical Society, Somerset House, Strand, London (Sir John F. W. Herschel,[184] President), Friday, Dec. 8, 1848." No record of such a paper appears in the Notice for that month: I suspect that Mr. S. Goulden is referring to an event where, on Dec. 8, 1848, the Secretary of the Astronomical Society (named De Morgan) said at the close of the meeting, "Now, gentlemen, if you promise not to tell the Council, I’ll read something for your entertainment": and he read some of the lecturer's arguments. It’s worth noting that from 1849 to 1857, arguments about whether the earth is round or flat traveled around. I have no doubt they were quite helpful because very few people have a clear understanding of the evidence supporting the earth’s roundness. The Blackburn Standard and Preston Guardian (Dec. 12 and 16, 1849) reported that the lecturer fled during his second lecture in Burnley after being pressed too hard at the end of his first lecture to explain why a large ship's hull disappears before its sails. The audience waiting for the second lecture soothed their disappointment by concluding that the lecturer had fallen off the icy edge of his flat disk and wouldn’t be seen again until he popped up on the other side.
But, strange as it may appear, the opposer of the earth's roundness has more of a case—or less of a want of case—than the arithmetical squarer of the circle. The evidence that the earth is round is but cumulative and circumstantial: scores of phenomena ask, separately and independently, what other explanation can be imagined except the sphericity of the earth. The evidence for the earth's figure is tremendously powerful of its kind; but the proof that the circumference is 3.14159265... times the diameter is of a higher kind, being absolute mathematical demonstration.
But, as odd as it may seem, the person who argues against the earth being round has a stronger case—or less of a weak case—than someone trying to square the circle. The evidence that the earth is round is mostly cumulative and circumstantial: countless phenomena independently ask what other explanation could make sense besides the earth's sphericity. The evidence for the earth's shape is incredibly strong for what it is; however, the proof that the circumference is 3.14159265... times the diameter is of a superior kind, being an absolute mathematical demonstration.
The Zetetic system still lives in lectures and books; as it ought to do, for there is no way of teaching a truth comparable to opposition. The last I heard of it was in lectures at Plymouth, in October, 1864. Since this time a prospectus has been issued of a work entitled "The Earth not a Globe"; but whether it has been published I do not know. The contents are as follows:
The Zetetic system still exists in lectures and books, as it should, because nothing teaches a truth better than opposition. The last I heard about it was during lectures in Plymouth in October 1864. Since then, a prospectus has been released for a work titled "The Earth not a Globe," but I'm not sure if it has been published. The contents are as follows:
"The Earth a Plane—How circumnavigated.—How time is lost or gained.—Why a ship's hull disappears (when outward bound) before the mast head.—Why the Polar Star sets when we proceed Southward, etc.—Why a pendulum vibrates with less velocity at the Equator than [90]at the Pole.—The allowance for rotundity supposed to be made by surveyors, not made in practice.—Measurement of Arcs of the Meridian unsatisfactory.—Degrees of Longitude North and South of the Equator considered.—Eclipses and Earth's form considered.—The Earth no motion on axis or in orbit.—How the Sun moves above the Earth's surface concentric with the North Pole.—Cause of Day and Night, Winter and Summer; the long alternation of light and darkness at the Pole.—Cause of the Sun rising and setting.—Distance of the Sun from London, 4,028 miles—How measured.—Challenge to Mathematicians.—Cause of Tides.—Moon self-luminous, NOT a reflector.—Cause of Solar and Lunar eclipses.—Stars not worlds; their distance.—Earth, the only material world; its true position in the universe; its condition and ultimate destruction by fire (2 Peter iii.), etc."
"The Earth is Flat—How it can be circumnavigated.—How time is lost or gained.—Why a ship's hull disappears (when heading out) before the mast is seen.—Why the North Star sets when we go south, etc.—Why a pendulum swings slower at the Equator than at the Pole.—The allowance for curvature that surveyors are supposed to make, but usually don’t in practice.—Measurement of Meridian Arcs is unreliable.—Degrees of Longitude North and South of the Equator are taken into account.—Eclipses and the shape of the Earth are discussed.—The Earth has no motion on its axis or in orbit.—How the Sun moves above the Earth's surface in a path centered on the North Pole.—Cause of Day and Night, Winter and Summer; the extended cycles of light and darkness at the Pole.—Why the Sun rises and sets.—Distance of the Sun from London is 4,028 miles—How that was measured.—Challenge to Mathematicians.—Cause of Tides.—The Moon gives off its own light, NOT just reflecting light from the Sun.—Cause of Solar and Lunar eclipses.—Stars are not worlds; their distance from us is vast.—The Earth is the only material world; its true position in the universe; its condition and eventual destruction by fire (2 Peter iii.), etc."
I wish there were geoplatylogical lectures in every town; in England (platylogical, in composition, need not mean babbling). The late Mr. Henry Archer[185] would, if alive, be very much obliged to me for recording his vehement denial of the roundness of the earth: he was excited if he heard any one call it a globe. I cannot produce his proof from the Pyramids, and from some caves in Arabia. He had other curious notions, of course: I should no more believe that a flat earth was a man's only paradox, than I should that Dutens,[186] the editor of Leibnitz, was eccentric only in supplying a tooth which he had lost by one which he found in an Italian tomb, and fully believed that it had once belonged to Scipio Africanus, whose family vault was discovered, it is supposed, in 1780. Mr. Archer is of note as [91]the suggester of the perforated border of the postage-stamps, and, I think, of the way of doing it; for this he got 4000l. reward. He was a civil engineer.
I wish there were lectures on geopolitics in every town; in England ( platylogical, in composition, doesn’t have to mean babbling). The late Mr. Henry Archer[185] would, if he were alive, be very grateful to me for recording his strong denial of the earth's roundness: he would get upset if he heard anyone call it a globe. I can’t present his proof from the Pyramids or some caves in Arabia. He had other weird beliefs, of course: I wouldn't believe that a flat earth was a man's only paradox any more than I would believe that Dutens,[186] the editor of Leibnitz, was only eccentric for replacing a missing tooth with one he found in an Italian tomb and fully believing it once belonged to Scipio Africanus, whose family vault was supposedly discovered in 1780. Mr. Archer is known as [91]the one who suggested the perforated border for postage stamps, and, I think, how to do it; for this he received a reward of 4000l. He was a civil engineer.
(August 28, 1865.) The Zetetic Astronomy has come into my hands. When, in 1851, I went to see the Great Exhibition, I heard an organ played by a performer who seemed very desirous to exhibit one particular stop. "What do you think of that stop?" I was asked.—"That depends on the name of it," said I.—"Oh! what can the name have to do with the sound? 'that which we call a rose,' etc."—"The name has everything to do with it: if it be a flute-stop, I think it very harsh; but if it be a railway-whistle-stop, I think it very sweet." So as to this book: if it be childish, it is clever; if it be mannish, it is unusually foolish. The flat earth, floating tremulously on the sea; the sun moving always over the flat, giving day when near enough, and night when too far off; the self-luminous moon, with a semi-transparent invisible moon, created to give her an eclipse now and then; the new law of perspective, by which the vanishing of the hull before the masts, usually thought to prove the earth globular, really proves it flat;—all these and other things are well fitted to form exercises for a person who is learning the elements of astronomy. The manner in which the sun dips into the sea, especially in tropical climates, upsets the whole. Mungo Park,[187] I think, gives an African hypothesis which explains phenomena better than this. The sun dips into the western ocean, and the people there cut him in pieces, fry him in a pan, and then join him together again, take him round the underway, and set him up in the east. I hope this book will be read, and that many will be puzzled by it: for there are many whose notions of astronomy deserve no better fate. There is no subject on which there is so little [92]accurate conception as that of the motions of the heavenly bodies. The author, though confident in the extreme, neither impeaches the honesty of those whose opinions he assails, nor allots them any future inconvenience: in these points he is worthy to live on a globe, and to revolve in twenty-four hours.
(August 28, 1865.) I’ve received a copy of Zetetic Astronomy. When I attended the Great Exhibition in 1851, I listened to an organ played by someone eager to showcase a specific stop. "What do you think of that stop?" I was asked. "That depends on what it's called," I replied. "Oh! What does the name have to do with the sound? 'A rose by any other name,' etc." "The name has everything to do with it: if it's a flute stop, I find it quite harsh; but if it's a railway whistle stop, I think it sounds sweet." Now, regarding this book: if it’s childish, it's clever; if it’s manly, it’s exceptionally foolish. The flat earth, wobbling on the sea; the sun constantly moving over the flat surface, providing day when close enough and night when too far away; the shining moon, accompanied by an invisible and semi-transparent moon, created for the occasional eclipse; the new perspective law, which indicates that the hull disappearing before the masts—usually taken as evidence the earth is round—actually supports the flat concept; all these elements are great for anyone just starting to learn astronomy. The way the sun sinks into the sea, especially in tropical areas, throws everything off. Mungo Park, I believe, offers an African explanation that makes more sense than this one. The sun goes down into the western ocean, where people chop him up, fry him in a pan, then put him back together and carry him around to the east. I hope this book gets read, and that many will find it perplexing, because plenty of people hold views on astronomy that deserve no better outcome. There's no topic where accurate understanding is rarer than that of the movements of celestial bodies. The author, while extremely confident, doesn’t question the integrity of those he criticizes, nor does he wish them any future trouble: in these respects, he deserves to live on a globe and orbit it every twenty-four hours.
(October, 1866.) A follower appears, in a work dedicated to the preceding author: it is Theoretical Astronomy examined and exposed by Common Sense. The author has 128 well-stuffed octavo pages. I hope he will not be the last. He prints the newspaper accounts of his work: the Church Times says—not seeing how the satire might be retorted—"We never began to despair of Scripture until we discovered that 'Common Sense' had taken up the cudgels in its defence." This paper considers our author as the type of a Protestant. The author himself, who gives a summary of his arguments in verse, has one couplet which is worth quoting:
(October, 1866.) A follower emerges in a work dedicated to the previous author: it is Theoretical Astronomy Examined and Exposed by Common Sense. The author has 128 well-filled octavo pages. I hope he won't be the last. He prints newspaper articles about his work: the Church Times states—unaware of how the satire could be turned back on them—"We never began to lose hope in Scripture until we found out that 'Common Sense' had taken up arms in its defense." This publication perceives our author as the embodiment of a Protestant. The author himself, who summarizes his arguments in verse, has one couplet that is worth quoting:
To which I answer:
To which I respond:
Why, really Mr. Common Sense, you've never got so far
Why, really Mr. Common Sense, you’ve never gotten this far.
As to think Mercator's planisphere shows countries as they are;
As if Mercator's map shows countries exactly as they are;
It won't do to measure distances; it points out how to steer,
It won't help to measure distances; it shows you how to navigate,
But this distortion's not for you; another is, I fear.
But this distortion isn't meant for you; I'm afraid another one is.
The earth must be a cylinder, if seaman's charts be true,
The earth has to be a cylinder if the sailor's maps are accurate,
Or else the boundaries, right and left, are one as well as two;
Or else the boundaries, left and right, are both one and two;
They contradict the notion that we dwell upon a plain,
They contradict the idea that we live on a plain,
For straight away, without a turn, will bring you home again.
For straight ahead, without a turn, will take you home again.
There are various plane projections; and each one has its use:
There are many types of plane projections, and each serves a specific purpose:
I wish a milder word would rhyme—but really you're a goose!
I wish there was a kinder word that rhymed—but honestly, you're a fool!
The great wish of persons who expose themselves as above, is to be argued with, and to be treated as reputable [93]and refutable opponents. "Common Sense" reminds us that no amount of "blatant ridicule" will turn right into wrong. He is perfectly correct: but then no amount of bad argument will turn wrong into right. These two things balance; and we are just where we were: but you should answer our arguments, for whom, I ask? Would reason convince this kind of reasoner? The issue is a short and a clear one. If these parties be what I contend they are, then ridicule is made for them: if not, for what or for whom? If they be right, they are only passing through the appointed trial of all good things. Appeal is made to the future: and my Budget is intended to show samples of the long line of heroes who have fallen without victory, each of whom had his day of confidence and his prophecy of success. Let the future decide: they say roundly that the earth is flat; I say flatly that it is round.
The main desire of people who put themselves out there like this is to be debated with and to be treated as respectable and debatable opponents. "Common Sense" reminds us that no amount of "blatant ridicule" will turn right into wrong. He’s absolutely right: but then again, no amount of bad arguments will turn wrong into right. These two things balance each other out, and we end up exactly where we started: but you should respond to our arguments, I ask, for whom? Would reason convince this kind of reasoner? The issue is straightforward and clear. If these parties are what I claim they are, then ridicule is meant for them: if not, then for what or for whom? If they are correct, they are just going through the inevitable trial of all good things. The future is what we appeal to: and my Budget aims to showcase examples of the long line of heroes who have fallen without victory, each of whom had their moment of confidence and their predictions of success. Let the future judge: they assert boldly that the earth is flat; I assert boldly that it is round.
The paradoxers all want reason, and not ridicule: they are all accessible, and would yield to conviction. Well then, let them reason with one another! They divide into squads, each with a subject, and as many different opinions as persons in each squad. If they be really what they say they are, the true man of each set can put down all the rest, and can come crowned with glory and girdled with scalps, to the attack on the orthodox misbelievers. But they know, to a man, that the rest are not fit to be reasoned with: they pay the regulars the compliment of believing that the only chance lies with them. They think in their hearts, each one for himself, that ridicule is of fit appliance to the rest.
The paradoxers all want reason, not mockery: they are all open-minded and would change their minds if convinced. So, let them debate with each other! They split into groups, each choosing a topic, and there are as many opinions as there are people in each group. If they truly are what they claim to be, the rational one in each group can outsmart the others and emerge victorious, ready to challenge the traditional nonbelievers. But they all know, deep down, that the others aren’t worth debating. They compliment the regulars by believing that the only chance lies with them. Each one secretly thinks that mockery is a fitting tool to use against the rest.
Miranda. A book divided into three parts, entitled Souls, Numbers, Stars, on the Neo-Christian Religion ... Vol. i. London, 1858, 1859, 1860. 8vo.
Miranda. A book divided into three parts: Souls, Numbers, Stars, discussing the Neo-Christian Religion ... Vol. i. London, 1858, 1859, 1860. 8vo.
The name of the author is Filopanti.[189] He announces himself as the 49th and last Emanuel: his immediate [94]predecessors were Emanuel Washington, Emanuel Newton, and Emanuel Galileo. He is to collect nations into one family. He knows the transmigrations of the whole human race. Thus Descartes became William III of England: Roger Bacon became Boccaccio. But Charles IX,[190] in retribution for the massacre of St. Bartholomew, was hanged in London under the name of Barthélemy for the murder of Collard: and many of the Protestants whom he killed as King of France were shouting at his death before the Old Bailey.
The author’s name is Filopanti.[189] He introduces himself as the 49th and last Emanuel: his immediate [94] predecessors were Emanuel Washington, Emanuel Newton, and Emanuel Galileo. He aims to unite nations into one family. He understands the reincarnations of the entire human race. So, Descartes became William III of England, and Roger Bacon became Boccaccio. However, Charles IX,[190] in response to the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre, was hanged in London under the name Barthélemy for the murder of Collard: and many of the Protestants he killed as King of France were shouting during his execution at the Old Bailey.
THE SABBATH—THE GREAT PYRAMID
THE SABBATH—THE GREAT PYRAMID
A Letter to the members of the Anglo-Biblical Institute, dated Sept. 7, 1858, and signed 'Herman Heinfetter.'[191] (Broadsheet.)
A letter to the members of the Anglo-Biblical Institute, dated September 7, 1858, and signed 'Herman Heinfetter.' __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (Broadsheet.)
This gentleman is well known to the readers of the Athenæum, in which, for nearly twenty years, he has inserted, as advertisements, long arguments in favor of Christians keeping the Jewish Sabbath, beginning on Friday Evening. The present letter maintains that, by the force of the definite article, the days of creation may not be consecutive, but may have any time—millions of years—between them. This ingenious way of reconciling the author of Genesis and the indications of geology is worthy to be added to the list, already pretty numerous. Mr. Heinfetter has taken such pains to make himself a public agitator, that [95]I do not feel it to be any invasion of private life if I state that I have heard he is a large corn-dealer. No doubt he is a member of the congregation whose almanac has already been described.
This guy is well-known to the readers of the Athenæum, where, for nearly twenty years, he has published long ads arguing in favor of Christians observing the Jewish Sabbath, starting on Friday evening. This letter argues that, due to the definite article, the days of creation don't have to be consecutive and could have millions of years separating them. This clever way of reconciling the author of Genesis with geological findings is worth adding to an already pretty long list. Mr. Heinfetter has worked hard to make himself a public figure, so I don't think it's an invasion of privacy to mention that I've heard he's a big corn dealer. He's definitely part of the congregation whose almanac has been described.
The great Pyramid. Why was it built? And who built it? By John Taylor, 1859,[192] 12mo.
The Great Pyramid. Why was it constructed? And who was behind its creation? By John Taylor, 1859, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 12mo.
This work is very learned, and may be referred to for the history of previous speculations. It professes to connect the dimensions of the Pyramid with a system of metrology which is supposed to have left strong traces in the systems of modern times; showing the Egyptians to have had good approximate knowledge of the dimensions of the earth, and of the quadrature of the circle. These are points on which coincidence is hard to distinguish from intention. Sir John Herschel[193] noticed this work, and gave several coincidences, in the Athenæum, Nos. 1696 and 1697, April 28 and May 5, 1860: and there are some remarks by Mr. Taylor in No. 1701, June 2, 1860.
This work is highly insightful and can be referenced for the history of earlier theories. It claims to link the dimensions of the Pyramid with a system of measurement that is believed to have influenced modern systems significantly; it shows that the Egyptians had a good understanding of the earth's dimensions and the concept of squaring the circle. These are aspects where coincidence is difficult to separate from intentionality. Sir John Herschel noticed this work and pointed out several connections in the Athenæum, Nos. 1696 and 1697, published on April 28 and May 5, 1860; there are also some comments by Mr. Taylor in No. 1701, June 2, 1860.
Mr. Taylor's most recent publication is—
Mr. Taylor's new publication is—
The battle of the Standards: the ancient, of four thousand years, against the modern, of the last fifty years—the less perfect of the two. London, 1864, 12mo.
The battle of the Standards: the ancient, from four thousand years ago, versus the modern, from the last fifty years—the less perfect of the two. London, 1864, 12mo.
This is intended as an appendix to the work on the Pyramid. Mr. Taylor distinctly attributes the original system to revelation, of which he says the Great Pyramid is the record. We are advancing, he remarks, towards the end of the Christian dispensation, and he adds that it is satisfactory to see that we retain the standards which were given by unwritten revelation 700 years before Moses. This is lighting the candle at both ends; for myself, I shall not undertake to deny or affirm either what is said about the dark past or what is hinted about the dark future.
This is meant to be an appendix to the work on the Pyramid. Mr. Taylor clearly claims that the original system came from revelation, which he states the Great Pyramid records. He notes that we are moving toward the end of the Christian era and adds that it's encouraging to see we still hold on to the standards set by unwritten revelation 700 years before Moses. This is like lighting a candle at both ends; for my part, I won't say whether I agree or disagree with what is said about the obscure past or what is suggested about the uncertain future.
My old friend Mr. Taylor is well known as the author of the argument which has convinced many, even most, that Sir Philip Francis[194] was Junius: pamphlet, 1813; supplement, 1817; second edition "The Identity of Junius with a distinguished living character established," London, 1818, 8vo. He told me that Sir Philip Francis, in a short conversation with him, made only this remark, "You may depend upon it you are quite mistaken:" the phrase appears to me remarkable; it has an air of criticism on the book, free from all personal denial. He also mentioned that a hearer told him that Sir Philip said, speaking of writers on the question,—"Those fellows, for half-a-crown, would prove that Jesus Christ was Junius."
My old friend Mr. Taylor is well known as the author of the argument that has convinced many, even most, that Sir Philip Francis[194] was Junius: pamphlet, 1813; supplement, 1817; second edition "The Identity of Junius with a distinguished living character established," London, 1818, 8vo. He told me that in a brief conversation with him, Sir Philip Francis made just this remark: "You can be sure you are completely mistaken." The phrase seems noteworthy to me; it has a tone of criticism regarding the book, free from any personal denial. He also shared that someone in the audience told him that Sir Philip remarked, speaking of the writers on the topic, "Those guys, for half-a-crown, would prove that Jesus Christ was Junius."
Mr. Taylor implies, I think, that he is the first who started the suggestion that Sir Philip Francis was Junius, which I have no means either of confirming or refuting. If it be so [and I now know that Mr. Taylor himself never heard of any predecessor], the circumstance is very remarkable: it is seldom indeed that the first proposer of any solution of a great and vexed question is the person who so nearly establishes his point in general opinion as Mr. Taylor has done.
Mr. Taylor seems to suggest that he's the first to propose that Sir Philip Francis was Junius, which I have no way to confirm or deny. If that's true (and I now know that Mr. Taylor himself never heard of anyone suggesting it before), it's quite remarkable: it’s rare that the first person to propose a solution to a significant and contentious issue is the one who comes close to really convincing people of his viewpoint like Mr. Taylor has.
As to the Junius question in general, there is a little bit of the philosophy of horse-racing which may be usefully applied. A man who is so confident of his horse that he places him far above any other, may nevertheless, and does, refuse to give odds against all in the field: for many small adverse chances united make a big chance for one or other of the opponents. I suspect Mr. Taylor has made it at least 20 to 1 for Francis against any one competitor who has been named: but what the odds may be against the [97]whole field is more difficult to settle. What if the real Junius should be some person not yet named?
As for the Junius issue in general, there's a bit of horse-racing philosophy that can be helpful. A person who is really confident in their horse might put it way above all the others, but they still might refuse to give odds against all the competitors because many small unfavorable chances combined create a big chance for one of the opponents. I think Mr. Taylor has set the odds at at least 20 to 1 for Francis against any specific competitor mentioned, but determining the odds against the [97]whole field is trickier. What if the real Junius turns out to be someone who hasn't been named yet?
Mr. Jopling, Leisure Hour, May 23, 1863, relies on the porphyry coffer of the Great Pyramid, in which he finds "the most ancient and accurate standard of measure in existence."
Mr. Jopling, Leisure Hour, May 23, 1863, relies on the porphyry coffer of the Great Pyramid, in which he finds "the most ancient and accurate standard of measure in existence."
I am shocked at being obliged to place a thoughtful and learned writer, and an old friend, before such a successor as he here meets with. But chronological arrangement defies all other arrangement.
I’m shocked that I have to introduce a thoughtful and knowledgeable writer, and an old friend, before someone like the successor he’s facing here. But chronological order can't be changed.
(I had hoped that the preceding account would have met Mr. Taylor's eye in print: but he died during the last summer. For a man of a very thoughtful and quiet temperament, he had a curious turn for vexed questions. But he reflected very long and very patiently before he published: and all his works are valuable for their accurate learning, whichever side the reader may take.)
(I had hoped that the previous account would have caught Mr. Taylor's attention in print: but he passed away last summer. For a man with a thoughtful and calm nature, he had an unusual interest in complicated issues. However, he took his time and thought carefully before publishing: and all his works are valuable for their precise scholarship, regardless of the reader's perspective.)
MRS. ELIZABETH COTTLE.
Ms. Elizabeth Cottle.
1859. The Cottle Church.—For more than twenty years printed papers have been sent about in the name of Elizabeth Cottle.[195] It is not so remarkable that such papers should be concocted as that they should circulate for such a length of time without attracting public attention. Eighty years ago Mrs. Cottle might have rivalled Lieut. Brothers or Joanna Southcott.[196] Long hence, when the now current volumes of our journals are well-ransacked works of reference, those who look into them will be glad to see this [98]feature of our time: I therefore make a few extracts, faithfully copied as to type. The Italic is from the New Testament; the Roman is the requisite interpretation:
1859. The Cottle Church.—For more than twenty years, printed papers have been distributed under the name of Elizabeth Cottle.[195] It's not so surprising that such papers were created, but rather that they have circulated for such a long time without drawing public attention. Eighty years ago, Mrs. Cottle could have competed with Lieut. Brothers or Joanna Southcott.[196] In the future, when the current volumes of our journals are thoroughly examined as reference works, those who look into them will be pleased to see this [98] aspect of our time: I will therefore provide a few excerpts, faithfully copied in terms of type. The Italic is from the New Testament; the Roman is the necessary interpretation:
"Robert Cottle 'was numbered (5196) with the transgressors' at the back of the Church in Norwood Cemetery, May 12, 1858—Isa. liii. 12. The Rev. J. G. Collinson, Minister of St. James's Church, Chapham, the then district church, before All Saints was built, read the funeral service over the Sepulchre wherein never before man was laid.
"Robert Cottle 'was counted (5196) among the wrongdoers' at the back of the Church in Norwood Cemetery, May 12, 1858—Isa. liii. 12. The Rev. J. G. Collinson, Minister of St. James's Church, Clapham, which was the district church before All Saints was built, conducted the funeral service over the tomb where no man had ever been laid before."
"Hewn on the stone, 'at the mouth of the Sepulchre,' is his name,—Robert Cottle, born at Bristol, June 2, 1774; died at Kirkstall Lodge, Clapham Park, May 6, 1858. And that day (May 12, 1858) was the preparation (day and year for 'the PREPARED place for you'—Cottleites—-by the widowed mother of the Father's house, at Kirkstall Lodge—John xiv. 2, 3). And the Sabbath (Christmas Day, Dec. 25, 1859) drew on (for the resurrection of the Christian body on 'the third [Protestant Sun]-day'—1 Cor. xv. 35). Why seek ye the living (God of the New Jerusalem—Heb. xii. 22; Rev. iii. 12) among the dead (men): he (the God of Jesus) is not here (in the grave), but is risen (in the person of the Holy Ghost, from the supper of 'the dead in the second death' of Paganism). Remember how he spake unto you (in the church of the Rev. George Clayton,[197] April 14, 1839). I will not drink henceforth (at this last Cottle supper) of the fruit of this (Trinity) vine, until that day (Christmas Day, 1859), when I (Elizabeth Cottle) drink it new with you (Cottleites) in my Father's kingdom—John xv. If this (Trinitarian) cup may not pass away from me (Elizabeth Cottle, April 14, 1839), except I drink it ('new with you Cottleites, in my Father's Kingdom'), thy will be done—Matt. xxvi. 29, 42, 64. 'Our Father which art (God) in Heaven,' hallowed be thy name, thy (Cottle) kingdom [99]come, thy will be done in earth, as it is (done) in (the new) Heaven (and new earth of the new name of Cottle—Rev. xxi. 1; iii. 12).
Carved in stone, 'at the entrance of the Sepulchre,' is his name—Robert Cottle, born in Bristol, June 2, 1774; died at Kirkstall Lodge, Clapham Park, May 6, 1858. And that day (May 12, 1858) was the preparation (day and year for 'the Ready place for you'—Cottleites—by the grieving mother of the Father's house, at Kirkstall Lodge—John xiv. 2, 3). And the Sabbath (Christmas Day, Dec. 25, 1859) approached (for the resurrection of the Christian body on 'the third [Protestant Sun]-day'—1 Cor. xv. 35). Why are you looking for the living (God of the New Jerusalem—Heb. xii. 22; Rev. iii. 12) among the dead (people): he (the God of Jesus) is not here (in the grave), but has risen (in the person of the Holy Ghost, from the supper of 'the dead in the second death' of Paganism). Remember how he spoke to you (in the church of the Rev. George Clayton,[197] April 14, 1839). I will not drink from now on (at this last Cottle supper) of the fruit of this (Trinity) vine, until that day (Christmas Day, 1859), when I (Elizabeth Cottle) drink it new with you (Cottleites) in my Father's kingdom—John xv. If this (Trinitarian) cup cannot pass from me (Elizabeth Cottle, April 14, 1839), unless I drink it ('new with you Cottleites, in my Father's Kingdom'), your will be done—Matt. xxvi. 29, 42, 64. 'Our Father who is (God) in Heaven,' hallowed be your name, your (Cottle) kingdom [99]come, your will be done on earth, as it is (done) in (the new) Heaven (and new earth of the new name of Cottle—Rev. xxi. 1; iii. 12).
"... Queen Elizabeth, from A.D. 1558 to 1566. And this WORD yet once more (by a second Elizabeth—the WORD of his oath) signifieth (at John Scott's baptism of the Holy Ghost) the removing of those things (those Gods and those doctrines) that are made (according to the Creeds and Commandments of men) that those things (in the moral law of God) which cannot be shaken (as a rule of faith and practice) may remain, wherefore we receiving (from Elizabeth) a kingdom (of God,) which cannot be moved (by Satan) let us have grace (in his Grace of Canterbury) whereby we may serve God acceptably (with the acceptable sacrifice of Elizabeth's body and blood of the communion of the Holy Ghost) with reverence (for truth) and godly fear (of the unpardonable sin of blasphemy against the Holy Ghost) for our God (the Holy Ghost) is a consuming fire (to the nation that will not serve him in the Cottle Church). We cannot defend ourselves against the Almighty, and if He is our defence, no nation can invade us.
"... Queen Elizabeth, from A.D. 1558 to 1566. And this WORD yet once more (by a second Elizabeth—the WORD of his oath) signifieth (at John Scott's baptism of the Holy Spirit) the removing of those things (those gods and those doctrines) that are made (according to the Creeds and Commandments of people) that those things (in the moral law of God) which cannot be shaken (as a rule of faith and practice) may remain, wherefore we receiving (from Elizabeth) a kingdom (of God,) which cannot be moved (by Satan) let us have grace (in his Grace of Canterbury) whereby we may serve God acceptably (with the acceptable sacrifice of Elizabeth's body and blood of the communion of the Holy Spirit) with reverence (for truth) and godly fear (of the unpardonable sin of blasphemy against the Holy Spirit) for our God (the Holy Spirit) is a consuming fire (to the nation that will not serve him in the Cottle Church). We cannot defend ourselves against the Almighty, and if He is our defense, no nation can invade us.
"In verse 4 the Church of St. Peter is in prison between four quaternions of soldiers—the Holy Alliance of 1815. Rev. vii. i. Elizabeth, the Angel of the Lord Jesus appears to the Jewish and Christian body with the vision of prophecy to the Rev. Geo. Clayton and his clerical brethren, April 8th, 1839. Rhoda was the name of her maid at Putney Terrace who used to open the door to her Peter, the Rev. Robert Ashton,[198] the Pastor of 'the little flock' 'of 120 names together, assembled in an upper (school) room' at Putney Chapel, to which little flock she gave the revelation (Acts. i. 13, 15) of Jesus the same King of the Jews yesterday at the prayer meeting, Dec. 31, 1841, and to-day, [100]Jan. 1, 1842, and for ever. See book of Life, page 24. Matt. xviii. 19, xxi. 13-16. In verse 6 the Italian body of St. Peter is sleeping 'in the second death' between the two Imperial soldiers of France and Austria. The Emperor of France from Jan. 1, to July 11, 1859, causes the Italian chains of St. Peter to fall off from his Imperial hands.
"In verse 4, the Church of St. Peter is in prison between four groups of soldiers—the Holy Alliance of 1815. Rev. vii. i. Elizabeth, the Angel of the Lord Jesus appears to the Jewish and Christian community with the vision of prophecy to the Rev. Geo. Clayton and his fellow clergy on April 8th, 1839. Rhoda was the name of her maid at Putney Terrace who used to open the door for her Peter, the Rev. Robert Ashton, [198] the Pastor of 'the little flock' of 120 members gathered in an upper (school) room at Putney Chapel, to which little flock she gave the revelation (Acts. i. 13, 15) of Jesus the same King of the Jews yesterday at the prayer meeting on Dec. 31, 1841, and today, [100]Jan. 1, 1842, and forever. See book of Life, page 24. Matt. xviii. 19, xxi. 13-16. In verse 6, the Italian body of St. Peter is sleeping 'in the second death' between the two Imperial soldiers of France and Austria. The Emperor of France from Jan. 1 to July 11, 1859, causes the Italian chains of St. Peter to fall off from his Imperial hands.
"I say unto thee, Robert Ashton, thou art Peter, a stone, and upon this rock, of truth, will I Elizabeth, the angel of Jesus, build my Cottle Church, and the gates of hell, the doors of St. Peter, at Rome, shall not prevail against it—Matt. xvi. 18. Rev. iii. 7-12."
"I'm telling you, Robert Ashton, you are Peter, a rock, and on this foundation, of truth, I Elizabeth, the angel of Jesus, will build my Cottle Church, and the gates of hell, the doors of St. Peter, in Rome, will not overpower it—Matt. xvi. 18. Rev. iii. 7-12."
This will be enough for the purpose. When any one who pleases can circulate new revelations of this kind, uninterrupted and unattended to, new revelations will cease to be a good investment of excentricity. I take it for granted that the gentlemen whose names are mentioned have nothing to do with the circulars or their doctrines. Any lady who may happen to be intrusted with a revelation may nominate her own pastor, or any other clergyman, one of her apostles; and it is difficult to say to what court the nominees can appeal to get the commission abrogated.
This will be enough for our purpose. When anyone can share new revelations like this freely and without attention, those revelations will stop being a worthwhile eccentricity. I assume that the gentlemen mentioned have no connection to the circulars or their teachings. Any woman who receives a revelation can appoint her own pastor or any other clergyman as one of her apostles, and it's hard to say which authority the nominees could turn to in order to have the appointment canceled.
March 16, 1865. During the last two years the circulars have continued. It is hinted that funds are low: and two gentlemen who are represented as gone "to Bethlehem asylum in despair" say that Mrs. Cottle "will spend all that she hath, while Her Majesty's Ministers are flourishing on the wages of sin." The following is perhaps one of the most remarkable passages in the whole:
March 16, 1865. For the past two years, the circulars have kept coming. There's a suggestion that funds are running low, and two men who are said to have gone "to Bethlehem asylum in despair" claim that Mrs. Cottle "will spend everything she has, while Her Majesty's Ministers are thriving on the profits of wrongdoing." The following is likely one of the most notable passages in the entire document:
"Extol and magnify Him (Jehovah, the Everlasting God, see the Magnificat and Luke i. 45, 46—68—73—79), that rideth (by rail and steam over land and sea, from his holy habitation at Kirkstall Lodge, Psa. lxxvii. 19, 20), upon the (Cottle) heavens, as it were (Sept. 9, 1864, see pages 21, 170), upon an (exercising, Psa. cxxxi. 1), horse-(chair, bought of Mr. John Ward, Leicester-square)." [101]
"Praise and exalt Him (Jehovah, the Eternal God, see the Magnificat and Luke i. 45, 46—68—73—79), who rides (by train and steam over land and sea, from his holy home at Kirkstall Lodge, Psa. lxxvii. 19, 20), in the (Cottle) skies, as it were (Sept. 9, 1864, see pages 21, 170), in an (working, Psa. cxxxi. 1), armchair-(purchased from Mr. John Ward, Leicester-square)." [101]
I have pretty good evidence that there is a clergyman who thinks Mrs. Cottle a very sensible woman.
I have pretty good evidence that there's a clergyman who thinks Mrs. Cottle is a very sensible woman.
[The Cottle Church. Had I chanced to light upon it at the time of writing, I should certainly have given the following. A printed letter to the Western Times, by Mr. Robert Cottle, was accompanied by a manuscript letter from Mrs. Cottle, apparently a circular. The date was Novr. 1853, and the subject was the procedure against Mr. Maurice[199] at King's College for doubting that God would punish human sins by an existence of torture lasting through years numbered by millions of millions of millions of millions (repeat the word millions without end,) etc. The memory of Mr. Cottle has, I think, a right to the quotation: he seems to have been no participator in the notions of his wife:
[i]The Cottle Church.[/i] If I had stumbled upon it while writing, I definitely would have included the following. A printed letter in the [i]Western Times[/i] from Mr. Robert Cottle was accompanied by a handwritten letter from Mrs. Cottle, which appears to be a circular. The date was November 1853, and the topic was the proceedings against Mr. Maurice[199] at King's College for questioning the idea that God would punish human sins with a torment that lasts for years counted in millions and millions and millions and millions (repeat the word [i]millions[/i] endlessly), etc. I believe Mr. Cottle deserves to be quoted here: he doesn’t seem to have shared his wife's beliefs.
"The clergy of the Established Church, taken at the round number of 20,000, may, in their first estate, be likened to 20,000 gold blanks, destined to become sovereigns, in succession,—they are placed between the matrix of the Mint, when, by the pressure of the screw, they receive the impress that fits them to become part of the current coin of the realm. In a way somewhat analogous this great body of the clergy have each passed through the crucibles of Oxford and Cambridge,—have been assayed by the Bishop's chaplain, touching the health of their souls, and the validity of their call by the Divine Spirit, and then the gentle pressure of a prelate's hand upon their heads; and the words—'Receive the Holy Ghost,' have, in a brief space of time, wrought a [102]change in them, much akin to the miracle of transubstantiation—the priests are completed, and they become the current ecclesiastical coin of our country. The whole body of clergy, here spoken of, have undergone the preliminary induction of baptism and confirmation; and all have been duly ordained, professing to hold one faith, and to believe in the selfsame doctrines! In short, to be as identical as the 20,000 sovereigns, if compared one with the other. But mind is not malleable and ductile, like gold; and all the preparations of tests, creeds, and catechisms will not insure uniformity of belief. No stamp of orthodoxy will produce the same impress on the minds of different men. Variety is manifest, and patent, upon everything mental and material. The Almighty has not created, nor man fashioned, two things alike! How futile, then, is the attempt to shape and mould man's apprehension of divine truth by one fallible standard of man's invention! If proof of this be required, an appeal might be made to history and the experience of eighteen hundred years."
The clergy of the Established Church, which we can round off to 20,000, can be compared to 20,000 gold blanks, intended to become sovereigns in time. They are placed between the molds of the Mint, where, through the pressure of a screw, they get the imprint that qualifies them to be part of the country’s current currency. In a similar way, this large group of clergy has each gone through the rigorous environments of Oxford and Cambridge, been evaluated by the Bishop's chaplain regarding the state of their souls and the legitimacy of their calling by the Divine Spirit, and then received the gentle touch of a bishop's hand on their heads. The words “Receive the Holy Ghost” have, in a short time, brought about a transformation in them, much like the miracle of transubstantiation—the priests are completed, and they become the official ecclesiastical currency of our nation. The entire group of clergy mentioned here have already been baptized and confirmed, and all have been properly ordained, professing to share one faith and to believe in the same doctrines! In short, they are as identical as the 20,000 sovereigns when compared to one another. However, the mind is not as pliable and malleable as gold; and all the tests, creeds, and catechisms won’t guarantee uniformity in beliefs. No stamp of orthodoxy will leave the same impression on different people's minds. Variety is evident and obvious in everything mental and material. The Almighty has neither created nor man made two identical things! How pointless, then, is the effort to shape and mold people's understanding of divine truth by a single flawed standard created by humans! If proof of this is needed, we can look to history and the experiences of eighteen hundred years.
This is an argument of force against the reasonableness of expecting tens of thousands of educated readers of the New Testament to find the doctrine above described in it. The lady's argument against the doctrine itself is very striking. Speaking of an outcry on this matter among the Dissenters against one of their body, who was the son of "the White Stone (Rev. ii. 17), or the Roman cement-maker," she says—
This is a strong argument against the reasonableness of expecting tens of thousands of educated readers of the New Testament to find the doctrine described above in it. The woman's argument against the doctrine itself is quite compelling. Speaking about a backlash on this issue among the Dissenters against one of their members, who was the son of "the White Stone (Rev. ii. 17), or the Roman cement-maker," she says—
"If the doctrine for which they so wickedly fight were true, what would become of the black gentlemen for whose redemption I have been sacrificed from April 8 1839."
"If the beliefs they are fighting for so cruelly were true, what would happen to the black men whose freedom I have been sacrificed for since April 8, 1839?"
There are certainly very curious points about this revelation. There have been many surmises about the final restoration of the infernal spirits, from the earliest ages of Christianity until our own day: a collection of them would be worth making. On reading this in proof, I see a possibility that by "black gentlemen" may be meant the clergy: [103]I suppose my first interpretation must have been suggested by context: I leave the point to the reader's sagacity.]
There are definitely some intriguing aspects about this revelation. There have been many theories about the ultimate redemption of the evil spirits, from the early days of Christianity to the present: compiling them would be interesting. While reading this as evidence, I notice a possibility that "black gentlemen" might refer to the clergy: [103]I think my initial interpretation was probably influenced by the context: I'll leave it to the reader's insight to decide.
JAMES SMITH, ARCH-PARADOXER.
JAMES SMITH, MASTER OF CONTRADICTION.
The Problem of squaring the circle solved; or, the circumference and area of the circle discovered. By James Smith.[200] London, 1859, 8vo.
The issue of squaring the circle has been resolved; the circumference and area of the circle have been calculated. By James Smith. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1859, 8vo.
On the relations of a square inscribed in a circle. Read at the British Association, Sept. 1859, published in the Liverpool Courier, Oct. 8, 1859, and reprinted in broadsheet.
On the relationships of a square inside a circle. Read at the British Association, September 1859, published in the Liverpool Courier, October 8, 1859, and reprinted in broadsheet.
The question: Are there any commensurable relations between a circle and other Geometrical figures? Answered by a member of the British Association ... London, 1860, 8vo.—[This has been translated into French by M. Armand Grange, Bordeaux, 1863, 8vo.]
The question: Are there any similar relationships between a circle and other geometric shapes? Answered by a member of the British Association ... London, 1860, 8vo. — [This has been translated into French by M. Armand Grange, Bordeaux, 1863, 8vo.]
The Quadrature of the Circle. Correspondence between an eminent mathematician and James Smith, Esq. (Member of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board), London, 1861, 8vo. (pp. 200).
The Quadrature of the Circle. Correspondence between a noted mathematician and James Smith, Esq. (Member of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board), London, 1861, 8vo. (pp. 200).
Letter to the ... British Association ... by James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1861, 8vo.
Letter to the ... British Association ... by James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1861, 8vo.
Letter to the ... British Association ... by James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1862, 8vo.—[These letters the author promised to continue.]
Letter to the ... British Association ... by James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1862, 8vo. — [The author promised to continue writing these letters.]
A Nut to crack for the readers of Professor De Morgan's 'Budget of Paradoxes.' By James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1863, 8vo.
A puzzle for readers of Professor De Morgan's 'Budget of Paradoxes.' By James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1863, 8vo.
Paper read at the Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society, reported in the Liverpool Daily Courier, Jan. 26, 1864. Reprinted as a pamphlet.
Paper presented at the Liverpool Literary and Philosophical Society, reported in the Liverpool Daily Courier, Jan. 26, 1864. Reprinted as a pamphlet.
The Quadrature of the circle, or the true ratio between the diameter and circumference geometrically and mathematically demonstrated. By James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1865, 8vo.
The Quadrature of the Circle, or the true ratio between the diameter and circumference demonstrated both geometrically and mathematically. By James Smith, Esq. Liverpool, 1865, 8vo.
[On the relations between the dimensions and distances of the Sun, Moon, and Earth; a paper read before the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, Jan. 25, 1864. By James Smith, Esq.
[On the relationships between the sizes and distances of the Sun, Moon, and Earth; a paper presented to the Literary and Philosophical Society of Liverpool, Jan. 25, 1864. By James Smith, Esq.]
The British Association in Jeopardy, and Dr. Whewell, the Master of Trinity, in the stocks without hope of escape. Printed for the authors (J. S. confessed, and also hidden under Nauticus). (No date, 1865).
The British Association is in danger, and Dr. Whewell, the Master of Trinity, finds himself in a difficult situation with no possible escape. Printed for the authors (J. S. admitted it, and is also hidden under Nauticus). (No date, 1865).
The British Association in Jeopardy, and Professor De Morgan in the Pillory without hope of escape. London, 1866, 8vo.]
The British Association in Danger, with Professor De Morgan being mocked without a means of escape. London, 1866, 8vo.]
When my work appeared in numbers, I had not anything like an adequate idea of Mr. James Smith's superiority to the rest of the world in the points in which he is superior. He is beyond a doubt the ablest head at unreasoning, and the greatest hand at writing it, of all who have tried in our day to attach their names to an error. Common cyclometers sink into puny orthodoxy by his side.
When my work was published, I had no real understanding of how much better Mr. James Smith was than everyone else in the ways he stands out. Without a doubt, he is the smartest when it comes to being unreasonable and the best at writing about it among all those who have tried to associate themselves with a mistake in our time. Ordinary critics seem insignificant compared to him.
The behavior of this singular character induces me to pay him the compliment which Achilles paid Hector, to drag him round the walls again and again. He was treated with unusual notice and in the most gentle manner. The unnamed mathematician, E. M. bestowed a volume of mild correspondence upon him; Rowan Hamilton[201] quietly proved him wrong in a way accessible to an ordinary schoolboy; Whewell,[202] as we shall see, gave him the means of seeing himself wrong, even more easily than by Hamilton's method. Nothing would do; it was small kick and silly fling at all; and he exposed his conceit by alleging that he, James Smith, had placed Whewell in the stocks. He will therefore be universally pronounced a proper object of the severest literary punishment: but the opinion of all who can put two propositions together will be that of the many strokes I have given, the hardest and most telling are my republications of his own attempts to reason.
The behavior of this unique character makes me want to pay him the same compliment Achilles paid Hector, by dragging him around the walls over and over. He was treated with special attention and in the kindest way. The unnamed mathematician, E. M., gave him a collection of gentle correspondence; Rowan Hamilton[201] quietly proved him wrong in a way that any average schoolboy could understand; Whewell,[202] as we will see, provided him with an even easier way to see his mistakes than Hamilton's method. No matter what, it was just a small kick and a silly insult; he revealed his arrogance by claiming that he, James Smith, had put Whewell in disgrace. Therefore, he will be widely seen as a fitting target for the harshest literary criticism: but those who can logically connect two ideas will agree that out of all the criticisms I've made, the most impactful and effective are my republishing of his own reasoning attempts.
He will come out of my hands in the position he ought [105]to hold, the Supreme Pontiff of cyclometers, the vicegerent of St. Vitus upon earth, the Mamamouchi of burlesque on inference. I begin with a review of him which appeared in the Athenæum of May 11, 1861. Mr. Smith says I wrote it: this I neither affirm nor deny; to do either would be a sin against the editorial system elsewhere described. Many persons tell me they know me by my style; let them form a guess: I can only say that many have declared as above while fastening on me something which I had never seen nor heard of.
He will come out of my hands in the role he should hold, the Supreme Leader of cyclometers, the representative of St. Vitus on earth, the Mamamouchi of humorous interpretation. I begin with a review of him that was published in the Athenæum on May 11, 1861. Mr. Smith claims I wrote it: I neither confirm nor deny this; to do either would go against the editorial system I've described elsewhere. Many people tell me they recognize my style; let them take a guess: I can only say that many have made similar claims while attributing to me something I've never seen or heard of.
The Quadrature of the Circle: Correspondence between an Eminent Mathematician and James Smith, Esq. (Edinburgh, Oliver & Boyd; London, Simpkin, Marshall & Co.)
The Quadrature of the Circle: Correspondence between a Notable Mathematician and James Smith, Esq. (Edinburgh, Oliver & Boyd; London, Simpkin, Marshall & Co.)
"A few weeks ago we were in perpetual motion. We did not then suppose that anything would tempt us on a circle-squaring expedition: but the circumstances of the book above named have a peculiarity which induces us to give it a few words.
"A few weeks ago, we were constantly on the move. We didn’t think anything would lure us into a circle-squaring adventure: however, the details of the book mentioned above have a uniqueness that compels us to say a few things about it."
"Mr. James Smith, a gentleman residing near Liverpool, was some years ago seized with the morbus cyclometricus.[203] The symptoms soon took a defined form: his circumference shrank into exactly 3-1/8 times his diameter, instead of close to 3-16/113, which the mathematician knows to be so near to truth that the error is hardly at the rate of a foot in 2,000 miles. This shrinking of the circumference remained until it became absolutely necessary that it should be examined by the British Association. This body, which as Mr. James Smith found to his sorrow, has some interest in 'jealously guarding the mysteries of their profession,' refused at first to entertain the question. On this Mr. Smith changed his 'tactics' and the name of his paper, and smuggled in the subject under the form of 'The Relations of a Circle inscribed in a Square'! The paper was thus forced upon the Association, for Mr. Smith informs us that he [106]'gave the Section to understand that he was not the man that would permit even the British Association to trifle with him.' In other words, the Association bore with and were bored with the paper, as the shortest way out of the matter. Mr. Smith also circulated a pamphlet. Some kind-hearted man, who did not know the disorder as well as we do, and who appears in Mr. Smith's handsome octavo as E. M.—the initials of 'eminent mathematician'—wrote to him and offered to show him in a page that he was all wrong. Mr. Smith thereupon opened a correspondence, which is the bulk of the volume. When the correspondence was far advanced, Mr. Smith announced his intention to publish. His benevolent instructor—we mean in intention—protested against the publication, saying 'I do not wish to be gibbeted to the world as having been foolish enough to enter upon what I feel now to have been a ridiculous enterprise.'
"Mr. James Smith, a man living near Liverpool, was diagnosed a few years ago with morbus cyclometricus.[203] The symptoms quickly became clear: his circumference shrank to exactly 3-1/8 times his diameter, instead of nearly 3-16/113, which mathematicians know is so close to the truth that the error is barely a foot in 2,000 miles. This reduction in circumference persisted until it became absolutely necessary for the British Association to examine it. This organization, which Mr. James Smith found out the hard way, has a vested interest in 'protecting the secrets of their profession,' initially refused to consider the matter. In response, Mr. Smith changed his 'approach' and the title of his paper, sneaking in the subject under the guise of 'The Relations of a Circle Inscribed in a Square'! This allowed Mr. Smith to present his paper to the Association, as he explains that he [106]'made it clear to the Section that he wasn't someone who would let even the British Association take him lightly.' In other words, the Association endured the paper out of boredom, as the quickest way to resolve the situation. Mr. Smith also distributed a pamphlet. A kind-hearted individual, who wasn’t as familiar with the disorder as we are, and who appears in Mr. Smith's fancy octavo as E. M.—the initials of 'eminent mathematician'—contacted him and offered to demonstrate in a single page that he was completely mistaken. Mr. Smith then began a correspondence, which makes up the bulk of the volume. When the correspondence had progressed significantly, Mr. Smith declared his intention to publish. His well-meaning advisor—well-meaning in intention—objected to the publication, stating, 'I do not wish to be publicly ridiculed as having been foolish enough to engage in what I now feel was a ridiculous endeavor.'"
"For this Mr. Smith cared nothing: he persisted in the publication, and the book is before us. Mr. Smith has had so much grace as to conceal his kind adviser's name under E. M., that is to say, he has divided the wrong among all who may be suspected of having attempted so hopeless a task as that of putting a little sense into his head. He has violated the decencies of private life. Against the will of the kind-hearted man who undertook his case, he has published letters which were intended for no other purpose than to clear his poor head of a hopeless delusion. He deserves the severest castigation; and he will get it: his abuse of confidence will stick by him all his days. Not that he has done his benefactor—in intention, again—any harm. The patience with which E. M. put the blunders into intelligible form, and the perseverance with which he tried to find a cranny-hole for common reasoning to get in at, are more than respectable: they are admirable. It is, we can assure E. M., a good thing that the nature of the circle-squarer should be so completely exposed as in this volume. The benefit which he intended Mr. James Smith may be [107]conferred upon others. And we should very much like to know his name, and if agreeable to him, to publish it. As to Mr. James Smith, we can only say this: he is not mad. Madmen reason rightly upon wrong premises: Mr. Smith reasons wrongly upon no premises at all.
"For this, Mr. Smith didn’t care at all: he went ahead with the publication, and the book is in front of us. Mr. Smith had the grace to hide his kind advisor’s name under E. M., meaning he spread the blame among anyone who could be suspected of attempting such a pointless task as trying to make sense of his thoughts. He has disrespected the privacy of others. Against the wishes of the kind-hearted person who took on his case, he published letters that were meant solely to help clear his confused mind. He deserves the harshest criticism, and he will receive it: his betrayal of trust will follow him for the rest of his life. Not that he harmed his benefactor—intentionally, at least. The patience with which E. M. made his mistakes understandable, and the determination with which he sought a way for logical reasoning to enter, are more than commendable; they are impressive. We can assure E. M. that it’s a good thing that the nature of the circle-squarer is so thoroughly uncovered in this volume. The benefit he meant for Mr. James Smith may be [107]passed on to others. And we would really like to know his name, and if he agrees, to make it public. As for Mr. James Smith, we can only say this: he is not insane. Insane people reason correctly from incorrect premises; Mr. Smith reasons incorrectly from no premises at all."
"E. M. very soon found out that, to all appearance, Mr. Smith got a circle of 3-1/8 times the diameter by making it the supposition to set out with that there was such a circle; and then finding certain consequences which, so it happened, were not inconsistent with the supposition on which they were made. Error is sometimes self-consistent. However, E. M., to be quite sure of his ground, wrote a short letter, stating what he took to be Mr. Smith's hypothesis, containing the following: 'On AC as diameter, describe the circle D, which by hypothesis shall be equal to three and one-eighth times the length of AC.... I beg, before proceeding further, to ask whether I have rightly stated your argument.' To which Mr. Smith replied: 'You have stated my argument with perfect accuracy.' Still E. M. went on, and we could not help, after the above, taking these letters as the initials of Everlasting Mercy. At last, however, when Mr. Smith flatly denied that the area of the circle lies between those of the inscribed and circumscribed polygons, E. M. was fairly beaten, and gave up the task. Mr. Smith was left to write his preface, to talk about the certain victory of truth—which, oddly enough, is the consolation of all hopelessly mistaken men; to compare himself with Galileo; and to expose to the world the perverse behavior of the Astronomer Royal, on whom he wanted to fasten a conversation, and who replied, 'It would be a waste of time, Sir, to listen to anything you could have to say on such a subject.'
"E. M. quickly discovered that, seemingly, Mr. Smith calculated the area of a circle to be 3-1/8 times the diameter by assuming such a circle existed, then finding certain outcomes that, coincidentally, were consistent with his initial assumption. Mistakes can sometimes be self-consistent. To make sure he understood correctly, E. M. wrote a brief letter outlining what he believed to be Mr. Smith's hypothesis, which included: 'On AC as the diameter, draw circle D, which by assumption shall be equal to three and one-eighth times the length of AC.... I would like to confirm if I have accurately represented your argument before moving forward.' Mr. Smith responded: 'You have stated my argument perfectly.' Nonetheless, E. M. continued, and we couldn't help but think of their letters as standing for Everlasting Mercy. Eventually, however, when Mr. Smith outright denied that the area of the circle lies between those of the inscribed and circumscribed polygons, E. M. was thoroughly defeated and abandoned the effort. Mr. Smith was left to write his preface, discussing the inevitable triumph of truth—which strangely serves as consolation for all hopelessly misguided individuals; to compare himself to Galileo; and to call out the unreasonable conduct of the Astronomer Royal, whom he attempted to engage in conversation, and who replied, 'It would be a waste of time, Sir, to listen to anything you could say on such a subject.'"
"Having thus disposed of Mr. James Smith, we proceed to a few remarks on the subject: it is one which a journal would never originate, but which is rendered necessary from time to time by the attempts of the autopseustic to become [108]heteropseustic. To the mathematician we have nothing to say: the question is, what kind of assurance can be given to the world at large that the wicked mathematicians are not acting in concert to keep down their superior, Mr. James Smith, the current Galileo of the quadrature of the circle.
"After dealing with Mr. James Smith, let’s make a few comments on the topic: it’s not something a journal would start on its own, but it occasionally becomes necessary due to the efforts of some individuals to change from autonomous to heteronomous behaviors. We have nothing to say to the mathematicians: the real question is, what kind of guarantee can we give to the public that the unprincipled mathematicians are not colluding to undermine their superior, Mr. James Smith, the current Galileo of circle squaring."
"Let us first observe that this question does not stand alone: independently of the millions of similar problems which exist in higher mathematics, the finding of the diagonal of a square has just the same difficulty, namely, the entrance of a pair of lines of which one cannot be definitely expressed by means of the other. We will show the reader who is up to the multiplication-table how he may go on, on, on, ever nearer, never there, in finding the diagonal of a square from the side.
"First, let’s note that this question isn’t isolated: aside from the millions of similar problems in advanced mathematics, determining the diagonal of a square poses the same challenge—the introduction of a pair of lines where one cannot be clearly defined in terms of the other. We’ll demonstrate to the reader who is familiar with multiplication tables how they can keep progressing, getting closer and closer, but never quite reaching the diagonal of a square based on the side."
"Write down the following rows of figures, and more, if you like, in the way described:
"Write down the following rows of numbers, and more if you want, in the way described:
1 2 5 12 29 70 169 408 985
1 2 5 12 29 70 169 408 985
1 3 7 17 41 99 239 577 1393
1 3 7 17 41 99 239 577 1393
After the second, each number is made up of double the last increased by the last but one: thus, 5 is 1 more than twice 2, 12 is 2 more than twice 5, 239 is 41 more than twice 99. Now, take out two adjacent numbers from the upper line, and the one below the first from the lower: as
After the second number, each number is twice the last one increased by the previous one: so, 5 is 1 more than double 2, 12 is 2 more than double 5, and 239 is 41 more than double 99. Now, remove two neighboring numbers from the top line, and take the one below the first from the bottom: as
70 169
70 169
99.
99.
Multiply together 99 and 169, giving 16,731. If, then, you will say that 70 diagonals are exactly equal to 99 sides, you are in error about the diagonal, but an error the amount of which is not so great as the 16,731st part of the diagonal. Similarly, to say that five diagonals make exactly seven sides does not involve an error of the 84th part of the diagonal.
Multiply 99 by 169 to get 16,731. If you claim that 70 diagonals are exactly equal to 99 sides, you are mistaken about the diagonal, but the mistake is not greater than the 16,731st part of the diagonal. Likewise, stating that five diagonals equal exactly seven sides doesn’t involve an error greater than the 84th part of the diagonal.
"The mathematicians have many methods, totally different from each other, of arriving at one and the same result, their celebrated approximation to the circumference of the circle. An intrepid calculator has, in our own time, carried his approximation to what they call 607 decimal places: this has been done by Mr. Shanks,[204] of Houghton-le-Spring, and Dr. Rutherford[205] has verified 441 of these places. But though 607 looks large, the general public will form but a hazy notion of the extent of accuracy acquired. We have seen, in Charles Knight's[206] English Cyclopædia, an account of the matter which may illustrate the unimaginable, though rationally conceivable, extent of accuracy obtained.
"The mathematicians have a lot of different ways to arrive at the same result, their famous approximation of the circumference of a circle. A bold calculator, in our time, has extended his approximation to what they call 607 decimal places: this was achieved by Mr. Shanks[204] from Houghton-le-Spring, and Dr. Rutherford[205] has confirmed 441 of those places. However, even though 607 seems like a big number, the general public will have only a vague idea of how much accuracy that really represents. In Charles Knight's[206] English Cyclopædia, there's an account of this that helps illustrate the incredible, yet logically understandable, level of accuracy that has been achieved."
"Say that the blood-globule of one of our animalcules is a millionth of an inch in diameter. Fashion in thought a globe like our own, but so much larger that our globe is but a blood-globule in one of its animalcules: never mind the microscope which shows the creature being rather a bulky instrument. Call this the first globe above us. Let the first globe above us be but a blood-globule, as to size, in the animalcule of a still larger globe, which call the second globe above us. Go on in this way to the twentieth globe above us. Now go down just as far on the other side. Let the blood-globule with which we started be a globe peopled with animals like ours, but rather smaller: [110]and call this the first globe below us. Take a blood-globule out of this globe, people it, and call it the second globe below us: and so on to the twentieth globe below us. This is a fine stretch of progression both ways. Now give the giant of the twentieth globe above us the 607 decimal places, and, when he has measured the diameter of his globe with accuracy worthy of his size, let him calculate the circumference of his equator from the 607 places. Bring the little philosopher from the twentieth globe below us with his very best microscope, and set him to see the small error which the giant must make. He will not succeed, unless his microscopes be much better for his size than ours are for ours.
"Imagine that the blood cell of one of our tiny organisms is a millionth of an inch wide. Picture a globe like ours, but so much larger that our world is just a blood cell in one of its tiny organisms: don’t worry about the microscope that shows the creature as a pretty bulky tool. Let’s call this the first globe above us. The first globe above us is like a blood cell, in terms of size, in the organism of an even larger globe, which we’ll call the second globe above us. Continue this way until you reach the twentieth globe above us. Now, go down just as far on the other side. Let the blood cell we started with represent a globe filled with animals like ours, but slightly smaller: [110] and we’ll call this the first globe below us. Take a blood cell from this globe, populate it, and call it the second globe below us; and so on until the twentieth globe below us. This is quite an impressive progression both ways. Now let the giant from the twentieth globe above us measure with 607 decimal places, and when he's accurately measured the diameter of his globe, let him calculate the circumference of his equator based on those 607 places. Bring the little philosopher from the twentieth globe below us with his best microscope, and have him try to detect the minor error that the giant will make. He won’t succeed unless his microscopes are significantly better for his size than ours are for ours."
"Now it must be remembered by any one who would laugh at the closeness of the approximation, that the mathematician generally goes nearer; in fact his theorems have usually no error at all. The very person who is bewildered by the preceding description may easily forget that if there were no error at all, the Lilliputian of the millionth globe below us could not find a flaw in the Brobdingnagian of the millionth globe above. The three angles of a triangle, of perfect accuracy of form, are absolutely equal to two right angles; no stretch of progression will detect any error.
"Now, anyone who wants to laugh at how close the approximation is needs to remember that mathematicians usually get it even more precise; in fact, their theorems typically have no error at all. The very person who feels confused by the previous explanation might easily forget that if there were no error at all, the tiny person on the millionth globe below us couldn’t find a flaw in the giant from the millionth globe above. The three angles of a perfectly accurate triangle are absolutely equal to two right angles; no series of calculations will reveal any error."
"Now think of Mr. Lacomme's mathematical adviser (ante, Vol. I, p. 46) making a difficulty of advising a stonemason about the quantity of pavement in a circular floor!
"Now think of Mr. Lacomme's math advisor (ante, Vol. I, p. 46) struggling to help a stonemason figure out how much pavement is needed for a circular floor!"
"We will now, for our non-calculating reader, put the matter in another way. We see that a circle-squarer can advance, with the utmost confidence, the assertion that when the diameter is 1,000, the circumference is accurately 3,125: the mathematician declaring that it is a trifle more than 3,141½. If the squarer be right, the mathematician has erred by about a 200th part of the whole: or has not kept his accounts right by about 10s. in every 100l. Of course, if he set out with such an error he will accumulate blunder upon blunder. Now, if there be a process in which [111]close knowledge of the circle is requisite, it is in the prediction of the moon's place—say, as to the time of passing the meridian at Greenwich—on a given day. We cannot give the least idea of the complication of details: but common sense will tell us that if a mathematician cannot find his way round the circle without a relative error four times as big as a stockbroker's commission, he must needs be dreadfully out in his attempt to predict the time of passage of the moon. Now, what is the fact? His error is less than a second of time, and the moon takes 27 days odd to revolve. That is to say, setting out with 10s. in 100l. of error in his circumference, he gets within the fifth part of a farthing in 100l. in predicting the moon's transit. Now we cannot think that the respect in which mathematical science is held is great enough—though we find it not small—to make this go down. That respect is founded upon a notion that right ends are got by right means: it will hardly be credited that the truth can be got to farthings out of data which are wrong by shillings. Even the celebrated Hamilton[207] of Edinburgh, who held that in mathematics there was no way of going wrong, was fully impressed with the belief that this was because error was avoided from the beginning. He never went so far as to say that a mathematician who begins wrong must end right somehow.
"We'll now put this in simpler terms for our non-mathematical readers. A circle-squarer confidently claims that when the diameter is 1,000, the circumference is exactly 3,125, while the mathematician insists it's just over 3,141½. If the squarer is correct, then the mathematician has made a mistake of about one 200th of the total: or hasn't kept track right by about 10s. in every 100l. Naturally, if he started with such an error, he’s going to keep compounding mistakes. Now, if there’s a situation where understanding the circle is crucial, it’s in predicting the moon's position—like when it will pass the meridian at Greenwich—on a particular day. We can’t even begin to describe the complexity involved, but common sense tells us that if a mathematician can't navigate the circle without making an error four times larger than a stockbroker’s commission, he must be wildly inaccurate in predicting the moon's transit. So what’s the reality? His error is less than a second of time, and the moon takes about 27 days to orbit. In other words, starting with a 10s. in 100l. error in his circumference, he ends up being within a fifth of a farthing in 100l. when predicting the moon's transit. We can’t believe that the regard for mathematics is so great—even though we see it isn’t small—that this would be accepted. This respect is based on the idea that correct results come from correct methods: it’s hard to accept that you can achieve accuracy to farthings with data that’s wrong by shillings. Even the famous Hamilton[207] of Edinburgh, who believed there was no way to go wrong in mathematics, saw this as a result of avoiding errors from the start. He never claimed that a mathematician who begins with a mistake must somehow end up right."
"There is always a difficulty about the mode in which the thinking man of common life is to deal with subjects he has not studied to a professional extent. He must form opinions on matters theological, political, legal, medical, and social. If he can make up his mind to choose a guide, there is, of course, no perplexity: but on all the subjects mentioned the direction-posts point different ways. Now why should he not form his opinion upon an abstract mathematical question? Why not conclude that, as to the circle, it is possible Mr. James Smith may be the man, just [112]as Adam Smith[208] was the man of things then to come, or Luther, or Galileo? It is true that there is an unanimity among mathematicians which prevails in no other class: but this makes the chance of their all being wrong only different in degree. And more than this, is it not generally thought among us that priests and physicians were never so much wrong as when there was most appearance of unanimity among them? To the preceding questions we see no answer except this, that the individual inquirer may as rationally decide a mathematical question for himself as a theological or a medical question, so soon as he can put himself into a position in mathematics, level with that in which he stands in theology or medicine. The every-day thought and reading of common life have a certain resemblance to the thought and reading demanded by the learned faculties. The research, the balance of evidence, the estimation of probabilities, which are used in a question of medicine, are closely akin in character, however different the matter of application, to those which serve a merchant to draw his conclusions about the markets. But the mathematicians have methods of their own, to which nothing in common life bears close analogy, as to the nature of the results or the character of the conclusions. The logic of mathematics is certainly that of common life: but the data are of a different species; they do not admit of doubt. An expert arithmetician, such as is Mr. J. Smith, may fancy that calculation, merely as such, is mathematics: but the value of his book, and in this point of view it is not small, is the full manner in which it shows that a practised arithmetician, venturing into the field of mathematical demonstration, may show himself utterly destitute of all that distinguishes the reasoning geometrical investigator from the calculator.
There’s always a challenge for the thinking person in everyday life when it comes to tackling subjects they haven’t studied professionally. They need to form opinions on theological, political, legal, medical, and social issues. If they decide to pick a guide, there’s no confusion, but the guidance on all these topics points in different directions. So, why shouldn’t they form an opinion on an abstract mathematical question? Why not conclude that, regarding circles, Mr. James Smith might be the authority, just as Adam Smith, Luther, or Galileo were for their times? It’s true that mathematicians have a level of agreement that isn’t found in other fields, but this only means that the likelihood of their being wrong differs in degree. Furthermore, isn’t it often believed that priests and doctors were never more mistaken than when they seemed most unified in their opinions? There doesn’t seem to be an answer to these questions except that an individual inquirer can think through a mathematical question just as rationally as a theological or medical one, as long as they position themselves in mathematics in the same way they do in theology or medicine. The everyday thoughts and readings of regular life bear some similarity to those required by academic disciplines. The research, weighing of evidence, and evaluation of probabilities used in medical questions closely resemble those a merchant uses to draw conclusions about markets, even if the subjects differ. However, mathematicians have their own methods that don’t have a close analogy in everyday life regarding the types of results or conclusions. The logic of mathematics is certainly part of common life, but the data involved is of a different kind; it doesn’t allow for doubt. An expert calculator, like Mr. J. Smith, might think that calculating alone qualifies as mathematics, but the value of his work—which is significant in this regard—lies in how it shows that a skilled calculator venturing into mathematical proofs can prove to be completely lacking in the reasoning skills that separate a geometric investigator from a mere calculator.
"And further, it should be remembered that in mathematics the power of verifying results far exceeds that which is found in anything else: and also the variety of distinct methods by which they can be attained. It follows from all this that a person who desires to be as near the truth as he can will not judge the results of mathematical demonstration to be open to his criticism, in the same degree as results of other kinds. Should he feel compelled to decide, there is no harm done: his circle may be 3⅛ times its diameter, if it please him. But we must warn him that, in order to get this circle, he must, as Mr. James Smith has done, make it at home: the laws of space and thought beg leave respectfully to decline the order."
"And it should be noted that in mathematics, the ability to verify results is far greater than what is found in anything else, along with the many different methods that can be used to reach those results. Therefore, someone who wants to get as close to the truth as possible will not consider the outcomes of mathematical proofs to be as open to his critique as those from other fields. If he feels the need to make a judgment, it’s no big deal: his circle can be 3⅛ times its diameter if that’s what he wants. However, we must caution him that to create this circle, he must, like Mr. James Smith, make it at home: the rules of space and thought politely decline the request."
I will insert now at length, from the Athenæum of June 8, 1861, the easy refutation given by my deceased friend, with the remarks which precede.
I will now include, in full, from the Athenæum dated June 8, 1861, the straightforward rebuttal provided by my late friend, along with the comments that come before it.
"Mr. James Smith, of whose performance in the way of squaring the circle we spoke some weeks ago in terms short of entire acquiescence, has advertised himself in our columns, as our readers will have seen. He has also forwarded his letter to the Liverpool Albion, with an additional statement, which he did not make in our journal. He denies that he has violated the decencies of private life, since his correspondent revised the proofs of his own letters, and his 'protest had respect only to making his name public.' This statement Mr. James Smith precedes by saying that we have treated as true what we well knew to be false: and he follows by saying that we have not read his work, or we should have known the above facts to be true. Mr. Smith's pretext is as follows. His correspondent E. M. says, 'My letters were not intended for publication, and I protest against their being published,' and he subjoins 'Therefore I must desire that my name may not be used.' The obvious meaning is that E. M. protested against the publication altogether, but, judging that Mr. Smith was [114]determined to publish, desired that his name should not be used. That he afterwards corrected the proofs merely means that he thought it wiser to let them pass under his own eyes than to leave them entirely to Mr. Smith.
"Mr. James Smith, whose attempt at squaring the circle we discussed a few weeks ago with some reservations, has promoted himself in our columns, as our readers have likely seen. He has also sent his letter to the Liverpool Albion, along with an additional statement that he didn't include in our publication. He insists that he hasn't violated the norms of private life since his correspondent reviewed the proofs of his own letters, and his 'protest was only about keeping his name private.' Mr. James Smith starts this statement by claiming that we accepted as true what we knew was false; he continues by saying that if we had read his work, we would understand these facts to be accurate. Mr. Smith's reasoning is as follows. His correspondent E. M. states, 'My letters were not meant for publication, and I object to their being published,' and he adds, 'Therefore, I must request that my name not be used.' The clear implication is that E. M. protested against the publication entirely, but thinking that Mr. Smith was [114]set on publishing, requested that his name not be used. The fact that he later corrected the proofs just means he felt it was better to review them himself rather than leaving them entirely to Mr. Smith."
"We have received from Sir W. Rowan Hamilton[209] a proof that the circumference is more than 3⅛ diameters, requiring nothing but a knowledge of four books of Euclid. We give it in brief as an exercise for our juvenile readers to fill up. It reminds us of the old days when real geometers used to think it worth while seriously to demolish pretenders. Mr. Smith's fame is now assured: Sir W. R. Hamilton's brief and easy exposure will procure him notice in connection with this celebrated problem.
"We've received a proof from Sir W. Rowan Hamilton[209] that the circumference is more than 3⅛ diameters, and it only requires knowledge of four books by Euclid. We're presenting it briefly as an exercise for our young readers to complete. It takes us back to the days when genuine geometers found it worthwhile to seriously challenge pretenders. Mr. Smith's reputation is now secure: Sir W. R. Hamilton's concise and straightforward analysis will bring him attention related to this well-known problem."
"It is to be shown that the perimeter of a regular polygon of 20 sides is greater than 3⅛ diameters of the circle, and still more, of course, is the circumference of the circle greater than 3⅛ diameters.
"It will be demonstrated that the perimeter of a regular polygon with 20 sides is greater than 3⅛ diameters of the circle, and even more, obviously, the circumference of the circle is greater than 3⅛ diameters."
"1. It follows from the 4th Book of Euclid, that the rectangle under the side of a regular decagon inscribed in a circle, and that side increased by the radius, is equal to the square of the radius. But the product 791 (791 + 1280) is less than 1280 × 1280; if then the radius be 1280 the side of the decagon is greater than 791.
"1. According to the 4th Book of Euclid, the rectangle formed by one side of a regular decagon inscribed in a circle and that side plus the radius is equal to the square of the radius. However, the product 791 (791 + 1280) is less than 1280 × 1280; therefore, if the radius is 1280, the side of the decagon is greater than 791."
"2. When a diameter bisects a chord, the square of the chord is equal to the rectangle under the doubles of the segments of the diameter. But the product 125 (4 × 1280 - 125) is less than 791 × 791. If then the bisected chord be a side of the decagon, and if the radius be still 1280, the double of the lesser segment exceeds 125.
"2. When a diameter cuts a chord in half, the square of the chord is equal to the area of the rectangle formed by doubling the segments of the diameter. However, the product 125 (4 × 1280 - 125) is less than 791 × 791. If the bisected chord is one side of the decagon, and the radius is still 1280, then double the smaller segment is greater than 125."
"3. The rectangle under this doubled segment and the radius is equal to the square of the side of an inscribed regular polygon of 20 sides. But the product 125 × 1280 is equal to 400 × 400; therefore, the side of the last-mentioned polygon is greater than 400, if the radius be still 1280. In other words, if the radius be represented by the new [115]member 16, and therefore the diameter by 32, this side is greater than 5, and the perimeter exceeds 100. So that, finally, if the diameter be 8, the perimeter of the inscribed regular polygon of 20 sides, and still more the circumference of the circle, is greater than 25: that is, the circumference is more than 3⅛ diameters."
"3. The rectangle beneath this doubled segment and the radius equals the square of the side of a regular inscribed polygon with 20 sides. However, the product 125 × 1280 equals 400 × 400; therefore, the side of this polygon is greater than 400, assuming the radius remains 1280. In other words, if we represent the radius by the new [115]member 16, making the diameter 32, this side is greater than 5, and the perimeter exceeds 100. Thus, finally, if the diameter is 8, the perimeter of the inscribed regular polygon with 20 sides, and even more so the circumference of the circle, is greater than 25: meaning the circumference is more than 3⅛ diameters."
The last work in the list was thus noticed in the Athenæum, May 27, 1865.
The last work on the list was mentioned in the Athenæum, May 27, 1865.
"Mr. James Smith appears to be tired of waiting for his place in the Budget of Paradoxes, and accordingly publishes a long letter to Professor De Morgan, with various prefaces and postscripts. The letter opens by a hint that the Budget appears at very long intervals, and 'apparently without any sufficient reason for it.' As Mr. Smith hints that he should like to see Mr. De Morgan, whom he calls an 'elephant of mathematics,' 'pumping his brains' 'behind the scenes'—an odd thing for an elephant to do, and an odd place to do it in—to get an answer, we think he may mean to hint that the Budget is delayed until the pump has worked successfully. Mr. Smith is informed that we have had the whole manuscript of the Budget, excepting only a final summing-up, in our hands since October, 1863. [This does not refer to the Supplement.] There has been no delay: we knew from the beginning that a series of historical articles would be frequently interrupted by the things of the day. Mr. James Smith lets out that he has never been able to get a private line from Mr. De Morgan in answer to his communications: we should have guessed it. He says, 'The Professor is an old bird and not to be easily caught, and by no efforts of mine have I been able, up to the present moment, either to induce or twit him into a discussion....' Mr. Smith curtails the proverb: old birds are not to be caught with chaff, nor with twit, which seems to be Mr. Smith's word for his own chaff, and, so long as the first letter is sounded, a very proper word. Why does he not try a little grain of sense? Mr. Smith evidently [116]thinks that, in his character as an elephant, the Professor has not pumped up brain enough to furnish forth a bird. In serious earnest, Mr. Smith needs no answer. In one thing he excites our curiosity: what is meant by demonstrating 'geometrically and mathematically?'"
"Mr. James Smith seems tired of waiting for his turn in the Budget of Paradoxes, so he writes a long letter to Professor De Morgan, including various prefaces and postscripts. The letter starts by suggesting that the Budget comes out very infrequently, 'apparently without any good reason for it.' Mr. Smith suggests he’d like to see Mr. De Morgan, whom he refers to as an 'elephant of mathematics,' 'pumping his brains' 'behind the scenes'—which is a strange thing for an elephant to do and an odd place for it to happen—to get a response. We think he might be implying that the Budget is held up until the pump works successfully. Mr. Smith is told that we have had the entire manuscript of the Budget, except for a final summary, since October 1863. [This does not refer to the Supplement.] There has been no delay: we understood from the start that a series of historical articles would often be interrupted by current events. Mr. James Smith reveals that he has never managed to get a direct reply from Mr. De Morgan regarding his messages: we would have guessed that. He mentions, 'The Professor is a wise old bird and not easily caught, and despite my efforts, I have not been able to provoke him into a discussion....' Mr. Smith shortens the saying: old birds are not caught with chaff, nor with twit, which seems to be Mr. Smith's term for his own chaff, and, as long as the first letter is pronounced, it’s quite fitting. Why doesn’t he try using a little common sense? Mr. Smith clearly thinks that, in his role as an elephant, the Professor hasn’t generated enough brainpower to come up with a bird. Seriously, Mr. Smith doesn’t really need a response. However, he piques our curiosity: what does he mean by demonstrating 'geometrically and mathematically?'"
I now proceed to my original treatment of the case.
I will now go back to my original approach to the case.
Mr. James Smith will, I have no doubt, be the most uneclipsed circle-squarer of our day. He will not owe this distinction to his being an influential and respected member of the commercial world of Liverpool, even though the power of publishing which his means give him should induce him to issue a whole library upon one paradox. Neither will he owe it to the pains taken with him by a mathematician who corresponded with him until the joint letters filled an octavo volume. Neither will he owe it to the notice taken of him by Sir William Hamilton, of Dublin, who refuted him in a manner intelligible to an ordinary student of Euclid, which refutation he calls a remarkable paradox easily explainable, but without explaining it. What he will owe it to I proceed to show.
Mr. James Smith will, without a doubt, be the most outstanding circle-squarer of our time. He won’t owe this recognition to being an influential and respected member of Liverpool's business community, even though the publishing power his resources provide could lead him to release an entire library on just one paradox. Nor will it be due to the efforts of a mathematician who wrote to him until their exchanged letters filled a book. He also won’t owe it to the attention he received from Sir William Hamilton in Dublin, who refuted him in a way that was understandable to an average student of Euclid, which he calls a remarkable paradox that’s easy to explain but fails to provide any explanation. What he will owe it to, I’m about to reveal.
Until the publication of the Nut to Crack Mr. James Smith stood among circle-squarers in general. I might have treated him with ridicule, as I have done others: and he says that he does not doubt he shall come in for his share at the tail end of my Budget. But I can make a better job of him than so, as Locke would have phrased it: he is such a very striking example of something I have said on the use of logic that I prefer to make an example of his writings. On one point indeed he well deserves the scutica,[210] if not the horribile flagellum.[211] He tells me that he will bring his solution to me in such a form as shall compel me to admit it as un fait accompli [une faute accomplie?][212] [117]or leave myself open to the humiliating charge of mathematical ignorance and folly. He has also honored me with some private letters. In the first of these he gives me a "piece of information," after which he cannot imagine that I, "as an honest mathematician," can possibly have the slightest hesitation in admitting his solution. There is a tolerable reservoir of modest assurance in a man who writes to a perfect stranger with what he takes for an argument, and gives an oblique threat of imputation of dishonesty in case the argument be not admitted without hesitation; not to speak of the minor charges of ignorance and folly. All this is blind self-confidence, without mixture of malicious meaning; and I rather like it: it makes me understand how Sam Johnson came to say of his old friend Mrs. Cobb,[213]—"I love Moll Cobb for her impudence." I have now done with my friend's suaviter in modo,[214] and proceed to his fortiter in re[215]: I shall show that he has convicted himself of ignorance and folly, with an honesty and candor worthy of a better value of π.
Until the release of the Nut to Crack, Mr. James Smith was regarded among general circle-squarers. I could have mocked him, as I have done with others: and he claims he’s certain he’ll get his fair share at the end of my Budget. However, I can handle him better than that, as Locke might say: he serves as a striking example of something I've mentioned regarding the use of logic, so I prefer to highlight his writings. On one point, he really deserves the scutica,[210] if not the horribile flagellum.[211] He tells me he’ll present his solution in a way that will force me to accept it as un fait accompli [une faute accomplie?][212] [117]or risk being embarrassed by charges of mathematical ignorance and foolishness. He has also sent me some private letters. In the first, he provides a "piece of information," after which he can’t imagine that I, "as an honest mathematician," could possibly hesitate in accepting his solution. There’s a good amount of modest confidence in a man who writes to a total stranger with what he considers an argument and subtly threatens a suggestion of dishonesty if I don’t accept it right away, not to mention the lesser accusations of ignorance and foolishness. All this is blind self-assurance, without any malicious intent; and I find it rather amusing: it helps me understand why Sam Johnson said of his old friend Mrs. Cobb,[213]—"I love Moll Cobb for her boldness." I have now finished addressing my friend’s suaviter in modo,[214] and move on to his fortiter in re[215]: I will demonstrate that he has exposed himself to charges of ignorance and foolishness, with a honesty and openness deserving of a better value of π.
Mr. Smith's method of proving that every circle is 3⅛ diameters is to assume that it is so,—"if you dislike the term datum, then, by hypothesis, let 8 circumferences be exactly equal to 25 diameters,"—and then to show that every other supposition is thereby made absurd. The right to this assumption is enforced in the "Nut" by the following analogy:
Mr. Smith's way of proving that every circle is 3⅛ diameters is to assume that it is true—"if you don't like the word datum, then, for this example, let 8 circumferences be exactly equal to 25 diameters"—and then to demonstrate that any other assumption leads to a contradiction. This right to the assumption is supported in the "Nut" by the following analogy:
"I think you (!) will not dare (!) to dispute my right to this hypothesis, when I can prove by means of it that every other value of π will lead to the grossest absurdities; unless indeed, you are prepared to dispute the right of Euclid to adopt a false line hypothetically for the purpose [118]of a 'reductio ad absurdum'[216] demonstration, in pure geometry."
"I don't think you will dare to challenge my right to this hypothesis when I can demonstrate that every other value of π leads to the most ridiculous contradictions; unless, of course, you're ready to question Euclid's right to use a false line hypothetically for the sake of a 'reductio ad absurdum' demonstration in pure geometry." [118]
Euclid assumes what he wants to disprove, and shows that his assumption leads to absurdity, and so upsets itself. Mr. Smith assumes what he wants to prove, and shows that his assumption makes other propositions lead to absurdity. This is enough for all who can reason. Mr. James Smith cannot be argued with; he has the whip-hand of all the thinkers in the world. Montucla would have said of Mr. Smith what he said of the gentleman who squared his circle by giving 50 and 49 the same square root, Il a perdu le droit d'être frappé de l'évidence.[217]
Euclid assumes what he wants to disprove and demonstrates that his assumption leads to absurdity, thus contradicting itself. Mr. Smith assumes what he wants to prove and shows that his assumption causes other propositions to lead to absurdity. This is sufficient for anyone who can reason. Mr. James Smith cannot be debated with; he has the upper hand over all the thinkers in the world. Montucla would have said of Mr. Smith what he said of the gentleman who squared his circle by giving 50 and 49 the same square root, Il a perdu le droit d'être frappé de l'évidence.[217]
It is Mr. Smith's habit, when he finds a conclusion agreeing with its own assumption, to regard that agreement as proof of the assumption. The following is the "piece of information" which will settle me, if I be honest. Assuming π to be 3⅛, he finds out by working instance after instance that the mean proportional between one-fifth of the area and one-fifth of eight is the radius. That is,
It’s Mr. Smith’s habit, whenever he sees a conclusion that matches its own assumption, to consider that match as proof of the assumption. The following is the “piece of information” that will confirm this for me, if I'm being honest. Assuming π is 3⅛, he discovers through example after example that the average proportion between one-fifth of the area and one-fifth of eight is the radius. That is,
if π = | 25![]() 8 | , | ![]() | ![]() | πr2![]() 5 | · | 8![]() 5 | ![]() | = r. |
This "remarkable general principle" may fail to establish Mr. Smith's quadrature, even in an honest mind, if that mind should happen to know that, a and b being any two numbers whatever, we need only assume—
This "remarkable general principle" might not convince Mr. Smith's calculation, even in a fair-minded person, if that person happens to know that, a and b being any two numbers, we only need to assume—
if π = | a2![]() b | , to get at | ![]() | ![]() | πr2![]() a | · | b![]() a | ![]() | = r. |
We naturally ask what sort of glimmer can Mr. Smith have of the subject which he professes to treat? On this point he has given satisfactory information. I had mentioned the old problem of finding two mean proportionals, [119]as a preliminary to the duplication of the cube. On this mention Mr. Smith writes as follows. I put a few words in capitals; and I write rq[218] for the sign of the square root, which embarrasses small type:
We naturally wonder what kind of insight Mr. Smith has on the topic he claims to discuss. He has provided satisfactory information on this matter. I had pointed out the classic problem of finding two mean proportionals, [119]as a precursor to duplicating the cube. Regarding this, Mr. Smith writes the following. I highlight a few words in capital letters; and I use rq[218] to represent the square root sign, which is tricky with small type:
"This establishes the following infallible rule, for finding two mean proportionals OF EQUAL VALUE, and is more than a preliminary, to the famous old problem of 'Squaring the circle.' Let any finite number, say 20, and its fourth part = ¼(20) = 5, be given numbers. Then rq(20 × 5) = rq 100 = 10, is their mean proportional. Let this be a given mean proportional TO FIND ANOTHER MEAN PROPORTIONAL OF EQUAL VALUE. Then
"This establishes the following infallible rule for finding two mean proportionals EQUAL VALUE, and serves as more than just a preliminary step to the famous problem of 'Squaring the circle.' Let any finite number, say 20, and its fourth part = ¼(20) = 5, be the given numbers. Then rq(20 × 5) = rq 100 = 10 is their mean proportional. Let this be a given mean proportional TO FIND ANOTHER MEAN PROPORTIONAL OF EQUAL VALUE. Then
20 × | π![]() 4 | = 20 × | 3.125![]() 4 | = 20 × .78125 = 15.625 |
will be the first number; as
will be the first number; since
25 : 16 :: rq 20 : rq 8.192: and (rq 8.192)2 × | π![]() 4 | = 8.192 × .78125 = 6.4 |
will be the second number; therefore rq(15.625 × 6.4) = rq 100 = 10, is the required mean proportional.... Now, my good Sir, however competent you may be to prove every man a fool [not every man, Mr. Smith! only some; pray learn logical quantification] who now thinks, or in times gone by has thought, the 'Squaring of the Circle' a possibility; I doubt, and, on the evidence afforded by your Budget, I cannot help doubting, whether you were ever before competent to find two mean proportionals by my unique method."—(Nut, pp. 47, 48.) [That I never was, I solemnly declare!]
will be the second number; therefore rq(15.625 × 6.4) = rq 100 = 10, is the required mean proportional.... Now, my good Sir, no matter how skilled you are at proving every man a fool [not every man, Mr. Smith! only some; please learn logical quantification] who currently thinks, or has thought in the past, that the 'Squaring of the Circle' is a possibility; I doubt, and based on the evidence from your Budget, I really can't help but doubt whether you have ever been capable of finding two mean proportionals by my unique method."—(Nut, pp. 47, 48.) [That I never was, I solemnly declare!]
All readers can be made to see the following exposure. When 5 and 20 are given, x is a mean proportional when in 5, x, 20, 5 is to x as x to 20. And x must be 10. But x and y are two mean proportionals when in 5, x, y, 20, x [120]is a mean proportional between 5 and y, and y is a mean proportional between x and 20. And these means are x = 5 ³√4, y = 5 ³√16. But Mr. Smith finds one mean, finds it again in a roundabout way, and produces 10 and 10 as the two (equal!) means, in solution of the "famous old problem." This is enough: if more were wanted, there is more where this came from. Let it not be forgotten that Mr. Smith has found a translator abroad, two, perhaps three, followers at home, and—most surprising of all—a real mathematician to try to set him right. And this mathematician did not discover the character of the subsoil of the land he was trying to cultivate until a goodly octavo volume of letters had passed and repassed. I have noticed, in more quarters than one, an apparent want of perception of the full amount of Mr. Smith's ignorance: persons who have not been in contact with the non-geometrical circle-squarers have a kind of doubt as to whether anybody can carry things so far. But I am an "old bird" as Mr. Smith himself calls me; a Simorg, an "all-knowing Bird of Ages" in matters of cyclometry.
All readers can understand the following explanation. When 5 and 20 are given, x is the mean proportional because in the sequence 5, x, 20, 5 is to x as x is to 20. Therefore, x must be 10. However, x and y are two mean proportionals in the sequence 5, x, y, 20, where x is a mean proportional between 5 and y, and y is a mean proportional between x and 20. These means are given as x = 5 ³√4, y = 5 ³√16. Yet Mr. Smith discovers one mean, finds it again in a roundabout way, and presents 10 and 10 as the two (equal!) means, solving the "famous old problem." This is sufficient; if more is needed, there's more where that came from. It's worth noting that Mr. Smith has found a translator overseas, possibly two or three followers at home, and—most surprisingly—a real mathematician trying to correct him. This mathematician didn’t realize the nature of the subsoil he was trying to work with until a considerable number of letters had exchanged back and forth. I've noticed, in several places, a clear lack of recognition of the full extent of Mr. Smith's ignorance: people who haven’t interacted with the non-geometrical circle-squarers tend to doubt whether anyone could take things that far. But I’m an "old bird," as Mr. Smith himself calls me; a Simorg, an "all-knowing Bird of Ages" when it comes to cyclometry.
The curious phenomena of thought here exhibited illustrate, as above said, a remark I have long ago made on the effect of proper study of logic. Most persons reason well enough on matter to which they are accustomed, and in terms with which they are familiar. But in unaccustomed matter, and with use of strange terms, few except those who are practised in the abstractions of pure logic can be tolerably sure to keep their feet. And one of the reasons is easily stated: terms which are not quite familiar partake of the vagueness of the X and Y on which the student of logic learns to see the formal force of a proposition independently of its material elements.
The interesting phenomena of thought shown here illustrate, as mentioned earlier, a point I made a long time ago about the impact of studying logic properly. Most people reason fairly well about topics they're familiar with and in terms they know. However, when faced with unfamiliar topics and strange terms, few—except those experienced in the abstractions of pure logic—can confidently stay grounded. One clear reason for this is that terms that are not entirely familiar carry a vagueness similar to the X and Y that a logic student learns to recognize the formal strength of a statement apart from its material components.
I make the following quotation from my fourth paper on logic in the Cambridge Transactions:
I quote the following from my fourth paper on logic in the Cambridge Transactions:
"The uncultivated reason proceeds by a process almost entirely material. Though the necessary law of thought [121]must determine the conclusion of the ploughboy as much as that of Aristotle himself, the ploughboy's conclusion will only be tolerably sure when the matter of it is such as comes within his usual cognizance. He knows that geese being all birds does not make all birds geese, but mainly because there are ducks, chickens, partridges, etc. A beginner in geometry, when asked what follows from 'Every A is B,' answers 'Every B is A.' That is, the necessary laws of thought, except in minds which have examined their tools, are not very sure to work correct conclusions except upon familiar matter.... As the cultivation of the individual increases, the laws of thought which are of most usual application are applied to familiar matter with tolerable safety. But difficulty and risk of error make a new appearance with a new subject; and this, in most cases, until new subjects are familiar things, unusual matter common, untried nomenclature habitual; that is, until it is a habit to be occupied upon a novelty. It is observed that many persons reason well in some things and badly in others; and this is attributed to the consequence of employing the mind too much upon one or another subject. But those who know the truth of the preceding remarks will not have far to seek for what is often, perhaps most often, the true reason.... I maintain that logic tends to make the power of reason over the unusual and unfamiliar more nearly equal to the power over the usual and familiar than it would otherwise be. The second is increased; but the first is almost created."
"The untrained mind works mostly with material processes. Even though the essential laws of thought must lead the conclusions of a plowboy just as they do for Aristotle, the plowboy's conclusions will only be somewhat reliable when they relate to things he usually understands. He knows that all geese are birds, but not all birds are geese, primarily because there are also ducks, chickens, partridges, etc. When a beginner in geometry is asked what follows from 'Every A is B,' he answers 'Every B is A.' In other words, the fundamental laws of thought, unless examined by thoughtful minds, don’t always lead to correct conclusions except with familiar topics. As a person’s understanding deepens, the common laws of thought are applied to familiar subjects with reasonable accuracy. However, challenges and the potential for mistakes arise with new topics, and this often happens until those new subjects become familiar, unusual topics are made common, and new terminology becomes routine; in other words, until engaging with something new feels habitual. It’s noted that many people think clearly about certain things and poorly about others, which is often attributed to focusing the mind too much on one subject or another. Yet, those who understand the previous points will not need to look far to find what is often, perhaps most often, the real reason behind this. I argue that logic helps to balance the power of reasoning about the unusual and unfamiliar more closely with the power regarding the usual and familiar than it would naturally be. The ability to reason about the familiar is enhanced; but the ability to reason about the unfamiliar is almost developed from scratch."
Mr. James Smith, by bringing ignorance, folly, dishonesty into contact with my name, in the way of conditional insinuation, has done me a good turn: he has given me right to a freedom of personal remark which I might have declined to take in the case of a person who is useful and respected in matters which he understands.
Mr. James Smith, by associating ignorance, foolishness, and dishonesty with my name through subtle hints, has actually done me a favor: he has given me the right to express my thoughts freely about him in a way I might not have felt comfortable doing with someone who is knowledgeable and respected in their field.
"Tit for tat;
"An eye for an eye;"
Butter for fat:
Butter for fat:
If you kill my dog,
If you hurt my dog,
I'll kill your cat."
"I'll kill your cat."
He is a glaring instance of the truth of the observations quoted above. I will answer for it that, at the Mersey Dock Board, he never dreams of proving that the balance at the banker's is larger than that in the book by assuming that the larger sum is there, and then proving that the other supposition—the smaller balance—is upon that assumption, an absurdity. He never says to another director, How can you dare to refuse me a right to assume the larger balance, when you yourself, the other day, said,—Suppose, for argument's sake, we had 80,000l. at the banker's, though you knew the book only showed 30,000l.? This is the way in which he has supported his geometrical paradox by Euclid's example: and this is not the way he reasons at the board; I know it by the character of him as a man of business which has reached my ears from several quarters. But in geometry and rational arithmetic he is a smatterer, though expert at computation; at the board he is a trained man of business. The language of geometry is so new to him that he does not know what is meant by "two mean proportionals:" but all the phrases of commerce are rooted in his mind. He is most unerasably booked in the history of the squaring of the circle, as the speculator who took a right to assume a proposition for the destruction of other propositions, on the express ground that Euclid assumes a proposition to show that it destroys itself: which is as if the curate should demand permission to throttle the squire because St. Patrick drove the vermin to suicide to save themselves from slaughter. He is conspicuous as a speculator who, more visibly than almost any other known to history, reasoned in a circle by way of reasoning on a circle. But [123]what I have chiefly to do with is the force of instance which he has lent to my assertion that men who have not had real training in pure logic are unsafe reasoners in matter which is not familiar. It is hard to get first-rate examples of this, because there are few who find the way to the printer until practice and reflection have given security against the grossest slips. I cannot but think that his case will lead many to take what I have said into consideration, among those who are competent to think of the great mental disciplines. To this end I should desire him to continue his efforts, to amplify and develop his great principle, that of proving a proposition by assuming it and taking as confirmation every consequence that does not contradict the assumption.
He is a clear example of the truth in the observations mentioned earlier. I can assure you that, at the Mersey Dock Board, he never thinks of proving that the bank balance is larger than what's recorded in the books by just assuming the larger amount exists and then arguing that the smaller balance contradicts that assumption, which is absurd. He never tells another director, "How can you deny me the right to assume the larger balance when you yourself recently said, ‘Suppose for the sake of argument we had £80,000 at the bank, even though you know the books only show £30,000?" This is how he has backed up his geometrical paradox with Euclid's example. But that's not how he reasons at the board; I know this from various accounts of him as a businessman. In geometry and rational arithmetic, he's just a dabbler, though skilled at calculations; at the board, he's a trained businessman. The terminology of geometry is so foreign to him that he doesn’t even know what “two mean proportionals” means, but the language of commerce is firmly embedded in his mind. He is permanently recorded in the history of squaring the circle as someone who felt entitled to assume one proposition to undermine others, based on the argument that Euclid assumed a proposition to show it falls apart: it’s like a curate asking to choke the squire because St. Patrick drove the vermin to take their own lives to escape slaughter. He stands out as a speculator who, more clearly than almost anyone in history, argued in circles while reasoning about a circle. But what I primarily want to highlight is how this instance supports my point that men who lack proper training in pure logic are unreliable reasoners on unfamiliar topics. It's tough to find top-notch examples of this because few make it to print before practice and reflection help them avoid the worst mistakes. I believe his case will lead many who are capable of contemplating substantial mental disciplines to consider what I’ve said. To this end, I hope he continues to refine and expand his main idea: that of proving a proposition by assuming it and treating every outcome that doesn’t contradict the assumption as confirmation.
Since my Budget commenced, Mr. Smith has written me notes: the portion which I have preserved—I suppose several have been mislaid—makes a hundred and seven pages of note-paper, closely written. To all this I have not answered one word: but I think I cannot have read fewer than forty pages. In the last letter the writer informs me that he will not write at greater length until I have given him an answer, according to the "rules of good society." Did I not know that for every inch I wrote back he would return an ell? Surely in vain the net is spread in the eyes of anything that hath a wing. There were several good excuses for not writing to Mr. J. Smith: I will mention five. First, I distinctly announced at the beginning of this Budget that I would not communicate with squarers of the circle. Secondly, any answer I might choose to give might with perfect propriety be reserved for this article; had the imputation of incivility been made after the first note, I should immediately have replied to this effect: but I presumed it was quite understood. Thirdly, Mr. Smith, by his publication of E. M.'s letters against the wish of the writer, had put himself out of the pale of correspondence. Fourthly, he had also gone beyond the rules of good society in sending [124]letter after letter to a person who had shown by his silence an intention to avoid correspondence. Fifthly, these same rules of good society are contrived to be flexible or frangible in extreme cases: otherwise there would be no living under them; and good society would be bad. Father Aldrovand has laid down the necessary distinction—"I tell thee, thou foolish Fleming, the text speaketh but of promises made unto Christians, and there is in the rubric a special exemption of such as are made to Welchmen." There is also a rubric to the rules of good society; and squarers of the circle are among those whom there is special permission not to answer: they are the wild Welchmen of geometry, who are always assailing, but never taking, the Garde Douloureuse[219] of the circle. "At this commentary," proceeds the story, "the Fleming grinned so broadly as to show his whole case of broad strong white teeth." I know not whether the Welchman would have done the like, but I hope Mr. James Smith will: and I hope he has as good a case to show as Wilkin Flammock. For I wish him long life and long health, and should be very glad to see so much energy employed in a productive way. I hope he wishes me the same: if not, I will give him what all his judicious friends will think a good reason for doing so. His pamphlets and letters are all tied up together, and will form a curious lot when death or cessation of power to forage among book-shelves shall bring my little library to the hammer. And this time may not be far off: for I was X years old in A.D. X2; not 4 in A.D. 16, nor 5 in A.D. 25, but still in one case under that law. And now I have made my own age a problem of quadrature, and Mr. J. Smith may solve it. But I protest against his method of assuming a result, and making itself prove itself: he might in this way, as sure as eggs is eggs (a corruption of X is X), make me 1,864 years old, which is a great deal too much.
Since my budget started, Mr. Smith has written me notes: the ones I’ve kept—I assume a few have gotten lost—add up to a hundred and seven pages of closely written notes. I haven’t replied to any of this, but I think I must have read at least forty pages. In his last letter, he tells me that he won’t write any more until I respond, following the “rules of good society.” Didn’t I know that for every inch I wrote back, he would return a yard? Clearly, it’s pointless to cast a net in front of something that can fly away. I had several good excuses for not writing to Mr. J. Smith: let me mention five. First, I clearly stated at the beginning of this budget that I wouldn’t communicate with people trying to solve impossible problems. Second, any response I might give could reasonably be saved for this article; if the issue of rudeness had come up after the first note, I would have replied immediately in that sense, but I assumed it was perfectly understood. Third, by publishing E. M.’s letters against the author’s wishes, Mr. Smith excluded himself from correspondence. Fourth, he overstepped the boundaries of good society by sending letter after letter to someone who had shown by his silence that he wanted to avoid correspondence. Fifth, these same rules of good society are meant to be flexible or breakable in extreme situations; otherwise, it would be impossible to live by them, and good society would actually be bad. Father Aldrovand has made an important distinction—“I tell you, foolish Fleming, the text only refers to promises made to Christians, and there’s a special exception for promises made to Welshmen.” There’s also a guideline for the rules of good society; and those trying to solve impossible problems are among those who have special permission not to respond: they are the wild Welshmen of geometry, always attacking but never actually capturing the Garde Douloureuse of the circle. “At this commentary,” the story continues, “the Fleming grinned so widely that you could see his entire set of strong white teeth.” I don’t know if the Welshman would have done the same, but I hope Mr. James Smith will; and I hope he has just as good a case to show as Wilkin Flammock. I wish him a long life and good health, and would be very pleased to see such energy used productively. I hope he wishes the same for me; if not, I’ll give him a reason that all his wise friends will agree with. His pamphlets and letters are all tied together and will make an interesting lot when death or a loss of ability to search among the bookshelves leads to my little library being auctioned off. And that time may not be too far off: for I was X years old in A.D. X²; not 4 in A.D. 16, nor 5 in A.D. 25, but still under that law in one case. And now I’ve turned my own age into a problem of quadrature, and Mr. J. Smith can solve it. But I object to his method of assuming a result and making it prove itself: by doing so, he could, as sure as eggs is eggs (a twist on X is X), make me 1,864 years old, which is way too much.
April 5, 1864.—Mr. Smith continues to write me long letters, to which he hints that I am to answer. In his last, of 31 closely written sides of note-paper, he informs me, with reference to my obstinate silence, that though I think myself and am thought by others to be a mathematical Goliath, I have resolved to play the mathematical snail, and keep within my shell. A mathematical snail! This cannot be the thing so called which regulates the striking of a clock; for it would mean that I am to make Mr. Smith sound the true time of day, which I would by no means undertake upon a clock that gains 19 seconds odd in every hour by false quadrature. But he ventures to tell me that pebbles from the sling of simple truth and common sense will ultimately crack my shell, and put me hors de combat.[220] The confusion of images is amusing: Goliath turning himself into a snail to avoid π = 3⅛, and James Smith, Esq., of the Mersey Dock Board: and put hors de combat—which should have been caché[221]—by pebbles from a sling. If Goliath had crept into a snail-shell, David would have cracked the Philistine with his foot. There is something like modesty in the implication that the crack-shell pebble has not yet taken effect; it might have been thought that the slinger would by this time have been singing—
April 5, 1864.—Mr. Smith keeps sending me long letters, suggesting that I should respond. In his latest one, spanning 31 tightly written pages, he mentions my stubborn silence. He claims that even though I see myself as a mathematical giant and others do too, I've chosen to act like a mathematical snail, staying in my shell. A mathematical snail! This can't be the type that controls a clock's striking mechanism; that would imply I should ensure Mr. Smith knows the correct time, which I wouldn't attempt on a clock that gains 19 seconds every hour due to inaccurate quadrature. Yet, he dares to say that stones from the sling of straightforward truth and common sense will eventually break my shell and take me hors de combat.[220] The mix of images is entertaining: Goliath turning into a snail to evade π = 3⅛, and James Smith, Esq., of the Mersey Dock Board: and left hors de combat—which should have been caché[221]—by stones from a sling. If Goliath had crawled into a snail shell, David would have crushed the Philistine with his foot. There's a certain modesty in suggesting that the pebble hasn't had an effect yet; one might have thought the slinger would have been singing by now—
"And thrice [and one-eighth] I routed all my foes,
"And three times [and one-eighth] I defeated all my enemies,
And thrice [and one-eighth] I slew the slain."
And three times [and one-eighth] I killed the killed.
But he promises to give the public his nut-cracker if I do not, before the Budget is concluded, "unravel" the paradox, which is the mathematico-geometrical nut he has given me to crack. Mr. Smith is a crack man: he will crack his own nut; he will crack my shell; in the mean time he cracks himself up. Heaven send he do not crack himself into lateral contiguity with himself.
But he promises to share his nut-cracker with the public if I do not, before the Budget is finished, "solve" the paradox, which is the mathematico-geometrical puzzle he has given me to solve. Mr. Smith is an expert: he will figure out his own puzzle; he will break my shell; in the meantime, he boosts his own reputation. Heaven help him not to end up in a tangled mess with himself.
"... The important question at issue has been treated by a brace of mathematical birds with too much levity. It may be said, however, that sarcasm and ridicule sometimes succeed, where reason fails.... Such a course is not well suited to a discussion.... For this reason I shall for the future [this implies there has been a past, so that Nauticus is not before me for the first time] endeavor to confine myself to dry reasoning from incontrovertible premises.
"... The important question at hand has been addressed by a couple of mathematical minds with too much lightness. It can be said, though, that sarcasm and mockery sometimes work where reason doesn’t.... This approach isn’t really suited for a discussion.... For this reason, moving forward, I will aim to stick to straightforward reasoning based on undeniable facts."
... It appears to me that so far as his theory is concerned he comes off unscathed. You might have found "a hole in Smith's circle" (have you seen a pamphlet bearing this title? [I never heard of it until now]), but after all it is quite possible the hole may have been left by design, for the purpose of entrapping the unwary."
... It seems to me that, regarding his theory, he remains unharmed. You might have found "a hole in Smith's circle" (have you seen a pamphlet with this title? [I just heard of it now]), but in the end, it's quite possible that the hole was intentionally left there to trap the unsuspecting.
[On the publication of the above, the author of the pamphlet obligingly forwarded a copy to me of A Hole in Smith's Circle—by a Cantab: Longman and Co., 1859, (pp. 15). "It is pity to lose any fun we can get out of the affair," says my almamaternal brother: to which I add that in such a case warning without joke is worse than none at all, as giving a false idea of the nature of the danger. The Cantab takes some absurdities on which I have not dwelt: but there are enough to afford a Cantab from every college his own separate hunting ground.]
[On the release of the above, the author of the pamphlet kindly sent me a copy of A Hole in Smith's Circle—by a Cantab: Longman and Co., 1859, (pp. 15). "It's a shame to miss out on any fun we can have from this situation," says my brother from my alma mater: to which I add that in such cases, a serious warning without humor is worse than none at all, as it gives a misleading impression of the danger. The Cantab addresses some absurdities that I haven't covered: but there are plenty enough to give a Cantab from every college their own unique territory to explore.]
Does this hint that his mode of proof, namely, assuming the thing to be proved, was a design to entrap the unwary? if so, it bangs Banagher. Was his confounding two mean proportionals with one mean proportional found twice over a trick of the same intent? if so, it beats cockfighting. That Nauticus is Mr. Smith appears from other internal evidence. In 1819, Mr. J. C. Hobhouse[222] was sent to Newgate for a [127]libel on the House of Commons which was only intended for a libel on Lord Erskine.[223] The ex-Chancellor had taken Mr. Hobhouse to be thinking of him in a certain sentence; this Mr. Hobhouse denied, adding, "There is but one man in the country who is always thinking of Lord Erskine." I say that there is but one man of our day who would couple me and Mr. James Smith as a "brace of mathematical birds."
Does this suggest that his method of proof, which involved assuming what he was trying to prove, was meant to trap the unsuspecting? If that’s the case, it’s quite the ordeal. Was his mixing up of two means in proportion with one mean found twice a trick of the same nature? If so, that really takes the cake. It’s clear from other evidence that Nauticus is Mr. Smith. In 1819, Mr. J. C. Hobhouse was sent to Newgate for a libel against the House of Commons that was really meant as an insult to Lord Erskine. The former Chancellor thought that Mr. Hobhouse was referring to him in a particular sentence; Mr. Hobhouse denied it, remarking, "There is but one man in the country who is always thinking of Lord Erskine." I argue that there is only one person in our time who would pair me and Mr. James Smith as a "couple of mathematical geniuses."
Mr. Smith's "theory" is unscathed by me. Not a doubt about it: but how does he himself come off? I should never think of refuting a theory proved by assumption of itself. I left Mr. Smith's π untouched: or, if I put in my thumb and pulled out a plum, it was to give a notion of the cook, not of the dish. The "important question at issue" was not the circle: it was, wholly and solely, whether the abbreviation of James might be spelled Jimm.[224] This is personal to the verge of scurrility: but in literary controversy the challenger names the weapons, and Mr. Smith begins with charge of ignorance, folly, and dishonesty, by conditional implication. So that the question is, not the personality of a word, but its applicability to the person designated: it is enough if, as the Latin grammar has it, Verbum personale concordat cum nominativo.[225]
Mr. Smith's "theory" doesn't bother me at all. No doubt about that: but how does he come out of this? I would never think of disproving a theory that relies on its own assumptions. I left Mr. Smith's π as it was: or, if I took a little liberty and grabbed a plum, it was just to provide a taste of the chef's abilities, not the actual dish. The "important question at hand" wasn’t really about the circle: it was solely about whether the short form of James could be spelled Jimm. [224] This is pushing personal criticism to the edge of mockery: but in literary debates, the challenger sets the rules, and Mr. Smith starts with accusations of ignorance, foolishness, and dishonesty by way of suggestion. So the issue isn't about the personality of a word, but how applicable it is to the person it refers to: it's enough if, as Latin grammar states, Verbum personale concordat cum nominativo. [225]
I may plead precedent for taking a liberty with the orthography of Jem. An instructor of youth was scandalized at the abrupt and irregular—but very effective—opening of Wordsworth's little piece:
I might justify taking liberties with the spelling of Jem. A teacher was shocked by the sudden and uneven—but very powerful—beginning of Wordsworth's brief poem:
"A simple child
"A straightforward kid"
That lightly draws its breath,
That softly breathes,
And feels its life in every limb,
And feels its life in every part of its body,
What should it know of death?"
What does it know about death?
So he mended the matter by instructing his pupils to read the first line thus:
So he fixed the issue by telling his students to read the first line like this:
"A simple child, dear brother ——."
"A simple child, dear brother —."
The brother, we infer from sound, was to be James, and the blank must therefore be filled up with Jimb.
The brother, as we can tell from the sound, was supposed to be James, so the blank must be filled in with Jimb.
I will notice one point of the letter, to make a little more distinction between the two birds. Nauticus lays down—quite correctly—that the sine of an angle is less than its circular measure. He then takes 3.1416 for 180°, and finds that 36' is .010472. But this is exactly what he finds for the sine of 36' in tables: he concludes that either 3.1416 or the tables must be wrong. He does not know that sines, as well as π, are interminable decimals, of which the tables, to save printing, only take in a finite number. He is a six-figure man: let us go thrice again to make up nine, and we have as follows:
I want to point out one detail in the letter to better differentiate between the two birds. Nauticus correctly states that the sine of an angle is less than its circular measure. He uses 3.1416 for 180°, and finds that 36' is .010472. However, this is exactly what he sees for the sine of 36' in the tables: he concludes that either 3.1416 or the tables must be incorrect. He doesn't realize that sines, like π, are endless decimals, and the tables only include a limited number of digits to save space. He is a six-figure person: if we multiply that by three to get nine, we have the following:
Circular measure of 36' | .010471975... |
Sine of 36' | .010471784... |
Excess of measure over sine | .000000191... |
Mr. Smith invites me to say which is wrong, the quadrature, or the tables: I leave him to guess. He says his assertions "arise naturally and necessarily out of the arguments of a circle-squarer:" he might just as well lay down that all the pigs went to market because it is recorded that "This pig went to market." I must say for circle-squarers that very few bring their pigs to so poor a market. I answer the above argument because it is, of all which Mr. James Smith has produced, the only one which rises to the level of a schoolboy: to meet him halfway I descend to that level.
Mr. Smith asks me to point out what’s wrong, the quadrature or the tables: I let him guess. He claims his statements "naturally and necessarily follow from the arguments of a circle-squarer:" he might as well say that all the pigs went to market just because it’s noted that "This pig went to market." I must say that very few circle-squarers actually bring their pigs to such a poor market. I address the argument above because it’s the only one Mr. James Smith has presented that reaches the level of a schoolboy: to meet him halfway, I lower myself to that level.
"Let x represent the circular measure of an angle of 15°, and y half the sine of an angle of 30° = area of the square on the radius of a circle of diameter unity = .25. If x - y = xy, firstly, what is the arithmetical value of xy? secondly, what is the angle of which xy represents the circular measure?"
Let x represent the circular measure of a 15° angle, and y be half the sine of a 30° angle, which equals the area of the square on the radius of a circle with a diameter of 1, giving us 0.25. If x - y = xy, first, what is the numerical value of xy? Secondly, what angle does xy represent in circular measure?
If x represent 15° and y be ¼, xy represents 3° 45', whether x - y be xy or no. But, y being ¼, x - y is not xy unless x be ⅓, that is, unless 12x or π be 4, which Mr. Smith would not admit. How could a person who had just received such a lesson as I had given immediately pray for further exposure, furnishing the stuff so liberally as this? Is it possible that Mr. Smith, because he signs himself Nauticus, means to deny his own very regular, legible, and peculiar hand? It is enough to make the other members of the Liverpool Dock Board cry, Mersey on the man!
If x represents 15° and y is ¼, then xy represents 3° 45', regardless of whether x - y equals xy. But since y is ¼, x - y is not xy unless x is ⅓, meaning that 12x or π must equal 4, which Mr. Smith would refuse to accept. How could someone who just received such a lesson like I gave actually ask for more exposure, providing the details so openly like this? Is it possible that Mr. Smith, who goes by Nauticus, intends to deny his own clear, distinct, and unique handwriting? It’s enough to make the other members of the Liverpool Dock Board exclaim, Mersey for that guy!
Mr. Smith says that for the future he will give up what he calls sarcasm, and confine himself, "as far as possible," to what he calls dry reasoning from incontrovertible premises. If I have fairly taught him that his sarcasm will not succeed, I hope he will find that his wit's end is his logic's beginning.
Mr. Smith says that from now on, he will stop what he calls sarcasm and stick to what he describes as dry reasoning based on undeniable facts. If I have successfully shown him that his sarcasm won't work, I hope he discovers that the end of his wit is just the start of his logic.
I now reply to a question I have been asked again and again since my last Budget appeared: Why do you take so much trouble to expose such a reasoner as Mr. Smith? I answer as a deceased friend of mine used to answer on like occasions—A man's capacity is no measure of his power to do mischief. Mr. Smith has untiring energy, which does something; self-evident honesty of conviction, which does more; and a long purse, which does most of all. He has made at least ten publications, full of figures which few readers can criticize. A great many people are staggered to this extent, that they imagine there must be [130]the indefinite something in the mysterious all this. They are brought to the point of suspicion that the mathematicians ought not to treat "all this" with such undisguised contempt, at least. Now I have no fear for π: but I do think it possible that general opinion might in time demand that the crowd of circle-squarers, etc. should be admitted to the honors of opposition; and this would be a time-tax of five per cent., one man with another, upon those who are better employed. Mr. James Smith may be made useful, in hands which understand how to do it, towards preventing such opinion from growing. A speculator who expressly assumes what he wants to prove, and argues that all which contradicts it is absurd, because it cannot stand side by side with his assumption, is a case which can be exposed to all. And the best person to expose it is one who has lived in the past as well as the present, who takes misthinking from points of view which none but a student of history can occupy, and who has something of a turn for the business.
I’m now responding to a question I’ve been asked repeatedly since my last budget came out: Why do I put so much effort into exposing someone like Mr. Smith? I answer as a late friend of mine would have—A person’s ability doesn’t determine their potential to cause harm. Mr. Smith has relentless energy, which accomplishes something; he has a clear conviction, which achieves even more; and he has a lot of money, which achieves the most. He has published at least ten works filled with figures that few readers can critique. Many people are so taken aback that they think there must be some kind of undefined significance in the mysterious “all this.” They start to suspect that mathematicians shouldn’t treat “all this” with such open disdain. Now, I have no worries about π: however, I do think it’s possible that eventually, public opinion might demand that the crowd of circle-squarers and others be acknowledged as opposition; and this would tax those who are more productively engaged by five percent, one person at a time. Mr. James Smith could be useful, in the right hands, to help prevent such an opinion from growing. A speculator who presumes what he wants to prove and argues that everything contradicting it is ridiculous, *because* it can’t coexist with his assumption, is a situation that can be revealed to everyone. And the best person to reveal it is someone who has experience from both the past and present, who understands misthinking from perspectives that only a history student can have, and who has a bit of a knack for this kind of work.
Whether I have any motive but public good must be referred to those who can decide whether a missionary chooses his pursuit solely to convert the heathen. I shall certainly be thought to have a little of the spirit of Col. Quagg, who delighted in strapping the Grace-walking Brethren. I must quote this myself: if I do not, some one else will, and then where am I? The Colonel's principle is described as follows:
Whether I have any motive apart from serving the public good is something that should be judged by those who can determine if a missionary pursues their mission solely to convert non-believers. I know people will likely think I share a bit of the spirit of Colonel Quagg, who took pleasure in punishing the Grace-walking Brethren. I have to mention this myself: if I don't, someone else will, and then what position will I be in? The Colonel's principle is described as follows:
"I licks ye because I kin, and because I like, and because ye'se critters that licks is good for. Skins ye have on, and skins I'll have off; hard or soft, wet or dry, spring or fall. Walk in grace if ye like till pumpkins is peaches; but licked ye must be till your toe-nails drop off and your noses bleed blue ink. And—licked—they—were—accordingly."
"I lick you because I can, and because I want to, and because you’re the kind of creatures that licking is good for. You have skin on, and I’ll take it off; hard or soft, wet or dry, spring or fall. Walk gracefully if you want until pumpkins turn into peaches; but you must be licked until your toenails fall off and your noses bleed blue ink. And—licked—they—were—accordingly."
I am reminded of this by the excessive confidence with which Mr. James Smith predicted that he would treat me as Zephaniah Stockdolloger (Sam Slick calls it slockdollager) treated Goliah Quagg. He has announced his [131]intention of bringing me, with a contrite heart, and clean shaved,—4159265... razored down to 25,—to a camp-meeting of circle-squarers. But there is this difference: Zephaniah only wanted to pass the Colonel's smithy in peace; Mr. James Smith sought a fight with me. As soon as this Budget began to appear, he oiled his own strap, and attempted to treat me as the terrible Colonel would have treated the inoffensive brother.
I’m reminded of this by the overconfidence with which Mr. James Smith predicted he would handle me like Zephaniah Stockdolloger (Sam Slick calls it slockdollager) dealt with Goliah Quagg. He has announced his [131]intention of bringing me, with a remorseful heart, and clean-shaven,—4159265... shaved down to 25,—to a camp-meeting of circle-squarers. But there’s one big difference: Zephaniah just wanted to get past the Colonel's smithy peacefully; Mr. James Smith was looking for a fight with me. As soon as this Budget started coming out, he sharpened his own strap and tried to treat me like the fearsome Colonel would have treated the unoffending brother.
He is at liberty to try again.
He is free to try again.
THE MOON HOAX.
THE MOON HOAX.
The Moon-hoax; or the discovery that the moon has a vast population of human beings. By Richard Adams Locke.[226] New York, 1859, 8vo.
The Moon hoax; or the finding that the moon has a significant population of humans. By Richard Adams Locke.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ New York, 1859, 8vo.
This is a reprint of the hoax already mentioned. I suppose R. A. Locke is the name assumed by M. Nicollet.[227] The publisher informs us that when the hoax first appeared day by day in a morning paper, the circulation increased fivefold, and the paper obtained a permanent footing. Besides this, an edition of 60,000 was sold off in less than one month.
This is a reprint of the hoax we already discussed. I assume R. A. Locke is the name used by M. Nicollet.[227] The publisher tells us that when the hoax first ran daily in a morning newspaper, its circulation increased five times, and the paper gained a stable readership. Additionally, an edition of 60,000 copies sold out in under a month.
The discovery was also published under the name of A. R. Grant.[228] Sohncke's[229] Bibliotheca Mathematica confounds this Grant with Prof. R. Grant[230] of Glasgow, the author of the History of Physical Astronomy, who is accordingly made to guarantee the discoveries in the moon. I hope Adams Locke will not merge in J. C. Adams,[231] the co-discoverer of Neptune. Sohncke gives the titles of [132]three French translations of the Moon hoax at Paris, of one at Bordeaux, and of Italian translations at Parma, Palermo, and Milan.
The discovery was also published under the name of A. R. Grant.[228] Sohncke's[229] Bibliotheca Mathematica confuses this Grant with Prof. R. Grant[230] from Glasgow, the author of the History of Physical Astronomy, who is therefore incorrectly credited with confirming the discoveries on the moon. I hope Adams Locke won't be confused with J. C. Adams,[231] the co-discoverer of Neptune. Sohncke lists the titles of [132]three French translations of the Moon hoax published in Paris, one in Bordeaux, and Italian translations in Parma, Palermo, and Milan.
A Correspondent, who is evidently fully master of details, which he has given at length, informs me that the Moon hoax appeared first in the New York Sun, of which R. A. Locke was editor. It so much resembled a story then recently published by Edgar A. Poe, in a Southern paper, "Adventures of Hans Pfaal," that some New York journals published the two side by side. Mr. Locke, when he left the New York Sun, started another paper, and discovered the manuscript of Mungo Park;[232] but this did not deceive. The Sun, however, continued its career, and had a great success in an account of a balloon voyage from England to America, in seventy-five hours, by Mr. Monck Mason,[233] Mr. Harrison Ainsworth,[234] and others. I have no doubt that M. Nicollet was the author of the Moon hoax,[235] written in a way which marks the practised observatory astronomer beyond all doubt, and by evidence seen in the most minute details. Nicollet had an eye to Europe. I suspect that he took Poe's story, and made it a basis for his own. Mr. Locke, it would seem, when he attempted a fabrication for himself, did not succeed.
A correspondent, who clearly knows all the details and has shared them extensively, tells me that the Moon hoax first appeared in the New York Sun, which was edited by R. A. Locke. It closely resembled a story recently published by Edgar A. Poe in a Southern paper called "Adventures of Hans Pfaal," leading some New York newspapers to print both stories side by side. After leaving the New York Sun, Mr. Locke started another paper and found the manuscript of Mungo Park;[232] however, that did not trick anyone. The Sun, on the other hand, continued its success with a sensational account of a balloon voyage from England to America in seventy-five hours, by Mr. Monck Mason,[233] Mr. Harrison Ainsworth,[234] and others. I'm convinced that M. Nicollet wrote the Moon hoax,[235] showcasing the skills of a seasoned observational astronomer through incredibly detailed evidence. Nicollet likely had his sights set on Europe. I suspect he took Poe's story and used it as a foundation for his own. It seems that when Mr. Locke tried to create his own fabrication, he didn't succeed.
The Earth we inhabit, its past, present, and future. By Capt. Drayson.[236] London, 1859, 8vo.
The Earth we inhabit, its past, present, and future. By Capt. Drayson.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1859, 8vo.
The earth is growing; absolutely growing larger: its diameter increases three-quarters of an inch per mile every year. The foundations of our buildings will give way in [133]time: the telegraph cables break, and no cause ever assigned except ships' anchors, and such things. The book is for those whose common sense is unwarped, who can judge evidence as well as the ablest philosopher. The prospect is not a bad one, for population increases so fast that a larger earth will be wanted in time, unless emigration to the Moon can be managed, a proposal of which it much surprises me that Bishop Wilkins has a monopoly.
The Earth is expanding; it's definitely getting larger: its diameter increases by three-quarters of an inch per mile each year. The foundations of our buildings will eventually give way in [133]time: telegraph cables snap, and no cause is ever found except for ships' anchors and similar things. This book is for those whose common sense is intact, who can evaluate evidence as well as the smartest philosopher. The outlook isn't bad, because the population is growing so quickly that a bigger Earth will be needed eventually, unless we can figure out how to emigrate to the Moon, a proposal that I'm surprised Bishop Wilkins has a monopoly on.
IMPALEMENT BY REQUEST.
Request for Impalement.
Athenæum, August, 19, 1865. Notice to Correspondents.
Athenæum, August 19, 1865. Notice to Correspondents.
"R. W.—If you will consult the opening chapter of the Budget of Paradoxes, you will see that the author presents only works in his own library at a given date; and this for a purpose explained. For ourselves we have carefully avoided allowing any writers to present themselves in our columns on the ground that the Budget has passed them over. We gather that Mr. De Morgan contemplates additions at a future time, perhaps in a separate and augmented work; if so, those who complain that others of no greater claims than themselves have been ridiculed may find themselves where they wish to be. We have done what we can for you by forwarding your letter to Mr. De Morgan."
"R. W.—If you check out the first chapter of the Budget of Paradoxes, you’ll see that the author only includes works from his own library at a specific time, and there's a reason for that. For our part, we’ve made sure not to let any writers appear in our columns just because the Budget overlooked them. We understand that Mr. De Morgan is considering adding more at a later date, possibly in a separate and expanded work; if that happens, those who feel others with no more merit than themselves have been mocked might find themselves where they want to be. We’ve done what we can by sending your letter to Mr. De Morgan."
The author of "An Essay on the Constitution of the Earth," published in 1844, demanded of the Athenæum, as an act of fairness, that a letter from him should be published, proving that he had as much right to be "impaled" as Capt. Drayson. He holds, on speculative grounds, what the other claims to have proved by measurement, namely, that the earth is growing; and he believes that in time—a good long time, not our time—the earth and other planets may grow into suns, with systems of their own.
The author of "An Essay on the Constitution of the Earth," published in 1844, requested the Athenæum, as a matter of fairness, to publish a letter from him, demonstrating that he had as much right to be "impaled" as Capt. Drayson. He argues, on speculative grounds, what the other claims to have proven through measurement, namely, that the earth is expanding; and he believes that over time—a long time, not our time—the earth and other planets might eventually evolve into suns, complete with their own systems.
This gentleman sent me a copy of his work, after the commencement of my Budget; but I have no recollection of having received it, and I cannot find it on the (nursery? [134]quarantine?) shelves on which I keep my unestablished discoveries. Had I known of this work in time, (see the Introduction) I should of course, have impaled it (heraldically) with the other work; but the two are very different. Capt. Drayson professes to prove his point by results of observation; and I think he does not succeed. The author before me only speculates; and a speculator can get any conclusion into his premises, if he will only build or hire them of shape and size to suit. It reminds me of a statement I heard years ago, that a score of persons, or near it, were to dine inside the skull of one of the aboriginal animals, dear little creatures! Whereat I wondered vastly, nothing doubting; facts being stubborn and not easy drove, as Mrs. Gamp said. But I soon learned that the skull was not a real one, but artificially constructed by the methods—methods which have had striking verifications, too—which enable zoologists to go the whole hog by help of a toe or a bit of tail. This took off the edge of the wonder: a hundred people can dine inside an inference, if you draw it large enough. The method might happen to fail for once: for instance, the toe-bone might have been abnormalized by therian or saurian malady; and the possibility of such failure, even when of small probability, is of great alleviation. The author before me is, apparently, the sole fabricator of his own premises. With vital force in the earth and continual creation on the part of the original Creator, he expands our bit of a residence as desired. But, as the Newtoness of Cookery observed, First catch your hare. When this is done, when you have a growing earth, you shall dress it with all manner of proximate causes, and serve it up with a growing Moon for sauce, a growing Sun, if it please you, at the other end, and growing planets for side-dishes. Hoping this amount of impalement will be satisfactory, I go on to something else. [135]
This gentleman sent me a copy of his work after I started my Budget, but I can’t remember having received it, and I can’t find it on the quarantine shelves where I keep my unestablished discoveries. If I had known about this work in time, I would have included it (heraldically) with the other work; but the two are very different. Capt. Drayson claims to prove his point through observation; I don’t think he succeeds. The author in front of me only speculates, and a speculator can fit any conclusion into his premises if he builds or hires them to the right shape and size. It reminds me of something I heard years ago about a group of nearly twenty people dining inside the skull of one of the ancient animals—adorable little creatures! I wondered about that, believing it without doubt; facts are stubborn and not easily bent, as Mrs. Gamp said. But I soon learned that the skull wasn’t real, but was artificially made using methods—which have had striking confirmations—that allow zoologists to go all out with just a toe or a bit of a tail. That took away some of the wonder: a hundred people can dine inside an inference if you make it big enough. The method could fail once in a while; for example, the toe bone could have been affected by some strange disease. The chance of such a failure, even if it’s unlikely, is a great relief. The author in front of me seems to be the only one creating his own premises. With vital force in the earth and ongoing creation from the original Creator, he expands our little residence as desired. But as the Newtoness of Cookery pointed out, first catch your hare. Once that’s done, when you have a growing earth, you can dress it with all kinds of proximate causes, serving it up with a growing Moon for sauce, a growing Sun, if you like, at the other end, and growing planets for side dishes. Hoping this amount of inclusion will be satisfactory, I will move on to something else.
THE HAILESEAN SYSTEM OF ASTRONOMY.
THE HAILESEAN ASTRONOMY SYSTEM.
The Hailesean System of Astronomy. By John Davey Hailes[237] (two pages duodecimo, 1860).
The Hailesean System of Astronomy. By John Davey Hailes __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (two pages, 12mo, 1860).
He offers to take 100,000l. to 1,000l. that he shows the sun to be less than seven millions of miles from the earth. The earth in the center, revolving eastward, the sun revolving westward, so that they "meet at half the circle distance in the 24 hours." The diameter of the circle being 9839458303, the circumference is 30911569920.
He bets 100,000 to 1,000 that he can prove the sun is less than seven million miles from Earth. The Earth is at the center, rotating eastward, while the sun rotates westward, so they "meet halfway around the circle in 24 hours." With a diameter of 9,839,458,303, the circumference is 30,911,569,920.
The following written challenge was forwarded to the Council of the Astronomical Society: it will show the "general reader"—and help him towards earning his name—what sort of things come every now and then to our scientific bodies. I have added punctuation:
The following written challenge was sent to the Council of the Astronomical Society: it will demonstrate to the "general reader"—and assist him in earning his title—what kinds of things occasionally arise in our scientific communities. I have added punctuation:
Challenge.
Challenge.
1,000 to 30,000.
1,000 to 30,000.
"Leverrier's[238] name stand placed first. Do the worthy Frenchman justice.
"Leverrier's[238] name is listed first. Give the deserving Frenchman his due."
By awarding him the medal in a trice.
By awarding him the medal in an instant.
Give Adams[239] an extra—of which neck and neck the race.
Give Adams[239] an extra—of which neck and neck the race.
Now I challenge to meet them and the F.R.S.'s all,
Now I challenge to meet them and all the F.R.S.'s,
For good will and one thousand pounds to their thirty thousand withall,
For goodwill and one thousand pounds added to their thirty thousand as well,
That I produce a system, which shall measure the time,
That I create a system that will measure time,
When the Sun was vertical to Gibeon, afterward to Syene.
When the Sun was directly overhead in Gibeon, then later in Syene.
To meet any time in London—name your own period,
To meet anytime in London—pick your own time,
To be decided by a majority of twelve persons—a President, odd.
To be determined by a majority of twelve people—a President, odd.
That mean, if the twelve equally divide, the President decide,
That means if the twelve divide equally, the President decides,
I should prefer the Bishop of London, over the meeting to preside.
I would prefer the Bishop of London to lead the meeting.
John Davy Hailes."
John Davy Hailes.
Feb. 17, 1847."
Feb 17, 1847.
[Mr. Hailes continues his researches. Witness his new Hailesean system of Astronomy, displaying Joshua's miracle-time, origin of time from science, with Bible and Egyptian history. Rewards offered for astronomical problems. With magnetism, etc. etc. Astronomical challenge to all the world. Published at Cambridge, in 1865. The author agrees with Newton in one marked point. Errores quam minimi non sunt contemnendi,[240] says Isaac: meaning in figures, not in orthography. Mr. Hailes enters into the spirit, both positive and negative, of this dictum, by giving the distance of Sidius from the center of the earth at 163,162,008 miles 10 feet 8 inches 17-28ths of an inch. Of course, he is aware that the center of figure of the earth is 17.1998 inches from the center of gravity. Which of the two is he speaking of?]
[Mr. Hailes continues his research. Check out his new Hailesean system of Astronomy, showcasing Joshua's miracle-time and the origin of time from science, along with Biblical and Egyptian history. Rewards are offered for solving astronomical problems. Along with magnetism, etc., etc. An astronomical challenge to the whole world. Published in Cambridge, in 1865. The author agrees with Newton on one significant point. Errores quam minimi non sunt contemnendi,[240] says Isaac: referring to figures, not spelling. Mr. Hailes embraces both the positive and negative aspects of this statement by giving the distance of Sidius from the center of the earth as 163,162,008 miles 10 feet 8 inches 17-28ths of an inch. Of course, he realizes that the center of figure of the earth is 17.1998 inches from the center of gravity. Which of the two is he referring to?]
The Divine Mystery of Life. London [1861], 18mo. (pp.32).
The Divine Mystery of Life. London [1861], 18mo. (pp.32).
The author has added one class to zoology, which is printed in capitals, as derived from zoé, life, not from zôon, animal. That class is of Incorporealia, order I., Infinitum, of one genus without plurality, Deus: order II., Finita, angels good and evil. The rest is all about a triune system, with a diagram. The author is not aware that ζωον is not animal, but living being. Aristotle had classed gods under ζωα, and has been called to account for it by moderns who have taken the word to mean animal.
The author has introduced a new category in zoology, highlighted in capital letters, which comes from zoé, meaning life, not from zôon, meaning animal. This category is Incorporealia, order I., Infinitum, consisting of one genus with no plurality, Deus: order II., Finita, which includes good and evil angels. The rest focuses on a triune system, accompanied by a diagram. The author doesn't realize that animal actually means living being, not animal. Aristotle categorized gods under ζωα, and modern thinkers have criticized him for this, mistakenly interpreting the term to mean animal.
A CHANCE FOR INVENTORS.
A BREAK FOR INVENTORS.
Explication du Zodiaque de Denderah, des Pyramides, et de Genèse. Par le Capitaine au longcours Justin Roblin.[241] Caen, 1861. 8vo.
Explanation of the Dendera Zodiac, the Pyramids, and Genesis. By Captain Justin Roblin.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Caen, 1861. 8vo.
Capt. Roblin, having discovered the sites of gold and diamond mines by help of the zodiac of Denderah, offered half to the shareholders of a company which he proposed to form. One of our journals, by help of the zodiac of Esné, offered, at five francs a head, to tell the shareholders the exact amount of gold and diamonds which each would get, and to make up the amount predicted to those who got less. There are moods of the market in England in which this company could have been formed: so we must not laugh at our neighbors.
Capt. Roblin, after discovering the locations of gold and diamond mines using the zodiac of Denderah, proposed to give half of the profits to the shareholders of a company he wanted to create. One of our newspapers, using the zodiac of Esné, offered to tell the shareholders exactly how much gold and diamonds each one would receive for five francs a person, and would make up the difference for those who received less than expected. There are times in the market in England when this company could have been established, so we shouldn't mock our neighbors.
JOHANNES VON GUMPACH.
JOHANNES VON GUMPACH.
A million's worth of property, and five hundred lives annually lost at sea by the Theory of Gravitation. A letter on the true figure of the earth, addressed to the Astronomer Royal, by Johannes von Gumpach.[242] London, 1861, 8vo. (pp. 54).
A million dollars’ worth of property and five hundred lives lost at sea every year due to the Theory of Gravitation. A letter detailing the true shape of the earth, sent to the Astronomer Royal by Johannes von Gumpach. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1861, 8vo. (pp. 54).
The true figure and dimensions of the earth, in a letter addressed to the Astronomer Royal. By Joh. von Gumpach. 2nd ed. entirely recast. London, 1862, 8vo. (pp. 266).
The actual size and measurements of the earth, in a letter to the Astronomer Royal. By Joh. von Gumpach. 2nd ed. fully revised. London, 1862, 8vo. (pp. 266).
Two issues of a letter published with two different title-pages, one addressed to the Secretary of the Royal Society, the other to the Secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society. It would seem that the same letter is also issued with two other titles, addressed to the British Association and the Royal Geographical Society. By Joh. von Gumpach. London, 1862, 8vo.
Two versions of a letter published with different title pages, one addressed to the Secretary of the Royal Society and the other to the Secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society. It seems that the same letter is also available with two additional titles, addressed to the British Association and the Royal Geographical Society. By Joh. von Gumpach. London, 1862, 8vo.
Baby-Worlds. An essay on the nascent members of our solar household. By Joh. von Gumpach. London, 1863, 8vo.
Baby-Worlds. An essay on the emerging members of our solar system. By Joh. von Gumpach. London, 1863, 8vo.
The earth, it appears, instead of being flattened, is elongated at the poles: by ignorance of which the loss above mentioned occurs yearly. There is, or is to be, a substitute for attraction and an "application hitherto neglected, of a [138]recognized law of optics to the astronomical theory, showing the true orbits of the heavenly bodies to be perfectly circular, and their orbital motions to be perfectly uniform." all irregularities being, I suppose, optical delusions. Mr. Von Gumpach is a learned man; what else, time must show.
The earth, it seems, isn't flat but actually stretched out at the poles, which people don’t realize, leading to the yearly loss mentioned earlier. There is, or will be, a substitute for attraction and an "application that has been overlooked, of a [138]recognized law of optics to astronomical theory, demonstrating that the true paths of heavenly bodies are perfectly circular and their movements are completely uniform." Any irregularities are, I guess, just optical illusions. Mr. Von Gumpach is a knowledgeable person; only time will tell what else he may be.
SLANDER PARADOXES.
Slander Paradoxes.
Perpetuum Mobile: or Search for self-motive Power. By Henry Dircks.[243] London, 1861, 8vo.
Perpetuum Mobile: or The Search for Self-Motivated Power. By Henry Dircks.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1861, 8vo.
A useful collection on the history of the attempts at perpetual motion, that is, at obtaining the consequences of power without any power to produce them. September 7, 1863, a correspondent of the Times gave an anecdote of George Stephenson,[244] which he obtained from Robert Stephenson.[245] A perpetual motionist wanted to explain his method; to which George replied—"Sir! I shall believe it when I see you take yourself up by the waistband, and carry yourself about the room." Never was the problem better stated.
A useful collection on the history of attempts at perpetual motion, that is, getting the results of power without any actual power to create them. On September 7, 1863, a correspondent of the Times shared a story about George Stephenson, which he got from Robert Stephenson. A perpetual motion enthusiast wanted to explain his method, to which George replied, "Sir! I'll believe it when I see you lift yourself by your waistband and carry yourself around the room." Never has the problem been stated better.
There is a paradox of which I ought to give a specimen, I mean the slander-paradox; the case of a person who takes it into his head, upon evidence furnished entirely by the workings of his own thoughts, that some other person has committed a foul act of which the world at large would no more suppose him guilty than they would suppose that the earth is a flat bordered by ice. If I were to determine on giving cases in which the self-deluded person imagines [139]a conspiracy against himself, there would be no end of choices. Many of the grosser cases are found at last to be accompanied by mental disorder, and it is difficult to avoid referring the whole class to something different from simple misuse of the reasoning power. The first instance is one which puts in a strong light the state of things in which we live, brought about by our glorious freedom of thought, speech, and writing. The Government treated it with neglect, the press with silent contempt, and I will answer for it many of my readers now hear of it for the first time, when it comes to be enrolled among circle-squarers and earth-stoppers, where, as the old philosopher said, it will not gravitate, being in proprio loco.[246]
There’s a paradox I should give an example of, known as the slander-paradox; it's about a person who believes, based solely on their own thoughts, that someone else has committed a terrible act that most people wouldn’t believe them guilty of any more than they'd think the earth is flat surrounded by ice. If I were to provide examples where this self-deluded person thinks there’s a conspiracy against them, I could go on indefinitely. Many of the more extreme cases eventually turn out to be linked to mental disorders, and it’s hard not to attribute this whole category to something beyond just faulty reasoning. The first example really highlights the state of our society, brought about by our amazing freedom of thought, speech, and writing. The government ignored it, the media treated it with silent disdain, and I bet many of my readers are hearing about it for the first time when it’s grouped with circle-squarers and earth-stoppers, where, as the old philosopher said, it won’t belong, being in proprio loco. [246]
1862. On new year's day, 1862, when the nation was in the full tide of sympathy with the Queen, and regret for its own loss, a paper called the Free Press published a number devoted to the consideration of the causes of the death of the Prince Consort. It is so rambling and inconsecutive that it takes more than one reading to understand it. It is against the Times newspaper. First, the following insinuation:
1862. On New Year's Day, 1862, when the country was deeply sympathetic towards the Queen and mourning its own loss, a publication called the Free Press released an issue focused on the reasons behind the death of the Prince Consort. It's so disorganized and lacking in focus that it requires multiple readings to fully grasp it. It's critical of the Times newspaper. First, there’s this insinuation:
"To the legal mind, the part of [the part taken by] the Times will present a prima facie case of the gravest nature, in the evident fore-knowledge of the event, and the preparation to turn it to account when it should have occurred. The article printed on Saturday must have been written on Friday. That article could not have appeared had the Prince been intended to live."
"To a legal expert, the role played by the Times will show a clear case of the most serious kind, given the obvious prior knowledge of the event and the preparation to capitalize on it once it happened. The article published on Saturday must have been written on Friday. That article wouldn't have been published if the Prince was meant to survive."
Next, it is affirmed that the Times intended to convey the idea that the Prince had been poisoned.
Next, it is stated that the Times aimed to suggest that the Prince had been poisoned.
"Up to this point we are merely dealing with words which the Times publishes, and these can leave not a shadow of doubt that there is an intention to promulgate the idea that Prince Albert had been poisoned."
"Up to now, we're just looking at words published by the Times, and these leave no doubt that there's an intention to spread the idea that Prince Albert was poisoned."
The article then goes on with a strange olio of [140]insinuations to the effect that the Prince was the obstacle to Russian intrigue, and that if he should have been poisoned,—which the writer strongly hints may have been the case,—some Minister under the influence of Russia must have done it. Enough for this record. Un sot trouve toujours un plus sot qui l'admire:[247] who can he be in this case?
The article then continues with a bizarre mix of [140]suggestions implying that the Prince was blocking Russian plots, and that if he had been poisoned—something the writer strongly hints might have happened—then some Minister influenced by Russia must have done it. That's enough for this account. Un sot trouve toujours un plus sot qui l'admire:[247] who could that be in this situation?
THE NEPTUNE CONTROVERSY.
THE NEPTUNE DEBATE.
1846. At the end of this year arose the celebrated controversy relative to the discovery of Neptune. Those who know it are well aware that Mr. Adams's[248] now undoubted right to rank with Le Verrier[249] was made sure at the very outset by the manner in which Mr. Airy,[250] the Astronomer Royal, came forward to state what had taken place between himself and Mr. Adams. Those who know all the story about Mr. Airy being arrested in his progress by the neglect of Mr. Adams to answer a letter, with all the imputations which might have been thrown upon himself for laxity in the matter, know also that Mr. Airy's conduct exhibited moral courage, honest feeling, and willingness to sacrifice himself, if need were, to the attainment of the ends of private justice, and the establishment of a national claim. A writer in a magazine, in a long and elaborate article, argued the supposition—put in every way except downright assertion, after the fashion of such things—that Mr. Airy had communicated Mr. Adams's results to M. Le Verrier, with intention that they should be used. His presumption as to motive is that, had Mr. Adams been recognized, "then the discovery must have been indisputably an Englishman's, and that Englishman not the Astronomer Royal." Mr. Adams's conclusions were "retouched in France, and sent [141]over the year after." The proof given is that it cannot be "imagined" otherwise.
1846. At the end of this year, the famous debate over the discovery of Neptune began. Those who are familiar with it know that Mr. Adams's[248] now clearly deserves to be ranked alongside Le Verrier[249]. This was established early on by how Mr. Airy,[250] the Astronomer Royal, came forward to explain what had happened between him and Mr. Adams. Those aware of the full story understand that Mr. Airy was held up because Mr. Adams didn’t reply to a letter, which could have led to criticism of Mr. Airy for being lax. They also recognize that Mr. Airy's actions showed moral courage, genuine feeling, and a willingness to potentially sacrifice his own reputation to achieve private justice and support a national claim. A writer in a magazine, in a lengthy and detailed article, suggested—without outright stating it, typical of such writings—that Mr. Airy had shared Mr. Adams's findings with M. Le Verrier, with the intention that they be utilized. The writer speculated that if Mr. Adams had received recognition, “then the discovery must have been indisputably an Englishman's, and that Englishman not the Astronomer Royal.” Mr. Adams's conclusions were “modified in France and sent [141]over the year later.” The argument presented is that it cannot be “conceived” otherwise.
"Can it then be imagined that the Astronomer Royal received such results from Mr. Adams, supported as they were by Professor Challis's[251] valuable testimony as to their probable accuracy, and did not bring the French astronomer acquainted with them, especially as he was aware that his friend was engaged in matters bearing directly upon these results?"
"Is it possible to believe that the Astronomer Royal got such results from Mr. Adams, backed by Professor Challis's[251] valuable input on their likely accuracy, and didn’t inform the French astronomer about them, especially since he knew his friend was involved in issues directly related to these results?"
The whole argument the author styles "evidence which I consider it difficult to refute." He ends by calling upon certain persons, of whom I am one, to "see ample justice done." This is the duty of every one, according to his opportunities. So when the reputed author—the article being anonymous—was, in 1849, proposed as a Fellow of the Astronomical Society, I joined—if I remember right, I originated—an opposition to his election, until either the authorship should be denied, or a proper retraction made. The friends of the author neither denied the first, nor produced the second: and they judged it prudent to withdraw the proposal. Had I heard of any subsequent repentance, I would have taken some other instance, instead of this: should I yet hear of such a thing, I will take care to notice it in the continuation of this list, which I confidently expect, life and health permitting, to be able to make in a few years. This much may be said, that the author, in a lecture on the subject, given in 1849, and published with his name, did not repeat the charge.
The entire argument the author refers to as "evidence which I find hard to refute." He concludes by urging certain individuals, myself included, to "see that justice is served." This is everyone’s duty, based on their abilities. So when the alleged author—since the article was anonymous—was proposed as a Fellow of the Astronomical Society in 1849, I either joined or, if I recall correctly, initiated an opposition to his election, until either the authorship was denied or a proper retraction was made. The author’s friends neither denied the first nor provided the second, and they wisely decided to withdraw the proposal. If I had heard of any later remorse, I would have chosen a different example instead of this one: if I do hear of such a thing, I will make sure to mention it in the continuation of this list, which I confidently hope to be able to compile in a few years, health allowing. It can be noted that the author, in a lecture on the topic given in 1849 and published under his name, did not repeat the accusation.
[The libel was published in the Mechanics' Magazine,[252] (vol. for 1846, pp. 604-615): and the editor supported it as follows, (vol. for 1847, p. 476). In answer to Mr. Sheepshanks's charitable hope that he had been hoaxed, [142]he says: "Mr. Sheepshanks cannot certainly have read the article referred to.... Severe and inculpatory it is—unjust some may deem it (though we ourselves are out of the number.)... A 'hoax' forsooth! May we be often the dupes of such hoaxes!" He then goes on to describe the article as directed against the Astronomer Royal's alleged neglect to give Mr. Adams that "encouragement and protection" which was his due, and does not hint one word about the article containing the charge of having secretly and fraudulently transmitted news of Mr. Adams's researches to France, that an Englishman might not have the honor of the discovery. Mr. Sheepshanks having called this a "deliberate calumny," without a particle of proof or probability to support it, the editor says "what the reverend gentleman means by this, we are at a loss to understand." He then proceeds not to remember. I repeat here, what I have said elsewhere, that the management of the journal has changed hands; but from 1846 to 1856, it had the collar of S.S. (scientific slander). The prayer for more such things was answered (See p. 349).]
[The libel was published in the Mechanics' Magazine,[252] (vol. for 1846, pp. 604-615): and the editor supported it as follows, (vol. for 1847, p. 476). In response to Mr. Sheepshanks's kind hope that he had been tricked, [142]he states: "Mr. Sheepshanks cannot have truly read the article in question.... It's harsh and accusatory—some may find it unfair (though we are not among them.)... A 'hoax,' really? We hope to often fall for such hoaxes!" He then goes on to explain that the article criticizes the Astronomer Royal for allegedly failing to provide Mr. Adams with the "encouragement and protection" he deserved, and does not even mention the article's claim of having secretly and dishonestly sent news of Mr. Adams's work to France, so that an Englishman wouldn't gain the credit for the discovery. Mr. Sheepshanks called this a "deliberate slander," without any evidence or reasonable basis to back it up, and the editor admits, "we are confused about what the reverend gentleman means by this." He then goes on not to recall. I restate here what I've mentioned elsewhere, that the management of the journal has changed hands; but from 1846 to 1856, it had the reputation of S.S. (scientific slander). The request for more such things was fulfilled (See p. 349).]
JAMES IVORY.[253]
JAMES IVORY.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
I have said that those who are possessed with the idea of conspiracy against themselves are apt to imagine both conspirators and their bad motives and actions. A person who should take up the idea of combination against himself without feeling ill-will and originating accusations would be indeed a paradox. But such a paradox has existed. It is very well known, both in and beyond the scientific world, that the late James Ivory was subject to the [143]impression of which I am speaking; and the diaries and other sources of anecdote of our day will certainly, sooner or later, make it a part of his biography. The consequence will be that to his memory will be attached the unfavorable impression which the usual conduct of such persons creates; unless it should happen that some one who knows the real state of the case puts the two sides of it properly together. Ivory was of that note in the scientific world which may be guessed from Laplace's description of him as the first geometer in Britain and one of the first in Europe. Being in possession of accurate knowledge of his peculiarity in more cases than one; and in one case under his own hand: and having been able to make full inquiry about him, especially from my friend the late Thomas Galloway[254]—who came after him at Sandhurst—one of the few persons with whom he was intimate:—I have decided, after full deliberation, to forestall the future biographies.
I have mentioned that those who believe there’s a conspiracy against them tend to imagine both conspirators and their negative motives and actions. A person who embraces the idea of a conspiracy against them without feeling resentment or making accusations would be quite a contradiction. But this contradiction has existed. It is well known, both in the scientific community and beyond, that the late James Ivory was subject to the impression I’m talking about; and the diaries and other anecdotes of our time will certainly, sooner or later, include this in his biography. The result will be that his memory will carry the negative impression usually associated with such individuals; unless someone who understands the real situation properly balances the two sides. Ivory was well-regarded in the scientific community, as indicated by Laplace’s description of him as the top geometer in Britain and one of the best in Europe. Armed with accurate knowledge of his quirks in several instances—and in one case, directly from him—and after thoroughly investigating him, especially with insights from my late friend Thomas Galloway—who succeeded him at Sandhurst and was one of the few with whom he was close—I have chosen, after careful thought, to address and clarify this in advance of future biographies.
That Ivory was haunted by the fear of which I have spoken, to the fullest extent, came to my own public and official knowledge, as Secretary of the Astronomical Society. It was the duty of Mr. Epps,[255] the Assistant Secretary, at the time when Francis Baily[256] first announced his discovery of the Flamsteed Papers, to report to me that Mr. Ivory had called at the Society's apartments to inquire into the contents of those papers, and to express his hope that Mr. Baily was not attacking living persons under the names of Newton and Flamsteed.[257] Mr. Galloway, to whom I communicated this, immediately went to Mr. Ivory, and succeeded, after some explanation, in setting him right. This is but one of many instances in which a man of thoroughly sound judgment in every other respect seemed to be under a complete chain of delusions about the conduct of [144]others to himself. But the paradox is this:—I never could learn that Ivory, passing his life under the impression that secret and unprovoked enemies were at work upon his character, ever originated a charge, imputed a bad motive, or allowed himself an uncourteous expression. Some letters of his, now in my possession, referring to a private matter, are, except in the main impression on which they proceed, unobjectionable in every point: they might have been written by a cautious friend, whose object was, if possible, to prevent a difference from becoming a duel without compromising his principal's rights or character. Knowing that in some quarters the knowledge of Ivory's peculiarity is more or less connected with a notion that the usual consequences followed, I think the preceding statement due to his memory.
That Ivory was completely consumed by the fear I mentioned became clear to me, as Secretary of the Astronomical Society. Mr. Epps, the Assistant Secretary, informed me when Francis Baily first made his discovery of the Flamsteed Papers that Mr. Ivory had come to the Society's offices to inquire about the contents of those papers and expressed his hope that Mr. Baily wasn’t criticizing living individuals by using the names Newton and Flamsteed. I shared this with Mr. Galloway, who promptly went to Mr. Ivory and, after some explanation, was able to clarify things for him. This is just one of many examples where a person with excellent judgement in other areas seemed completely trapped in a web of delusions regarding the behavior of others toward himself. The interesting part is that I could never find out if Ivory—who spent his life believing that secret and unwarranted enemies were attacking his character—ever made an accusation, attributed a bad motive to anyone, or used unkind words. Some of his letters, which I now have, discussing a private matter, are otherwise unremarkable despite their underlying assumptions: they could have been written by a careful friend aiming to prevent a disagreement from escalating into a duel without damaging his friend's reputation or rights. Knowing that in some circles, Ivory's peculiar behavior is linked to the idea that it often leads to negative outcomes, I felt it was important to clarify this in his memory.
THREE CLASSES OF JOURNALS.
THREE TYPES OF JOURNALS.
In such a record as the present, which mixes up the grossest speculative absurdities with every degree of what is better, an instance of another kind may find an appropriate place. The faults of journalism, when merely exposed by other journalism pass by and are no more regarded. A distinct account of an undeniable meanness, recorded in a work of amusement and reference both, may have its use: such a thing may act as a warning. An editor who is going to indulge his private grudge may be prevented from counting upon oblivion as a matter of certainty.
In a record like this, which combines the most ridiculous speculative nonsense with varying levels of better thoughts, there's room for an example of a different kind. The flaws in journalism, when simply pointed out by other journalists, often fade away and are quickly forgotten. A clear account of an undeniable wrongdoing, noted in a piece meant for entertainment and reference, can be valuable: it can serve as a warning. An editor looking to settle a personal score may think twice about assuming that things will just be forgotten.
There are three kinds of journals, with reference to the mode of entrance of contributors. First, as a thing which has been, but which now hardly exists, there is the journal in which the editor receives a fixed sum to find the matter. In such a journal, every article which the editor can get a friend to give him is so much in his own pocket, which has a great tendency to lower the character of the articles; but I am not concerned with this point. Secondly, there is the journal which is supported by voluntary contributions of [145]matter, the editor selecting. Thirdly, there is the journal in which the contributor is paid by the proprietors in a manner with which the literary editor has nothing to do.
There are three types of journals based on how contributors get involved. First, there’s the journal where the editor receives a set amount to find the content. In this type, every article the editor can get from a friend adds to his earnings, which often lowers the quality of the articles; however, that’s not my focus here. Second, there’s the journal that relies on voluntary contributions of [145]content, chosen by the editor. Finally, there’s the journal where contributors are paid by the owners, and the literary editor has no role in that process.
The third class is the safe class, as its editors know: and, as a usual rule, they refuse unpaid contributions of the editorial cast. It is said that when Canning[258] declined a cheque forwarded for an article in the Quarterly, John Murray[259] sent it back with a blunt threat that if he did not take his money he could never be admitted again. The great publisher told him that if men like himself in position worked for nothing, all the men like himself in talent who could not afford it would not work for the Quarterly. If the above did not happen between Canning and Murray, it must have happened between some other two. Now journals of the second class—and of the first, if such there be—have a fault to which they alone are very liable, to say nothing of the editorial function (see the paper at the beginning, p. 11 et seq.), being very much cramped, a sort of gratitude towards effective contributors leads the journal to help their personal likes and dislikes, and to sympathize with them. Moreover, this sort of journal is more accessible than others to articles conveying personal imputation: and when these provoke discussion, the journal is apt to take the part of the assailant to whom it lent itself in the first instance.
The third class is the safe class, as its editors are aware: and, as a general rule, they reject unpaid submissions from their editorial team. It is said that when Canning[258] turned down a check sent for an article in the Quarterly, John Murray[259] returned it with a straightforward warning that if he didn’t accept the payment, he would never be welcomed back. The prominent publisher told him that if people like him in prominent positions worked for free, all the talented individuals who couldn’t afford to do so would also stop writing for the Quarterly. If this exchange didn’t occur between Canning and Murray, it definitely took place between some other two. Now, journals of the second class—and of the first, if there are any—have a flaw they are particularly prone to, aside from the cramped nature of the editorial function (see the paper at the beginning, p. 11 et seq.), where a kind of gratitude towards effective contributors leads the journal to cater to their personal preferences and biases. Furthermore, this type of journal is more open than others to articles that make personal accusations: and when these spark discussions, the journal tends to side with the attacker it initially supported.
THE MECHANICS' MAGAZINE.
MECHANICS' MAGAZINE.
Among the journals which went all lengths with contributors whom they valued, was the Mechanics' Magazine[260] in the period 1846-56. I cannot say that matters have not mended in the last ten years: and I draw some [146]presumption that they have mended from my not having heard, since 1856, of anything resembling former proceedings. And on actual inquiry, made since the last sentence was written, I find that the property has changed hands, the editor is no longer the same, and the management is of a different stamp. This journal is chiefly supported by voluntary articles: and it is the journal in which, as above noted, the ridiculous charge against the Astronomer Royal was made in 1849. The following instance of attempt at revenge is so amusing that I select it as the instance of the defect which I intend to illustrate; for its puerility brings out in better relief the points which are not so easily seen in more adult attempts.
Among the journals that went to great lengths for valued contributors was the Mechanics' Magazine[260] during the period 1846-56. I can’t say things haven’t improved in the last ten years; I assume they have because I haven’t heard of anything similar to past events since 1856. Upon further inquiry after writing the last sentence, I discovered that the publication has changed hands, the editor is different now, and the management runs in a different style. This journal primarily relies on voluntary submissions: it’s the one where, as mentioned, the absurd accusation against the Astronomer Royal was made in 1849. The following example of a revenge attempt is so entertaining that I’ve chosen it to illustrate the flaw I intend to discuss; its silliness highlights the points that aren’t so easily recognized in more sophisticated attempts.
The Mechanics' Magazine, which by its connection with engineering, etc., had always taken somewhat of a mathematical character, began, a little before 1846, to have more to do with abstract science. Observing this, I began to send short communications, which were always thankfully received, inserted, and well spoken of. Any one who looks for my name in that journal in 1846-49, will see nothing but the most respectful and even laudatory mention. In May 1849 occurred the affair at the Astronomical Society, and my share in forcing the withdrawal of the name of the alleged contributor to the journal. In February 1850 occurred the opportunity of payment. The Companion to the Almanac[261] had to be noticed, in which, as then usual, was an article signed with my name. I shall give the review of this article entire, as a sample of a certain style, as well as an illustration of my point. The reader will observe that my name is not mentioned. This would not have done; the readers of the Magazine would have stared to see a name of not infrequent occurrence in previous years all of a sudden fallen from the heaven of respect into the pit of contempt, like Lucifer, son of the morning. But before [147]giving the review, I shall observe that Mr. Adams, in whose favor the attack on the Astronomer Royal was made, did not appreciate the favor; and of course did not come forward to shield his champion. This gave deadly offence, as appear from the following passage, (February 16, 1850):
The Mechanics' Magazine, which had always had a bit of a mathematical focus thanks to its ties with engineering, started to engage more with abstract science a little before 1846. Noticing this, I began to send in short articles, which were always gratefully received, published, and positively commented on. Anyone searching for my name in that journal from 1846-49 will find it mentioned with great respect and even praise. In May 1849, there was an incident at the Astronomical Society, where I played a role in getting the name of the supposed contributor to the journal retracted. Then in February 1850, I had the chance to be compensated. The Companion to the Almanac[261] had to be referenced, which, as was the norm, contained an article under my name. I will present the entire review of this article as an example of a specific style and to illustrate my point. The reader will notice that my name isn't mentioned. This would have been strange; the readers of the Magazine would have been confused to see a name that had appeared frequently in previous years suddenly drop from grace, like Lucifer, son of the morning. But before [147]giving the review, I want to point out that Mr. Adams, for whom the attack on the Astronomer Royal was made, didn’t appreciate the support; and, of course, he also didn’t come move ahead to defend his advocate. This caused serious offense, as evidenced by the following excerpt, (February 16, 1850):
"It was our intention to enter into a comparison of the contents of our Nautical Almanack with those of its rival, the Connaissance des Temps; but we shall defer it for the present. The Nautical Almanack for 1851 will contain Mr. Adams's paper 'On the Perturbation of Uranus'; and when it comes, in due course, before the public, we are quite sure that that gentleman will expect that we shall again enter upon the subject with peculiar delight. Whilst we have a thorough loathing for mean, cowardly, crawlers—we have an especial pleasure in maintaining the claims of men who are truly grateful as well as highly talented: Mr. Adams, therefore, will find that he cannot be disappointed—and the occasion will afford us an opportunity for making the comparison to which we have adverted."
"It was our intention to compare the contents of our Nautical Almanack with those of its competitor, the Connaissance des Temps; however, we will put that off for now. The Nautical Almanack for 1851 will include Mr. Adams's paper 'On the Perturbation of Uranus'; and when it is eventually published, we are confident that he will expect us to revisit the topic with great enthusiasm. While we have a deep disdain for petty, cowardly individuals, we take particular pleasure in supporting those who are genuinely grateful as well as highly skilled: Mr. Adams will therefore find that he cannot be let down—and this will give us a chance to make the comparison we mentioned."
This passage illustrates what I have said on the editorial function (Vol. I, p. 15). What precedes and follows has some criticism on the Government, the Astronomer Royal, etc., but reserved in allusion, oblique in sarcasm, and not fiercely uncourteous. The coarseness of the passage I have quoted shows editorial insertion, which is also shown by its blunder. The inserter is waiting for the Almanac of 1851 that he may review Mr. Adams's paper, which is to be contained in it. His own contributor, only two sentences before the insertion, had said, "The Nautical Almanac, we believe, is published three or four years in advance." In fact, the Almanac for 1851—with Mr. Adams's paper at the end—was published at the end of 1847 or very beginning of 1848; it had therefore been more than two years before the public when the passage quoted was written. And probably every person in the country who was fit to review Mr. Adams's [148]paper—and most of those who were fit to read it—knew that it had been widely circulated, in revise, at the end of 1846: my copy has written on it, "2d revise, December 27, 1846, at noon," in the handwriting of the Superintendent of the Almanac; and I know that there was an extensive issue of these revises, brought out by the Le-Verrier-and-Adams discussion. I now give the review of myself, (February 23, 1850):
This passage illustrates what I mentioned about the editorial role (Vol. I, p. 15). What comes before and after includes some criticism of the Government, the Astronomer Royal, and so on, but it's presented subtly, with a hint of sarcasm, and not aggressively rude. The bluntness of the quoted passage indicates an editorial addition, as shown by its mistake. The editor is waiting for the Almanac of 1851 so he can review Mr. Adams's paper, which will be included in it. His own contributor, just two sentences before the addition, had stated, "The Nautical Almanac, we believe, is published three or four years in advance." In reality, the Almanac for 1851—along with Mr. Adams's paper at the end—was published in late 1847 or very early 1848; thus, it had been available to the public for more than two years when the quoted passage was written. Likely, everyone in the country who was qualified to review Mr. Adams's [148]paper—and most people who were able to read it—knew that it had been widely circulated in its revised form by the end of 1846: my copy has written on it, "2nd revise, December 27, 1846, at noon," in the handwriting of the Superintendent of the Almanac; and I'm aware that there was a large distribution of these revised editions, prompted by the Le-Verrier-and-Adams debate. Now I present the review from myself, (February 23, 1850):
"The British Almanack and Companion.
The British Almanac and Companion.
"The Companion to this Almanack, for some years after its first publication, annually contained scientific articles by Sir J. Lubbock[262] and others of a high order and great interest; we have now, however, closed the publication as a scientific one in remembrance of what it was, and not in consequence of what it is. Its list of contributors on science, has grown 'small by degrees and beautifully less,' until it has dwindled down to one—'a last rose of summer left withering alone.' The one contributor has contributed one paper 'On Ancient and Modern Usage in Reckoning.'
"The Companion to this Almanack, for several years after its first publication, included annual scientific articles by Sir J. Lubbock and other prominent contributors that were highly interesting. However, we have now decided to discontinue the publication as a scientific journal in honor of what it once was, rather than because of its current state. Its list of science contributors has gradually diminished to just one—'the last rose of summer left withering alone.' This sole contributor has submitted one paper titled 'On Ancient and Modern Usage in Reckoning.'"
"The learned critic's chef d'œuvre, is considered, by competent judges, to be an Essay on Old Almanacks printed a few years ago in this annual, and supposed to be written with the view of surpassing a profound memoir on the same subject by James O. Halliwell,[263] Esq., F.R. and A.S.S., but the tremendous effort which the learned writer then made to excel many titled competitors for honors in the antique line appears to have had a sad effect upon his mental powers—at any rate, his efforts have since yearly become duller and duller; happily, at last, we should suppose, 'the ancient [149]and modern usage in reckoning' indicates the lowest point to which the vis inertia of the learned writer's peculiar genius can force him.
The knowledgeable critic's masterpiece is regarded by qualified judges as an essay on Old Almanacks that was published a few years ago in this annual. It’s believed to have been written with the intention to outdo a detailed memoir on the same topic by James O. Halliwell, Esq., F.R. and A.S.S. However, the immense effort the learned writer put into trying to excel against many established competitors in the historical field seems to have negatively impacted his mental abilities. In any case, his efforts have gradually become more and more uninspiring over the years. Fortunately, we can assume that 'the ancient [149]and modern usage in reckoning' shows the lowest point that the vis inertia of the learned writer's unique talent can push him to.
"We will give a few extracts from the article.
"We will provide a few excerpts from the article."
"The learned author says, 'Those who are accustomed to settle the meaning of ancient phrases by self-examination will find some strange conclusions arrived at by us.' The writer never wrote a more correct sentence—it admits of no kind of dispute.
"The knowledgeable author says, 'Those who are used to determining the meaning of old phrases through self-reflection will come to some strange conclusions reached by us.' The writer never penned a more accurate statement—it leaves no room for debate."
"'Language and counting,' says the learned author, 'both came before the logical discussion of either. It is not allowable to argue that something is or was, because it ought to be or ought to have been. That two negatives make an affirmative, ought to be; if no man have done nothing, the man who has done nothing does not exist, and every man has done something. But in Greek, and in uneducated English, it is unquestionable that 'no man has done nothing' is only an emphatic way of saying that no man has done anything; and it would be absurd to reason that it could not have been so, because it should not.'—p. 5.
"'Language and counting,' says the knowledgeable author, 'both came before the logical discussion of either. You can't argue that something is or was just because it should be or should have been. The idea that two negatives make an affirmative should be; if no man has done nothing, then the man who has done nothing doesn't exist, and every man has done something. However, in Greek, and in uneducated English, it's clear that 'no man has done nothing' is just a strong way of saying that no man has done anything; and it would be ridiculous to argue that it couldn't have been that way just because it shouldn't.'—p. 5.
"'But there is another difference between old and new times, yet more remarkable, for we have nothing of it now: whereas in things indivisible we count with our fathers, and should say in buying an acre of land, that the result has no parts, and that the purchaser, till he owns all the ground, owns none, the change of possession being instantaneous. This second difference lies in the habit of considering nothing, nought, zero, cipher, or whatever it may be called, to be at the beginning of the scale of numbers. Count four days from Monday: we should now say Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday; formerly, it would have been Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday. Had we asked, what at that rate is the first day from Monday, all would have stared at a phrase they had never heard. Those who were capable of extending language would have said, Why it must be Monday itself: the rest would have said, there can [150]be no first day from Monday, for the day after is Tuesday, which must be the second day: Monday, one; Tuesday, two,'—p. 10.
"'But there is another difference between old and new times, even more striking, because we have nothing of it now: while in indivisible things we count with our ancestors, and we would say when buying an acre of land that the result has no parts, and that the buyer, until he owns all the ground, owns none, with the change of possession being instant. This second difference is in the habit of considering nothing, nought, zero, cipher, or whatever you want to call it, as the starting point of the number scale. Count four days from Monday: we would now say Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday; in the past, it would have been Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday. If we had asked, what is the first day from Monday, everyone would have stared at a phrase they had never heard. Those who could extend the language would have said, Why, it must be Monday itself: the others would have said, there can be no first day from Monday, because the day after is Tuesday, which must be the second day: Monday, one; Tuesday, two,'—p. 10.
"We assure our readers that the whole article is equally lucid, and its logic alike formal.
"We assure our readers that the entire article is just as clear, and its logic is equally formal."
"There are some exceedingly valuable footnotes; we give one of the most interesting, taken from the learned Mr. Halliwell's profound book on Nursery Rhymes[264]—a celebrated production, for which it is supposed the author was made F.R.S.
"There are some extremely valuable footnotes; we present one of the most interesting, taken from the knowledgeable Mr. Halliwell's insightful book on Nursery Rhymes[264]—a famous work, for which it is believed the author was made F.R.S.
"'One's nine,
"'One's nine,"
Two's some,
Two's a couple,
Three's a many,
Three's a crowd.
Four's a penny,
Four for a penny,
Five's a little hundred.'
Five's a small hundred.
'The last line refers to five score, the so-called hundred being more usually six score. The first line, looked at etymologically, is one is not one, and the change of thought by which nine, the decimal of one, aims to be associated with the decimal of plurality is curious:'—Very.
'The last line mentions five score, while a hundred is typically referred to as six score. The first line, when analyzed etymologically, is one is not one, and the shift in thinking where nine, the decimal of one, tries to connect with the decimal of plurality is interesting:'—Very.
"This valuable and profound essay will very probably be transferred to the next edition of the learned Mr. Halliwell's rare work, of kindred worth, entitled 'Rara Mathematica,' it will then be deservedly handed down to posterity as a covering for cheap trunks—a most appropriate archive for such a treasure."
"This important and insightful essay will likely be included in the next edition of the esteemed Mr. Halliwell's rare work, which is of similar value, titled 'Rare Mathematics.' It will then rightly be passed down through generations as a cover for cheap trunks—a perfect way to archive such a treasure."
In December, 1846, the Mechanics' Magazine published a libel on Airy in the matter of the discovery of Neptune. In May, 1849, one * * * was to have been brought forward for election at the Astronomical Society, and was opposed by me and others, on the ground that he was the probable author of this libel, and that he would not, perhaps could [151]not, deny it. [N.B. I no more doubt that he was the author then I doubt that I am the author of this sentence.][265]
In December 1846, the Mechanics' Magazine published a false accusation against Airy regarding the discovery of Neptune. In May 1849, one * * * was set to be nominated for election at the Astronomical Society, and I, along with others, opposed him on the grounds that he was likely the author of this false accusation and that he might not, or perhaps couldn't, deny it. [N.B. I have no doubt he was the author, just as I have no doubt that I am the author of this sentence.][265]
Accordingly, * * * was withdrawn, and a discussion took place, for which see the Athenæum, No. 1126, May 26, 1849, p. 544. The Mechanics' Magazine was very sore, but up to this day has never ventured beyond an attack on Airy, private whisperings against Adams—(see ante, p. 147),—and the above against myself. In due time, I doubt not my name will appear as one of the âmes damnées[266] of the Mechanics' Magazine.[267]
Accordingly, * * * was taken back, and a discussion occurred, for which see the Athenæum, No. 1126, May 26, 1849, p. 544. The Mechanics' Magazine was really upset, but to this day has never gone beyond criticizing Airy, making private whispers about Adams—(see ante, p. 147)—and the above against me. In due time, I have no doubt my name will show up as one of the âmes damnées[266] of the Mechanics' Magazine.[267]
T. S. DAVIES ON EUCLID.
T.S. Davies on Euclid.
First, as to Mr. Halliwell. The late Thomas Stephens Davies,[268] excellent in geometry, and most learned in its history, was also a good hand at enmity, though not implacable. He and Mr. Halliwell, who had long before been very much one, were, at this date, very much two. I do not think T. S. Davies wrote this article; and I think that by giving my reasons I shall do service to his memory. It must have been written at the beginning of February; and within three days of that time T. S. Davies was making over to me, by his own free act, to be kept until claimed by the relatives, what all who knew even his writings knew that he considered as the most precious deposit he had ever had in his keeping—Horner's[269] papers. His letter announcing the transmission is dated February 2, 1850. This is a strong point; but there is another quite as strong. Euclid and [152]his writings were matters on which T. S. Davies knew neither fear nor favor: he could not have written lightly about a man who stood high with him as a judge of Euclid. Now in this very letter of Feb. 2, there is a sentence which I highly value, because, as aforesaid, it is on a point on which he would never have yielded anything, to which he had paid life-long attention, and on which he had the bias of having long stood alone. In fact, knowing—and what I shall quote confirms me,—that in the matter of Euclid his hand was against every man, I expected, when I sent him a copy of my 22-column article, "Eucleides" in Smith's Dictionary,[270] to have received back a criticism, that would have blown me out of the water: and I thought it not unlikely that a man so well up in the subject might have made me feel demolished on some points. Instead of this, I got the following: "Although on one or two minor points I do not quite accord with your views, yet as a whole and without regard to any minor points, I think you are the first who has succeeded in a delineation of Euclid as a geometer." All this duly considered, it is utterly incredible that T. S. Davies should have written the review in question. And yet Mr. Halliwell is treated just as T. S. Davies would have treated him, as to tone and spirit. The inference in my mind is that we have here a marked instance of the joining of hatreds which takes place in journals supported by voluntary contributions of matter. Should anything ever have revived this article—and no one ever knows what might have been fished up from the forgotten mass of journals—the treatment of Mr. Halliwell would certainly have thrown a suspicion on T. S. Davies, a large and regular contributor to the Magazine. It is good service to his memory to point out what makes it incredible that he should have written so unworthy an article.
First, regarding Mr. Halliwell. The late Thomas Stephens Davies, an expert in geometry and deeply knowledgeable about its history, also had a knack for rivalry, though he wasn't bitter about it. He and Mr. Halliwell, who had once been very close, were by this time quite distant. I don’t believe T. S. Davies wrote this article, and I think that by explaining my reasons, I’ll honor his memory. It must have been written at the beginning of February; and within three days of that, T. S. Davies was handing me, of his own free will, to keep until claimed by his relatives, what anyone familiar with his writings knew he regarded as his most valuable possession—Horner's papers. His letter notifying me of this transfer is dated February 2, 1850. This is a strong point; but there’s another just as compelling. T. S. Davies held strong opinions about Euclid and his works, and he wouldn’t have written lightly about someone he respected as a judge of Euclid. Now, in this very letter from February 2, there’s a sentence I greatly value because, as mentioned, it relates to a subject he would never take lightly, something he had focused on throughout his life, and on which he had often stood alone. In fact, knowing—and what I’m about to quote supports this—that in matters concerning Euclid, he stood opposed to everyone, I expected, when I sent him a copy of my 22-column article, "Eucleides" in Smith's Dictionary, to receive a critique that would have completely undermined me: I thought it quite possible that a man so well-versed in the subject would have pointed out significant flaws in my arguments. Instead, I received this response: "Although on one or two minor points I don’t entirely agree with your views, overall, and disregarding any minor details, I believe you’re the first to successfully portray Euclid as a geometer." Considering all this, it’s absolutely unbelievable that T. S. Davies would have written the review in question. Yet Mr. Halliwell is treated just like T. S. Davies would have treated him, in terms of tone and spirit. I infer that this is a clear example of how rivalries can come together in journals that rely on voluntary contributions. If this article ever resurfaced—and you never know what might be dug up from the forgotten archives of journals—the way Mr. Halliwell was treated would surely raise suspicions about T. S. Davies, who was a major and regular contributor to the Magazine. It serves to honor his memory to highlight what makes it so unlikely that he authored such an unworthy article.
The fault is this. There are four extracts: the first [153]three are perfectly well printed. The printing of the Mechanics' Magazine was very good. I was always exceedingly satisfied with the manner in which my articles appeared, without my seeing proof. Most likely these extracts were printed from my printed paper; if not the extractor was a good copier. I know this by a test which has often served me. I use the subjunctive—"if no man have done nothing," an ordinary transcriber, narrating a quotation almost always lets his own habit write has. The fourth extract has three alterations, all tending to make me ridiculous. None is altered, in two places, into nine, denial into decimal, and comes into aims; so that "none, the denial of one, comes to be associated with the denial of plurality," reads as "nine, the decimal of one, aims to be associated with the decimal of plurality." This is intentional; had it been a compositor's reading of bad handwriting, these would not have been the only mistakes; to say nothing of the corrector of the press. And both the compositor and reader would have guessed, from the first line being translated into "one is not one," that it must have been "one's none," not "one's nine." But it was not intended that the gem should be recovered from the unfathomed cave, and set in a Budget of Paradoxes.
The issue is this. There are four extracts: the first [153] three are perfectly well printed. The printing of the Mechanics' Magazine was very good. I was always very happy with how my articles looked, even without seeing proof. Most likely these extracts were printed from my original paper; if not, the person who copied them did a good job. I know this because of a test that’s worked for me often. I use the subjunctive—"if no man have done nothing," and a typical transcriber quoting something usually ends up writing has instead. The fourth extract has three changes, all making me look ridiculous. None is changed, in two places, to nine, denial to decimal, and comes to aims; so that "none, the denial of one, comes to be associated with the denial of plurality," becomes "nine, the decimal of one, aims to be associated with the decimal of plurality." This is intentional; if it were just a compositor misreading bad handwriting, there would have been more mistakes; not to mention the proofreader. Both the compositor and the reader would have guessed, from the first line being translated as "one is not one," that it should have been "one's none," not "one's nine." But it wasn't meant for the gem to be recovered from the unfathomed cave and set in a Budget of Paradoxes.
We have had plenty of slander-paradox. I now give a halfpennyworth of bread to all this sack, an instance of the paradox of benevolence, in which an individual runs counter to all the ideas of his time, and sees his way into the next century. At Amiens, at the end of the last century, an institution was endowed by a M. de Morgan, to whom I hope I am of kin, but I cannot trace it; the name is common at Amiens. It was the first of the kind I ever heard of. It is a Salle d'Asyle for children, who are taught and washed and taken care of during the hours in which their parents must be at work. The founder was a large wholesale grocer and colonial importer, who was made a Baron by Napoleon I for his commercial success and his charities. [154]
We’ve had a lot of contradictions when it comes to slander. Now, I’m offering a small contribution to this discussion, an example of the paradox of kindness, where one person goes against all the norms of their time and envisions a future. In Amiens, at the end of the last century, there was an establishment funded by a M. de Morgan, who I believe might be a relative, though I can’t trace it; the name is quite common in Amiens. It was the first place of its kind that I ever heard of. It’s a childcare facility where kids are taught, cleaned, and cared for while their parents are at work. The founder was a large wholesale grocer and colonial importer who was made a Baron by Napoleon I for his success in business and his charitable work. [154]
JAS. SMITH AGAIN.
Jas. Smith again.
1862. Mr. Smith replies to me, still signing himself Nauticus: I give an extract:
1862. Mr. Smith responds to me, still signing as Nauticus: Here’s an excerpt:
"By hypothesis [what, again!] let 14° 24' be the chord of an arc of 15° [but I wont, says 14° 24'], and consequently equal to a side of a regular polygon of 24 sides inscribed in the circle. Then 4 times 14° 24' = 57° 36' = the radius of the circle ..."
"By hypothesis [what, again!] let 14° 24' be the chord of an arc of 15° [but I won't, says 14° 24'], and therefore equal to a side of a regular polygon with 24 sides inscribed in the circle. Then 4 times 14° 24' = 57° 36' = the radius of the circle ..."
That is, four times the chord of an arc is the chord of four times the arc: and the sum of four sides of a certain pentagon is equal to the fifth. This is the capital of the column, the crown of the arch, the apex of the pyramid, the watershed of the elevation. Oh! J. S.! J. S.! groans Geometry—Summum J. S. summa injuria![271] The other J. S., Joseph Scaliger,[272] as already mentioned, had his own way of denying that a straight line is always the shortest distance between two points. A parallel might be instituted, but not in half a column. And J. S. the second has been so tightly handled that he may now be dismissed, with an inscription for his circular shield, obtained by changing Lexica contexat into Circus quadrandus in an epigram of J. S. the first:
That is, four times the length of a chord of an arc equals the chord of four times the arc: and the total length of four sides of a certain pentagon is equal to the fifth side. This represents the capital of the column, the crown of the arch, the peak of the pyramid, the high point of the elevation. Oh! J. S.! J. S.! Geometry groans—Summum J. S. summa injuria! [271] The other J. S., Joseph Scaliger,[272] as mentioned earlier, had his own way of asserting that a straight line isn’t always the shortest distance between two points. A parallel could be drawn, but not in half a column. And J. S. the second has been so tightly constrained that he can now be put aside, with an inscription for his circular shield, transformed by switching Lexica contexat into Circus quadrandus in an epigram of J. S. the first:
"Si quem dura manet sententia judicis, olim
"Si quem dura manet sententia judicis, olim"
Damnatum ærumnis suppliciisque caput,
Damnation of suffering and punishment,
Hunc neque fabrili lassent ergastula massa,
Hunc neque fabrili lassent ergastula massa,
Nec rigidas vexent fossa metalla manus.
Nec rigidas vexent fossa metalla manus.
Circus quadrandus: nam—cætera quid moror?—omnes
Circus quadrandus: so—what else am I waiting for?—everyone
I had written as far as damnatum when in came the letter of Nauticus as a printed slip, with a request that I would consider the slip as a 'revised copy.' Not a word of alteration in the part I have quoted! And in the evening came a letter desiring that I would alter a gross error; but not the one above: this is revising without revision! If there were cyclometers enough of this stamp, they would, as cultivation progresses—and really, with John Stuart Mill in for Westminster, it seems on the move, even though, as I learn while correcting the proof, Gladstone be out from Oxford; for Oxford is no worse than in 1829, while Westminster is far above what she ever has been: election time excuses even such a parenthesis as this—be engaged to amuse those who can afford it with paralogism at their meals, after the manner of the other jokers who wore the caps and bells. The rich would then order their dinners with panem et Circenses,—up with the victuals and the circle-games—as the poor did in the days of old.
I had written up to damnatum when I received Nauticus's letter as a printed slip, asking me to treat it as a 'revised copy.' Not a single word was changed in the part I quoted! Then in the evening, I got another letter asking me to fix a major error, but not the one mentioned above: this is revising without any real revisions! If there were enough cyclometers like this, they would, as progress continues—and really, with John Stuart Mill running for Westminster, it seems to be on the move, even though, as I learn while correcting the proof, Gladstone is out from Oxford; because Oxford isn’t any worse than it was in 1829, while Westminster is much better than it has ever been: election time allows for even such a side note as this—to entertain those who can afford it with flawed reasoning at their meals, just like other jokers who wore caps and bells. The rich would then order their dinners with panem et Circenses,—up with the food and the entertainment—as the poor did in ancient times.
Mr. Smith is determined that half a column shall not do. Not a day without something from him: letter, printed proof, pamphlet. In what is the last at this moment of writing he tells me that part of the title of a work of his will be "Professor De Morgan in the pillory without hope of escape." And where will he be himself? This I detected by an effort of reasoning which I never could have made except by following in his steps. In all matters connected with π the letters l and g are closely related: this appears in the well-known formula for the time of oscillation π √(l : g). Hence g may be written for l, but only once: do it twice, and you require the time to be π √(l2 : g2). This may be reinforced by observing that if as a datum, or if you dislike that word, by hypothesis, the first l be a g, it is absurd that it should be an l. Write g for the first l, and we have un fait accompli. I shall be in pillory; and overhead, in a cloud, will sit Mr. James Smith on one stick laid across two others, under a nimbus of 3⅛ diameters to [156]the circumference—in π-glory. Oh for a drawing of this scene! Mr. De Morgan presents his compliments to Mr. James Smith, and requests the honor of an exchange of photographs.
Mr. Smith is determined that half a column just won't cut it. Not a day goes by without something from him: a letter, a printed proof, a pamphlet. In what is the latest update as I’m writing this, he tells me that part of the title of one of his works will be "Professor De Morgan in the pillory with no hope of escape." And where will he be himself? I figured this out through some reasoning that I could only have done by following his path. In everything related to π, the letters l and g are closely connected: this is evident in the well-known formula for the time of oscillation π √(l : g). So, g can represent l, but only once: if you do it twice, you need the time to be π √(l2 : g2). This can be backed up by noting that if, as a known fact, or if you prefer not to use that term, by assumption, the first l is a g, it’s ridiculous for it to still be an l. If we write g for the first l, we have un fait accompli. I will be in the pillory; and above me, in a cloud, will be Mr. James Smith balancing on one stick laid across two others, under a nimbus of 3⅛ diameters to the circumference—in π-glory. Oh, how I wish for a drawing of this scene! Mr. De Morgan sends his regards to Mr. James Smith and requests the honor of exchanging photographs.
July 26.—Another printed letter.—Mr. James Smith begs for a distinct answer to the following plain question: "Have I not in this communication brought under your notice truths that were never before dreamed of in your geometrical and mathematical philosophy?" To which, he having taken the precaution to print the word truths in italics, I can conscientiously answer, Yes, you have. And now I shall take no more notice of these truths, until I receive something which surpasses all that has yet been done.
July 26.—Another printed letter.—Mr. James Smith requests a clear answer to the following straightforward question: "Have I not in this communication brought to your attention truths that were never before considered in your geometric and mathematical philosophy?" To which, he having taken the precaution to print the word truths in italics, I can honestly say, Yes, you have. And now I will not address these truths again until I receive something that surpasses everything that has been done so far.
A FEW SMALL PARADOXERS.
A FEW SMALL PARADOXES.
The Circle secerned from the Square; and its area gauged in terms of a triangle common to both. By Wm. Houlston,[274] Esq. London and Jersey, 1862, 4to.
The Circle parted ways with the Square, and its area was calculated using a triangle that both shapes shared. By Wm. Houlston, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Esq. London and Jersey, 1862, 4to.
Mr. Houlston squares at about four poetical quotations in a page, and brings out π = 3.14213.... His frontispiece is a variegated diagram, having parts designated Inigo and Outigo. All which relieves the subject, but does not remove the error.
Mr. Houlston fits about four poetic quotes on a page and calculates π = 3.14213.... His front cover features a colorful diagram with sections labeled Inigo and Outigo. While this adds some interest to the topic, it doesn't correct the mistake.
Considerations respecting the figure of the Earth.... By C. F. Bakewell.[275] London, 1862, 8vo.
Thoughts on the shape of the Earth... By C. F. Bakewell.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1862, 8vo.
On eccentric and centric force: a new theory of projection. By H. F. A. Pratt, M.D.[276] London, 1862, 8vo.
On eccentric and centric force: a new theory of projection. By H. F. A. Pratt, M.D.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1862, 8vo.
Dr. Pratt not only upsets Newton, but cuts away the very ground he stands on: for he destroys the first law of motion, and will not have the natural tendency of matter in motion to be rectilinear. This, as we have seen, was John Walsh's[277] notion. In a more recent work "On Orbital Motion," London, 1863, 8vo., Dr. Pratt insists on another of Walsh's notions, namely, that the precession of the equinoxes is caused by the motion of the solar system round a distant central sun. In this last work the author refers to a few notes, which completely destroy the theory of gravitation in terms "perfectly intelligible as well to the unlearned as to the learned": to me they are quite unintelligible, which rather tends to confirm a notion I have long had, that I am neither one thing nor the other. There is an ambiguity of phrase which delights a writer on logic, always on the look-out for specimens of homonymia or æquivocatio. The author, as a physician, is accustomed to "appeal from mere formulæ": accordingly, he sets at nought the whole of the mathematics, which he does not understand. This equivocation between the formula of the physician and that of the mathematician is as good, though not so perceptible to the world at large, as that made by Mr. Briggs's friend in Punch's picture, which I cut out to paste into my Logic. Mr. Briggs wrote for a couple of bruisers, meaning to prepare oats for his horses: his friend sent him the Whitechapel Chicken and the Bayswater Slasher, with the gloves, all ready.
Dr. Pratt not only frustrates Newton but also undermines the very foundation he stands on: he dismisses the first law of motion and rejects the idea that matter in motion tends to move in a straight line. This, as we've seen, was John Walsh's idea. In a more recent work, "On Orbital Motion," London, 1863, 8vo., Dr. Pratt advocates for another one of Walsh's theories, which is that the precession of the equinoxes is caused by the solar system's motion around a distant central sun. In this latest work, the author mentions a few notes that completely dismantle the theory of gravitation in terms that are "perfectly clear to both the uneducated and the educated": to me, they are quite unclear, which reinforces a long-held belief that I am neither one nor the other. There’s a tricky way of phrasing things that delights anyone writing about logic, always on the lookout for examples of homonymia or æquivocatio. As a physician, the author is used to "going beyond mere formulas": therefore, he dismisses all the mathematics that he doesn’t grasp. This confusion between the physician's formula and the mathematician's is as significant, though not as obvious to the general public, as the one made by Mr. Briggs's friend in Punch's cartoon, which I cut out to paste into my Logic book. Mr. Briggs wrote for a couple of bruisers, intending to prepare oats for his horses; his friend sent him the Whitechapel Chicken and the Bayswater Slasher, along with the gloves, all set to go.
On matter and ether, and the secret laws of physical change. By T. R. Birks, M.A.[278] Cambridge, 1862, 8vo.
On matter and ether, and the underlying principles of physical change. By T. R. Birks, M.A. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cambridge, 1862, 8vo.
Bold efforts are made at molecular theories, and the one before me is ably aimed. When the Newton of this subject shall be seated in his place, books like the present will be sharply looked into, to see what amount of anticipation they have made.
Bold efforts are being made in molecular theories, and the one in front of me is well-directed. When the Newton of this subject takes his rightful place, books like this one will be closely examined to see how much they anticipated.
DR. THORN AND MR. BIDEN.
Dr. Thorn and Mr. Biden.
The history of the 'thorn tree and bush' from the earliest to the present time: in which is clearly and plainly shown the descent of her most gracious Majesty and her Anglo-Saxon people from the half tribe of Ephraim, and possibly from the half tribe of Manasseh; and consequently her right and title to possess, at the present moment, for herself and for them, a share or shares of the desolate cities and places in the land of their forefathers! By Theta, M.D.[279] (Private circulation.) London, 1862, 8vo.
The history of the 'thorn tree and bush' from ancient times to the present: which clearly illustrates the lineage of her most gracious Majesty and her Anglo-Saxon people from the half tribe of Ephraim, and possibly the half tribe of Manasseh; and therefore her right and claim to currently hold, for herself and for them, a share or shares of the abandoned cities and areas in the land of their ancestors! By Theta, M.D.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (Private circulation.) London, 1862, 8vo.
This is much about Thorn, and its connected words, Thor, Thoth, Theta, etc. It is a very mysterious vagary. The author of it is the person whom I have described elsewhere as having for his device the round man in the three-cornered hole, the writer of the little heap of satirical anonymous letters about the Beast and 666. By accident I discovered the writer: so that if there be any more thorns to crackle under the pot, they need not be anonymous.
This is a lot about Thorn and its related words, Thor, Thoth, Theta, and so on. It’s a very mysterious oddity. The author is the person I described elsewhere as having the emblem of the round man in the three-cornered hole, the writer of those satirical anonymous letters about the Beast and 666. I accidentally discovered who the writer is, so if there are any more thorns to snap under the pot, they won’t need to be anonymous.
Nor will they be anonymous. Since I wrote the above, I have received onymous letters, as ominous as the rest. The writer, William Thorn, M.D., is obliged to reveal [159]himself, since it is his object to prove that he himself is one 666. By using W for double Vau (or 12) he cooks the number out of his own name. But he says it is the number not of a beast but of a man, and adds, "Thereby hangs a tale!" which sounds like contradiction. He informs me that he will talk the matter over with me: but I shall certainly have nothing to say to a gentleman of his number; it is best to keep on the safe side.
Nor will they remain anonymous. Since I wrote the above, I have received onymous letters, as ominous as the rest. The writer, William Thorn, M.D., is forced to reveal himself because he aims to prove that he is one 666. By using W for double Vau (or 12), he derives the number from his own name. But he claims it is the number of a man, not a beast, and adds, "Thereby hangs a tale!" which seems contradictory. He tells me that he wants to discuss the matter with me, but I certainly have nothing to say to a gentleman of his number; it’s best to stay on the safe side.
In one letter I am informed that not a line should I have had, but for my "sneer at 666," which, therefore, I am well pleased to have given. I am also told that my name means the "'garden of death,' that place in which the tree of knowledge was plucked, and so you are like your name 'dead' to the fact that you are an Israelite, like those in Ezekiel 37 ch." Some hints are given that I shall not fare well in the next world, which any one who reads the chapter in Ezekiel will see is quite against his comparison. The reader must not imagine that my prognosticator means Morgan to be a corruption of Mortjardin; he proves his point by Hebrew: but any philologist would tell him the true derivation of the name, and how Glamorgan came to get it. It will be of much comfort to those young men who have not got through to know that the tree of knowledge itself was once in the same case. And so good bye to 666 for the present, and the assumption that the enigma is to be solved by the united numeral forces of the letters of a word.
In one letter, I’m told that I wouldn’t have received any message at all if it hadn’t been for my "sneer at 666," which I’m glad to have expressed. I’m also informed that my name means "'garden of death,' the place where the tree of knowledge was picked, and so you're like your name, 'dead' to the fact that you're an Israelite, like those in Ezekiel 37." Some hints are dropped that I won’t do well in the afterlife, which anyone who reads the chapter in Ezekiel can see contradicts his argument. The reader shouldn’t think that my predictor means Morgan is a corruption of Mortjardin; he supports his claim using Hebrew, but any linguist would tell him the actual origin of the name and how Glamorgan got it. It should be comforting to those young men who haven't finished yet to know that the tree of knowledge was once in the same situation. So, goodbye to 666 for now, and to the idea that the mystery can be solved by combining the numerical values of the letters in a word.
It is worthy of note that, as soon as my Budget commenced, two guardian spirits started up, fellow men as to the flesh, both totally unknown to me: they have stuck to me from first to last. James Smith, Esq., finally Nauticus, watches over my character in this world, and would fain preserve me from ignorance, folly, and dishonesty, by inclosing me in a magic circle of 3⅛ diameters in circumference. The round man in the three-cornered hole, finally William Thorn, M.D., takes charge of my future destiny, [160]and tries to bring me to the truth by unfolding a score of meanings—all right—of 666. He hints that I, and my wife, are servants of Satan: at least he desires us both to remember that we cannot serve God and Satan; and he can hardly mean that we are serving the first, and that he would have us serve the second. As becomes an interpreter of the Apocalypse, he uses seven different seals; but not more than one to one letter. If his seals be all signet-rings, he must be what Aristophanes calls a sphragidonychargocometical fellow. But—and many thanks to him for the same—though an M.D., he has not sent me a single vial. And so much for my tree of secular knowledge and my tree of spiritual life: I dismiss them with thanks from myself and thanks from my reader. The dual of the Pythagorean system was Isis and Diana; of the Jewish law, Moses and Aaron; and of the City of London, Gog and Magog; of the Paradoxiad, James Smith, Esq., and William Thorn, M.D.
It's worth mentioning that as soon as my Budget began, two guardian spirits appeared, both being men in the flesh whom I had never met before: they have stayed with me from start to finish. James Smith, Esq., now known as Nauticus, looks after my reputation in this world, hoping to protect me from ignorance, foolishness, and dishonesty by surrounding me with a magic circle that has a circumference of 3⅛. The round man in the three-cornered hole, now identified as William Thorn, M.D., oversees my future and attempts to guide me to the truth by revealing various interpretations of one meaning—all concerning 666. He suggests that my wife and I are servants of Satan: at the very least, he wants us to remember that we cannot serve both God and Satan; he likely doesn’t mean that we are serving the first and that he wants us to serve the second. As an interpreter of the Apocalypse, he uses seven different seals, but only one for each letter. If his seals are all signet rings, he must be what Aristophanes refers to as a sphragidonychargocometical guy. But, despite being an M.D., I really appreciate that he hasn't sent me a single vial. And that wraps up my tree of secular knowledge and my tree of spiritual life: I thank them on behalf of myself and my reader. The pair from the Pythagorean system were Isis and Diana; from the Jewish law, Moses and Aaron; from the City of London, Gog and Magog; and from the Paradoxiad, James Smith, Esq., and William Thorn, M.D.
September, 1866. Mr. James Biden[280] has favored me with some of his publications. He is a rival of Dr. Thorn; a prophet by name-right and crest-right. He is of royal descent through the De Biduns. He is the watchman of Ezekiel: God has told him so. He is the author of The True Church, a phrase which seems to have a book-meaning and a mission-meaning. He shall speak for himself:
September, 1866. Mr. James Biden[280] has shared some of his publications with me. He competes with Dr. Thorn; a prophet by title and heritage. He comes from royal lineage through the De Biduns. He is the watchman of Ezekiel: God has informed him of this. He is the author of The True Church, a term that appears to have both a literal meaning and a mission. He will speak for himself:
"A crest of the Bidens has significance. It is a lion rampant between wings—wings in Scripture denote the flight of time. Thus the beasts or living creatures of the Revelations have each six wings, intimating a condition of mankind up to and towards the close of six thousand years of Bible teaching. The two wings of the crest would thus intimate power towards the expiration of 2000 years, as time is marked in the history of Great Britain.
"A crest of the Bidens holds significance. It features a lion standing on one hind leg between wings—wings in Scripture symbolize the passage of time. Therefore, the creatures described in Revelation each have six wings, suggesting a state of humanity approaching the end of six thousand years of biblical teaching. The two wings of the crest would, therefore, imply power nearing the end of 2000 years, as time is recorded in the history of Great Britain."
"In a recent publication, The Pestilence, Why Inflicted, are given many reasons why the writer thinks himself to be the appointed watchman foretold by Ezekiel, chapters iii. and xxxiii. Among the reasons are many prophecies fulfilled in him. Of these it is now needful to note two as bearing especially on the subject of the reign of Darius.
"In a recent publication, The Pestilence, Why Inflicted, the author outlines several reasons why he believes he is the appointed watchman mentioned by Ezekiel in chapters iii and xxxiii. Among these reasons are numerous prophecies that have been fulfilled in him. It is important to highlight two of these prophecies, particularly in relation to the reign of Darius."
"1.—In Daniel it is said, 'Darius the Median took the kingdom, being about threescore and two years old.'—Daniel v. 31.
"1.—In Daniel it says, 'Darius the Median took over the kingdom, being about sixty-two years old.'—Daniel v. 31."
"When 'Belshazzar' the king of the Chaldeans is found wanting, Darius takes the kingdom. It is not given him by the popular voice; he asserts his right, and this is not denied. He takes it when about sixty-two years of age. The language of Daniel is prophetic, and Darius has in another an antitype. The writer was born July 18th, 1803; and the claim was asserted at the close of 1865, when he was about sixty-two years of age.
"When King Belshazzar of the Chaldeans is found lacking, Darius takes over the kingdom. It's not given to him by the popular vote; he claims his right, and no one disputes it. He takes control when he is around sixty-two years old. The language of Daniel is prophetic, and Darius serves as an example of this in another context. The writer was born on July 18, 1803, and the claim was made at the end of 1865, when he was about sixty-two."
"The claims which have been asserted demand a settled faith, and which could only be reached through a long course of divine teaching."
"The claims that have been made require a firm belief, which can only be achieved through extensive divine guidance."
When I was a little boy at school, one of my school-fellows took it into his head to set up a lottery of marbles: the thing took, and he made a stony profit. Soon, one after another, every boy had his lottery, and it was, "I won't put into yours unless you put into mine." This knocked up the scheme. It will be the same with the prophets. Dr. Thorn, Mr. Biden, Mrs. Cottle,[281] etc. will grow imitators, until we are all pointed out in the Bible: but A will not admit B's claim unless B admits his. For myself, as elsewhere shown, I am the first Beast in the Revelations.
When I was a little kid in school, one of my classmates decided to create a marble lottery. It took off, and he made quite a bit of money. Before long, every boy had his own lottery, and it turned into, "I won't contribute to yours unless you contribute to mine." This messed up the whole idea. It will be the same with the prophets. Dr. Thorn, Mr. Biden, Mrs. Cottle, [281] etc. will gain followers until we’re all mentioned in the Bible, but A won't acknowledge B's claim unless B acknowledges his. As I've mentioned before, I am the first Beast in the Revelations.
Every contraband prophet gets a few followers: it is a great point to make these sequacious people into Buridan's asses, which they will become when prophets are so numerous that there is no choosing.
Every fake prophet attracts a few followers: it’s important to turn these easily influenced people into Buridan's asses, which they will become when there are so many prophets that it’s impossible to choose.
SIR G. C. LEWIS.
SIR G.C. LEWIS.
An historical survey of the Astronomy of the Ancients. By the Rt. Hon. Sir G. C. Lewis.[282] 8vo. 1862.
A historical overview of Ancient Astronomy. By the Right Honorable Sir G. C. Lewis.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 8vo. 1862.
There are few men of our day whom I admire more than the late Sir G. Lewis: he was honest, earnest, sagacious, learned, and industrious. He probably sacrificed his life to his conjunction of literature and politics: and he stood high as a minister of state in addition to his character as a man of letters. The work above named is of great value, and will be read for its intrinsic merit, consulted for its crowd of valuable references, quoted for its aid to one side of many a discussion, and opposed for its force against the other. Its author was also a wit and a satirist. I know of three classical satires of our day which are inimitable imitations: Mr. Malden's[283] Pragmatized Legends, Mr. Mansel's[284] Phrontisterion, and Sir G. Cornewall Lewis's Inscriptio Antiqua. In this last, HEYDIDDLEDIDDLETHECATANDTHEFIDDLE etc. is treated as an Oscan inscription, and rendered into Latin by approved methods. As few readers have seen it, I give the result:
There are few men today whom I admire more than the late Sir G. Lewis: he was honest, sincere, wise, knowledgeable, and hard-working. He probably sacrificed his life by blending literature and politics, and he was highly regarded as a government minister in addition to being a respected writer. The work mentioned above is extremely valuable and will be read for its inherent quality, referred to for its wealth of useful references, quoted to support one side of many debates, and opposed for its strength against the other. Its author was also witty and a satirist. I know of three classic satires from our time that are unmatched imitations: Mr. Malden's Pragmatized Legends, Mr. Mansel's Phrontisterion, and Sir G. Cornewall Lewis's Inscriptio Antiqua. In the latter, Hey diddle diddle, the cat and the fiddle etc. is treated as an Oscan inscription and translated into Latin using recognized methods. Since few readers have seen it, I will share the result:
"Hejus dedit libenter, dedit libenter. Deus propitius [est], deus [donatori] libenter favet. Deus in viarum [163]juncturâ ovorum dape [colitur], deus mundi. Deus in litatione voluit, benigno animo, hædum, taurum intra fines [loci sacri] portandos. Deus, bis lustratus, beat fossam sacræ libationis."[285]
"He gives willingly, he gives gladly. God shows him favor, God supports the giver eagerly. At the crossroads, God is honored with food offerings, the God of the world. God wishes for these offerings, with a generous heart, to include the kid and the bull within the sacred space. God, fully purified, blesses the trench for the sacred libation."__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
How then comes the history of astronomy among the paradoxes? Simply because the author, so admirably when writing about what he knew, did not know what he did not know, and blundered like a circle-squarer. And why should the faults of so good a writer be recorded in such a list as the present? For three reasons: First, and foremost, because if the exposure be not made by some one, the errors will gradually ooze out, and the work will get the character of inaccurate. Nothing hurts a book of which few can fathom the depths so much as a plain blunder or two on the surface. Secondly, because the reviews either passed over these errors or treated them too gently, rather implying their existence than exposing them. Thirdly, because they strongly illustrate the melancholy truth, that no one knows enough to write about what he does not know. The distinctness of the errors is a merit; it proceeds from the clear-headedness of the author. The suppression in the journals may be due partly to admiration of the talent and energy which lived two difficult lives at once, partly to respect for high position in public affairs, partly to some of the critics being themselves men of learning only, unable to detect the errors. But we know that action and reaction are equal and contrary. If our generation take no notice of defects, and allow them to go down undetected among merits, the next generation will discover them, will perhaps believe us incapable of detecting them, at least will pronounce our judgment good for nothing, and will form an [164]opinion in which the merits will be underrated: so it has been, is, and will be. The best thing that can be done for the memory of the author is to remove the unsound part that the remainder may thrive. The errors do not affect the work; they occur in passages which might very well have been omitted: and I consider that, in making them conspicuous, I am but cutting away a deleterious fungus from a noble tree.
How does the history of astronomy fit among the paradoxes? Simply because the author, who was great at writing about what he understood, didn’t realize what he didn’t know, and stumbled like someone trying to square a circle. And why should the mistakes of such a good writer be included in a list like this? For three reasons: First, because if no one points them out, the errors will slowly become apparent, and the work will gain a reputation for being inaccurate. Nothing damages a book that few can fully understand as much as a couple of obvious blunders. Second, because reviews either overlooked these mistakes or were too gentle, implying their existence rather than exposing them. Third, because they illustrate the sad truth that no one knows enough to write about what they don’t understand. The clarity of the errors is a strength; it comes from the author’s clear thinking. The silence in journals might be partly due to admiration for the talent and effort of someone juggling two difficult roles, partly from respect for their high position in public life, and partly because some critics are also learned but unable to spot the errors. But we know that action and reaction are equal and opposite. If our generation ignores flaws and lets them blend in with the achievements, the next generation will find them, may believe we were incapable of noticing them, or will judge our work to be worthless, leading to an opinion that undervalues the merits: this has happened, is happening, and will continue to happen. The best thing we can do for the author’s legacy is to eliminate the weak points so the strong parts can flourish. The errors don’t impact the overall work; they happen in sections that could have easily been left out: I think that by highlighting them, I’m just trimming away a harmful fungus from a noble tree.
(P. 154). The periodic times of the five planets were stated by Eudoxus,[286] as we learn from Simplicius;[287] the following is his statement, to which the true times are subjoined, for the sake of comparison:
(P. 154). Eudoxus mentioned the orbital periods of the five planets, as we see from Simplicius; the following is his statement, with the actual times added for comparison:
Eudoxus's Statement | Real Time | |
Mercury | 1 year | — 87d. 23h. |
Venus | 1 " | — 224d. 16h. |
Mars | 2 " | 1y. 321d. 23h. |
Jupiter | 12 " | 11y. 315d. 14h. |
Saturn | 30 " | 29y. 174d. 1h. |
Upon this determination two remarks may be made. First, the error with respect to Mercury and Venus is considerable; with respect to Mercury, it is, in round numbers, 365 instead of 88 days, more than four times too much. Aristotle remarks that Eudoxus distinguishes Mercury and Venus from the other three planets by giving them one sphere each, with the poles in common. The proximity of Mercury to the sun would render its course difficult to observe and to measure, but the cause of the large error with respect to Venus (130 days) is not apparent.
Upon this conclusion, two comments can be made. First, the mistake regarding Mercury and Venus is significant; for Mercury, it's about 365 days instead of 88 days, which is more than four times too much. Aristotle notes that Eudoxus separates Mercury and Venus from the other three planets by giving each of them one sphere, with shared poles. Mercury's closeness to the sun would make its path hard to observe and measure, but the reason for the substantial error regarding Venus (130 days) is unclear.
Sir G. Lewis takes Eudoxus as making the planets move round the sun; he has accordingly compared the geocentric periods of Eudoxus with our heliocentric periods. What greater blunder can be made by a writer on ancient astronomy than giving Eudoxus the Copernican system? If Mercury were a black spot in the middle of the sun it would of course move round the earth in a year, or appear to do so: let it swing a little on one side and the other of the sun, and the average period is still a year, with slight departures both ways. The same for Venus, with larger departures. Say that a person not much accustomed to the distinction might for once write down the mistake; how are we to explain its remaining in the mind in a permanent form, and being made a ground for such speculation as that of the difficulty of observing Mercury leading to a period four times what it ought to be, corrected in proof and published by an industrious and thoughtful person? Only in one way: the writer was quite out of his depth. This one case is conclusive; be it said with all respect for the real staple of the work and of the author. He knew well the difference of the systems, but not the effect of the difference: he is another instance of what I have had to illustrate by help of a very different person, that it is difficult to reason well upon matter which is not familiar.
Sir G. Lewis claims that Eudoxus believed the planets revolved around the sun; he has therefore compared Eudoxus's geocentric periods with our heliocentric periods. What bigger mistake could a writer on ancient astronomy make than attributing the Copernican system to Eudoxus? If Mercury were just a black spot in the middle of the sun, it would, of course, appear to orbit the Earth in a year. Even if it wobbled a bit to one side and then the other of the sun, the average period would still be a year, with minor variations in either direction. The same goes for Venus, which would have larger variations. It’s possible that someone not very familiar with the distinction might accidentally record this mistake once; however, how do we explain it staying in someone’s mind permanently and being used as a basis for speculation, such as the difficulty observing Mercury leading to a period four times what it should be, which was corrected in proof and published by a diligent and thoughtful individual? The only explanation is that the writer was completely out of their depth. This one example is telling; I say this with full respect for the core of the work and the author. He understood the difference between the systems, but did not grasp the implications of that difference: he’s another example of the difficulty of reasoning well about topics that are not familiar.
(P. 254). Copernicus, in fact, supposed the axis of the earth to be always turned towards the Sun.(169) [(169). See Delambre, Hist. Astr. Mod., Vol. I, p. 96]. It was reserved to Kepler to propound the hypothesis of the constant parallelism of the earth's axis to itself.
(P. 254). Copernicus actually thought that the axis of the Earth always pointed toward the Sun.(169) [(169). See Delambre, Hist. Astr. Mod., Vol. I, p. 96]. It was left to Kepler to propose the idea that the Earth's axis is always parallel to itself.
If there be one thing more prominent than another in the work of Copernicus himself, in the popular explanations of it, and in the page of Delambre[288] cited, it is that the parallelism of the earth's axis is a glaring part of the [166]theory of Copernicus. What Kepler[289] did was to throw away, as unnecessary, the method by which Copernicus, per fas et nefas,[290] secured it. Copernicus, thinking of the earth's orbital revolution as those would think who were accustomed to the solid orbs—and much as the stoppers of the moon's rotation do now: why do they not strengthen themselves with Copernicus?—thought that the earth's axis would always incline the same end towards the sun, unless measures were taken to prevent it. He did take measures: he invented a compensating conical motion of the axis to preserve the parallelism; and, which is one of the most remarkable points of his system, he obtained the precession of the equinoxes by giving the necessary trifle more than compensation. What stares us in the face at the beginning of the paragraph to which the author refers?
If there’s one thing that stands out more than anything else in Copernicus’s work, in the popular explanations of it, and in Delambre's cited page, it’s that the parallelism of the earth's axis is a key part of Copernicus’s theory. What Kepler did was discard the method by which Copernicus, per fas et nefas, managed to secure this idea. Copernicus, viewing the earth’s orbit like someone used to the solid orbs—similar to how we see the moon’s rotation today—believed that the earth’s axis would always point the same way toward the sun unless steps were taken to stop that. He did take those steps: he created a compensating conical motion of the axis to maintain the parallelism, and one of the most remarkable aspects of his system is that he accounted for the precession of the equinoxes by giving just a little more compensation than needed. What is immediately obvious at the start of the paragraph that the author references?
"C'est donc pour arriver à ce parallelisme, ou pour le conserver, que Copernic a cru devoir recourir à ce mouvement égal et opposé qui détruit l'effet qu'il attribue si gratuitement au premier, de déranger le parallelisme."[291]
"C'est donc pour arriver à ce parallélisme, ou pour le conserver, que Copernic a cru devoir recourir à ce mouvement égal et opposé qui détruit l'effet qu'il attribue si gratuitement au premier, de déranger le parallélisme."[291]
Parallelism at any price, is the motto of Copernicus: you need not pay so dear, is the remark of Kepler.
Parallelism at any cost is Copernicus's motto; you don't have to pay that much, is Kepler's comment.
The opinions given by Sir G. Lewis about the effects of modern astronomy, which he does not understand and singularly undervalues, will now be seen to be of no authority. He fancies that—to give an instance—for the determination of a ship's place, the invention of chronometers has been far more important than any improvement in astronomical theory (p. 254). Not to speak of latitude,—though the omission is not without importance,—he ought to have known that longitude is found by the difference between what o'clock it is at Greenwich and at the ship's place, at [167]one absolute moment of time. Now if a chronometer were quite perfect—which no chronometer is, be it said—and would truly tell Greenwich mean time all over the world, it ought to have been clear that just as good a watch is wanted for the time at the place of observation, before the longitude of that place with respect to Greenwich can be found. There is no such watch, except the starry heaven itself: and that watch can only be read by astronomical observation, aided by the best knowledge of the heavenly motions.
The opinions expressed by Sir G. Lewis regarding the impacts of modern astronomy, which he doesn't fully grasp and significantly underestimates, will now be recognized as lacking authority. He believes that—for example—in determining a ship's location, the invention of chronometers is far more crucial than any advancements in astronomical theory (p. 254). Not to mention latitude—though that omission is significant—he should have understood that longitude is calculated by the difference between the time at Greenwich and the time at the ship's location, at [167] one specific moment in time. Now, if a chronometer were completely accurate—which, it should be noted, no chronometer is—and would accurately reflect Greenwich Mean Time worldwide, it should have been clear that an equally good clock would be needed for the time at the place of observation before the longitude of that location relative to Greenwich can be determined. Such a clock does not exist, except for the starry sky itself: and that clock can only be read through astronomical observation, supported by the best understanding of celestial motions.
I think I have done Sir G. Lewis's very excellent book more good than all the reviewers put together.
I believe I've done more good for Sir G. Lewis's excellent book than all the reviewers combined.
I will give an old instance in which literature got into confusion about astronomy. Theophrastus,[292] who is either the culprit or his historian, attributes to Meton,[293] the contriver of the lunar calendar of nineteen years, which lasts to this day, that his solstices were determined for him by a certain Phaeinus of Elis on Mount Lycabettus. Nobody else mentions this astronomer: though it is pretty certain that Meton himself made more than one appointment with him for the purpose of observing solstices; and we may be sure that if either were behind his time, it was Meton. For Phaeinus Helius is the shining sun himself; and in the astronomical poet Aratus[294] we read about the nineteen years of the shining sun:
I’ll share an old example where literature got mixed up with astronomy. Theophrastus, [292], who is either the wrongdoer or his historian, credits Meton, [293], the creator of the lunar calendar that spans nineteen years and still exists today, with having his solstices determined by a certain Phaeinus from Elis on Mount Lycabettus. No one else mentions this astronomer, but it's pretty clear that Meton himself had multiple meetings with him to observe solstices; and we can be sure that if anyone was off schedule, it was Meton. Because Phaeinus Helius is the shining sun itself, and in the astronomical poem by Aratus [294], we read about the nineteen years of the shining sun:
Ἐννεακαιδέκα κύκλα φαεινοῦ ἠελίοιο.[295]
The bright circle of the eleventh.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Some man of letters must have turned Apollo into Phaeinus of Elis; and there he is in the histories of astronomy to [168]this day. Salmasius[296] will have Aratus to have meant him, and proposes to read ἠλείοιο: he did not observe that Phaeinus is a very common adjective of Aratus, and that, if his conjecture were right, this Phaeinus would be the only non-mythical man in the poems of Aratus.
Some writer must have changed Apollo into Phaeinus of Elis; and there he is in the history of astronomy to this day. Salmasius will argue that Aratus meant him and suggests reading ἠλείοιο: he did not notice that Phaeinus is a very common adjective in Aratus's work, and that, if his guess were correct, this Phaeinus would be the only non-mythical person in Aratus's poems.
[When I read Sir George Lewis's book, the points which I have criticized struck me as not to be wondered at, but I did not remember why at the time. A Chancellor of the Exchequer and a writer on ancient astronomy are birds of such different trees that the second did not recall the first. In 1855 I was one of a deputation of about twenty persons who waited on Sir G. Lewis, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the subject of a decimal coinage. The deputation was one of much force: Mr. Airy, with myself and others, represented mathematics; William Brown,[297] whose dealings with the United States were reckoned by yearly millions, counted duodecimally in England and decimally in America, was the best, but not the only, representative of commerce. There were bullionists, accountants, retailers, etc. Sir G. L. walked into the room, took his seat, and without waiting one moment, began to read the deputation a smart lecture on the evils of a decimal coinage; it would require alteration of all the tables, it would impede calculation, etc. etc. Of those arguments against it which weighed with many of better knowledge than his, he obviously knew nothing. The members of the deputation began to make their statements, and met with curious denials. He interrupted me with "Surely there is no doubt that the calculations of our books of arithmetic are easier [169]than those in the French books." He was not aware that the universally admitted superiority of decimal calculation made many of those who prefer our system for the market and the counter cast a longing and lingering look towards decimals. My answer and the smiles which he saw around, made him give a queer puzzled look, which seemed to say, "I may be out of my depth here!" His manner changed, and he listened. I saw both the slap-dash mode in which he dealt with subjects on which he had not thought, and the temperament which admitted suspicion when the means of knowledge came in his way. Having seen his two phases, I wonder neither at his more than usual exhibition of shallowness when shallow, nor at the intensity of the contrast when he had greater depth.]
[When I read Sir George Lewis's book, the points I criticized seemed understandable, but I didn't remember why at the time. A Chancellor of the Exchequer and a writer on ancient astronomy are so different that one didn’t remind me of the other. In 1855, I was part of a group of about twenty people who met with Sir G. Lewis, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, to discuss a decimal coinage. The group was quite impactful: Mr. Airy, along with myself and others, represented mathematics; William Brown, whose dealings with the United States were measured in yearly millions—counted duodecimally in England and decimally in America—was the best, though not the only, representative of commerce. We had bullionists, accountants, retailers, and others. Sir G. L. walked into the room, took his seat, and without wasting a moment, began lecturing us on the downsides of a decimal coinage; it would require changes to all the tables, it would hinder calculations, and so on. He clearly knew nothing of the arguments against it that weighed on many smarter than he. As the members of the group started to present their points, he responded with odd denials. He interrupted me, saying, "Surely there’s no doubt that our arithmetic books are easier than the French ones." He wasn’t aware that the widely acknowledged superiority of decimal calculation led many who preferred our system for markets and counters to look longingly at decimals. My response, along with the smiles around the room, made him give a strange, puzzled look that seemed to say, "I might be in over my head here!" His demeanor changed, and he started to listen. I noted both the careless way he approached subjects he hadn’t thought about and the temperament that became suspicious when faced with knowledge. After seeing these two sides of him, I’m not surprised by his usual display of shallowness when he was shallow, or by the stark contrast when he did show more depth.]
DECIMAL COINAGE.
Decimal currency.
Among the paradoxers are the political paradoxers who care not how far they go in debate, their only object being to carry the House with them for the current evening. What I have said of editors I repeat of them. The preservation of a very marked instance, the association of political recklessness with cyclometrical and Apocalyptic absurdity, may have a tendency to warn, not indeed any hardened public-man and sinner, but some young minds which have yearnings towards politics, and are in formation of habits.
Among the political paradoxers are those who don’t care how far they go in debate; their only goal is to get the House on their side for the evening. What I’ve said about editors applies to them too. Keeping in mind a clear example, the mix of political recklessness with cyclometrical and Apocalyptic nonsense might serve to caution, not any seasoned politician or wrongdoer, but some young people who are interested in politics and are still developing their habits.
In the debate on decimal coinage of July 12, 1855, Mr. Lowe,[298] then member for Kidderminster, an effective speaker and a smart man, exhibited himself in a speech on which I wrote a comment for the Decimal Association. I have seldom seen a more wretched attempt to distort the points of a public question than the whole of this speech. Looking at the intelligence shown by the speaker on other occasions, [170]it is clear that if charity, instead of believing all things, believed only all things but one, he might tremble for his political character; for the honesty of his intention on this occasion might be the incredible exception. I give a few paragraphs with comments:
In the debate on decimal currency on July 12, 1855, Mr. Lowe, the then member for Kidderminster, who was a skilled speaker and an intelligent man, showcased himself in a speech on which I wrote a commentary for the Decimal Association. I have rarely seen a more terrible attempt to misrepresent the key points of a public issue than the entirety of this speech. Considering the intelligence displayed by the speaker on other occasions, it’s evident that if charity, instead of accepting everything, only accepted everything but one, he might worry for his political reputation; for the honesty of his intentions this time could be the unbelievable exception. Here are a few paragraphs with comments:
"In commenting on the humorous, but still argumentative speech of Mr. Lowe, the member for Kidderminster, we may observe, in general, that it consists of points which have been several times set forth, and several times answered. Mr. Lowe has seen these answers, but does not allude to them, far less attempt to meet them. There are, no doubt, individuals, who show in their public speaking the outward and visible signs of a greater degree of acuteness than they can summon to guide their private thinking. If Mr. Lowe be not one of these, if the power of his mind in the closet be at all comparable to the power of his tongue in the House, it may be suspected that his reserve with respect to what has been put forward by the very parties against whom he was contending, arises from one or both of two things—a high opinion of the arguments which he ignored—a low opinion of the generality of the persons whom he addressed. [Both, I doubt not].
"In discussing the humorous yet still debatable speech by Mr. Lowe, the representative for Kidderminster, we can generally note that it includes points that have been brought up multiple times and answered just as many. Mr. Lowe has seen these responses, but he doesn’t reference them, let alone try to address them. There are definitely people who, when speaking publicly, display a sharper wit than they manage in their private reflections. If Mr. Lowe isn’t one of these, if his mental capabilities in private conversations are at all comparable to his verbal skills in the House, then we might suspect that his silence regarding the points made by the very people he was arguing against comes from one or both of two reasons—a high regard for the arguments he chose to ignore—or a low opinion of the general intelligence of his audience. [Both, I have no doubt]."
"Did they calculate in florins ?" "Did they calculate in euros?" |
In the name of common sense, how can it be objected to a system that people do not use it before it is introduced? Let the decimal system be completed, and calculation shall be made in florins; that is, florins shall take their proper place. If florins were introduced now, there must be a column for the odd shilling. In the name of common sense, how can anyone criticize a system that people haven’t used before it’s introduced? Let’s finalize the decimal system, and calculations will be done in florins; that is, florins will take their rightful place. If florins were introduced now, there would need to be a column for the odd shilling. |
"He was glad that some hon. gentleman had derived benefit from the issue of florins. His only experience of their convenience was, that when he ought to have received half-a-crown, he had generally received a florin, and when he ought to have paid a florin, he had generally paid half-a-crown." (Hear, hear, and laughter.) "He was happy that some honorable gentleman had found the florins useful. His only experience with their convenience was that when he should have received two shillings and sixpence, he usually got a florin instead, and when he should have paid a florin, he typically ended up paying two shillings and sixpence." (Hear, hear, and laughter.) |
I sold my cow to buy me a calf; I sold my cow to buy myself a calf; |
But he cannot mean that Englishmen in general are so easily managed. And as to Jonathan, who is but John lengthened out a little, he would see creation whittled into chips before he would even split what may henceforth be called the Kidderminster difference. The House, not unmoved—for it laughed—with sly humor decided that the introduction of the florin had been "eminently successful and satisfactory."
But he can't possibly mean that English people are so easily controlled. And as for Jonathan, who is just a longer version of John, he would watch the world be chopped into pieces before he would even consider what can now be called the Kidderminster difference. The House, not unswayed—since it chuckled—thought with a hint of humor that the introduction of the florin had been "extremely successful and satisfying."
The truth is that Mr. Lowe here attacks nothing except the coexistence of the florin and half-crown. We are endeavoring to abolish the half-crown. Let Mr. Lowe join us; and he will, if we succeed, be relieved from the pressure on his pocket which must arise from having the turn of the market always against him.
The truth is that Mr. Lowe here criticizes nothing except the presence of the florin and half-crown. We’re trying to get rid of the half-crown. Let Mr. Lowe join us; if we succeed, he will be free from the financial burden that comes from always having the market working against him.
Now, if Mr. Lowe insists on it that our integer is the pound, he is bound to admit that the present integer is the pound, of which a shilling, etc., are fractions. The next time he has a chop and a pint of stout in the city, the waiter should say—"A pound, sir, to you," and should add, "Please to remember the waiter in integers." Mr. Lowe fancies that when he pays one and sixpence, he pays in integers, and so he does, if his integer be a penny or a sixpence. Let him bring his mind to contemplate a mil as the integer, the lowest integer, and the seven cents five mils which he would pay under the new system would be payment in integers also. But, as it happens with some others, he looks up the present system, with Cocker,[299] and Walkingame,[300] and always looks down the proposed system. The word decimal is obstinately associated with fractions, for which there is no need. Hence it becomes so much of a bugbear, that, to parody the lines of Pope, which probably suggested one of Mr. Lowe's phrases—
Now, if Mr. Lowe insists that our base unit is the pound, he has to acknowledge that the current base unit is indeed the pound, of which a shilling, etc., are parts. Next time he enjoys a chop and a pint of stout in the city, the waiter should say, “A pound, sir, for you,” and should add, “Please remember to tip the waiter.” Mr. Lowe believes that when he pays one and sixpence, he’s paying in whole units, which he is, if his unit is a penny or a sixpence. If he thinks of a mil as the basic unit, the seven cents and five mils he’d pay under the new system would also count as payment in whole units. But, like some others, he looks up the current system, with Cocker, [299] and Walkingame, [300] and always looks down on the proposed system. The term decimal is stubbornly tied to fractions, which isn’t necessary. This makes it so daunting that, to parody one of Pope’s lines, which likely inspired one of Mr. Lowe’s phrases—
"Dinner he finds too painful an endeavor,
"Dinner feels too painful a task for him,
Condemned to pay in decimals for ever."
Condemned to pay in decimals forever.
"The present system, however, had not yet been changed into decimal system. That change might appear very easy to accomplished mathematicians and men of science, but it was one which it would be very difficult to carry out. (Hear, hear). What would have to be done? Every sum would have to be reduced into a vulgar fraction of a pound, and then divided by the decimal of a pound—a pleasant sum for an old applewoman to work out!" (Hear, hear, and laughter.) "The current system, however, still hasn't been changed to a decimal system. That change might seem simple to accomplished mathematicians and scientists, but it would actually be very difficult to implement. (Hear, hear). What would need to happen? Every calculation would have to be converted into a simple fraction of a pound and then divided by the decimal of a pound—a fun problem for an old apple seller to figure out!" (Hear, hear, and laughter.) |
A pleasant sum even for an accomplished mathematician. What does divided by the decimal of a pound mean? Perhaps it means reduced to the decimal of a pound! Mr. Lowe supposes, as many others do, that, after the change, all calculations will be proposed in old money, and then converted into new. He cannot hit the [174]idea that the new coins will take the place of the old. This lack of apprehension will presently appear further. A nice amount even for a skilled mathematician. What does divided by the decimal of a pound mean? Maybe it means converted to the decimal of a pound! Mr. Lowe thinks, like many others, that after the change, all calculations will be given in old money, and then converted to new. He can't grasp the [174]idea that the new coins will replace the old ones. This misunderstanding will soon become clear. |
"It would not be an agreeable task, even for some members of that House, to reduce 4½d., or nine half-pence, to mils." (Hear, hear.) "It wouldn't be a pleasant job, even for some members of that House, to convert 4½d., or nine halfpennies, into mils." (Hear, hear.) |
Let the members be assured that nine half-pence will be, for every practical purpose, 18 mils. But now to the fact asserted. Davies Gilbert[301] used to maintain that during the long period he sat in the House, he never knew more than three men in it, at one time, who had a tolerable notion of fractions. [I heard him give the names of three at the time when he spoke: they were Warburton,[302] Pollock,[303] and Hume.[304] He himself was then out of Parliament.] Joseph Hume affirmed that he had never met with more than ten members who were arithmeticians. But both these gentlemen had a high standard. Mr. Lowe has given a much more damaging opinion. He evidently means that the general run of members could not do his question. It is done as follows: Since farthings gain on mils, at the rate of a whole mil in 24 farthings (24 farthings being 25 mils), it is clear that 18 farthings being three-quarters of 24 farthings, will gain three-quarters of a mil; that is, 18 farthings are eighteen [175]mils and three-quarters of a mil. Any number of farthings is as many mils and as many twenty-fourths of a mil. To a certain extent, we feel able to protest against the manner in which Kidderminster has treated the other constituencies. We do not hold it impossible to give the Members of the House in general a sufficient knowledge of the meaning and consequences of the decimal succession of units, tens, hundreds, thousands, etc.; and we believe that there are in the House itself competent men, in number enough to teach all the rest. All that is wanted is the power of starting from the known to arrive at the unknown. Now there is one kind of decimals with which every member is acquainted—the Chiltern Hundreds. If public opinion would enable the competent minority to start from this in their teaching, not as a basis, but as an alternative, in three weeks the fundamentals would be acquired, and members in general would be as fit to turn 4½d. into mils, as any boys on the lower forms of a commercial school. Let the members be assured that nine half-pence will essentially equal 18 mils. Now, regarding the point made. Davies Gilbert used to claim that during his long time in the House, he never knew more than three men at once who had a decent understanding of fractions. [I heard him mention the names of three at the time he spoke: they were Warburton, Pollock, and Hume. He himself was then out of Parliament.] Joseph Hume stated that he had never encountered more than ten members who were skilled at arithmetic. But both of these gentlemen had a high standard. Mr. Lowe expressed a much harsher opinion. He clearly meant that most members wouldn't be able to solve his question. It goes like this: Since farthings earn on mils at the rate of one whole mil for every 24 farthings (24 farthings being 25 mils), it's clear that 18 farthings, being three-quarters of 24 farthings, will earn three-quarters of a mil; that is, 18 farthings are 18 mils and three-quarters of a mil. Any number of farthings corresponds to the same number of mils and the same number of twenty-fourths of a mil. To some extent, we feel capable of protesting against how Kidderminster has handled the other constituencies. We don't think it's impossible to give the Members of the House in general a good understanding of the meaning and consequences of the decimal succession of units, tens, hundreds, thousands, etc.; and we believe that there are enough competent people in the House itself to teach everyone else. All that's needed is the ability to start from what is known to reach the unknown. Now, there is one kind of decimal that every member knows—the Chiltern Hundreds. If public opinion would allow the competent minority to use this as a starting point in their teaching, not as a foundation but as an alternative, in three weeks the basics would be learned, and members in general would be just as capable of converting 4½d. into mils as any boys in the lower grades of a commercial school. For a long period of years, allusion to the general ignorance of arithmetic, has been a standing mode of argument, and has always been well received: whenever one member describes others as knownothings, those others cry Hear to the country in a transport of delight. In the meanwhile the country is gradually arriving at the conclusion that a true joke is no joke. For a long time, mentioning the general lack of knowledge about arithmetic has been a go-to argument, and it’s always been well received: whenever one person calls others knownothings, those others enthusiastically shout Hear in delight. Meanwhile, the country is slowly coming to the realization that a real joke isn't funny at all. |
"The main objection was, if they went below 6d., that the new scale of coins would not be commensurate in any finite ratio with anything in this new currency of mils." "The main concern was that if they went below 6d., the new coin system wouldn’t match up in any finite way with anything in this new currency of mils." |
Fine words, wrongly used. The new coins are commensurable with, and in a finite ratio to, the old ones. The farthing is to the mil as 25 to 24. The speaker has something here in the bud, which we shall presently meet with in the flower; and fallacies are more easily nipped in flower than in bud. [176] Fine words, misused. The new coins are comparable to the old ones and have a specific ratio to them. The farthing relates to the mil as 25 to 24. The speaker has something here that's just starting, which we will soon see in full bloom; it's easier to address misconceptions when they're just budding rather than fully developed. [176] |
"No less than five of our present coins must be called in, or else—which would be worse—new values must be given to them." "No fewer than five of our current coins need to be recalled, or else—which would be even worse—new values must be assigned to them." |
This dreadful change of value consists in sixpence farthing going to the half-shilling instead of sixpence. Whether the new farthings be called mils or not is of no consequence. This terrible change in value means that sixpence farthing now equals half a shilling instead of sixpence. It doesn't matter whether the new farthings are called mils or something else. |
"If a poor man put a penny in his pocket, it would come out a coin of different value, which he would not understand. Suppose he owed another man a penny, how was he to pay him ? Was he to pay him in mils? Four mils would be too little, and five mils would be too much. The hon. gentlemen said there would be only a mil between them. That was exactly it. He believed there would be a 'mill' between them." (Much laughter.) "If a poor guy put a penny in his pocket, it would come out as a coin with a different value that he wouldn’t understand. Suppose he owed someone a penny, how would he pay him? Should he pay him in mils? Four mils would be too little, and five mils would be too much. The honorable gentlemen said there would only be a mil between them. That was exactly it. He believed there would be a 'mill' between them." (Much laughter.) |
Mr. Lowe, who cannot pass a half-crown for more than a florin, or get in a florin at less than half-a-crown, has such a high faith in the sterner stuff of his fellow countrymen, that he believes any two of them would go to fisty cuffs for the 25th part of a farthing. He reasons thus: He has often heard in the streets, "I'd fight you for the fiftieth part of a farden:" and having (that is, for a Member) a notion both of fractions and logic, he infers that those who would fight for the 50th of a farthing would, a fortiori, fight for a 25th. His mistake arises from his not knowing that when a person offers to fight another for 1/200d., he really means to fight for love; and that the stake is merely a matter of form, a feigned issue, a pro forma report of progress. Do the Members of the House think they have all the forms to themselves? Mr. Lowe, who can’t pass a half-crown for more than a florin, or get a florin at less than half a crown, has such strong faith in the toughness of his fellow countrymen that he believes any two of them would brawl over the 25th part of a farthing. He thinks this way: He has often heard in the streets, “I’d fight you for the fiftieth part of a farthing,” and having (as a Member) some understanding of fractions and logic, he concludes that those who would fight for the 50th of a farthing would, a fortiori, fight for a 25th. His mistake comes from not realizing that when someone offers to fight another for 1/200d., they actually mean to fight for fun; the stake is just a formality, a feigned issue, a pro forma progress report. Do the Members of the House think they own all the formalities? |
"What would be the present expression for four-pence? Why, 0.166 (a laugh); for threepence? .0125; for a penny? .004166, and so on ad infinitum (a laugh); for a half-penny? .002083 ad infinitum. (A laugh). What would be the present expression for a farthing? Why, .0010416 ad infinitum. (A laugh). And this was the system which was to cause such a saving in figures, and these were the quantities into which the poor would have to reduce the current coin of the realm. (Cheers). With every respect for decimal fractions, of which he boasted no profound knowledge, he doubted whether the poor were equal to mental arithmetic of this kind, (hear, hear) and he hoped the adoption of the system would be deferred until there were some proof that they would be able to understand it; for, after all, this was the question of the poor, and the whole weight of the change would fall upon them. Let the rich by all means have permission to perplex themselves by any division of a pound they pleased; but do not let them, by any experiment like this, impose difficulties upon the poor and compel men to carry ready-reckoners in their pocket to give them all these fractional quantities." (Hear, hear.) "What would today's value for four-pence be? Well, it’s 0.166 (laughter); for threepence? .0125; for a penny? .004166, and so forth ad infinitum (laughter); for a half-penny? .002083 ad infinitum. (Laughter). What would the current value for a farthing be? It’s .0010416 ad infinitum. (Laughter). And this was the system that was supposed to simplify the numbers, and these were the values the less fortunate would have to deal with in terms of current coins. (Cheers). With all due respect for decimal fractions, which he admitted he didn't know much about, he doubted that the poor could handle this kind of mental math (hear, hear), and he hoped the implementation of the system would be postponed until there was some evidence that they could understand it; because, after all, this was a matter affecting the poor, and the entire burden of the change would rest on them. Let the wealthy have their chance to jumble themselves with whatever division of a pound they wish; but let’s not impose such challenges on the poor and force them to carry calculators in their pockets to figure out all these fractional values." (Hear, hear.) |
Dialogue between a member of Parliament and an orange-boy, three days after the introduction of the complete decimal system. The member, going down to the House, wants oranges to sustain his voice in a two hours' speech on moving that 100000l. be placed at the disposal of Her Majesty, to supply the poor with ready-reckoners. Conversation between a member of Parliament and a fruit vendor, three days after the complete decimal system was introduced. The member, heading to the House, wants oranges to help keep his voice strong for a two-hour speech about proposing that £100,000 be made available to Her Majesty to provide the poor with calculators. Member. Here boy, two! Now, how am I to pay you? Member. Hey dude, two! So, how am I supposed to pay you? Boy. Give you change, your honor. Kid. Give you change, your honor. Member. Ah! but how? Where's your ready-reckoner? Member. Ah! But how? Where's your calculator? Boy. I sells a better sort nor them. Mine's real Cheyny. Boy. I sell a better kind than those. Mine's real Cheyny. Member. But you see a farthing is now .0014166666 ad infinitum, and if we multiply this by 4—— Member. But you see a farthing is now 0.0014166666 ad infinitum, and if we multiply this by 4—— Boy. Hold hard, Guv'ner; I sees what you're arter. Now what'll you stand if I puts you up to it? which Bill Smith he put me up in two minutes, cause he goes to the Ragged School. Boy. Hold on, Governor; I see what you're after. Now, what will you give me if I set you up with it? Bill Smith managed to set me up in two minutes because he goes to the Ragged School. Member. You don't mean that you do without a book! Member. You can't be serious that you go without a book! Boy. Book be blowed. Come now, old un, here's summut for both on us. I got a florin, you gives me a half-a-crown for it, and I larns you the new money, gives you your oranges, and calls you a brick into the bargain. Boy. Forget the book. Come on, old man, I've got something for us both. I have a florin, you give me a half-crown for it, I'll teach you about the new money, hand you your oranges, and call you a champ to top it off. Member (to himself). Never had such a chance of getting off half-a-crown for value since that —— fellow Bowring carried his crochet. (Aloud.) Well, boy, it's a bargain. Now! Member (to himself). I’ve never had such a chance to get half a crown's worth since that —— guy Bowring took his crochet. (Aloud.) Alright, kid, it's a deal. Now! Boy. Why, look 'e here, my trump, its a farden more to the tizzy—that's what it is. Boy. Hey, look here, my friend, it's a penny more to the tip—that's what it is. Member. What's that? Member. What's that about? Boy. Why, you knows a sixpence when you sees it. (Aside). Blest if I think he does! Well, its six browns and a farden now. A lady buys two oranges, and forks [179]out a sixpence; well in coorse, I hands over fippence farden astead of fippence. I always gives a farden more change, and takes according. Boy. Well, you know a sixpence when you see it. (Aside). Honestly, I don't think he does! Anyway, it’s six browns and a farthing now. A lady buys two oranges and hands over a sixpence; of course, I give back five pence and a farthing instead of just five pence. I always give a farthing more in change and take it into account. Member (in utter surprise, lets his oranges tumble into the gutter). Never mind! They won't be wanted now. (Walks off one way. Boy makes a pass of naso-digital mesmerism, and walks off the other way). Member (in complete shock, drops his oranges into the gutter). It’s no big deal! They’re not needed now. (Walks off in one direction. Boy mimics a hypnotic gesture and walks off in the opposite direction). |
To the poor, who keep no books, the whole secret is "Sixpence farthing to the half shilling, twelve pence halfpenny to the shilling." The new twopence halfpenny, or cent, will be at once five to the shilling.
To the poor, who don’t keep any records, the whole secret is "Sixpence farthing to the half shilling, twelve pence halfpenny to the shilling." The new twopence halfpenny, or cent, will immediately be five to the shilling.
In conclusion, we remark that three very common misconceptions run through the hon. Member's argument; and, combined in different proportions, give variety to his patterns.
In conclusion, we note that three very common misconceptions run through the honorable Member's argument; and, when mixed in different amounts, provide variety to his patterns.
First, he will have it that we design to bring the uneducated into contact with decimal fractions. If it be so, it will only be as M. Jourdain was brought into contact with prose. In fact, Quoi! quand je dis, Nicole, apportez-moi mes pantoufles, c'est de la prose?[305] may be rendered: "What! do you mean that ten to the florin is a cent a piece must be called decimal reckoning?" If we had to comfort a poor man, horror-struck by the threat of decimals, we should tell him what manner of fractions had been inflicted upon him hitherto; nothing less awful than quarto-duodecimo-vicesimals, we should assure him.
First, he will insist that we intend to expose the uneducated to decimal fractions. If that's the case, it will only be like how M. Jourdain discovered prose. In fact, What! when I say, Nicole, bring me my slippers, that's prose?[305] can be interpreted as: "What! are you saying that ten to the florin is a cent a piece should be called decimal reckoning?" If we needed to reassure a poor man, terrified by the idea of decimals, we would explain what kinds of fractions he has been subjected to until now; nothing less terrifying than quarto-duodecimo-vicesimals, we would promise him.
Secondly, he assumes that the penny, such as it now is, will remain, as a coin of estimation, after it has ceased to be a coin of exchange; and that the mass of the people will continue to think of prices in old pence, and to calculate them in new ones, or else in new mils. No answer is required to this, beyond the mere statement of the nature of the assumption and denial.
Secondly, he assumes that the penny, as it currently is, will continue to be valued as a measure, even after it stops being used in transactions; and that the general public will keep thinking about prices in old pence and calculating them in new ones, or in new mils. No further response is needed to this, beyond simply stating the nature of the assumption and denial.
Thirdly, he attributes to the uneducated community a want of perception and of operative power which really does not belong to them. The evidence offered to the Committee of the House shows that no fear is entertained on this point by those who come most in contact with farthing purchasers. And this would seem to be a rule,—that is, fear of the intelligence of the lower orders in the minds of those who are not in daily communication with them, no fear at all in the minds of those who are.
Thirdly, he claims that the uneducated community lacks perception and the ability to act, which isn't actually true. The evidence presented to the Committee of the House shows that those who interact most frequently with low-income buyers have no concerns about this. It appears to be a pattern—people who don’t interact with the lower classes tend to fear their intelligence, while those who do interact with them have no such fear at all.
A remarkable instance of this distinction happened five-and-twenty years ago. The Admiralty requested the Astronomical Society to report on the alterations which should be made in the Nautical Almanac, the seaman's guide-book over the ocean. The greatest alteration proposed was the description of celestial phenomena in mean (or clock time), instead of apparent (or sundial) time, till then always employed. This change would require that in a great many operations the seaman should let alone what he formerly altered by addition or subtraction, and alter by addition or subtraction what he formerly let alone; provided always that what he formerly altered by addition he should, when he altered at all, alter by subtraction, and vice versa. This was a tolerably difficult change for uneducated skippers, working by rules they had only learned by rote. The Astronomical Society appointed a Committee of forty, of whom nine were naval officers or merchant seamen [I was on this Committee]. Some men of science were much afraid of the change. They could not trust an ignorant skipper or mate to make those alterations in their routine, on the correctness of which the ship might depend. Had the Committee consisted of men of science only, the change might never have been ventured on. But the naval men laughed, and said there was nothing to fear; and on their authority the alteration was made. The upshot was, that, after the new almanacs appeared, not a word of complaint was ever heard on the matter. Had the House of Commons had to [181]decide this question, with Mr. Lowe to quote the description given by Basil Hall[306] (who, by the way, was one of the Committee) of an observation on which the safety of the ship depended, worked out by the light of a lantern in a gale of wind off a lee shore, this simple and useful change might at this moment have been in the hands of its tenth Government Commission.
A significant example of this distinction occurred twenty-five years ago. The Admiralty asked the Astronomical Society to report on the changes that should be made to the Nautical Almanac, the guide for sailors at sea. The biggest change suggested was to describe celestial events in mean (or clock) time, instead of apparent (or sundial) time, which had always been used until then. This change meant that in many situations, sailors would have to stop altering things through addition or subtraction, and instead, change what they used to leave alone; making sure that what they previously changed by addition would, when they did alter it, be changed by subtraction, and vice versa. This was quite a tough switch for untrained captains who had only memorized their rules. The Astronomical Society formed a Committee of forty, including nine naval officers or merchant sailors [I was on this Committee]. Some scientists were quite apprehensive about the change. They had no faith that an untrained captain or first mate could correctly make those adjustments in their routine that the ship's safety relied on. If the Committee had been made up of only scientists, this change might never have been attempted. However, the naval members chuckled and said there was nothing to worry about; based on their confidence, the alteration was implemented. The result was that, after the new almanacs were released, no complaints were ever heard about it. If the House of Commons had to [181]decide this issue, with Mr. Lowe referencing the description provided by Basil Hall[306] (who was also a member of the Committee) of an observation critical for the ship's safety, conducted by lantern light during a storm off a lee shore, this simple and practical change might currently be in the hands of its tenth Government Commission.
[Aug. 14, 1866. The Committee was appointed in the spring of 1830: it consisted of forty members. Death, of course, has been busy; there are now left Lord Shaftesbury,[307] Mr. Babbage,[308] Sir John Herschel,[309] Sir Thomas Maclear[310] (Astronomer Royal at the Cape of Good Hope), Dr. Robinson[311] (of Armagh), Sir James South,[312] Lord Wrottesley,[313] and myself].
[Aug. 14, 1866. The Committee was formed in the spring of 1830 and had forty members. Sadly, many have passed away; now only Lord Shaftesbury, [307] Mr. Babbage, [308] Sir John Herschel, [309] Sir Thomas Maclear [310] (Astronomer Royal at the Cape of Good Hope), Dr. Robinson [311] (from Armagh), Sir James South, [312] Lord Wrottesley, [313] and I remain.]
THE TONAL SYSTEM.
THE TONE SYSTEM.
Project of a new system of arithmetic, weight, measure, and coins, proposed to be called the tonal system, with sixteen to the base. By J. W. Mystrom.[314] Philadelphia, 1862, 8vo.
Proposal for a new system of arithmetic, weight, measure, and currency, to be named the tonal system, using a base of sixteen. By J. W. Mystrom. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Philadelphia, 1862, 8vo.
That is to say, sixteen is to take the place of ten, and to be written 10. The whole language is to be changed; every man of us is to be sixteen-stringed Jack and every woman sixteen-stringed Jill. Our old one, two, three, up to sixteen, are to be (Noll going for nothing, which will please those who dislike the memory of Old Noll) replaced by An, De, Ti, Go, Su, By, Ra, Me, Ni, Ko, Hu, Vy, La, Po, Fy, Ton; and then Ton-an, Ton-de, etc. for 17, 18, etc. The number which in the system has the symbol
That means sixteen will replace ten and will be represented as 10. The entire language will change; every man will be sixteen-stringed Jack and every woman will be sixteen-stringed Jill. Our old one, two, three, up to sixteen, will be replaced by An, De, Ti, Go, Su, By, Ra, Me, Ni, Ko, Hu, Vy, La, Po, Fy, Ton; and then Ton-an, Ton-de, etc. for 17, 18, etc. The number that in the system has the symbol
28(13)5(11)7(14)0(15)
28(13)5(11)7(14)0(15)
(using our present compounds instead of new types) is to be pronounced
(using our current compounds instead of new types) is to be pronounced
Detam-memill-lasan-suton-hubong-ramill-posanfy.
Detam-memill-lasan-suton-hubong-ramill-posanfy.
The year is to have sixteen months, and here they are:
The year will have sixteen months, and here they are:
Anuary, Debrian, Timander, Gostus,
Anuary, Debrian, Timander, Gostus,
Suvenary, Bylian, Ratamber, Mesudius,
Suvenary, Bylian, Ratamber, Mesudius
Nictoary, Kolumbian, Husamber, Vyctorius,
Nictoary, Colombian, Husamber, Vyctorius,
Lamboary, Polian, Fylander, Tonborius.
Lamboary, Polian, Fylander, Tonborius.
Surely An-month, De-month, etc. would do as well. Probably the wants of poetry were considered. But what are we to do with our old poets? For example—
Surely An-month, De-month, etc. would work just as well. The needs of poetry were probably taken into account. But what do we do with our old poets? For example—
"It was a night of lovely June,
"It was a beautiful June night,
High rose in cloudless blue the moon."
High rose in cloudless blue the moon.
Let us translate—
Let's translate—
"It was a night of lovely Nictoary,
"It was a night of beautiful Nictoary,
High rose in cloudless blue the (what, in the name of all that is absurd?)."
High rose in the clear blue sky the (what, in the name of all that is absurd?)."
"Oh! now's the time of all the year for flowers and fun, the Maydays;
"Oh! now's the best time of the year for flowers and fun, the Maydays;
To trim your whiskers, curl your hair, and sinivate the ladies."
To groom your beard, style your hair, and attract the ladies.
If I were asked which I preferred, this system or that of Baron Ferrari[315] already mentioned, proceeding by twelves, I should reply, with Candide, when he had the option given of running the gauntlet or being shot: Les volontés sont libres, et je ne veux ni l'un ni l'autre.[316] We can imagine a speculator providing such a system for Utopia as it would be in the mind of a Laputan: but to explain how an engineer who has surveyed mankind from Philadelphia to Rostof on the Don should for a moment entertain the idea of such a system being actually adopted, would beat a jury of solar-system-makers, though they were shut up from the beginning of Anuary to the end of Tonborius. When I see such a scheme as this imagined to be practicable, I admire the wisdom of Providence in providing the quadrature of the circle, etc., to open a harmless sphere of action to the possessors of the kind of ingenuity which it displays. Those who cultivate mathematics have a right to speak strongly on such efforts of arithmetic as this: for, to my knowledge, persons who have no knowledge are frequently disposed to imagine that their makers are true brothers of the craft, a little more intelligible than the rest.
If I were asked which I preferred, this system or that of Baron Ferrari, which I mentioned earlier that operates in multiples of twelve, I would reply, like Candide did when he had to choose between running the gauntlet or getting shot: "Our wills are free, and I don’t want either." We can picture a thinker designing a Utopian system as it might exist in the imagination of a Laputan: but trying to explain how an engineer who has traveled from Philadelphia to Rostov-on-Don could even consider that such a system could be realistically adopted would stump a group of solar-system creators, even if they were locked up from the beginning of January to the end of October. When I see a scheme like this thought to be feasible, I appreciate the wisdom of Providence in giving us the quadrature of the circle, etc., to provide a harmless field of activity for those with the type of creativity it represents. Those who study mathematics have the right to criticize such mathematical endeavors because, as I know, people who lack knowledge often think that their creators are genuine members of the field, just a bit more understandable than others.
SOME SMALL PARADOXERS.
SOME SMALL PARADOXES.
An attack on the Newtonian mechanics; revolution by gravitation demonstrably impossible; much to be said for the earth being the immovable center. A good analysis of contents at the beginning, a thing seldom found. The author has followed up his attack in a paper submitted to the British Association, but which it appears the Association declined to consider. It is entitled—
An attack on Newtonian mechanics; revolution by gravitation is clearly impossible; there's a lot to be said for the earth being the immovable center. There's a solid analysis of the contents at the beginning, which is something you don't often see. The author has continued his argument in a paper submitted to the British Association, but it seems the Association chose not to review it. It's titled—
Victoria Toto Cœlo; or, Modern Astronomy recast. London, 1863, 8vo.
Victoria Toto Cœlo; or, Modern Astronomy Reimagined. London, 1863, 8vo.
At the end is a criticism of Sir G. Lewis's History of Ancient Astronomy.
At the end is a critique of Sir G. Lewis's History of Ancient Astronomy.
On the definition and nature of the Science of Political Economy. By H. Dunning Macleod,[319] Esq. Cambridge, 1862, 8vo.
On the definition and nature of the Science of Political Economy. By H. Dunning Macleod,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Esq. Cambridge, 1862, 8vo.
A paper read—but, according to the report, not understood—at the British Association. There is a notion that political economy is entirely mathematical; and its negative quantity is strongly recommended for study: it contains "the whole of the Funds, Credit, 32 parts out of 33 of the value of Land...." The mathematics are described as consisting of—first, number, or Arithmetic; secondly, the theory of dependent quantities, subdivided into dependence by cause and effect, and dependence by simultaneous variations; thirdly, "independent quantities or unconnected events, which is the theory of probabilities." I am not ashamed, having the British Association as a co-non-intelligent, to say I do not understand this: there is a paradox in it, and the author should give further explanation, especially of his negative quantity. Mr. Macleod has gained [185]praise from great names for his political economy; but this, I suspect, must have been for other parts of his system.
A paper was presented—but, according to the report, not understood—at the British Association. There’s a belief that political economy is purely mathematical, and its negative aspect is highly recommended for study: it covers "the entirety of the Funds, Credit, and 32 out of 33 parts of the value of Land...." The mathematics are described as involving—first, numbers or Arithmetic; second, the theory of dependent quantities, which is divided into dependence based on cause and effect and dependence based on simultaneous variations; third, "independent quantities or unconnected events, which is the theory of probabilities." I’m not ashamed, with the British Association being equally confused, to say I don’t get this: there’s a contradiction in it, and the author should explain further, especially regarding his negative quantity. Mr. Macleod has received praise from notable figures for his political economy; however, I suspect this is for other aspects of his system.
On the principles and practice of just Intonation, with a view to the abolition of temperament.... By General Perronet Thompson.[320] Sixth Edition. London, 1862, 8vo.
On the principles and practice of just intonation, aiming for the elimination of temperament.... By General Perronet Thompson. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Sixth Edition. London, 1862, 8vo.
Here is General Thompson again, with another paradox: but always master of the subject, always well up in what his predecessors have done, and always aiming at a useful end. He desires to abolish temperament by additional keys, and has constructed an enharmonic organ with forty sounds in the octave. If this can be introduced, I, for one, shall delight to hear it: but there are very great difficulties in the way, greater than stood even in the way of the repeal of the bread-tax.
Here is General Thompson again, presenting another paradox: always in control of the topic, well-informed about what those before him have accomplished, and consistently focused on achieving something beneficial. He wants to eliminate temperament by adding more keys and has created an enharmonic organ with forty sounds in the octave. If this can be implemented, I, for one, will be excited to hear it; but there are significant challenges ahead, even greater than those faced when trying to abolish the bread tax.
In a paper on the beats of organ-pipes and on temperament published some years ago, I said that equal temperament appeared to me insipid, and not so agreeable as the effect of the instrument when in progress towards being what is called out of tune, before it becomes offensively wrong. There is throughout that period unequal temperament, determined by accident. General Thompson, taking me one way, says I have launched a declaration which is likely to make an epoch in musical practice; a public musical critic, taking me another way, quizzes me for preferring music out of tune. I do not think I deserve either one remark or the other. My opponent critic, I suspect, takes equally tempered and in tune to be phrases of one meaning. But by equal temperament is meant equal distribution among all the keys of the error which an instrument must have, which, with twelve sounds only in the octave, professes to be fit for all the keys. I am reminded of the equal temperament which was once applied to the postmen's jackets. The coats were all made for the average man: the [186]consequence was that all the tall men had their tails too short; all the short men had them too long. Some one innocently asked why the tall men did not change coats with the short ones.
In a paper about the beats of organ pipes and temperament published a few years back, I mentioned that equal temperament feels bland to me and isn't as enjoyable as the sound of the instrument when it's heading toward what's called out of tune, but before it becomes truly off-key. Throughout this time, there's always been uneven temperament, influenced by chance. General Thompson, in one instance, tells me I've made a statement that could change musical practice; a public music critic, in another instance, mocks me for favoring music that’s out of tune. I don't think I deserve either of those remarks. I suspect my critic believes "equally tempered" and "in tune" mean the same thing. However, equal temperament refers to the equal distribution of the errors that an instrument inevitably has, which, with only twelve notes in an octave, claims to be suitable for every key. It reminds me of when equal temperament was applied to postmen’s jackets. The coats were all designed for an average-sized person, so tall men ended up with coats that had tails that were too short, while short men had tails that were too long. Someone naively asked why the tall men didn’t just swap coats with the short ones.
A diagram illustrating a discovery in the relation of circles to right-lined geometrical figures. London, 1863, 12mo.
A diagram illustrating a finding about the connection between circles and straight-line geometric shapes. London, 1863, 12mo.
The circle is divided into equal sectors, which are joined head and tail: but a property is supposed which is not true.
The circle is divided into equal sections, which are connected end to end: but a property is assumed that isn’t true.
An attempt to assign the square roots of negative powers; or what is √ -1? By F.H. Laing.[321] London, 1863, 8vo.
An attempt to find the square roots of negative powers; specifically, what is √ -1? By F.H. Laing.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1863, 8vo.
If I understand the author, -a and +a are the square roots of -a2, as proved by multiplying them together. The author seems quite unaware of what has been done in the last fifty years.
If I understand the author, -a and +a are the square roots of -a2, as shown by multiplying them together. The author seems to be completely unaware of what has happened in the last fifty years.
BYRNE'S DUAL ARITHMETIC.
BYRNE'S DUAL MATH.
Dual Arithmetic. A new art. By Oliver Byrne.[322] London, 1863, 8vo.
Dual Arithmetic: A New Art by Oliver Byrne. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1863, 8vo.
The plan is to throw numbers into the form a(1.1)b (1.01)c (1.001)d... and to operate with this form. This is an ingenious and elaborate speculation; and I have no doubt the author has practised his method until he could surprise any one else by his use of it. But I doubt if he will persuade others to use it. As asked of Wilkins's universal language, Where is the second man to come from?
The plan is to plug in numbers into the format a(1.1)b (1.01)c (1.001)d... and to work with this format. This is a clever and detailed idea; and I’m sure the author has practiced his method until he could amaze anyone else with it. But I’m not so sure he’ll convince others to use it. As it was asked about Wilkins's universal language, where is the second person going to come from?
An effective predecessor in the same line of invention [187]was the late Mr. Thomas Weddle,[323] in his "New, simple, and general method of solving numeric equations of all orders," 4to, 1842. The Royal Society, to which this paper was offered, declined to print it: they ought to have printed an organized method, which, without subsidiary tables, showed them, in six quarto pages, the solution (x=8.367975431) of the equation
An influential predecessor in the same field of invention [187] was the late Mr. Thomas Weddle, [323] in his "New, Simple, and General Method of Solving Numeric Equations of All Orders," 4to, 1842. The Royal Society, to which this paper was submitted, chose not to publish it; they should have published a structured method that, without additional tables, demonstrated the solution (x=8.367975431) of the equation in just six quarto pages.
1379.664 x622 + 2686034 × 10432 x152 - 17290224 × 10518 x60 + 2524156 × 10574 = 0.
1379.664 x622 + 2686034 × 10432 x152 - 17290224 × 10518 x60 + 2524156 × 10574 = 0.
The method proceeds by successive factors of the form, a being the first approximation, a × 1.b × 1.0c × 1.00d.... In my copy I find a few corrections made by me at the time in Mr. Weddle's announcement. "It was read before that learned body [the R. S.] and they were pleased [but] to transmit their thanks to the author. The en[dis]couragement which he received induces [obliges] him to lay the result of his enquiries in this important branch of mathematics before the public [, at his own expense; he being an usher in a school at Newcastle]." Which is most satirical, Mr. Weddle or myself? The Society, in the account which it gave of this paper, described it as a "new and remarkably simple method" possessing "several important advantages." Mr. Rutherford's[324] extended value of π was read at the very next meeting, and was printed in the Transactions; and very properly: Mr. Weddle's paper was excluded, and very very improperly.
The method works by using successive factors like this: a is the first approximation, followed by a × 1.b × 1.0c × 1.00d.... In my copy, I see a few corrections I made at the time in Mr. Weddle's announcement. "It was presented to that learned group [the R. S.], and they kindly [but] sent their thanks to the author. The support he received compels [obliges] him to share the results of his research in this important area of mathematics with the public [, at his own expense; he being an usher in a school at Newcastle]." Who’s more sarcastic, Mr. Weddle or me? The Society, in their report on this paper, called it a "new and remarkably simple method" with "several important advantages." Mr. Rutherford's[324] extended value of π was presented at the very next meeting and published in the Transactions; and rightly so: Mr. Weddle's paper was excluded, and very wrongly so.
HORNER'S METHOD.
Horner's Method.
I think it may be admited that the indisposition to look at and encourage improvements of calculation which once [188]marked the Royal Society is no longer in existence. But not without severe lessons. They had the luck to accept Horner's[325] now celebrated paper, containing the method which is far on the way to become universal: but they refused the paper in which Horner developed his views of this and other subjects: it was printed by T. S. Davies[326] after Horner's death. I make myself responsible for the statement that the Society could not reject this paper, yet felt unwilling to print it, and suggested that it should be withdrawn; which was done.
I think it's fair to say that the reluctance to look at and support advancements in calculation that once characterized the Royal Society is no longer present. But it came with some tough lessons. They had the good fortune to accept Horner's now-famous paper, which contains a method that is well on its way to becoming universal; however, they rejected the paper where Horner explored his ideas on this and other topics. That paper was published by T. S. Davies after Horner's death. I'm willing to take responsibility for stating that the Society couldn't reject this paper, yet they were hesitant to publish it and suggested that it be withdrawn, which it was.
But the severest lesson was the loss of Barrett's Method,[327] now the universal instrument of the actuary in his highest calculations. It was presented to the Royal Society, and refused admission into the Transactions: Francis Baily[328] printed it. The Society is now better informed: "live and learn," meaning "must live, so better learn," ought to be the especial motto of a corporation, and is generally acted on, more or less.
But the hardest lesson was losing Barrett's Method,[327] which is now the standard tool for actuaries in their most complex calculations. It was submitted to the Royal Society but was rejected from the Transactions: Francis Baily[328] published it. The Society is now more knowledgeable: "live and learn," meaning "must live, so better learn," should be the special motto of an organization and is usually followed, to some extent.
Horner's method begins to be introduced at Cambridge: it was published in 1820. I remember that when I first went to Cambridge (in 1823) I heard my tutor say, in conversation, there is no doubt that the true method of solving equations is the one which was published a few years ago in the Philosophical Transactions. I wondered it was not taught, but presumed that it belonged to the higher mathematics. This Horner himself had in his head: and in a sense it is true; for all lower branches belong to the higher: but he would have stared to have been told that he, Horner, [189]was without a European predecessor, and in the distinctive part of his discovery was heir-at-law to the nameless Brahmin—Tartar—Antenoachian—what you please—who concocted the extraction of the square root.
Horner's method started to be introduced at Cambridge and was published in 1820. I remember when I first went to Cambridge in 1823, my tutor mentioned in conversation that there's no doubt the best way to solve equations is the method published a few years earlier in the Philosophical Transactions. I was surprised it wasn't being taught, but I figured it must be part of the advanced mathematics curriculum. Horner himself thought this way too; in a sense, it's true that all basic branches are part of the advanced ones. But he would have been shocked to hear he had no European predecessor and that in the unique aspect of his discovery, he was the rightful heir to the unnamed Brahmin—Tartar—Antenoachian—whatever you want to call him—who invented the method for extracting square roots.
It was somewhat more than twenty years after I had thus heard a Cambridge tutor show sense of the true place of Horner's method, that a pupil of mine who had passed on to Cambridge was desired by his college tutor to solve a certain cubic equation—one of an integer root of two figures. In a minute the work and answer were presented, by Horner's method. "How!" said the tutor, "this can't be, you know." "There is the answer, Sir!" said my pupil, greatly amused, for my pupils learnt, not only Horner's method, but the estimation it held at Cambridge. "Yes!" said the tutor, "there is the answer certainly; but it stands to reason that a cubic equation cannot be solved in this space." He then sat down, went through a process about ten times as long, and then said with triumph: "There! that is the way to solve a cubic equation!"
It was just over twenty years after I heard a Cambridge tutor recognize the true value of Horner's method that a student of mine, who had moved on to Cambridge, was asked by his college tutor to solve a specific cubic equation—one with a two-digit integer root. In a minute, he showed the work and presented the answer using Horner's method. "What?!" said the tutor, "this can't be right." "There’s the answer, Sir!" replied my student, quite amused, because my students knew not only Horner's method but also the reputation it held at Cambridge. "Yes!" said the tutor, "there is indeed an answer; but it stands to reason that a cubic equation can't be solved this way." He then sat down, went through a process that took about ten times longer, and triumphantly declared: "There! That’s the correct way to solve a cubic equation!"
I think the tutor in this case was never matched, except by the country organist. A master of the instrument went into the organ-loft during service, and asked the organist to let him play the congregation out; consent was given. The stranger, when the time came, began a voluntary which made the people open their ears, and wonder who had got into the loft: they kept their places to enjoy the treat. When the organist saw this, he pushed the interloper off the stool, with "You'll never play 'em out this side Christmas." He then began his own drone, and the congregation began to move quietly away. "There," said he, "that's the way to play 'em out!"
I think the tutor in this case was only matched by the local organist. A master of the instrument went into the organ loft during the service and asked the organist if he could play the congregation out; permission was granted. When the time came, the stranger started a piece that caught the attention of the people, making them wonder who had gotten into the loft; they stayed in their seats to enjoy the performance. When the organist noticed this, he pushed the intruder off the stool, saying, "You'll never play them out this side of Christmas." He then began his own low notes, and the congregation started to move away quietly. "There," he said, "that's how you play them out!"
I have not scrupled to bear hard on my own university, on the Royal Society, and on other respectable existences: being very much the friend of all. I will now clear the Royal Society from a very small and obscure slander, simply because I know how. This dissertation began with [190]the work of Mr. Oliver Byrne, the dual arithmetician, etc. This writer published, in 1849, a method of calculating logarithms.[329] First, a long list of instances in which, as he alleges, foreign discoverers have been pillaged by Englishmen, or turned into Englishmen: for example, O'Neill,[330] so called by Mr. Byrne, the rectifier of the semi-cubical parabola claimed by the Saxons under the name of Neal: the grandfather of this mathematician was conspicuous enough as Neal; he was archbishop of York. This list, says the writer, might be continued without end; but he has mercy, and finishes with his own case, as follows:—"About twenty years ago, I discovered this method of directly calculating logarithms. I could generally find the logarithm of any number in a minute or two without the use of books or tables. The importance of the discovery subjected me to all sorts of prying. Some asserted that I committed a table of logarithms to memory; others attributed it to a peculiar mental property; and when Societies and individuals failed to extract my secret, they never failed to traduce the inventor and the invention. Among the learned Societies, the Royal Society of London played a very base part. When I have more space and time at my disposal, I will revert to this subject again."
I haven't hesitated to criticize my own university, the Royal Society, and other respected institutions, as I consider myself a friend to all. Now, I want to clear the Royal Society of a minor and obscure slander, simply because I know how to do it. This discussion began with the work of Mr. Oliver Byrne, a dual arithmetician, etc. In 1849, this author published a method for calculating logarithms. First, he provided a long list of instances where, according to him, foreign inventors were robbed by Englishmen or turned into Englishmen. For example, there’s O'Neill, as Mr. Byrne calls him, who rectified the semi-cubical parabola claimed by the Saxons as Neal: the grandfather of this mathematician was notable enough as Neal; he was the archbishop of York. The author suggests that this list could go on indefinitely, but out of mercy, he concludes with his own case: "About twenty years ago, I discovered this method for directly calculating logarithms. I could usually find the logarithm of any number in a minute or two without needing books or tables. The significance of the discovery led to all sorts of scrutiny. Some claimed I had memorized a table of logarithms; others thought it was due to a unique mental ability. When societies and individuals couldn't figure out my secret, they often resorted to disparaging both the inventor and the invention. Among the learned societies, the Royal Society of London played a very shameful role. When I have more space and time, I’ll come back to this topic."
Such a trumpery story as this remains unnoticed at the time; but when all are gone, a stray copy from a stall falls into hands which, not knowing what to make of it, make history of it. It is a very curious distortion. The reader may take it on my authority, that the Royal Society played no part, good or bad, nor had the option of playing a part. [191]But I myself pars magna fui:[331] and when the author has "space and time" at his disposal, he must not take all of them; I shall want a little of both.
Such a silly story like this goes unnoticed at the time; but when everyone is gone, a random copy from a stall ends up in the hands of someone who, not knowing what to make of it, turns it into history. It’s a very strange twist. The reader can trust me when I say that the Royal Society had no involvement, good or bad, nor did it have the option to get involved. [191] But I myself pars magna fui:[331] and when the author has “space and time” available, he shouldn't take all of it; I will want a bit of both.
ARE ATOMS WORLDS?
ARE ATOMS UNIVERSES?
The mystery of being; or are ultimate atoms inhabited worlds? By Nicholas Odgers.[332] Redruth and London, 1863, 8vo.
The mystery of existence: do the smallest particles hold entire worlds? By Nicholas Odgers. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Redruth and London, 1863, 8vo.
This book, as a paradox, beats quadrature, duplication, trisection, philosopher's stone, perpetual motion, magic, astrology, mesmerism, clairvoyance, spiritualism, homœopathy, hydropathy, kinesipathy, Essays and Reviews, and Bishop Colenso,[333] all put together. Of all the suppositions I have given as actually argued, this is the one which is hardest to deny, and hardest to admit. Reserving the question—as beyond human discussion—whether our particles of carbon, etc. are clusters of worlds, the author produces his reasons for thinking that they are at least single worlds. Of course—though not mentioned—the possibility is to be added of the same thing being true of the particles which make up our particles, and so down, for ever: and, on the other hand, of our planets and stars as being particles in some larger universe, and so up, for ever.
This book, in a way, surpasses quadrature, duplication, trisection, the philosopher's stone, perpetual motion, magic, astrology, mesmerism, clairvoyance, spiritualism, homeopathy, hydropathy, kinesiology, Essays and Reviews, and Bishop Colenso—all combined. Of all the arguments I've presented as genuine, this is the one that's toughest to deny and hardest to accept. Setting aside the question—since it's beyond human debate—of whether our particles of carbon, etc., are clusters of worlds, the author provides reasons to believe that they are at least single worlds. Of course—though not mentioned—there's the possibility that the same might be true for the particles that compose our particles, and so on, infinitely; and conversely, that our planets and stars might be particles within some larger universe, and so on, infinitely.
"Great fleas have little fleas upon their backs to bite 'em,
"Big fleas have small fleas on their backs to bite them,"
And little fleas have lesser fleas, and so ad infinitum.
And tiny fleas have even smaller fleas, and so ad infinitum.
And the great fleas themselves, in turn, have greater fleas to go on;
And the big fleas themselves have even bigger fleas to ride on;
I have often had the notion that all the nebulæ we see, including our own, which we call the Milky Way, may be particles of snuff in the box of a giant of a proportionately [192]larger universe. Of course the minim of time—a million of years or whatever the geologists make it[335]—which our little affair has lasted, is but a very small fraction of a second to the great creature in whose nose we shall all be in a few tens of thousands of millions of millions of millions of years.
I’ve often thought that all the nebulae we see, including our own, which we call the Milky Way, might just be tiny specs of dust in the box of a giant from a vastly larger universe. Of course, the total time—millions of years or however long geologists say it is— that our little existence has lasted is just a tiny fraction of a second to the grand entity in whose nose we’ll all end up in just a few tens of billions of billions of years.
All this is quite possible, and the probabilities for and against are quite out of reach. Perhaps also all the worlds, both above and below us, are fac-similes of our own. If so, away goes free will for good and all; unless, indeed, we underpin our system with the hypothesis that all the fac-simile bodies of different sizes are actuated by a common soul. These acute supplementary notions of mine go far to get rid of the difficulty which some have found in the common theory that the soul inhabits the body: it has been stated that there is, somewhere or another, a world of souls which communicate with their bodies by wondrous filaments of a nature neither mental nor material, but of a tertium quid fit to be a go-between; as it were a corporispiritual copper encased in a spiritucorporeal gutta-percha. My theory is that every soul is everywhere in posse, as the schoolmen said, but not anywhere in actu, except where it finds one of its bodies. These a priori difficulties being thus removed, the system of particle-worlds is reduced to a dry question of fact, and remitted to the decision of the microscope. And a grand field may thus be opened, as optical science progresses! For the worlds are not fac-similes of ours in time: there is not a moment of our past, and not a moment of our future, but is the present of one or more of the particles. A will write the death of Cæsar, and B the building of the Pyramids, by actual observation of the processes with a power of a thousand millions; C will discover the commencement of the Millennium, and D the [193]termination of Ersch and Gruber's Lexicon,[336] as mere physical phenomena. Against this glorious future there is a sad omen: the initials of the forerunner of this discovery are—NO!
All this is definitely possible, and the odds for and against it are completely out of reach. Maybe all the worlds, both above and below us, are replicas of our own. If that's the case, free will goes out the window; unless, of course, we support our system with the idea that all the replica bodies of different sizes are driven by a shared soul. These sharp additional ideas of mine help to eliminate the issue some have had with the common belief that the soul lives in the body: it has been stated that there exists, somewhere, a world of souls that communicate with their bodies through amazing filaments that are neither mental nor physical, but something else that’s suitable to act as a link; like a physical-spiritual conductor encased in a spiritual-physical insulator. My theory is that every soul is potentially everywhere, as the scholars used to say, but only actually anywhere when it finds one of its bodies. With these initial challenges resolved, the system of particle-worlds becomes a straightforward question of fact, to be settled by the microscope. And a thrilling field may thus be opened up as optical science advances! Because the worlds are not replicas of ours in time: there isn't a moment of our past or future that isn't the present for one or more of the particles. A will record the death of Cæsar, and B the construction of the Pyramids, by actually observing the processes with immense power; C will discover the start of the Millennium, and D the end of Ersch and Gruber's Lexicon, as mere physical phenomena. Against this bright future, there is a gloomy omen: the initials of the forerunner of this discovery are—NO!
THE SUPERNATURAL.
THE SUPERNATURAL.
The History of the Supernatural in all ages and nations, and in all Churches, Christian and Pagan: demonstrating a universal faith. By Wm. Howitt.[337] London, 2 vols. 8vo. 1863.
The History of the Supernatural throughout all ages and nations, and in all Churches, both Christian and Pagan: showing a universal belief. By Wm. Howitt.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 2 vols. 8vo. 1863.
Mr. Howitt is a preacher of spiritualism. He cements an enormous collection of alleged facts with a vivid outpouring of exhortation, and an unsparing flow of sarcasm against the scorners of all classes. He and the Rev. J. Smith[338] (ante, 1854) are the most thoroughgoing universalists of all the writers I know on spiritualism. If either can insert the small end of the wedge, he will not let you off one fraction of the conclusion that all countries, in all ages, have been the theaters of one vast spiritual display. And I suspect that this consequence cannot be avoided, if any part of the system be of truly spiritual origin. Mr. Howitt treats the philosophers either as ignorant babies, or as conscious spirit-fearers: and seems much inclined to accuse the world at large of dreading, lest by the actual presence of the other world their Christianity should imbibe a spiritual element which would unfit it for the purposes of their lives.
Mr. Howitt is a preacher of spiritualism. He combines a huge collection of supposed facts with a passionate outpouring of persuasion and a relentless stream of sarcasm aimed at skeptics of all kinds. He and Rev. J. Smith[338] (ante, 1854) are the most committed universalists among all the writers I know on spiritualism. If either of them can find a way in, they won't let you escape the idea that all countries, throughout history, have been stages for one grand spiritual spectacle. I suspect this conclusion is unavoidable if any part of the system has a genuinely spiritual origin. Mr. Howitt treats philosophers as either clueless children or as people who are afraid of spirits, and he seems quite ready to accuse the world of fearing that the actual presence of the other world might infuse their Christianity with a spiritual aspect that would disrupt their everyday lives.
FROM MATTER TO SPIRIT.
From Matter to Spirit.
From Matter to Spirit. By C. D. With a preface by A. B.[339] London, 1863, 8vo.
From Matter to Spirit. By C. D. With a preface by A. B.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ London, 1863, 8vo.
This is a work on Spiritual Manifestations. The author upholds the facts for spiritual phenomena: the prefator suspends his opinion as to the cause, though he upholds the facts. The work begins systematically with the lower class of phenomena, proceeds to the higher class, and offers a theory, suggested by the facts, of the connection of the present and future life. I agree in the main with A. B.; but can, of course, make none but horrescent reference to his treatment of the smaller philosophers. This is always the way with your paradoxers: they behave towards orthodoxy as the thresher fish behaves towards the whale. But if true, as is said, that the drubbing clears the great fish of parasites which he could not otherwise get rid of, he ought to bear no malice. This preface retorts a little of that contempt which the "philosophical world" has bestowed with heaped measure upon those who have believed their senses, and have drawn natural, even if hasty, inferences. There is philosophercraft as well as priestcraft, both from one source, both of one spirit. In English cities and towns, the minister of religion has been tamed: so many weapons are bared against him when he obtrudes his office in a dictatory manner, that, as a rule, there is no more quiet and modest member of society than the urban clergyman. Domination over religious belief is reserved for the exclusive use of those who admit the right: the rare exception to this mode of behavior is laughed at as a bigot, or shunned as a nuisance. But the overbearing minister of nature, who snaps you with unphilosophical as the clergyman once frightened you with infidel, is still a recognized member of society, wants taming, and will get it. He wears the priest's cast-off [195]clothes, dyed to escape detection: the better sort of philosophers would gladly set him to square the circle.
This is a work on Spiritual Manifestations. The author supports the facts of spiritual phenomena; the preface holds back on opinion regarding the cause while affirming the facts. The work starts methodically with the lower types of phenomena, moves on to the higher types, and presents a theory, inspired by the facts, about the connection between the present and future lives. I mostly agree with A. B.; however, I can only make a brief and negative reference to his treatment of the lesser philosophers. This is how paradoxers typically act: they treat orthodoxy like a thresher shark treats a whale. But if, as they say, the beating clears the large fish of parasites it couldn’t rid itself of otherwise, then it should hold no grudges. This preface pushes back a bit against the disdain that the “philosophical world” has heaped on those who have trusted their senses and made natural, albeit hasty, conclusions. There is philosophercraft just like there is priestcraft, both stemming from the same source and sharing the same spirit. In English cities and towns, the minister of religion has been subdued; so many weapons are drawn against him when he imposes his role in a bossy way that, generally, there’s no quieter and more humble member of society than the urban clergyman. Control over religious belief is reserved for those who claim the right to it; the rare exceptions to this behavior are mocked as bigots or avoided as nuisances. However, the overbearing natural philosopher, who snaps at you with unphilosophical the same way a clergyman once frightened you with infidel, is still a recognized member of society, is in need of taming, and will eventually be tamed. He wears the discarded clothes of the priest, dyed to avoid detection: the better philosophers would love to set him to the task of squaring the circle. [195]
The book just named appeared about the same time as this Budget began in the Athenæum. It was commonly attributed, the book to my wife, the preface to myself. Some time after, our names were actually announced by the publisher, who ought to know. It will be held to confirm this statement that I announce our having in our possession some twenty reviews of different lengths, and of all characters: who ever collects a number of reviews of a book, except the author?
The book just mentioned came out around the same time this Budget started in the Athenæum. Everyone usually credited the book to my wife and the preface to me. Later on, the publisher, who should know better, actually revealed our names. To back up my claim, I should mention that we have around twenty reviews of varying lengths and styles; who else collects a bunch of reviews for a book if not the author?
A great many of these reviews settle the matter a priori. If there had been spirits in the matter, they would have done this, and they would not have done that. Jean Meslier[340] said there could be no God over all, for, if there had been one, He would have established a universal religion. If J. M. knew that, J. M. was right: but if J. M. did not know that, then J. M. was on the "high priori road," and may be left to his course. The same to all who know what spirits would do and would not do.
Many of these reviews settle the matter a priori. If there had been any spirits involved, they would have acted this way and not that way. Jean Meslier[340] argued that there couldn't be a God in charge, because if there were, He would have created a universal religion. If J. M. understood that, then J. M. was correct; but if J. M. didn’t understand that, then J. M. was on the "high priori road," and we can leave him to it. The same applies to anyone who thinks they know what spirits would or wouldn’t do.
A. B. very distinctly said that he knew some of the asserted facts, believed others on testimony, but did not pretend to know whether they were caused by spirits, or had some unknown and unimagined origin. This he said as clearly as I could have said it myself. But a great many persons cannot understand such a frame of mind: their own apparatus is a kind of spirit-level, and their conclusion on any subject is the little bubble, which is always at one end or the other. Many of the reviewers declare that A. B. is a secret believer in the spirit-hypothesis: and one of them wishes that he had "endorsed his opinion more boldly." According to this reviewer, any one who writes "I boldly [196]say I am unable to choose," contradicts himself. In truth, a person who does say it has a good deal of courage, for each side believes that he secretly favors the other; and both look upon him as a coward. In spite of all this, A. B. boldly repeats that he feels assured of many of the facts of spiritualism, and that he cannot pretend to affirm or deny anything about their cause.
A. B. clearly stated that he knew some of the claimed facts, believed others based on what people said, but didn’t claim to know if they were caused by spirits or had some unknown and unimaginable origin. He expressed this as clearly as I could have myself. But many people can’t grasp such a mindset: their own framework acts like a spirit-level, and their conclusion on any topic is like the little bubble that always settles at one end or the other. Many reviewers claim that A. B. is secretly a believer in the spirit hypothesis, and one of them wishes that he had "expressed his opinion more boldly." According to this reviewer, anyone who writes "I boldly say I am unable to choose" is contradicting themselves. In reality, someone who says that has a lot of courage, because each side believes he secretly supports the other, and both view him as a coward. Despite all of this, A. B. confidently reiterates that he is sure of many of the facts of spiritualism, and that he cannot claim to affirm or deny anything about their cause.
The great bulk of the illogical part of the educated community—whether majority or minority I know not; perhaps six of one and half-a-dozen of the other—have not power to make a distinction, cannot be made to take a distinction, and of course, never attempt to shake a distinction. With them all such things are evasions, subterfuges, come-offs, loopholes, etc. They would hang a man for horse-stealing under a statute against sheep-stealing; and would laugh at you if you quibbled about the distinction between a horse and a sheep. I divide the illogical—I mean people who have not that amount of natural use of sound inference which is really not uncommon—into three classes:—First class, three varieties: the Niddy, the Noddy, and the Noodle. Second class, three varieties: the Niddy-Noddy, the Niddy-Noodle, and the Noddy-Noodle. Third class, undivided: the Niddy-Noddy-Noodle. No person has a right to be angry with me for more than one of these subdivisions.
The majority of the illogical part of the educated community—whether it’s more or less, I can’t say; maybe six of one and half a dozen of the other—can’t make a distinction, won’t be influenced to make one, and obviously, never try to uphold a distinction. For them, all these things are just excuses, tricks, loopholes, etc. They would punish someone for horse theft under a law meant for sheep theft; and they would laugh at you if you tried to argue the difference between a horse and a sheep. I categorize the illogical—I mean people who lack a reasonable use of sound reasoning, which is actually pretty common—into three classes: First class, three types: the Niddy, the Noddy, and the Noodle. Second class, three types: the Niddy-Noddy, the Niddy-Noodle, and the Noddy-Noodle. Third class, one type: the Niddy-Noddy-Noodle. No one has the right to be upset with me for more than one of these categories.
The want of distinction was illustrated to me, when a boy, about 1820, by the report of a trial which I shall never forget: boys read newspapers more keenly than men. Every now and then a bench of country magistrates rather astonishes the town populations, accustomed to rub their brains[341] against one another. Such a story as the following would, [197]in our day, bring down grave remarks from above: but I write of the olden (or Eldon[342]) time, when nothing but conviction in a court of record would displace a magistrate. In that day the third-class amalgamator of distinct things was often on the bench of quarter-sessions.
The lack of distinction was shown to me as a boy, around 1820, through a trial report that I will never forget: boys read newspapers more intently than men. Every now and then, a panel of rural magistrates surprises the town residents, who are used to brainstorming with each other. A story like the following would, [197]in our time, draw serious comments from above: but I’m writing about the olden (or Eldon[342]) days, when only a conviction in a court of record would remove a magistrate. Back then, the third-class mixer of distinct matters was often on the bench of quarter sessions.
An attorney was charged with having been out at night poaching. A clear alibi was established; and perjury had certainly been committed. The whole gave reason to suspect that some ill-willers thought the bench disliked the attorney so much that any conviction was certain on any evidence. The bench did dislike the attorney: but not to the extent of thinking he could snare any partridges in the fields while he was asleep in bed, except the dream-partridges which are not always protected by the dream-laws. So the chairman said, "Mr. ——, you are discharged; but you should consider this one of the most fortunate days of your life." The attorney indignantly remonstrated, but the magistrate was right; for he said, "Mr. ——, you have frequently been employed to defend poachers: have you been careful to impress upon them the enormity of their practices?" It appeared in a wrangling conversation that the magistrates saw little moral difference between poaching and being a poacher's professional defender without lecturing him on his wickedness: but they admitted with reluctance, that there was a legal distinction; and the brain of N3 could no further go. This is nearly fifty years ago; and Westernism was not quite extinct. If the present lords of the hills and the valleys want to shine, let them publish a true history of their own order. I am just old enough to remember some of the last of the squires and parsons who protested against teaching the poor to read and write. They now write books for the working classes, give them lectures, and the like. There is now no class, as a class, more highly educated, broadly educated, and deeply educated, [198]than those who were, in old times, best described as partridge-popping squireens. I have myself, when a boy, heard Old Booby speaking with pride of Young Booby as having too high a spirit to be confined to books: and I suspected that his dislike to teaching the poor arose in fact from a feeling that they would, if taught a little, pass his heir.
An attorney was accused of being out at night poaching. A clear alibi was established, and perjury had definitely been committed. This led to suspicions that some people thought the court disliked the attorney so much that he would be convicted on any evidence. The court did dislike the attorney, but not to the extent of believing he could catch any partridges while sleeping in bed, except for dream-partridges, which aren't always covered by dream-laws. So the chairman said, "Mr. —, you are discharged; but you should consider this one of the luckiest days of your life." The attorney protested angrily, but the magistrate was right; he said, "Mr. —, you have often been hired to defend poachers: have you made sure to stress the seriousness of their actions?" It became clear in a heated conversation that the magistrates saw little moral difference between poaching and being a professional defender of poachers without warning them about their wrongdoing. However, they reluctantly acknowledged that there was a legal distinction; and the understanding of N3 could go no further. This was nearly fifty years ago, and Western attitudes weren't fully gone. If today's lords of the hills and valleys want to stand out, they should publish an accurate history of their own class. I'm just old enough to remember some of the last squires and clergymen who protested against teaching the poor to read and write. Now, they write books for the working class, give lectures, and so on. There is no class more highly educated, broadly educated, and deeply educated, [198]than those who were once best described as partridge-hunting squireens. I remember, as a boy, hearing Old Booby talk proudly about Young Booby as having too much spirit to be limited to books; and I suspected that his reluctance to teach the poor came from a fear that they would surpass his heir if they learned a little.
A. B. recommended the spirit-theory as an hypothesis on which to ground inquiry; that is, as the means of suggestion for the direction of inquiry. Every person who knows anything of the progress of physics understands what is meant; but not the reviewers I speak of. Many of them consider A. B. as adopting the spirit-hypothesis. The whole book was written, as both the authors point out, to suggest inquiry to those who are curious; C. D. firmly believing, A. B. as above. Neither C. D. nor A. B. make any other pretence. Both dwell upon the absence of authentications and the suppression of names as utterly preventive of anything like proof. And A. B. says that his reader "will give him credit, if not himself a goose, for seeing that the tender of an anonymous cheque would be of equal effect, whether drawn on the Bank of England or on Aldgate Pump." By this test a number of the reviewers are found to be geese: for they take the authors as offering proof, and insist, against the authors, on the very point on which the authors had themselves insisted beforehand.
A. B. proposed the spirit theory as a hypothesis to guide inquiry; that is, as a way to suggest where to direct the investigation. Anyone familiar with the advancements in physics knows what this means; however, the reviewers I’m talking about don’t. Many of them see A. B. as adopting the spirit hypothesis. The entire book was written, as both authors point out, to encourage curiosity among readers; C. D. strongly believes in A. B. as mentioned above. Neither C. D. nor A. B. pretend otherwise. Both highlight that the lack of confirmations and the omission of names completely prevent anything resembling proof. A. B. states that his reader "will give him credit, if not being a fool, for realizing that offering an anonymous check would have the same effect, whether it's drawn from the Bank of England or Aldgate Pump." By this measure, many of the reviewers turn out to be fools: they interpret the authors as providing proof and insist, contrary to the authors’ claims, on the very point the authors had previously emphasized.
Leaving aside imperceptions of this kind, I proceed to notice a clerical and medical review. I have lived much in the middle ages, especially since the invention of printing; and from thence I have brought away a high respect for and grateful recollection of—the priest in everything but theology, and the physician in everything but medicine. The professional harness was unfavorable to all progress, except on a beaten road; the professional blinkers prevented all but the beaten road from being seen: the professional reins were pulled at the slightest attempt to quicken pace, even on the permitted path; and the [199]professional whip was heavily laid on at the slightest attempt to diverge. But when the intelligent man of either class turned his attention out of his ordinary work, he had, in most cases, the freshness and vigor of a boy at play, and like the boy, he felt his freedom all the more from the contrast of school-restraint.
Leaving aside misunderstandings like this, I’ll move on to discuss a clerical and medical review. I’ve spent a lot of time in the Middle Ages, especially since the invention of printing; from that period, I’ve gained a deep respect and fond memories of the priest in all things except theology, and the doctor in everything except medicine. The constraints of their professions hindered progress, except along well-trodden paths; the limitations they faced blocked out anything but those familiar paths. Even a small attempt to pick up the pace, even just on the allowed path, was met with tight controls; and any effort to diverge resulted in a harsh reprimand. But when an intelligent person from either profession shifted their focus away from their usual work, they often experienced the freshness and energy of a child at play, feeling their freedom even more due to the contrast with the constraints of their daily routine.
In the case of medicine, and physics generally, the learned were, in some essential points, more rational than many of their present impugners. They pass for having put a priori obstacles in the way of progress: they might rather be reproved for too much belief in progress obtained by a priori means. They would have shouted with laughter at a dunce who—in a review I read, but without making a note—declared that he would not believe his senses except when what they showed him was capable of explanation upon some known principle. I have seen such stuff as this attributed to the schoolmen; but only by those who knew nothing about them. The following, which I wrote some years ago, will give a notion of a distinction worth remembering. It is addressed to the authorities of the College of Physicians.
In the fields of medicine and physics, scholars were, in some key ways, more sensible than many of their current critics. They are often thought to have placed a priori barriers to progress; in reality, they might deserve criticism for being overly confident in the progress made through a priori methods. They would have laughed at a fool who—in a review I read, though I didn’t take notes—claimed that he wouldn’t trust his senses unless what they revealed could be explained by some established principle. I’ve seen such nonsense attributed to scholars of the past, but only by those who know nothing about them. The following, which I wrote a few years ago, will illustrate an important distinction to remember. It’s addressed to the authorities of the College of Physicians.
"The ignominy of the word empiric dates from the ages in which scholastic philosophy deduced physical consequences a priori;—the ages in which, because a lion is strong, rubbing with lion's fat would have been held an infallible tonic. In those happy days, if a physician had given decoction of a certain bark, only because in numberless instances that decoction had been found to strengthen the patient, he would have been a miserable empiric. Not that the colleges would have passed over his returns because they were empirical: they knew better. They were as skilful in finding causes for facts, as facts for causes. The president and the elects of that day would have walked out into the forest with a rope, and would have pulled heartily at the tree which yielded the bark: nor would they ever have left it until they had pulled out a legitimate [200]reason. If the tree had resisted all their efforts, they would have said, 'Ah! no wonder now; the bark of a strong tree makes a strong man.' But if they had managed to serve the tree as you would like to serve homœopathy, then it would have been 'We might have guessed it; all the virtus roborativa has settled in the bark.' They admitted, as we know from Molière, the virtus dormitiva[343] of opium, for no other reason than that opium facit dormire.[344] Had the medicine not been previously known, they would, strange as it may seem to modern pharmacopœists, have accorded a virtus dormitiva to the new facit dormire. On this point they have been misapprehended. They were prone to infer facit from a virtus imagined a priori; and they were ready in supplying facit in favor of an orthodox virtus. They might have gone so far, for example, under pre-notional impressions, as the alliterative allopath, who, when maintenance of truth was busy opposing the progress of science called vaccination, declared that some of its patients coughed like cows, and bellowed like bulls; but they never refused to find virtus when facit came upon them, no matter whence. They would rather have accepted Tenterden steeple than have rejected the Goodwin Sands. They would have laughed their modern imitators to scorn: but as they are not here, we do it for them.
The shame associated with the term empiric goes back to the times when scholastic philosophy derived physical effects a priori; back when people believed that since a lion is strong, rubbing with lion's fat would undoubtedly be a great medicine. In those fortunate times, if a doctor prescribed a decoction made from a specific bark simply because it had worked well for patients in many cases, he would have been called a pathetic empiric. It’s not that the medical schools would have dismissed his outcomes because they were empirical; they knew better than that. They were equally adept at finding reasons for facts as they were at finding facts for reasons. The president and the elected members of that era would have ventured into the woods with a rope, determined to pull vigorously on the tree that produced the bark; they wouldn’t have stopped until they had found a legitimate [200]reason. If the tree had resisted all their efforts, they would have said, 'Ah! No surprise; the bark of a strong tree produces a strong man.' However, if they had treated the tree the way you would have liked to treat homeopathy, it would have been, 'We could have guessed it; all the virtus roborativa has settled in the bark.' They accepted, as we know from Molière, the virtus dormitiva of opium, solely because opium facit dormire. If the medicine hadn’t been previously known, they would, oddly enough for modern pharmacists, have ascribed a virtus dormitiva to the new facit dormire. On this matter, they have been misunderstood. They were inclined to deduce facit from an imagined virtus a priori; and they were quick to supply facit in support of an accepted virtus. They might have even gone so far, for example, under preconceived notions, as the alliterative allopath who, when defending truth against the revolutionary science known as vaccination, claimed that some patients coughed like cows and bellowed like bulls; but they never denied the existence of virtus when facit came to their attention, regardless of its source. They would have preferred to acknowledge Tenterden steeple rather than reject the Goodwin Sands. They would have laughed at their modern counterparts: but since they are not here, we do it for them.
"The man of our day—the a priori philosopher—tries the question whether opium can cause sleep by finding out in the recesses of his own noddle whether the drug can have a dormitive power: Well! but did not the schoolman do the same? He did; but mark the distinction. The schoolman had recourse to first principles, when there was no opium to try it by: our man settles the point in the same way with a lump of opium before him. The schoolman shifted his principles with his facts: the man of our drawing-rooms will fight facts with his principles, just as an old [201]physician would have done in actual practice, with the rod of his Church at his back.
"The man of our time—the a priori philosopher—tests whether opium can induce sleep by figuring out in the depths of his own mind if the drug has a sedative effect: Well! But didn’t the scholar do the same? He did; but notice the difference. The scholar turned to first principles when there was no opium to test it against; our guy determines the issue in the same way with a lump of opium in front of him. The scholar adjusted his principles along with the facts: the man of our drawing rooms will counter facts with his principles, just like an old physician would have done in actual practice, with the authority of his Church at his back."
"The story about Galileo—which seems to have been either a joke made against him, or by him—illustrates this. Nature abhors a vacuum was the explanation of the water rising in a pump: but they found that the water would not rise more than 32 feet. They asked for explanation: what does the satirist make the schoolmen say? That the stoppage is not a fact, because nature abhors a vacuum? No! but that the principle should be that nature abhors a vacuum as far as 32 feet. And this is what would have been done.
"The story about Galileo—which seems to have been either a joke made at his expense or one he made himself—illustrates this. Nature abhors a vacuum was the explanation for why water rises in a pump: but they found that the water wouldn’t rise more than 32 feet. They asked for an explanation: what does the satirist make the scholars say? That the stoppage is not a fact because nature abhors a vacuum? No! But that the principle should be that nature abhors a vacuum only up to 32 feet. And this is what would have happened.
"There are still among us both priests and physicians who would have belonged, had they lived three or four centuries ago, to the glorious band of whom I have spoken, the majority of the intelligent, working well for mankind out of the professional pursuit. But we have a great many who have helped to abase their classes. Go where we may, we find specimens of the lower orders of the ministry of religion and the ministry of health showing themselves smaller than the small of other pursuits. And how is this? First, because each profession is entered upon a mere working smack of its knowledge, without any depth of education, general or professional. Not that this is the whole explanation, nor in itself objectionable: the great mass of the world must be tended, soul and body, by those who are neither Hookers[345] nor Harveys[346]: let such persons not venture ultra crepidam, and they are useful and respectable. But, secondly, there is a vast upheaving of thought from the depths of commonplace learning. I am a clergyman! Sir! I am a medical man! Sir! and forthwith the nature of things is picked to pieces, and there is a race, with the last the winner, between Philosophy mounted on Folly's donkey, and Folly mounted on Philosophy's donkey. How fortunate [202]it is for Law that her battles are fought by politicians in the Houses of Parliament. Not that it is better done: but then politics bears the blame."
"There are still priests and doctors among us who would have belonged, had they lived three or four centuries ago, to the honorable group I mentioned, the majority of whom are knowledgeable and genuinely care for humanity outside of their professions. However, we also have many who have lowered the standards of their fields. No matter where we go, we encounter examples of the lower levels of the religious and medical professions that appear worse than those in other occupations. How did this happen? First, because people enter these professions with just a superficial understanding of their knowledge, lacking a solid education, whether general or professional. This isn’t the full story, nor is it completely negative: the vast majority of the world needs to be cared for, both spiritually and physically, by those who are neither Hookers nor Harveys; as long as these individuals don't overstep their boundaries, they can be both useful and respectable. Secondly, there is a significant upheaval of thought driven by basic learning. I am a clergyman! Sir! I am a medical professional! Sir! And just like that, the essence of things is dissected, leading to a competition to see which one comes out on top, Philosophy riding on Foolishness’s donkey, or Foolishness riding on Philosophy’s donkey. How fortunate it is for Law that its battles are fought by politicians in the Houses of Parliament. Not that they necessarily do it better: but at least in politics, the blame is placed elsewhere."
I now come to the medical review. After a quantity of remark which has been already disposed of, the writer shows Greek learning, a field in which the old physician would have had a little knowledge. A. B., for the joke's sake, had left untranslated, as being too deep, a remarkably easy sentence of Aristotle, to the effect that what has happened was possible, for if impossible it would not have happened. The reviewer, in "simple astonishment,"—it was simple—at the pretended incapacity—I was told by A. B. that the joke was intended to draw out a reviewer—translates:—He says that this sentence is A. B.'s summing up of the evidence of Spiritualism. Now, being a sort of alter ego[347] of A. B., I do declare that he is not such a fool as to rest the evidence of Spiritualism—the spirit explanation—upon the occurrence of certain facts proving the possibility of those very facts. In truth, A. B. refuses to receive spiritualism, while he receives the facts: this is the gist of his whole preface, which simply admits spiritualism among the qualified candidates, and does not know what others there may be.
I now turn to the medical review. After a lot of comments that have already been addressed, the writer demonstrates knowledge of Greek learning, an area where the old physician would have had some familiarity. A. B., for the sake of humor, left a surprisingly simple sentence from Aristotle untranslated, suggesting that whatever has happened was possible, because if it were impossible, it wouldn't have happened. The reviewer, in "simple astonishment"—and it really was simple—at the supposed inability—A. B. told me the joke was meant to provoke a reviewer—translates it: He claims this sentence is A. B.'s summary of the evidence for Spiritualism. Now, as a kind of alter ego[347] of A. B., I can confidently say that he is not foolish enough to base the evidence for Spiritualism—the spirit explanation—on the occurrence of certain facts that prove the possibility of those very facts. In reality, A. B. refuses to accept Spiritualism while acknowledging the facts; this is the essence of his entire preface, which simply considers Spiritualism among the qualified candidates, without knowing what other possibilities may exist.
The reviewer speaks of Aristotle as "that clear thinker and concise writer." I strongly suspect that his knowledge of Aristotle was limited to the single sentence which he had translated or got translated. Aristotle is concise in phrase, not in book, and is powerful and profound in thought: but no one who knows that his writing, all we have of him, is the very opposite of clear, will pretend to decide that he thought clearly. As his writing, so probably was his thought; and his books are, if not anything but clear, at least anything good but clear. Nobody thinks them clear except a person who always clears difficulties: which I have no doubt was the reviewer's habit; that is, if he ever took the field [203]at all. The gentleman who read Euclid, all except the As and Bs and the pictures of scratches and scrawls, is the type of a numerous class.
The reviewer refers to Aristotle as "that clear thinker and concise writer." I strongly suspect that his understanding of Aristotle was limited to the single sentence he translated or had translated. Aristotle is concise in phrase, not in his books, and is powerful and deep in thought: but no one who knows that his writing, all we have of him, is the exact opposite of clear, will claim that he thought clearly. As his writing is, so likely was his thinking; and his books are, if not completely unclear, at least anything but clear. Nobody considers them clear except someone who always clarifies difficulties: which I assume was the reviewer's habit; that is, if he ever engaged in the field [203] at all. The gentleman who read Euclid, all except the As and Bs and the drawings of scratches and scrawls, is typical of a large group.
The reviewer finds that the word amosgepotically, used by A. B., is utterly mysterious and incomprehensible. He hopes his translation of the bit of Greek will shield him from imputation of ignorance: and thinks the word may be referred to the "obscure dialect" out of which sprung aneroid, kalos geusis sauce, and Anaxyridian trousers. To lump the first two phrases with the third smacks of ignorance in a Greek critic; for ἀναξυριδια, breeches, would have turned up in the lexicon; and kalos geusis, though absurd, is not obscure. And ἀμωσγεπως, somehow or other, is as easily found as ἀναξυριδια. The word aneroid, I admit, has puzzled better scholars than the critic: but never one who knows the unscholarlike way in which words ending in ειδης have been rendered. The aneroid barometer does not use a column of air in the same way as the old instrument. Now ἀεροειδης—properly like the atmosphere—is by scientific non-scholarship rendered having to do with the atmosphere; and ἀναεροειδης—say anaëroid—denies having to do with the atmosphere; a nice thing to say of an instrument which is to measure the weight of the atmosphere. One more absurdity, and we have aneroid, and there you are. The critic ends with a declaration that nothing in the book shakes his faith in a Quarterly reviewer who said that suspension of opinion, until further evidence arrives, is justifiable: a strange summing up for an article which insists upon utter rejection being unavoidable.[348] The expressed aim of both A. B. and C. D. was to excite inquiry, and get further evidence: until this is done, neither asks for a verdict.
The reviewer finds the word amosgepotically, used by A. B., completely mysterious and confusing. He hopes that his translation of the Greek snippet will protect him from being accused of ignorance and believes the word might be linked to the "obscure dialect" from which aneroid, kalos geusis sauce, and Anaxyridian trousers originated. Associating the first two phrases with the third shows a lack of understanding from a Greek critic; because ἀναξυριδια, meaning breeches, would have appeared in the dictionary, and kalos geusis, while ridiculous, is not obscure. Also, ἀμωσγεπως, meaning somehow or other, can be found as easily as ἀναξυριδια. I admit the word aneroid has confused even better scholars than the critic; but never one who understands how unscholarly the translations of words ending in ειδης have been. The aneroid barometer does not use a column of air like the traditional instrument. Now aerial—properly meaning like the atmosphere—is inaccurately translated as relating to the atmosphere; and This text appears to be in Greek and does not have enough context to be modernized. It will remain unchanged.—let's say anaëroid—implies it has nothing to do with the atmosphere; which is a strange claim for an instrument meant to measure atmospheric pressure. Add one more absurdity, and we get aneroid, and there you have it. The critic concludes by stating that nothing in the book shakes his belief in a Quarterly reviewer who said that suspending judgment until further evidence comes in is justifiable: an odd conclusion for an article that argues total rejection is necessary.[348] Both A. B. and C. D. aim to provoke inquiry and obtain more evidence: until that happens, neither seeks a verdict.
Oh where! and oh where! is old Medicine's learning gone! There was some in the days of yore, when Popery [204]was on! And it's oh! for some Greek, just to find a word upon! The reviewer who, lexicon in hand, can neither make out anaxyridical, amosgepotical, kalos geusis, nor distinguish them from aneroid, cannot be trusted when he says he has translated a sentence of Aristotle. He may have done it; but, as he says of spiritualism, we must suspend our opinion until further evidence shall arrive.
Oh where! and oh where! has old Medicine's knowledge gone! There was some in the past, when Popery was in full swing! And it's oh! for some Greek, just to find a word to hold on to! The reviewer who, with a dictionary in hand, can't make sense of anaxyridical, amosgepotical, kalos geusis, or tell them apart from aneroid, can't be trusted when he claims he's translated a sentence of Aristotle. He might have done it; but, just like he says about spiritualism, we should hold off on our judgment until more proof comes along.
We now come to the theological review. I have before alluded to the faults of logic which are Protestant necessities: but I never said that Protestant argument had nothing but paralogism. The writer before me attains this completeness: from beginning to end he is of that confusion and perversion which, as applied to interpretation of the New Testament, is so common as to pass unnoticed by sermon-hearers; but which, when applied out of church, is exposed with laughter in all subjects except theology. I shall take one instance, putting some words in italics.
We now turn to the theological review. I've mentioned the logical faults that are necessary for Protestants, but I never claimed that Protestant arguments have nothing but fallacies. The writer before me achieves this completeness: from start to finish, he embodies the confusion and distortion that, when it comes to interpreting the New Testament, is so common that sermon listeners overlook it; yet, when applied outside the church, it's ridiculed across all subjects except theology. I'll provide one example, emphasizing some words in italics.
A. B. A. B. My state of mind, which refers the whole either to unseen intelligence, or something which man has never had any conception of, proves me to be out of the pale of the Royal Society. My state of mind, which connects everything either to an unseen intelligence, or something that humans have never really understood, shows that I'm outside the scope of the Royal Society. |
Theological Critic. Theology Critic. ... he proceeds to argue that he himself is outside its sacred pale because he refers all these strange phenomena to unseen spiritual intelligence. ... he goes on to argue that he is outside its sacred boundaries because he attributes all these strange phenomena to unseen spiritual intelligence. |
The possibility of a yet unimagined cause is insisted on in several places. On this ground it is argued by A. B. that spiritualists are "incautious" for giving in at once to the spirit doctrine. But, it is said, they may be justified by the philosophers, who make the flint axes, as they call them, to be the works of men, because no one can see what else they can be. This kind of adoption, condemned as a conclusion, is approved as a provisional theory, suggestive of direction of inquiry: experience having shown that [205]inquiry directed by a wrong theory has led to more good than inquiry without any theory at all. All this A. B. has fully set forth, in several pages. On it the reviewer remarks that "with infinite satisfaction he tries to justify his view of the case by urging that there is no other way of accounting for it; after the fashion of the philosophers of our own day, who conclude that certain flints found in the drift are the work of men, because the geologist does not see what else they can be." After this twist of meaning, the reviewer proceeds to say, and A. B. would certainly join him, "There is no need to combat any such mode of reasoning as this, because it would apply with equal force and justice to any theory whatever, however fantastic, profane, or silly." And so, having shown how the reviewer has hung himself, I leave him funipendulous.
The idea of a yet unimagined cause is emphasized in several places. On this basis, A. B. argues that spiritualists are "careless" for immediately accepting the spirit doctrine. However, it is suggested that they might be justified by philosophers who consider the flint axes, as they call them, to be human-made because no one can see what else they could be. This kind of acceptance, criticized as a conclusion, is accepted as a temporary theory that suggests a direction for inquiry: experience shows that inquiries guided by a wrong theory have led to more good than inquiries without any theory at all. A. B. has fully laid this out over several pages. In response, the reviewer comments that "with great satisfaction he tries to justify his viewpoint by arguing that there's no other way to explain it; following the logic of today’s philosophers, who conclude that certain flints found in the sediment are made by humans simply because the geologist can't see what else they could be." After this twist of meaning, the reviewer continues, and A. B. would likely agree, "There's no need to challenge such reasoning since it could equally apply to any theory, no matter how bizarre, irreverent, or ridiculous." And so, having shown how the reviewer has trapped himself, I leave him hanging.
One instance more, and I have done. A reviewer, not theological, speaking of the common argument that things which are derided are not therefore to be rejected, writes as follows:—"It might as well be said that they who laughed at Jenner[349] and vaccination were, in a certain but very unsatisfactory way, witnesses to the possible excellence of the system of St. John Long."[350] Of course it might: and of course it is said by all people of common sense. In introducing the word "possible," the reviewer has hit the point: I suspect that this word was introduced during revision, to put the sentence into fighting order; hurry preventing it being seen that the sentence was thus made to fight on the wrong side. Jenner, who was laughed at, was right; therefore, it is not impossible—that is, it is possible—that a derided system may be right. Mark the three gradations: in medio tutissimus ibis.[351]
One more instance, and I'm done. A reviewer, not religious, discussing the common argument that just because something is mocked doesn’t mean it should be dismissed, writes: "It could be said that those who laughed at Jenner[349] and vaccination were, in a certain but very unsatisfactory way, evidence of the potential value of the system of St. John Long."[350] Of course it could be; and of course, people with common sense do say it. By bringing in the word "possible," the reviewer has made a valid point: I suspect this word was added during editing, to strengthen the sentence, but in the process, it makes the argument fight on the wrong side. Jenner, who was mocked, was right; therefore, it’s not impossible—that is, it is possible—that a ridiculed system could be correct. Note the three levels: in medio tutissimus ibis.[351]
Reviewer.—If a system be derided, it is no ground of suspense that derided systems have turned out true: if it were, you would suspend your opinion about St. John Long on account of Jenner.—Ans. You ought to do so, as to possibility; and before examination; not with the notion that J. proves St. J. probable; only possible.
Reviewer.—If a system is mocked, it's not a reason to hesitate just because some mocked systems have proven to be true. If that were the case, you would question your opinion about St. John Long because of Jenner.—Ans. You should do so regarding possibility; and before examination; not with the idea that J. makes St. J. probable; only possible.
Common Sense.—The past emergence of truths out of derided systems proves that there is a practical certainty of like occurrence to come. But, inasmuch as a hundred speculative fooleries are started for one truth, the mind is permitted to approach the examination of any one given novelty with a bias against it of a hundred to one: and this permission is given because so it will be, leave or no leave. Every one has licence not to jump over the moon.
Common Sense.—The fact that truths have emerged from mocked systems in the past shows that it's highly likely this will happen again. However, since there are a hundred silly ideas for every one truth, people are inclined to view each new idea with a bias that's a hundred to one against it. This bias exists whether we want it to or not. Everyone has the freedom to not believe something fantastical.
Paradoxer.—Great men have been derided, and I am derided: which proves that my system ought to be adopted. This is a summary of all the degrees in which paradoxers contend for the former derision of truths now established, giving their systems probability. I annex a paragraph which D [e &c.] inserted in the Athenæum of October 23, 1847.
Paradoxer.—Great men have faced ridicule, and so have I: which shows that my ideas should be accepted. This summarizes all the ways in which paradoxers argue for the previous mockery of truths that are now accepted, giving their ideas credibility. I include a paragraph that D [e &c.] published in the Athenæum on October 23, 1847.
"Discoverers and Discoveries.
"Discoverers and Discoveries."
"Aristotle once sent his servant to the cellar to fetch wine:—and the fellow brought him back small beer. The Stagirite (who knew the difference) called him a blockhead. 'Sir,' said the man, 'all I can say is, that I found it in the cellar.' The philosopher muttered to himself that an affirmative conclusion could not be proved in the second figure,—and Mrs. Aristotle, who was by, was not less effective in her remark, that small beer was not wine because it was in the same cellar. Both were right enough: and our philosophers might take a lesson from either—for they insinuate an affirmative conclusion in the second figure. Great discoverers have been little valued by established [207]schools,—and they are little valued. The results of true science are strange at first,—and so are their's. Many great men have opposed existing notions,—and so do they. All great men were obscure at first,—and they are obscure. Thinking men doubt,—and they doubt. Their small beer, I grant, has come out of the same cellar as the wine; but this is not enough. If they had let it stand awhile in the old wine-casks, it might have imbibed a little of the flavor."
"Aristotle once sent his servant to the cellar to get wine, but the guy came back with small beer. The philosopher, who recognized the difference, called him a fool. 'Sir,' the man replied, 'I found it in the cellar.' Aristotle mumbled to himself that you can't prove an affirmative conclusion in the second figure, and Mrs. Aristotle, who was present, pointed out that small beer isn't wine just because it was in the same cellar. Both were correct, and our philosophers could learn something from either perspective—they often hint at an affirmative conclusion in the second figure. Great innovators have often been undervalued by established schools, and they continue to be undervalued. The results of true science can be odd at first, just like theirs. Many great individuals have challenged existing beliefs, and so do these thinkers. All great individuals started out unnoticed, and they remain unnoticed. Thoughtful people doubt, and they also doubt. I admit their small beer came from the same cellar as the wine, but that’s not enough. If they had let it sit for a while in the old wine casks, it might have picked up a bit of the flavor."
There are better reviews than I have noticed; which, though entirely dissenting, are unassailable on their own principles. What I have given represents five-sixths of the whole. But it must be confessed that the fraction of fairness and moderation and suspended opinion which the doctrine of Spirit Manifestations has met with—even in the lower reviews—is strikingly large compared to what would have been the case fifty years ago. It is to be hoped that our popular and periodical literatures are giving us one thinker created for twenty geese double-feathered: if this hope be realized, we shall do! Seeing all that I see, I am not prepared to go the length of a friend of mine who, after reading a good specimen of the lower reviewing, exclaimed—Oh! if all the fools in the world could be rolled up into one fool, what a reviewer he would make!
There are better reviews than I've seen; which, although they completely disagree, stand strong on their own principles. What I've shared represents five-sixths of the whole. However, I have to admit that the amount of fairness, moderation, and open-mindedness that the doctrine of Spirit Manifestations has received—even from the less esteemed reviews—is notably higher than it would have been fifty years ago. It's hopeful that our popular magazines and periodicals are producing one thinker worth twenty overly critical ones: if this hope comes true, we’ll be okay! Given everything I see, I can’t go as far as a friend of mine who, after reading a particularly poor review, exclaimed—Oh! if all the fools in the world could be rolled up into one fool, what an incredible reviewer he would be!
Calendrier Universel et Perpétuel; par le Commandeur P. J. Arson.[352] Publié par ses Enfans (Œuvre posthume). Nice, 1863, 4to.
Universal and Perpetual Calendar; by Commander P. J. Arson.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Published by his Children (Posthumous Work). Nice, 1863, 4to.
I shall not give any account of this curious calendar, with all its changes and symbols. But there is one proposal, which, could we alter the general notions of time—a thing of very dubious possibility—would be convenient. The week is made to wax and wane, culminating on the Sunday, [208]which comes in the middle. Thursday, Friday, Saturday, are ascending or waxing days; Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, are descending or waning days. Our six days, lumped together after the great distinguishing day, Sunday, are too many to be distinctly thought of together: a division of three preceding and three following the day of most note would be much more easily used. But all this comes too late. It may be, nevertheless, that some individuals may be able to adjust their affairs with advantage by referring Thursday, Friday, Saturday, to the following Sunday, and Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, to the preceding Sunday. But M. Arson's proposal to alter the names of the days is no more necessary than it is practicable.
I won't explain this interesting calendar with all its changes and symbols. However, there's one idea that could work if we could change the way we think about time—a pretty unlikely possibility. The week is designed to grow and shrink, peaking on Sunday, [208] which is in the middle. Thursday, Friday, Saturday are days of growth; Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday are days of decline. Having six days grouped together after the significant Sunday is too much to easily manage, so it would be much simpler to divide them into three days before and three days after the most important day. But it's probably too late for that. Still, some people might find it helpful to connect Thursday, Friday, Saturday to the upcoming Sunday, and Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday to the previous Sunday. But M. Arson's idea to change the names of the days is just as unnecessary as it is impractical.
CYCLOMETRY.
Cyclical measurement.
I am not to enter anything I do not possess. The reader therefore will not learn from me the feats of many a man-at-arms in these subjects. He must be content, unless he will bestir himself for himself, not to know how Mr. Patrick Cody trisects the angle at Mullinavat, or Professor Recalcati squares the circle at Milan. But this last is to be done by subscription, at five francs a head: a banker is named who guarantees restitution if the solution be not perfectly rigorous; the banker himself, I suppose, is the judge. I have heard of a man of business who settled the circle in this way: if it can be reduced to a debtor and creditor account, it can certainly be done; if not, it is not worth doing. Montucla will give the accounts of the lawsuits which wagers on the problem have produced in France.
I won’t discuss anything I don’t know about. So, you won’t hear from me about the accomplishments of various knights in these areas. You’ll have to be okay with not knowing how Mr. Patrick Cody splits the angle at Mullinavat, or how Professor Recalcati solves the circle at Milan, unless you want to figure it out for yourself. As for the latter, it can only be accessed through a subscription, costing five francs per person: a banker is involved who promises a refund if the solution isn’t completely accurate; I guess the banker is the one who decides that. I’ve heard of a businessman who figured out the circle like this: if it can be turned into a balance sheet, then it can definitely be done; if not, it’s not worth the effort. Montucla will provide details on the legal disputes that bets on this problem have caused in France.
Neither will I enter at length upon the success of the new squarer who advertises (Nov. 1863) in a country paper that, having read that the circular ratio was undetermined, "I thought it very strange that so many great scholars in all ages should have failed in finding the true ratio, and have been determined to try myself.... I am about to secure the [209]benefit of the discovery, so until then the public cannot know my new and true ratio." I have been informed that this trial makes the diameter to the circumference as 64 to 201, giving π = 3.140625 exactly. The result was obtained by the discoverer in three weeks after he first heard of the existence of the difficulty. This quadrator has since published a little slip, and entered it at Stationers' Hall. He says he has done it by actual measurement; and I hear from a private source that he uses a disk of 12 inches diameter, which he rolls upon a straight rail. Mr. James Smith did the same at one time; as did also his partisan at Bordeaux. We have, then, both 3.125 and 3.140625, by actual measurement. The second result is more than the first by about one part in 200. The second rolling is a very creditable one; it is about as much below the mark as Archimedes was above it. Its performer is a joiner, who evidently knows well what he is about when he measures; he is not wrong by 1 in 3,000.
I won't go into detail about the success of the new squarer who advertised (Nov. 1863) in a local newspaper that, having read that the circular ratio was undetermined, "I found it very strange that so many great scholars throughout history failed to find the true ratio, so I decided to try it myself... I’m about to secure the benefits of the discovery, so until then the public won’t know my new and true ratio." I've been told that this trial sets the diameter to circumference ratio at 64 to 201, giving π = 3.140625 exactly. The discoverer achieved this result in just three weeks after first hearing about the challenge. This quadrator has since published a short notice and registered it at Stationers' Hall. He claims he achieved it through actual measurement, and I’ve heard from a private source that he uses a 12-inch diameter disk that he rolls along a straight rail. Mr. James Smith did something similar at one time, as did his associate in Bordeaux. So, we have both 3.125 and 3.140625 from actual measurements. The second result is about one part in 200 higher than the first. The second rolling is quite impressive; it’s off the mark by about the same amount that Archimedes was above it. Its creator is a carpenter who clearly knows what he's doing when he measures; he’s off by only 1 in 3,000.
The reader will smile at the quiet self-sufficiency with which "I have been determined to try myself" follows the information that "so many great scholars in all ages" have failed. It is an admirable spirit, when accompanied by common sense and uncommon self-knowledge. When I was an undergraduate there was a little attendant in the library who gave me the following,—"As to cleaning this library, Sir, if I have spoken to the Master once about it, I have spoken fifty times: but it is of no use; he will not employ littery men; and so I am obliged to look after it myself."
The reader will smile at the quiet self-reliance that comes with "I have been determined to try myself," following the fact that "so many great scholars in all ages" have failed. It's an admirable attitude, especially when paired with common sense and deep self-awareness. When I was an undergraduate, there was a little attendant in the library who told me, "As for cleaning this library, Sir, if I’ve brought it up to the Master once, I’ve mentioned it fifty times: but it’s no use; he won’t hire 'littery' men; so I have to take care of it myself."
I do not think I have mentioned the bright form of quadrature in which a square is made equal to a circle by making each side equal to a quarter of the circumference. The last squarer of this kind whom I have seen figures in the last number of the Athenæum for 1855: he says the thing is no longer a problem, but an axiom. He does not know that the area of the circle is greater than that of any other figure of the same circuit. This any one might see without [210]mathematics. How is it possible that the figure of greatest area should have any one length in its circuit unlike in form to any other part of the same length?
I don’t think I’ve mentioned the interesting concept of quadrature, where a square is made equal to a circle by making each side equal to a quarter of the circumference. The most recent person I've seen who worked on this appears in the last issue of the Athenæum from 1855: he claims that it's no longer a problem, but an axiom. He doesn’t realize that the area of the circle is larger than that of any other shape with the same perimeter. Anyone can see that without [210]math. How can it be that the shape with the largest area has any length in its perimeter that isn't the same in shape as any other part of that length?
The feeling which tempts persons to this problem is that which, in romance, made it impossible for a knight to pass a castle which belonged to a giant or an enchanter. I once gave a lecture on the subject: a gentleman who was introduced to it by what I said remarked, loud enough to be heard by all around, "Only prove to me that it is impossible, and I will set about it this very evening."
The feeling that drives people to this challenge is similar to what, in stories, prevented a knight from passing by a castle owned by a giant or a sorcerer. I once gave a talk on this topic: a man who heard my words said, loud enough for everyone to hear, "Just show me that it’s impossible, and I’ll tackle it this very evening."
This rinderpest of geometry cannot be cured, when once it has seated itself in the system: all that can be done is to apply what the learned call prophylactics to those who are yet sound. When once the virus gets into the brain, the victim goes round the flame like a moth; first one way and then the other, beginning where he ended, and ending where he begun: thus verifying the old line
This problem in geometry can't be fixed once it takes hold in the mind; all that's possible is to use what the experts call preventive measures on those who are still clear-headed. Once the virus gets into the brain, the person circles around the issue like a moth to a flame—first one way and then the other, starting where they left off and finishing where they began, thus proving the old saying.
Every mathematician knows that scores of methods, differing altogether from each other in process, all end in this mysterious 3.14159..., which insists on calling itself the circumference to a unit of diameter. A reader who is competent to follow processes of arithmetic may be easily satisfied that such methods do actually exist. I will give a sketch, carried out to a few figures, of three: the first two I never met with in my reading; the third is the old method of Vieta.[354] [I find that both the first and second methods are contained in a theorem of Euler.]
Every mathematician knows that many different methods, each completely unique in approach, all result in this mysterious 3.14159..., which insists on calling itself the circumference for a unit diameter. A reader who can follow arithmetic processes can easily be convinced that these methods really exist. I'll provide a brief outline, using a few digits, of three methods: I haven't encountered the first two in my readings; the third is the old method of Vieta.[354] [I've found that both the first and second methods are included in a theorem by Euler.]
What Mr. James Smith says of these methods is worth noting. He says I have given three "fancy proofs" of the value of π: he evidently takes me to be offering demonstration. He proceeds thus:—
What Mr. James Smith says about these methods is worth noting. He claims I have provided three "fancy proofs" of the value of π: he clearly assumes I'm presenting a demonstration. He continues like this:—
"His first proof is traceable to the diameter of a circle [211]of radius 1. His second, to the side of any inscribed equilateral triangle to a circle of radius 1. His third, to a radius of a circle of diameter 1. Now, it may be frankly admitted that we can arrive at the same result by many other modes of arithmetical calculation, all of which may be shown to have some sort of relation to a circle; but, after all, these results are mere exhibitions of the properties of numbers, and have no more to do with the ratio of diameter to circumference in a circle than the price of sugar with the mean height of spring tides. (Corr. Oct. 21, 1865)."
"His first proof is linked to the diameter of a circle [211]with a radius of 1. His second proof is connected to the side of any inscribed equilateral triangle within a circle of radius 1. His third proof relates to a radius of a circle with a diameter of 1. It can be openly acknowledged that we can reach the same conclusion through many other methods of arithmetic calculation, all of which can be shown to have some relationship to a circle. However, these results are simply demonstrations of the properties of numbers and are as unrelated to the ratio of diameter to circumference in a circle as the price of sugar is to the average height of spring tides. (Corr. Oct. 21, 1865)."
I quote this because it is one of the few cases—other than absolute assumption of the conclusion—in which Mr. Smith's conclusions would be true if his premise were true. Had I given what follows as proof, it would have been properly remarked, that I had only exhibited properties of numbers. But I took care to tell my reader that I was only going to show him methods which end in 3.14159.... The proofs that these methods establish the value of π are for those who will read and can understand.
I mention this because it's one of the few times—aside from just assuming the conclusion—where Mr. Smith's conclusions would hold true if his premise was true. If I had presented what follows as proof, it would be fair to point out that I was only showing the properties of numbers. However, I made it clear to my reader that I was just going to present methods that lead to 3.14159.... The proofs that these methods confirm the value of π are intended for those who will read it and can understand it.
200000000 | 31415 | 3799 |
66666667 | 2817 | |
26666667 | 1363 | |
11428571 | 661 | |
5079365 | 321 | |
2308802 | 156 | |
1065601 | 76 | |
497281 | 37 | |
234014 | 18 | |
110849 | 9 | |
52785 | 5 | |
25245 | 2 | |
12118 | 1 | |
5834 | ||
————— | ——— | —— |
314153799 | 31415 | 9265 |
1. Take any diameter, double it, take 1-3d of that double, 2-5ths of the last, 3-7ths of the last, 4-9ths of the last, 5-11ths of the last, and so on. The sum of all is the circumference of that diameter. The preceding is the process when the diameter is a hundred millions: the errors arising from rejection of fractions being lessened by proceeding on a thousand millions, and striking off one figure. Here 200 etc. is double of the diameter; 666 etc. is 1-3rd of 200 etc.; 266 etc. is 2-5ths of 666 etc.; 114 etc. is 3-7ths of 266 etc.; 507 etc. is 4-9ths of 114 etc.; and so on.
1. Take any diameter, double it, then take 1/3 of that double, 2/5 of the last result, 3/7 of the last result, 4/9 of the last result, 5/11 of the last result, and so forth. The total of all these is the circumference of that diameter. The process described works when the diameter is a hundred million; the errors from ignoring fractions are reduced by using a thousand million and dropping one figure. Here, 200, etc., is double the diameter; 666, etc., is 1/3 of 200, etc.; 266, etc., is 2/5 of 666, etc.; 114, etc., is 3/7 of 266, etc.; 507, etc., is 4/9 of 114, etc.; and so on.
2. To the square root of 3 add its half. Take half the third part of this; half 2-5ths of the last; half 3-7ths of the last; and so on. The sum is the circumference to a unit of diameter.
2. To the square root of 3, add its half. Take half of the third part of this; half of 2-5ths of the last; half of 3-7ths of the last; and so on. The sum is the circumference for a unit of diameter.
Square root of 3.... | 1.73205081 |
.86602540 | |
————— | |
2.59807621 | |
.43301270 | |
.08660254 | |
1855768 | |
412393 | |
93726 | |
21629 | |
5047 | |
1188 | |
281 | |
67 | |
16 | |
4 | |
1 | |
————— | |
3.14159265 |
3. Take the square root of ½; the square root of half of one more than this; the square root of half of one more [213]than the last; and so on, until we come as near to unity as the number of figures chosen will permit. Multiply all the results together, and divide 2 by the product: the quotient is an approximation to the circumference when the diameter is unity. Taking aim at four figures, that is, working to five figures to secure accuracy in the fourth, we have .70712 for the square root of ½; .92390 for the square root of half one more than .70712; and so on, through .98080, .99520, .99880, .99970, .99992, .99998. The product of the eight results is .63667; divide 2 by this, and the quotient is 3.1413..., of which four figures are correct. Had the product been .636363... instead of .63667..., the famous result of Archimedes, 22-7ths, would have been accurately true. It is singular that no cyclometer maintains that Archimedes hit it exactly.
3. Take the square root of ½; then take the square root of half of one more than that; then the square root of half of one more than the last number; and keep going until we get as close to one as the number of digits we choose will allow. Multiply all the results together, and divide 2 by the product: the answer will give you an approximation of the circumference when the diameter is one. Aiming for four digits, which means working five digits to ensure accuracy in the fourth, we find .70712 for the square root of ½; .92390 for the square root of half one more than .70712; and so on, through .98080, .99520, .99880, .99970, .99992, .99998. The product of these eight results is .63667; divide 2 by this, and you get 3.1413..., with four digits being accurate. If the product had been .636363... instead of .63667..., we would have exactly matched Archimedes' famous result of 22/7. It's interesting that no cyclometer claims that Archimedes was spot on.
A literary journal could hardly admit as much as the preceding, if it stood alone. But in my present undertaking it passes as the halfpennyworth of bread to many gallons of sack. Many more methods might be given, all ending in the same result, let that result mean what it may.
A literary journal could hardly acknowledge what was just mentioned if it existed on its own. But in my current project, it serves as a small part of a much larger whole. There are many more methods that could be suggested, all leading to the same outcome, whatever that outcome may be.
Now since dozens of methods, to which dozens more might be added at pleasure, concur in giving one and the same result; and since these methods are declared by all who have shown knowledge of mathematics to be demonstrated: it is not asking too much of a person who has just a little knowledge of the first elements that he should learn more, and put his hand upon the error, before he intrudes his assertion of the existence of error upon those who have given more time and attention to it than himself, and who are in possession, over and above many demonstrations, of many consequences verifying each other, of which he can know nothing. This is all that is required. Let any one square the circle, and persuade his friends, if he and they please: let him print, and let all read who choose. But let him abstain from intruding himself upon those who have been satisfied by existing demonstration, until he is prepared [214]to lay his finger on the point in which existing demonstration is wrong. Let him also say what this mysterious 3.14159... really is, which comes in at every door and window, and down every chimney, calling itself the circumference to a unit of diameter. This most impudent and successful impostor holds false title-deeds in his hands, and invites examination: surely those who can find out the rightful owner are equally able to detect the forgery. All the quadrators are agreed that, be the right what it may, 3.14159... is wrong. It would be well if they would put their heads together, and say what this wrong result really means. The mathematicians of all ages have tried all manner of processes, with one object in view, and by methods which are admitted to yield demonstration in countless cases. They have all arrived at one result. A large number of opponents unite in declaring this result wrong, and all agree in two points: first, in differing among themselves; secondly, in declining to point out what that curious result really is which the mathematical methods all agree in giving.
Now that many methods, and potentially even more, lead to the same result, and since those who are knowledgeable in mathematics agree that these methods are proven: it isn’t too much to expect someone with just a bit of understanding of the basics to learn more and identify the error before claiming there’s a mistake in something that others have studied more deeply, who have multiple proofs and many interrelated consequences that he wouldn't know about. That’s all that’s required. Let anyone try to square the circle and convince their friends, if they want. Let them publish their findings for anyone interested. But they should refrain from challenging those who are satisfied with the existing proofs until they can pinpoint where the current demonstration is incorrect. They should also explain what this mysterious 3.14159... really is, which keeps appearing everywhere, claiming to be the circumference of a unit diameter. This brazen impostor holds fraudulent claims and invites scrutiny: surely those who can find the rightful owner can also uncover the forgery. All those involved in the quest for the correct value agree that, whatever the reality may be, 3.14159... is incorrect. It would be beneficial for them to collaborate and clarify what this erroneous result actually signifies. Mathematicians throughout history have explored various processes with a singular goal, using methods that are recognized to yield proof in numerous instances. They have all reached the same conclusion. A significant number of critics claim this conclusion is wrong, and they all agree on two points: first, they disagree with each other; second, they avoid stating what the intriguing result actually is that all mathematical methods arrive at.
Most of the quadrators are not aware that it has been fully demonstrated that no two numbers whatsoever can represent the ratio of the diameter to the circumference with perfect accuracy. When therefore we are told that either 8 to 25 or 64 to 201 is the true ratio, we know that it is no such thing, without the necessity of examination. The point that is left open, as not fully demonstrated to be impossible, is the geometrical quadrature, the determination of the circumference by the straight line and circle, used as in Euclid. The general run of circle-squarers, hearing that the quadrature is not pronounced to be demonstratively impossible, imagine that the arithmetical quadrature is open to their ingenuity. Before attempting the arithmetical problem, they ought to acquire knowledge enough to read Lambert's[355] demonstration (last given in Brewster's[356] translation [215]of Legendre's[357] Geometry) and, if they can, to refute it. [It will be given in an Appendix.] Probably some have begun this way, and have caught a Tartar who has refused to let them go: I have never heard of any one who, in producing his own demonstration, has laid his finger on the faulty part of Lambert's investigation. This is the answer to those who think that the mathematicians treat the arithmetical squarers too lightly, and that as some person may succeed at last, all attempts should be examined. Those who have so thought, not knowing that there is demonstration on the point, will probably admit that a person who contradicts a theorem of which the demonstration has been acknowledged for a century by all who have alluded to it as read by themselves, may reasonably be required to point out the error before he demands attention to his own result.
Most people working on this don't realize that it has been completely proven that no two numbers can perfectly represent the ratio of the diameter to the circumference. So, when we hear that either 8 to 25 or 64 to 201 is the correct ratio, we understand that it isn't true without needing to dig deeper. The one point that's still open and hasn't been definitively proven impossible is the geometrical quadrature, figuring out the circumference using straight lines and circles in the way Euclid did. Most people trying to square the circle, seeing that the quadrature isn't declared demonstratively impossible, think that the arithmetical quadrature is still within their reach. Before attempting the arithmetical problem, they should gain enough knowledge to read Lambert's[355] demonstration (last presented in Brewster's[356] translation [215]of Legendre's[357] Geometry) and, if they can, challenge it. [It will be included in an Appendix.] Some may have started this way and encountered a formidable challenge that they couldn't overcome: I have yet to hear of anyone producing their own demonstration who has successfully identified the flaw in Lambert's work. This addresses those who believe that mathematicians dismiss the arithmetical squarers too easily, thinking that since someone might eventually succeed, all efforts should be considered. Those who hold this view, unaware of the established proof, would likely agree that anyone contradicting a theorem, which has been recognized for a century by all who have read it, should reasonably be expected to highlight the error before seeking attention for their own findings.
Apopempsis of the Tutelaries.—Again and again I am told that I spend too much time and trouble upon my two tutelaries: but when I come to my summing-up I shall make it appear that I have a purpose. Some say I am too hard upon them: but this is quite a mistake. Both of them beat little Oliver himself in the art and science of asking for more; but without Oliver's excuse, for I had given good allowance. Both began with me, not I with them: and both knew what they had to expect when they applied for a second helping.
Apopempsis of the Tutelaries.—Over and over, people tell me that I spend too much time and effort on my two guardians: but when I summarize everything, I will show that I have a reason for it. Some say I’m too tough on them: but that’s just not true. Both of them are better than little Oliver at asking for more; but they don’t have Oliver’s excuse, since I had already given a generous portion. Both of them came to me first, not the other way around: and both knew what to expect when they asked for seconds.
On July 31, the Monday after the publication of my remarks on my 666 correspondent, I found three notes in separate envelopes, addressed to me at "7A, University College." When I saw the three new digits I was taken rhythmopoetic, as follows—
On July 31, the Monday after my comments about my 666 correspondent were published, I found three notes in separate envelopes, addressed to me at "7A, University College." When I saw the three new digits, I was struck in a poetic rhythm, as follows—
Here's the Doctor again with his figs, and by Heavens!
Here's the Doctor again with his figs, and wow!
He was always at sixes, and now he's at sevens.
He was always in a mess, and now he's in a bigger mess.
To understand this fully the reader must know that the greater part of Apocalyptic interpretation has long been condensed, in my mind, into the Turkish street-cry—In the [216]name of the Prophet! figs! I make a few extracts. The reader will observe that Dr. Thorn grumbles at his private letters being publicly ridiculed. A man was summoned for a glutolactic assault; he complained of the publication of his proceeding: I kicked etc. in confidence, he said.
To fully understand this, the reader needs to know that most of my thoughts about Apocalyptic interpretation have long been summed up in the Turkish street chant—In the [216]name of the Prophet! figs! Here are a few excerpts. You'll notice that Dr. Thorn is unhappy about his private letters being publicly mocked. A man was called in for a glutolactic assault; he complained about the publicity of his incident: I kicked etc. in confidence, he said.
"After reading your last, which tries in every way to hold me up to public ridicule for daring to write you privately ['that you would be d——d,' omitted by accident] one would say, Why have anything to do with such a testy person? [Wrong word; no testy person can manage cool and consecutive ridicule. Quære, what is this word? Is it anything but a corruption of the obsolete word tetchy of the same meaning? Some think touchy is our modern form of tetchy, which I greatly doubt]. My answer is, the poor man is lamentably ignorant; he is not only so, but 'out of the way' [quite true; my readers know me by this time for an out-of-the-way person. What other could tackle my squad of paradoxers? What other would undertake the job?] Can he be brought back and form one of those who in Ezekiel 37 ch. have the Spirit breathed into them and live.... Have I any other feeling towards you except that of peace and goodwill? [Not to your distinct knowledge; but in all those who send people to 'the other place' for contempt of their interpretations, there is a lurking wish which is father to the thought; 'you will be d——d' and 'you be d—d' are Siamese twins]. Of course your sneer at 666 brought plain words; but when men meddle with what they do not understand (not having the double Vahu) they must be dealt with faithfully by those who do.... [They must; which justifies the Budget of Paradoxes: but no occasion to send them anywhere; no preachee and floggee too, as the negro said]. Many will find the text Prov. i. 26 fully realized. [All this contains distinct assumption of a right 'of course' to declare accursed those who do not respect the writer's vagary].... If I could but get the א, the Ox-head, which in Old Hebrew was just the Latin Digamma, F, out [217]of your name, and could then Thau you with the Thau of Ezekiel ix, 4, the χ, then you would bear the number of a man! But this is too hard for me, although not so for the Lord! Jer. xxxii. 17.... And now a word: is ridicule the right thing in so solemn a matter as the discussion of Holy Writ? [Is food for ridicule the right thing? Did I discuss Holy Writ? I did not: I concussed profane scribble. Even the Doctor did not discuss; he only enunciated and denunciated out of the mass of inferences which a mystical head has found premises for in the Bible]."
"After reading your last message, which tries every possible way to make me a laughingstock for daring to write to you privately ['that you would be d——d,' omitted by accident], one might wonder, why engage with such an irritable person? [Wrong word; no irritable person can deliver calm and consecutive ridicule. Query, what is this word? Is it just a corruption of the outdated word tetchy with the same meaning? Some believe touchy is our modern version of tetchy, which I seriously doubt]. My answer is, the poor man is woefully ignorant; he is not just that, but 'out of the way' [quite true; my readers recognize me by now as an unconventional person. Who else could challenge my group of paradox lovers? Who else would take on such a task?] Can he be brought back and become one of those in Ezekiel 37 who have the Spirit breathed into them and live.... Do I feel anything towards you except peace and goodwill? [Not to your explicit knowledge; but in all those who damn others for disrespecting their interpretations, there's a hidden desire that fuels the thought; 'you will be d——d' and 'you be d—d' are inseparable twins]. Of course, your sneer at 666 prompted straightforward words; but when people meddle with what they don’t understand (lacking the double Vahu), they must be dealt with honestly by those who do.... [They must; which justifies the Budget of Paradoxes: but there’s no need to send them anywhere; no preacher and floggee too, as the saying goes]. Many will find the text Prov. i. 26 fully realized. [All this contains a clear assumption of a right to declare accursed those who don’t respect the writer's whims].... If I could only get the א, the Ox-head, which in Old Hebrew was just the Latin Digamma, F, out [217] of your name, and could then mark you with the Thau of Ezekiel ix, 4, the χ, then you would carry the number of a man! But this is too difficult for me, although not for the Lord! Jer. xxxii. 17.... And now a thought: is ridicule appropriate in such a serious matter as discussing Holy Scripture? [Is material for ridicule appropriate? Did I discuss Holy Scripture? I did not: I knocked around profane scribbles. Even the Doctor did not discuss; he simply pronounced and condemned from the mass of inferences that a mystical mind has found premises for in the Bible]."
M | 40 |
O | 70 |
R | 100 |
G | 6 |
N | 50 |
—— | |
266 | |
ת= | χ 400 |
[That ill opinions are near relations of ill wishes, will be detected by those who are on the look out. The following was taken down in a Scotch Church by Mr. Cobden,[358] who handed it to a Roman friend of mine, for his delectation (in 1855): "Lord, we thank thee that thou hast brought the Pope into trouble; and we pray that thou wouldst be mercifully pleased to increase the same."]
[That negative opinions are closely related to negative wishes will be clear to those who are observant. The following was recorded in a Scottish Church by Mr. Cobden,[358] who passed it on to a Roman friend of mine for his enjoyment (in 1855): "Lord, we thank you for bringing the Pope into trouble; and we pray that you will kindly increase it."]
Here is a martyr who quarrels with his crown; a missionary who reviles his persecutor: send him to New Zealand, and he would disagree with the Maoris who ate him. Man of unilateral reciprocity! have you, who write to a stranger with hints that that stranger and his wife are children of perdition, the bad taste to complain of a facer in return? As James Smith[359]—the Attorney-wit, not the Dock-cyclometer—said, or nearly said,
Here is a martyr who argues with his crown; a missionary who insults his persecutor: send him to New Zealand, and he would argue with the Maoris who ate him. Man of one-sided reciprocity! Do you, who write to a stranger with suggestions that the stranger and his wife are doomed souls, really have the bad taste to complain about a backlash in return? As James Smith[359]—the Attorney-wit, not the Dock-cyclometer—said, or nearly said,
"A pretty thing, forsooth!
"A nice thing, really!"
Is he to burn, all scalding hot,
Is he meant to burn, all scalding hot,
Me and my wife, and am I not
Me and my wife, and am I not
To job him out a tooth?"
To knock out a tooth for him?
Those who think parody vulgar will be pleased to substitute for the above a quotation from Butler[360]:—
Those who find parody offensive will be happy to replace the above with a quote from Butler[360]:—
"There's nothing so absurd or vain
"There's nothing so ridiculous or pointless
Or barbarous or inhumane,
Or cruel or inhumane,
But if it lay the least pretence
But if it had even the slightest appearance
To piety and godliness,
To faith and righteousness,
Or tender-hearted conscience,
Or kind-hearted conscience,
And zeal for gospel truths profess,—
And passion for the truths of the gospel profess,—
Does sacred instantly commence,
Does sacred start immediately,
And all that dare but question it are straight
And anyone who dares to question it is immediately
Pronounced th' uncircumcised and reprobate,
Called the uncircumcised and wicked,
As malefactors that escape and fly
As criminals who escape and run away
Into a sanctuary for defence,
Into a safe space for defense,
Must not be brought to justice thence,
Must not be brought to justice from there,
Although their crimes be ne'er so great and high.
Although their crimes are never so great and serious.
And he that dares presume to do't
And anyone who thinks they can do it
Is sentenced and delivered up
Is sentenced and handed over
To Satan that engaged him to't."
To Satan that got him into it."
THE NUMBER OF THE BEAST.
THE BEAST'S NUMBER.
Of all the drolleries of controversy none is more amusing than the manner in which those who provoke a combat expect to lay down the laws of retaliation. You must not strike this way! you must not parry that way! If you don't take care, we shall never meddle with you again! We were not prepared for such as this! Why did we have anything to do with such a testy person? M. Jourdain must needs show Nicole, his servant-maid, how good a thing it was to be sure of fighting without being killed, by care and tierce.[361] "Et cela n'est il pas beau d'être assuré de son fait quand on se bat contre quelqu'un? Là, pousse moi un peu, pour voir. Nicole. Eh bien! quoi? M. Jourdain. Tout beau. Hola! [219]Ho! doucement. Diantre soit la coquine! Nicole. Vous me dites de pousser. M. Jourdain. Oui; mais tu me pousses en tierce, avant que de pousser en quarte, et tu n'as pas la patience que je pare."
Of all the ridiculous things about arguments, nothing is more entertaining than how those who start a fight think they can set the rules for revenge. You can’t hit this way! You can’t block that way! If you’re not careful, we’ll never bother with you again! We weren't prepared for this! Why did we even engage with such a cranky person? M. Jourdain has to show Nicole, his maid, how great it is to be able to fight without getting hurt, by using care and technique. [361] "Isn't it nice to be sure of yourself when you're fighting against someone? Now, push me a little, just to see. Nicole. Well? What? M. Jourdain. All right. Hey! Slow down! Damn the wench! Nicole. You told me to push. M. Jourdain. Yes, but you're pushing me in tierce before pushing in quarte, and you don't have the patience for me to block."
His colleague, my secular tutelary, who also made an anachronistic onset, with his repartees and his retorts, before there was anything to fire at, takes what I give by way of subsequent provocation with a good humor which would make a convert of me if he could afford .01659265 ... of a grain of logic. He instantly sent me his photograph for the asking, and another letter in proof. The Thor-hammerer does nothing but grumble, except when he tells a good story, which he says he had from Dr. Abernethy.[362] A Mr. James Dunlop was popping at the Papists with a 666-rifled gun, when Dr. Chalmers[363] quietly said, "Why, Dunlop, you bear it yourself," and handed him a paper on which the numerals in
His coworker, my non-religious mentor, who also made a confusing entrance with his quick comebacks and responses before there was anything to respond to, takes my later jabs with a good humor that would definitely persuade me if he could muster a logical argument. He immediately sent me his photo when I asked, along with another letter as proof. The guy with the Thor hammer mostly just complains, except when he tells a good story, which he claims he got from Dr. Abernethy. A Mr. James Dunlop was taking shots at the Catholics with a high-powered rifle when Dr. Chalmers calmly said, "Well, Dunlop, you're doing it yourself," and handed him a paper where the numbers in
I | A | C | O | B | V | S | D | V | N | L | O | P | V | S | |
1 | 100 | 5 | 500 | 5 | 50 | 5 |
were added up. This is almost as good as the Filii Dei Vicarius, the numerical letters of which also make 666. No more of these crazy—I first wrote puerile, but why should young cricketers be libelled?—attempts to extract religious use from numerical vagaries, and to make God over all a proposer of salvation conundrums: and no more of the trumpery hints about future destiny which is too great a compliment to call blasphemous. If the Doctor will cipher upon the letter in ἐν ᾡ μετρῳ μετρειτε μετρηθησεται ὑμιν[364] with double Vahu cubic measure, he will perhaps learn to leave off trying to frighten me into gathering grapes from thorns.
were added up. This is almost as good as the Filii Dei Vicarius, whose numerical letters also add up to 666. No more of these ridiculous—I originally wrote childish, but why should young cricketers be insulted?—attempts to extract religious meaning from numerical oddities, treating God as some sort of proposer of salvation puzzles: and no more of the cheap hints about future destiny, which is too generous a compliment to call blasphemous. If the Doctor wants to work out the meaning of the letter in In the measure you use, it will be measured to you.[364] with double Vahu cubic measure, maybe he’ll finally stop trying to scare me into gathering grapes from thorns.
Mystical hermeneutics may be put to good use by out-of-the-way people. They may be made to call the attention [220]of the many to a distinction well known among the learned. The books of the New Testament have been for 1,500 years divided into two classes: the acknowledged (ὁμολογουμενα), which it has always been paradox not to receive; and the controverted (ἀντιλεγομενα), about which there has always been that difference of opinion which no scholar overlooks, however he may decide for himself after balance of evidence. Eusebius,[365] who first (l. 3, c. 25) recorded the distinction—which was much insisted on by the early Protestants—states the books which are questioned as doubtful, but which yet are approved and acknowledged by many—or the many, it is not easy to say which he means—to be the Epistles of James and Jude, the second of Peter and the second and third of John. In other places he speaks doubtingly of the Epistle to the Hebrews. The Apocalypse he does not even admit into this class, for he proceeds as follows—I use the second edition of the English folio translation (1709), to avert suspicion of bias from myself:—
Mystical interpretation can be effectively utilized by unconventional people. They can draw attention [220] to a distinction well-known among scholars. For 1,500 years, the books of the New Testament have been classified into two categories: the acknowledged (acknowledged), which have always been accepted, and the controverted (disagreements), about which there has always been a difference of opinion that no scholar overlooks, regardless of how they come to their own conclusions after weighing the evidence. Eusebius, [365] who first recorded this distinction (l. 3, c. 25) that early Protestants emphasized, notes the books that are often questioned as doubtful yet are accepted and recognized by many—or the many, it's unclear which he means—as the Epistles of James and Jude, the second of Peter, and the second and third of John. In other instances, he expresses uncertainty about the Epistle to the Hebrews. He doesn’t even include the Apocalypse in this classification, as he states the following—I refer to the second edition of the English folio translation (1709) to avoid any suggestion of bias on my part:—
"Among the spurious [νοθοι] let there be ranked both the work entitled the Acts of Paul, and the book called Pastor, and the Revelation of Peter: and moreover, that which is called the Epistle of Barnabas, and that named the Doctrines of the Apostles: and moreover, as I said, the Revelation of John (if you think good), which some, as I have said, do reject, but others allow of, and admit among those books which are received as unquestionable and undoubted."
"Among the spurious [illegitimate] we should include both the work titled the Acts of Paul and the book called Pastor, as well as the Revelation of Peter. Additionally, there's the Epistle of Barnabas and the one known as the Doctrines of the Apostles. Furthermore, as I mentioned, the Revelation of John (if you agree) is also sometimes rejected by some, while others accept it and consider it among the books that are recognized as certain and undoubted."
Eusebius, though he will not admit the Apocalypse even into the controverted list, but gives permission to call it spurious, yet qualifies his permission in a manner which almost annihilates the distinctive force of νοθος, and gives the book a claim to rank (if you think good, again) in the controverted list. And this is the impression received by [221]the mind of Lardner, who gives Eusebius fully and fairly, but when he sums up, considers his author as admitting the Apocalypse into the second list. A stick may easily be found to beat the father of ecclesiastical history. There are whole faggots in writers as opposite as Baronius and Gibbon, who are perhaps his two most celebrated sons. But we can hardly imagine him totally misrepresenting the state of opinion of those for whom and among whom he wrote. The usual plan, that of making an author take the views of his readers, is more easy in his case than in that of any other writer: for, as the riddle says, he is You-see-by-us; and to this reading of his name he has often been subjected. Dr. Nathaniel Lardner,[366] who, though heterodox in doctrine, tries hard to be orthodox as to the Canon, is "sometimes apt to think" that the list should be collected and divided as in Eusebius. He would have no one of the controverted books to be allowed, by itself, to establish any doctrine. Even without going so far, a due use of early opinion and long continued discussion would perhaps prevent rational people from being induced by those who have the double Vahu to place the Apocalypse above the Gospels, which all the Bivahuites do in effect, and some are said to have done in express words. But my especial purpose is to point out that an easy way of getting rid of 665 out of 666 of the mystics is to require them to establish the Apocalypse before they begin. See if they even know so much as that there is a crowd of testimonies for and against, running through the first four centuries, which makes this book the most difficult of the whole Canon. Try this method, and you will escape beautiful, as the French say. Dean Alford,[367] in Vol. IV, p. 8, of his New Testament, gives an elaborate handling of this question. He concludes by saying that he cannot [222]venture to refuse his consent to the tradition that the Apostle is the author. This modified adherence, or non-nonadherence, pretty well represents the feeling of orthodox Protestants, when learning and common sense come together.
Eusebius, although he won't include the Apocalypse even in the controverted list, allows it to be called spurious. However, he qualifies this permission in a way that almost diminishes the specific meaning of bastard, giving the book a potential claim to be included (if you think it’s appropriate) in the controverted list. This is the impression Lardner gets, who presents Eusebius's views fairly but, when summarizing, considers Eusebius as accepting the Apocalypse into the second list. It’s easy to criticize the father of ecclesiastical history. Many writers, as different as Baronius and Gibbon—perhaps his two most famous followers—have whole stacks of critiques against him. Still, it's hard to believe he totally misrepresented the opinions of those he wrote for and among. The usual method of aligning an author with the views of their readers is simpler in his case than for any other writer: as the riddle goes, he is You-see-by-us; and he has often been associated with that reading of his name. Dr. Nathaniel Lardner, [366], who, although unorthodox in doctrine, strives to be orthodox regarding the Canon, "sometimes tends to think" that the list should be compiled and divided like Eusebius's. He believes no controverted book should stand alone as a basis for any doctrine. Even without going that far, effectively using early opinions and ongoing discussions would likely stop rational people from being swayed by those with the double Vahu to place the Apocalypse above the Gospels, which all Bivahuites basically do, and some are said to have claimed outright. But my main point is to show that an easy way to dismiss 665 out of 666 of the mystics is to require them to prove the Apocalypse before they start. See if they even know there’s a vast array of evidence for and against it that spans the first four centuries, making this book the most challenging in the entire Canon. Try this approach, and you'll come out fine, as the French say. Dean Alford, [367], in Vol. IV, p. 8 of his New Testament, provides a thorough discussion on this issue. He concludes by stating that he cannot confidently reject the tradition that the Apostle is the author. This nuanced agreement—or lack of disagreement—fairly reflects the views of orthodox Protestants when learning and common sense align.
I have often, in former days, had the attempt made to place the Apocalypse on my neck as containing prophecies yet unfulfilled. The preceding method prevents success; and so does the following. It may almost be taken for granted that theological system-fighters do not read the New Testament: they hunt it for detached texts; they listen to it in church in that state of quiescent nonentity which is called reverent attention: but they never read it. When it is brought forward, you must pretend to find it necessary to turn to the book itself: you must read "The revelation ... to show unto his servants things which must shortly come to pass.... Blessed is he that readeth ... for the time is at hand." You must then ask your mystic whether things deferred for 1800 years were shortly to come to pass, etc.? You must tell him that the Greek ἐν ταχει, rendered "shortly," is as strong a phrase as the language has to signify soon. The interpreter will probably look as if he had never read this opening: the chances are that he takes up the book to see whether you have been committing a fraud. He will then give you some exquisite evasion: I have heard it pleaded that the above was a mere preamble. This word mere is all-sufficient: it turns anything into nothing. Perhaps he will say that the argument is that of the Papists: if so, tell him that there is no Christian sect but bears true witness against some one or more absurdities in other sects.
I have often, in the past, had attempts made to put the Apocalypse on my shoulders as if it holds prophecies that are still unfulfilled. The previous method prevents success, and so does the next one. It's almost guaranteed that those who battle over theological systems don’t actually read the New Testament: they search for random quotes, sit in church pretending to pay reverent attention, but they never actually read it. When it comes up, you have to act like you need to turn to the book itself: you must read "The revelation ... to show unto his servants things which must shortly come to pass.... Blessed is he that readeth ... for the time is at hand." You should then ask your mystic whether things that have been postponed for 1800 years are really supposed to happen soon, etc.? You have to point out that the Greek In a hurry, translated as "shortly," is a strong phrase indicating soon. The interpreter will likely look as if he’s never read this opening: chances are he will pick up the book to check if you’re trying to pull a fast one. Then he’ll give you some clever dodge: I’ve heard it argued that the above is a mere preamble. The word mere is enough: it turns anything into nothing. Maybe he’ll claim that this argument comes from the Papists: if that’s the case, tell him that there is no Christian group that doesn’t bear true witness against some absurdities found in other groups.
An anonyme suggests that ἐν ταχει may not be "soon," it may be "quickly, without reference to time when:" he continues thus, "May not time be 'at hand' when it is ready to come, no matter how long delayed?" I now understand what *** and *** meant when they borrowed my books and promised to return them quickly, it was "without [223]reference to time when." As to time at hand—provided you make a long arm—I admire the quirk, but cannot receive it: the word is ἐγγυς, which is a word of closeness in time, in place, in reckoning, in kindred, etc.
An anonymous person suggests that in a hurry might not mean "soon," but rather "quickly, without regard to when." He continues, "Could it be that time is 'at hand' when it’s ready to arrive, regardless of how long it takes?" I now understand what *** and *** meant when they borrowed my books and promised to return them quickly; it was "without [223] regard to when." As for time at hand—as long as you make a long arm—I appreciate the twist, but I can't accept it: the word is near, which refers to closeness in time, place, calculation, kinship, etc.
Another gentleman is not surprised that Apocalyptic reading leads to a doubt of the "canonicity" of the book: it ought not to rest on church testimony, but on visible miracle. He offers me, or any reader of the Athenæum, the "sight of a miracle to that effect, and within forty-eight hours' journey (fare paid)." I seldom travel, and my first thought was whether my carpet-bag would be found without a regular hunt: but, on reading further, I found that it was only a concordance that would be wanted. Forty hours' collection and numerical calculation of Greek nouns would make it—should I happen to agree with the writer—many hundred millions to one that Revelation xiii is superhuman. There is but one verse (the fifth) which the writer does not see verified. I looked at this verse, and was much startled. The Budget began in October 1863: should it last until March 1867—it is now August 1866—it is clear that I am the first Beast, and my paradoxers are the saints whom I persecute.
Another guy isn’t surprised that reading the Apocalypse makes people doubt the book’s “canonicity”: it shouldn’t rely on what the church says, but on visible miracles. He offers me, or any reader of the Athenæum, “the chance to see a miracle to prove that, and it’s just a forty-eight hour trip (fare covered).” I don’t travel often, and my first thought was whether my suitcase would be found without a major search: but after reading more, I realized I only needed a concordance. Spending forty hours gathering and calculating Greek nouns would make it—if I happen to agree with the writer—many hundreds of millions to one that Revelation xiii is beyond human understanding. There’s only one verse (the fifth) that the writer doesn’t see confirmed. I checked out that verse and was pretty shocked. The Budget started back in October 1863: if it lasts until March 1867—it’s now August 1866—it’s clear that I’m the first Beast, and those who argue against me are the saints I’m persecuting.
[The Budget did terminate in March 1867: I hope the gentleman will be satisfied with the resulting interpretation.]
[The Budget did end in March 1867: I hope the gentleman is satisfied with the interpretation that follows.]
The same opponent is surprised that I should suppose a thing which "comes to pass" must be completed, and cannot contain what is to happen 1800 years after. All who have any knowledge of English idiom know that a thing comes to pass when it happens, and came to pass afterwards. But as the original is Greek, we must look at the Greek: it is δει γενεσθαι for "must come to pass," and we know that ἐγενετο is what is usually translated "came to pass." No word of more finished completion exists in Greek.
The same opponent is surprised that I would think something that "comes to pass" must be finished and can't include what happens 1800 years later. Everyone who understands English knows that something comes to pass when it happens, and came to pass afterwards. But since the original is Greek, we need to look at the Greek: it is become for "must come to pass," and we know that evolved is what is usually translated as "came to pass." No word for more complete resolution exists in Greek.
And now for a last round of biter-bit with the Thor-hammerer, of whom, as in the other case, I shall take no [224]more notice until he can contrive to surpass himself, which I doubt his being able to do. He informs me that by changing A into ת in my name he can make a 666 of me; adding, "This is too hard for me, although not so for the Lord!" Sheer nonsense! He could just as easily have directed to "Prof. De Morgתn" as have assigned me apartment 7A in University College. It would have been seen for whom it was intended: and if not, it would still have reached me, for my colleagues have for many a year handed all out-of-the-way things over to me. There is no 7A: but 7 is the Museum of Materia Medica. I took the only hint which the address gave: I inquired for hellebore, but they told me it was not now recognized, that the old notion of its value was quite obsolete, and that they had nothing which was considered a specific in senary or septenary cases. The great platitude is the reference of such a difficulty as writing ת for A to the Almighty! Not childish, but fatuous: real childishness is delightful. I knew an infant to whom, before he could speak plain, his parents had attempted to give notions of the Divine attributes: a wise plan, many think. His father had dandled him up-side-down, ending with, There now! Papa could not dance on his head! The mannikin made a solemn face, and said, But Dod tood! I think the Doctor has rather mistaken the way of becoming as a little child, intended in Matt. xviii. 3: let us hope the will may be taken for the deed.
And now for a final round of biter-bit with the Thor-hammerer, about whom, just like before, I won’t pay any more attention until he manages to outdo himself, which I seriously doubt will happen. He tells me that by replacing A with ת in my name, he can create a 666 out of me; adding, "This is too tough for me, but not for the Lord!" Total nonsense! He could just as easily have addressed "Prof. De Morgתn" as have assigned me apartment 7A in University College. It would have been clear who it was meant for: and even if it wasn’t, it would still have reached me since my colleagues have passed all sorts of unusual things to me for many years. There is no 7A: but 7 is the Museum of Materia Medica. I took the only clue the address provided: I asked for hellebore, but they told me it’s not recognized anymore, that the old belief in its value is completely outdated, and that they don’t have anything considered a specific treatment for senary or septenary cases. The real cliché is referencing such a difficulty as writing ת for A to the Almighty! Not childish, but silly: true childishness is charming. I once knew a toddler to whom, before he could speak clearly, his parents tried to teach concepts of the Divine attributes: a clever strategy, many would say. His father had flipped him upside down, finishing with, "There now! Papa couldn't dance on his head!" The little one made a serious face and said, But Dod tood! I think the Doctor has somewhat misunderstood the idea of becoming like a little child, as mentioned in Matt. xviii. 3: let’s hope the intention will count for the action.
Two poets have given images of transition from infancy to manhood: Dryden,—for the Hind is Dryden himself on all fours! and Wordsworth, in his own character of broad-nailed, featherless biped:
Two poets have provided images of the transition from childhood to adulthood: Dryden—because the Hind is really Dryden himself crawling on all fours! and Wordsworth, in his own form of a sturdy, featherless creature:
"The priest continues what the nurse began,
"The priest continues what the nurse started,
And thus the child imposes on the man."
And so the child takes advantage of the man.
"The child's the father of the man,
"The child is the father of the man,
And I could wish my days to be
And I wish my days could be
Bound each to each by natural piety."
Bound each to each by natural affection.
In Wordsworth's aspiration it is meant that sense and piety should grow together: in Dryden's description a combination of Mysticism And Bigotry (can this be the double Vahu?), personified as "the priest,"—who always catches it on this score, though the same spirit is found in all associations,—succeeds the boguey-teaching of the nurse. Never was the contrast of smile and scowl, of light and darkness, better seen than in the two pictures. But an acrostic distinction may be drawn. When mysticism predominates over bigotry, we have the grotesque picturesque, and the natural order of words gives us Mab, an appropriate suggestion. But when bigotry has the upper hand, we see Bam, which is just as appropriate; for bigotry nearly always deals with facts and logic so as to require the application of at least one of the minor words by which dishonesty is signified. I think that M is the Doctor's initial, and that Queen Mab tickles him in his sleep with the sharp end of a 6.
In Wordsworth's vision, it’s intended that feeling and faith should develop together. In Dryden's depiction, a mix of mysticism and bigotry (could this be the double Vahu?), represented by "the priest," who always gets criticized for this, even though the same attitude is found in all groups, replaces the spooky teachings of the caregiver. The contrast between joy and frown, light and dark, is never clearer than in these two images. However, a distinct difference can be noted. When mysticism overshadows bigotry, we encounter the amusingly strange, and the natural arrangement of words gives us Mab, which is a fitting idea. But when bigotry takes control, we see Bam, which is equally fitting; because bigotry often manipulates facts and logic in a way that calls for at least one of the lesser words that signify dishonesty. I believe M is the Doctor's initial, and that Queen Mab pokes him in his sleep with the sharp end of a 6.
(Monday, August 21.) Three weeks having elapsed without notice from me of the Doctor, I receive a reminder of his existence, in which I find that as I am the Daniel who judges the Magi of Babylon, it is to be pointed out that Daniel "bore a certain number, that of a man (beloved), Daniel, ch. 10. v. 11, and which you certainly do not." Then, "by Greek power," Belteshazzar is made = 666. Here is another awkward imitation of the way of a baby child. When you have sported with the tiny creature until it runs away offended, by the time you have got into conversation again you will find the game is to be renewed: a little head peeps out from a hiding-place with "I don't love you." The proper rejoinder is, "Very well! then I'll have pussy." But in the case before me there is a rule of three sums to do; as baby : Pussy Dr. :: 666 : the answer required. I will work it out, if I can.
(Monday, August 21.) Three weeks have gone by without any word from the Doctor, and now I get a reminder of his presence. In it, I find that as I am the Daniel who judges the wise men of Babylon, it's pointed out that Daniel "bore a certain number, that of a man (beloved), Daniel, ch. 10. v. 11, which you definitely do not." Then, "by Greek power," Belteshazzar is equated to 666. This feels like another awkward imitation of a small child’s play. When you've played with the little one until they run off upset, by the time you’re engaged in conversation again, you find that the game starts anew: a little head peeks out from a hiding spot saying, "I don’t love you." The appropriate reply is, "Alright! Then I’ll take the kitty." But in the situation I’m facing, there’s a math problem to solve; as baby : Kitty Doctor :: 666 : the answer needed. I’ll try to figure it out, if I can.
The squaring of the circle and the discovery of the Beast are the two goals—and goals also—of many unbalanced intellects, and of a few instances of the better kind. [226]I might have said more of 666, but I am not deep in its bibliography. A work has come into my hands which contains a large number of noted cases: to some of my readers it will be a treat to see the collection; and the sight will perhaps be of some use to those who have read controversy on the few celebrated cases which are of general notoriety. It is written by a learned decipherer, a man who really knew the history of the subject, the Rev. David Thom,[368] of Bold Street Chapel, Liverpool, who died, I am told, a few years ago.
The squaring of the circle and the discovery of the Beast are two goals—and goals as well—of many unstable minds, and a few from the more enlightened group. [226]I could have shared more about 666, but I’m not well-versed in its bibliography. A work has come my way that includes a lot of well-known cases: for some of my readers, seeing this collection will be enjoyable; and it might be useful for those who have read debates on the few famous cases that everyone knows. It's written by a knowledgeable decipherer, a man who truly understood the history of the topic, the Rev. David Thom, [368] of Bold Street Chapel, Liverpool, who, I’ve heard, passed away a few years ago.
Anybody who reads his book will be inclined to parody a criticism which was once made on Paley's[369] Evidences—"Well! if there be anything in Christianity, this man is no fool." And, if he should chance to remember it, he will be strongly reminded of a sentence in my opening chapter,—"The manner in which a paradoxer will show himself, as to sense or nonsense, will not depend upon what he maintains, but upon whether he has or has not made a sufficient knowledge of what has been done by others, especially as to the mode of doing it, a preliminary to inventing knowledge for himself." And this is reinforced by the fact that Mr. Thom, though a scholar, was not conspicuous for learning, except in this his great pursuit. He was a paradoxer on other points. He reconciled Calvinism and eternal reprobation with Universalism and final salvation; showing these two doctrines to be all one.
Anyone who reads his book will likely feel the urge to mimic a criticism that was once directed at Paley's [369] Evidences—"Well! if there’s anything to Christianity, this guy isn’t an idiot." And, if he happens to recall it, he will be strongly reminded of a line from my opening chapter: "The way a paradoxical thinker will show himself, whether in sense or nonsense, depends not on what he claims but on whether he has adequately understood what others have accomplished, especially regarding the method used, as a prerequisite to creating knowledge for himself." This is further emphasized by the fact that Mr. Thom, while a scholar, was not particularly known for his learning, except in this major area. He was a paradoxical thinker on other matters. He reconciled Calvinism and eternal damnation with Universalism and ultimate salvation, demonstrating that these two doctrines are essentially the same.
This gentleman must not be confounded with the Rev. John Hamilton Thom[370] (no relation), at or near the same [227]time and until recently, of Renshaw Street Chapel, Liverpool who was one of the minority in the Liverpool controversy when, nearly thirty years ago, three heretical Unitarian schooners exchanged shotted sermons with thirteen Orthodox ships of the line, and put up their challengers' dander—an American corruption of d—d anger—to such an extent, by quiet and respectful argument, that those opponents actually addressed a printed intercession to the Almighty for the Unitarian triad, as for "Jews, Turks, Infidels, and Heretics." So much for the distinction, which both gentlemen would thank me for making very clear: I take it quite for granted that a guesser at 666 would feel horrified at being taken for a Unitarian, and that a Unitarian would feel queerified at being taken for a guesser at 666. Mr. David Thom's book is The Number and Names of the Apocalyptic Beasts, Part I, 1848, 8vo.: I think the second part was never published. I give the Greek and Latin solutions, omitting the Hebrew: as usual, all the Greek letters are numeral, but only M D C L X V I of the Latin. I do not give either the decipherers or their reasons: I have not room for this; nor would I, if I could, bias my reader for one rather than another.
This gentleman should not be confused with Rev. John Hamilton Thom[370] (who is not related), who was involved around the same time and until recently at Renshaw Street Chapel, Liverpool. He was one of the minority in the Liverpool controversy nearly thirty years ago when three heretical Unitarian groups exchanged heated sermons with thirteen Orthodox churches, raising tensions to such an extent, through quiet and respectful argument, that those opponents actually addressed a printed prayer to God for the Unitarian trio, alongside “Jews, Turks, Infidels, and Heretics.” That clarifies the distinction, which both gentlemen would appreciate: I assume a person guessing at 666 would be horrified to be mistaken for a Unitarian, just as a Unitarian would feel uncomfortable being seen as someone guessing at 666. Mr. David Thom's book is The Number and Names of the Apocalyptic Beasts, Part I, 1848, 8vo.: I believe the second part was never published. I provide the Greek and Latin solutions, leaving out the Hebrew; as usual, all the Greek letters are numerical, but only M D C L X V I for the Latin. I do not include the decipherers or their reasons: I don't have space for that; nor would I, if I could, sway my reader toward one over the other.
D. F. Julianus Cæsar Atheus (or Aug.[371]); Diocles Augustus; Ludovicus; Silvester Secundus; Linus Secundus; [228]Vicarius Filii Dei; Doctor et Rex Latinus; Paulo V. Vice-Deo; Vicarius Generalis Dei in Terris; Ipse Catholicæ Ecclesiæ Visibile Caput; Dux Cleri; Una, Vera, Catholica, Infallibilis Ecclesia; Auctoritas politica ecclesiasticaque Papalis (Latina will also do); Lutherus Ductor Gregis; Calvinus tristis fidei interpres; Dic Lux ; Ludvvic; Will. Laud; Λατεινος;[372] ἡ λατινη βασιλεια; ἐκκλησια ἰταλικα; εὐανθας; τειταν; ἀρνουμε; λαμπετις; ὁ νικητης; κακος ὁδηγος; ἀληθης βλαβερος; παλαι βασκανος; ἀμνος ἀδικος; ἀντεμος; γενσηρικος; εὐινας; Βενεδικτος; Βονιβαζιος γ. παπα ξ. η. ε. ε. α., meaning Boniface III. Pope 68th, bishop of bishops the first! οὐλπιος; διος εἰμι ἡ ἡρας; ἡ μισσα ἡ παπικη; λουθερανα; σαξονειος; Βεζζα ἀντιθεος (Beza); ἡ ἀλαζονεια βιου; Μαομετις; Μαομετης β.; θεος εἰμι ἐπι γαιης; ἰαπετος; παπεισκος; διοκλασιανος; χεινα; βρασκι; Ιον Παυνε; κουποκς; (cowpox, ς being the vau; certainly the [229]vaccinated have the mark of the Beast); Βοννεπαρτη; Ν. Βονηπαρτε; εὐπορια; παραδοσις; το μεγαθηριον.
D. F. Julianus Caesar Atheus (or Aug.[371]); Diocles Augustus; Ludovicus; Silvester Secundus; Linus Secundus; [228]Vicar of the Son of God; Doctor and King Latin; Paul V. Vice-God; General Vicar of God on Earth; The Visible Head of the Catholic Church; Leader of the Clergy; One, True, Catholic, Infallible Church; Political and Papal Ecclesiastical Authority (Latin works too); Luther Leader of the Flock; Calvin the somber interpreter of faith; Say Light; Ludvvic; Will. Laud; Λατίνος;[372] the Latin kingdom; Italian church; εὐανθας; τειταν; αρνούμαι; λαμπετις; the winner; bad driver; true harmful; old wizard; unjust lamb; ἀντεμος; γεννητικός; εὐινας; Βενέδικτος; Βονιβαζίος, γ. παπά, ξ. η. ε. ε. α., meaning Boniface III. Pope 68th, bishop of bishops the first! οὐλπιος; I am divine.; the papal missal; λουθερανα; σαξονειος; Bezza Anti-God (Beza); the arrogance of life; Μαομετις; Μάο μεν τούς.; I am god on earth; ἰαπετος; παπεισκος; διοκλασιανος; χεινά; βρασκι; Ión Pavne; κουπόνι; (cowpox, ς being the vau; certainly the [229]vaccinated have the mark of the Beast); Βοννεπαρτη; Ν. Βονηπαρτε; prosperity; tradition; the giant.
All sects fasten this number on their opponents. It is found in Martin Lauter, affirmed to be the true way of writing the name, by carrying numbers through the Roman Alphabet. Some Jews, according to Mr. Thorn, found it in ישו נצרי Jesus of Nazareth. I find on inquiry that this satire was actually put forth by some medieval rabbis, but that it is not idiomatic: it represents quite fairly "Jesus Nazarene," but the Hebrew wants an article quite as much as the English wants "the."
All sects impose this number on their opponents. It appears in Martin Lauter, which is claimed to be the correct way to write the name, using numbers from the Roman Alphabet. Some Jews, according to Mr. Thorn, found it in Jesus of Nazareth Jesus of Nazareth. I’ve discovered that this satire was actually presented by some medieval rabbis, but it's not idiomatic: it accurately translates to "Jesus Nazarene," but the Hebrew needs an article just as much as the English needs "the."
Mr. David Thom's own solution hits hard at all sides: he finds a 666 for both beasts; ἡ φρην (the mind) for the first, and ἐκκλησιαι σαρκικαι (fleshly churches) for the second. A solution which embodies all mental philosophy in one beast and all dogmatic theology in the other, is very tempting: for in these are the two great supports of Antichrist. It will not, however, mislead me, who have known the true explanation a long time. The three sixes indicate that any two of the three subdivisions, Roman, Greek, and Protestant, are, in corruption of Christianity, six of one and half a dozen of the other: the distinctions of units, tens, hundreds, are nothing but the old way (1 Samuel xviii. 7, and Concordance at ten, hundred, thousand) of symbolizing differences of number in the subdivisions.
Mr. David Thom's solution strongly critiques all sides: he assigns a 666 to both beasts; the mind (the mind) for the first, and carnal churches (fleshly churches) for the second. A solution that encapsulates all mental philosophy in one beast and all dogmatic theology in the other is very tempting: for within these are the two major pillars of Antichrist. However, it won’t mislead me, as I've understood the true explanation for a long time. The three sixes suggest that any two of the three subdivisions, Roman, Greek, and Protestant, are, in terms of corruption of Christianity, six of one and half a dozen of the other: the distinctions between units, tens, and hundreds are merely the traditional way (1 Samuel xviii. 7, and Concordance at ten, hundred, thousand) of symbolizing differences in numbers within the subdivisions.
It may be good to know that, even in speculations on 666, there are different degrees of unreason. All the diviners, when they get a colleague or an opponent, at once proceed to reckon him up: but some do it in play and some in earnest. Mr. David Thom found a young gentleman of the name St. Claire busy at the Beast number: he forthwith added the letters in στ κλαιρε and found 666: this was good fun. But my spiritual tutelary, when he found that he could not make a beast of me, except by changing א into ת, solemnly referred the difficulty to the Almighty: this was poor earnest. [230]
It may be good to know that, even when it comes to speculating about 666, there are different levels of irrationality. All the fortune tellers, when they have a colleague or an opponent, immediately start calculating their number: some do it for fun and some are serious about it. Mr. David Thom found a young man named St. Claire focused on the Beast's number: he quickly added up the letters in στ κλαιρε and got 666: that was amusing. But my spiritual guide, when he realized he couldn't turn me into a beast unless he changed א into ת, solemnly referred the issue to the Almighty: that was quite serious. [230]
I am glad I did not notice, in time to insert it in the Athenæum, a very remarkable paradoxer brought forward by Mr. Thom, his friend Mr. Wapshare[373]: it is a little too strong for the general public. In the Athenæum they would have seen and read it: but this book will be avoided by the weaker brethren. It is as follows:
I’m glad I didn’t catch, in time to include it in the Athenæum, a very interesting paradox presented by Mr. Thom and his friend Mr. Wapshare[373]: it might be a bit too intense for the general public. In the Athenæum, they would have seen and read it: but this book will likely be shunned by those who aren’t as strong. It is as follows:
"God, the Elohim, was six days in creating all things, and having made MAN he entered into his rest. He is no more seen as a Creator, as Elohim, but as Jehovah, the Lord of the Sabbath, and the Spirit of life in Man, which Spirit worketh sin in the flesh; for the Spirit of Love, in all flesh, is Lust, or the spirit of a beast, So Rom. vii. And which Spirit is crucified in the flesh. He then, as Jehovah—as the power of the Law, in and over all flesh, John viii. 44—increases that which he has made as the Elohim, and his power shall last for 6 days, or 6 periods of time, computed at a millennium of years; and at the end of which six days, he who is the Spirit of all flesh shall manifest himself as the Holy Spirit of Almighty Love, and of all truth; and so shall the Church have her Sabbath of Rest—all contention being at an end. This is, as well as I may now express it, my solution of the mystery in Hebrew, and in Greek, and also in Latin, IHS. For he that was lifted up is King of the Jews, and is the Lord of all Life, working in us, both to will and to do; as is manifest in the Jews—they slaying him that his blood might be good for the healing of the nations, of all people and tongues. As the Father of all natural flesh, he is the Spirit of Lust, as in all beasts; as the Father, or King of the Jews, he is the Devil, as he himself witnesseth in John viii., already referred to. As lifted up, he is transformed into the Spirit of Love, a light to the Gentiles, and the glory of his people Israel.... For there is but ONE God, ONE Lord, ONE Spirit, ONE body, etc. and he who was Satan, the Spirit of life in that body, is, in [231]Christ crucified, seen in the Spirit that is in all, and through all and over all, God blessed for ever."
"God, the Elohim, took six days to create everything, and after creating MAN, He rested. He is no longer seen as the Creator, the Elohim, but as Jehovah, the Lord of the Sabbath, and the Spirit of life in Man, which Spirit brings about sin in the flesh; for the Spirit of Love, found in all flesh, is Lust, or the spirit of an animal, as noted in Rom. vii. This Spirit is crucified in the flesh. As Jehovah—representing the power of the Law, in and over all flesh, as stated in John viii. 44—He enhances what He created as the Elohim, and His power will endure for 6 days, or 6 periods of time, each lasting a millennium of years; and at the end of these six days, He who is the Spirit of all flesh will reveal Himself as the Holy Spirit of Almighty Love and of all truth; thus, the Church will enjoy her Sabbath of Rest, putting an end to all contention. This is, as best as I can currently express it, my understanding of the mystery in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, IHS. For He who was lifted up is King of the Jews, and is the Lord of all Life, working in us to both will and to act; as is evident in the Jews—they killed Him so that His blood could be good for healing the nations, of all people and languages. As the Father of all natural flesh, He is the Spirit of Lust, similar to all beasts; as the Father, or King of the Jews, He is the Devil, as He Himself states in John viii., previously mentioned. As lifted up, He is transformed into the Spirit of Love, a light to the Gentiles and the glory of His people Israel.... For there is only ONE God, ONE Lord, ONE Spirit, ONE body, etc. and He who was Satan, the Spirit of life in that body, is, in [231] Christ crucified, seen in the Spirit that is in all, through all, and over all, God blessed forever."
All this seems well meant, and Mr. Thom prints it as convinced of its piety, and "pronounces no opinion." Mystics of all sorts! see what you may come to, or what may come to you! I have inserted the above for your good.
All of this seems well-intentioned, and Mr. Thom publishes it as if he believes in its sincerity, while stating "no opinion." Mystics of all kinds! Look at where you might end up, or what might come your way! I included the above for your benefit.
There is nothing in this world so steady as some of the paradoxers. They are like the spiders who go on spinning after they have web enough to catch all the flies in the neighborhood, if the flies would but come. They are like the wild bees who go on making honey which they never can eat, proving sic vos non vobis to be a physical necessity of their own contriving. But nobody robs their hives: no, unlike the bees, they go about offering their ware to any who will take it as a gift. I had just written the last sentence (Oct. 30, 1866, 8.45 A.M.) when in comes the second note received this morning from Dr. Thorn: at 1.30 P.M. came in a third. These arise out of the above account of the Rev. D. Thom, published Oct. 27: three notes had arrived before.
There’s nothing in this world as consistent as some of the paradox makers. They’re like spiders that keep spinning even after they’ve made enough webs to catch all the flies in the area, if only the flies would show up. They’re like wild bees that keep making honey they’ll never get to eat, proving sic vos non vobis to be a physical necessity of their own creation. But no one robs their hives; no, unlike the bees, they wander around offering their products to anyone who will take them as gifts. I had just finished writing the last sentence (Oct. 30, 1866, 8:45 A.M.) when the second note I received this morning from Dr. Thorn came in: at 1:30 P.M. a third note arrived. These notes are in response to the account of the Rev. D. Thom, published on Oct. 27: three notes had already come in before this.
For curiosity I give one day's allowance, supposing these to be all: more may arrive before night.
For curiosity, I’m giving one day's allowance, assuming these are all there are: more might come in before night.
"Dear Sir,—
"Dear Sir,"
In re .[374]
In reference to __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
"So that 'Zaphnath Paaneah' may be after all the revealer of the
'Northern Tau' Φανεροω—To make
manifest, shew, or explain; and this may satisfy the House of Joseph in
Amos 5c. While Belteshazzar = 666 may be also satisfactory to
the House of David, and so we may have Zech. 10c.
6v. in operation when Ezekiel 37c. 16v.
has been realised;—but there, what is the use of writing, it is all
Coptic [232]to a man who has not , The Thau of
the North, the double Vahu וָו. Look at Jeremiah
3c. 8v. and then to Psalm 83 for 'hidden ones'
צְפוּנֶי
יְהוָה—The Zephoni
Jehovah, and say whether they have any connection with the Zephon
Thau. The Hammer of Thor of Jeremiah 23c.
29v. as I gave you in No. 3 of my present edition.
"So that 'Zaphnath Paaneah' might actually be the one who reveals the 'Northern Tau' Φανερώω—to make clear, show, or explain; and this could satisfy the House of Joseph in Amos 5c. At the same time, Belteshazzar = 666 might also be satisfactory to the House of David, which could lead us to Zech. 10c. 6v. being in effect when Ezekiel 37c. 16v. has occurred;—but really, what's the point of writing this out, it's all Coptic [232] to someone who doesn't have , The Thau of the North, the double Vahu וָו. Check out Jeremiah 3c. 8v. and then look at Psalm 83 for 'hidden ones' Hidden of Yahweh—The Zephoni
Jehovah, and consider whether they have any connection with the Zephon Thau. The Hammer of Thor in Jeremiah 23c. 29v. as I mentioned in No. 3 of my current edition."
Yours truly
Sincerely
Le Chevalier Au Cin."
The Knight at the Cinema.
By Greek Power.
By Greek Strength.
C = | 20 |
H = | 8 |
E = | 5 |
V = | 6 |
A = | 1 |
L = | 30 |
I = | 10 |
E = | 5 |
R = | 100 |
A = | 1 |
U = | 400 |
C = | 20 |
I = | 10 |
N = | 50 |
—— | |
666 |
S = | 200 |
E = | 5 |
× V = | 6 |
E = | 5 |
N = | 50 |
T = | 300 |
H = | 8 |
A = | 1 |
N = | 50 |
× G = | 6 |
E = | 5 |
L = | 30 |
—— | |
666 |
"Dear Sir,—
"Dear Sir,"
Yours truly
Sincerely
Wm. Thorn."
Wm. Thorn.
Had the one who sent forth a pastoral (Romish) the other day, remained amongst the faithful expectants, see how he would have numbered, whereas he sold himself for the privilege of signing
Had the one who recently sent out a pastoral (Catholic) stayed with the faithful followers, look at how he would have been counted, but instead, he sold himself for the privilege of signing.
Henry E. Manning.[375]
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Henry E. Manning.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Transcriber's note.
Transcriber's note.
By English Key. H = | 8 |
E = | 5 |
N = | 40 |
R = | 80 |
Y = | 140 |
E = | 5 |
D = | 4 |
W = | 120 |
A = | 1 |
R = | 80 |
D = | 4 |
M = | 30 |
A = | 1 |
N = | 40 |
N = | 40 |
I = | 9 |
N = | 40 |
G = | 7 |
![]() | 12 |
—— | |
666 |
Cutting from newspaper:—
Cutting from newspaper:—
Mr. Gladstone has paid a visit to the Pope.
Mr. Gladstone has visited the Pope.
By Greek Power. G = | 6 |
L = | 30 |
A = | 1 |
D = | 4 |
S = | 200 |
T = | 300 |
O = | 70 |
N = | 50 |
E = | 5 |
—— | |
666 |
In other letters John Stuart Mill is 666 if the a be left out; Chasuble is perfect. John Brighte[376] is a fait accompli; and I am asked whether intellect can account for the final e. Very easily: this Beast is not the M. P., but another person who spells his name differently. But if John Sturt Mill and John Brighte choose so to write themselves, they may.
In other letters, John Stuart Mill is 666 if the a is left out; Chasuble is perfect. John Brighte[376] is a fait accompli; and I’m asked whether intellect can explain the final e. Very easily: this Beast isn’t the M. P., but another person who spells his name differently. But if John Sturt Mill and John Brighte want to write their names like that, they can.
A curious collection; a mystical phantasmagoria! There are those who will try to find meaning: there are those who will try to find purpose.
A fascinating mix; a magical spectacle! Some will look for meaning: others will seek purpose.
"And some they said—What are you at?
"And some said—What are you doing?
And some—What are you arter?"
And some—What are you after?
My account of Mr. Thom and his 666 appeared on October 27: and on the
29th I received from the editor a copy of Mr. Thom's sermons published in
1863 (he died Feb. 27, 1862) with best wishes for my health and
happiness. The editor does not name himself in the book; but he signed
his name in my copy: and may my circumference never be more than
3⅛ of my diameter if the signature, name and writing both, were
not that of my ing friend Mr. James Smith! And so I have come
in contact with him on 666 as well as on π! I
should have nothing left to live for, had I not happened to hear that he
has a perpetual motion on hand. I returned thanks and kind regards: and
Miss Miggs's words—"Here's forgivenesses of injuries! here's
amicablenesses!"—rang in my ears. But I was made slightly
uncomfortable: how could the war go on after this armistice? Could I ever
make it understood that the truce only extended to the double Vahu and
things thereunto relating? It was once held by seafaring men that there
was no peace with Spaniards beyond the line: I was determined that there
must be no concord with J. S. inside the circle; that this must be a
special exception, like Father Huddleston [236]and old Grouse in the
gun-room. I was not long in anxiety; twenty-four hours after the book of
sermons there came a copy of the threatened exposure—The British
Association in Jeopardy, and Professor De Morgan in the Pillory without
hope of escape. By James Smith, Esq. London and Liverpool, 8vo., 1866
(pp. 94). This exposure consists of reprints from the Athenæum and
Correspondent: of things new there is but one. In a short preface
Mr. J. S. particularly recommends to "read to the end." At the end
is an appendix of two pages, in type as large as the work; a very
prominent peroration. It is an article from the Athenæum, left out
of its place. In the last sentence Mr. J. Smith, who had asked whether
his character as an honest Geometer and Mathematician was not at stake,
is warned against the fallacia plurium interrogationum.[377] He is told that there
is not a more honest what's-his-name in the world: but that as to the
counter which he calls his character as a mathematician, he is assured
that it has been staked years ago, and lost. And thus truth has the last
word. There is no occasion to say much about reprints. One of them is a
letter [that given above] of August 25, 1865, written by Mr. J. S. to the
Correspondent. It is one of his quadratures; and the joke is that
I am made to be the writer: it appears as what Mr. J. S. hopes I shall
have the sense to write in the Athenæum and forestall him. When I
saw myself thus quoted—yes! quoted! double commas, first
person—I felt as I suppose did Wm. Wilberforce[378] when he set eyes on the affectionate
benediction of the potato which waggish comrades had imposed on a raw
Irish reporter as part of his speech. I felt as Martin[379] of [237]Galway—kind
friend of the poor dumb creatures!—when he was told that the
newspapers had put him in Italics. "I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker! I
appeal to the House! Did I speak in Italics? Do I ever speak in Italics?"
I appeal to editor and readers, whether I ever squared the circle until a
week or two ago, when I gave my charitable mode of reconciling the
discrepant cyclometers.
My story about Mr. Thom and his 666 got published on October 27, and on the 29th, I received from the editor a copy of Mr. Thom's sermons published in 1863 (he passed away on February 27, 1862), along with best wishes for my health and happiness. The editor doesn’t mention himself in the book, but he signed my copy: and may my circumference never exceed 3⅛ of my diameter if that signature, name, and handwriting weren’t from my good friend Mr. James Smith! So, I’ve now had dealings with him regarding 666 as well as on π! I would have nothing left to live for if I hadn’t heard that he’s working on a perpetual motion. I sent my thanks and kind regards, and Miss Miggs's words—"Here's forgiveness for injuries! Here's friendliness!"—echoed in my ears. But I felt a bit uneasy: how could the war continue after this truce? Could I ever clarify that the ceasefire only applied to the double Vahu and related matters? It was once believed by sailors that there was no peace with Spaniards beyond the line; I was determined that there would be no agreement with J. S. inside the circle; this had to be a special exception, like Father Huddleston [236] and old Grouse in the gun-room. I didn’t have to worry for long; twenty-four hours after the sermon book, a copy of the anticipated exposure arrived—The British Association in Jeopardy, and Professor De Morgan in the Pillory without Hope of Escape. By James Smith, Esq. London and Liverpool, 8vo., 1866 (pp. 94). This exposure consists of reprints from the Athenæum and Correspondent: there’s only one new piece. In a short preface, Mr. J. S. particularly advises to "read to the end." At the end, there’s a two-page appendix in type as large as the main work; a very notable conclusion. It’s an article from the Athenæum, which was left out of its original placement. In the last sentence, Mr. J. Smith, who had asked whether his reputation as an honest Geometer and Mathematician was in jeopardy, is cautioned against the fallacia plurium interrogationum.[377] He’s told that there is not a more honest whatever-his-name-is in the world: but as for the reputation he calls his character as a mathematician, he’s informed that it was risked years ago and lost. And so, truth gets the final say. There’s no need to say much about reprints. One of them is a letter [the one above] from August 25, 1865, written by Mr. J. S. to the Correspondent. It’s one of his quadratures; and the joke is that I’m made to be the writer: it appears as what Mr. J. S. hopes I’ll have the sense to write in the Athenæum to outpace him. When I saw myself quoted—yes! quoted! with double quotes, first person—I felt as I suppose William Wilberforce[378] did when he saw the affectionate blessing from the potato that playful friends had attached to a raw Irish reporter as part of his speech. I felt like Martin[379] of [237] Galway—kind friend of the poor dumb creatures!—when he was told that the newspapers had put him in Italics. "I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker! I appeal to the House! Did I speak in Italics? Do I ever speak in Italics?" I appeal to the editor and readers, whether I ever squared the circle until a week or two ago when I shared my charitable way of reconciling the conflicting cyclometers.
The absurdity of the imitation of symbolic reasoning is so lusciously rich, that I shall insert it when I make up my final book. Somebody mastered Spanish merely to read Don Quixote: it would be worth while to learn a little algebra merely to enjoy this a b-istical attack on the windmills. The principle is, Prove something in as roundabout a way as possible, mention the circle once or twice irrelevantly in the course of your proof, and then make an act of Q. E. D. in words at length. The following is hardly caricature:—
The ridiculousness of pretending to use symbolic reasoning is so incredibly rich that I’ll include it when I put together my final book. Someone learned Spanish just to read Don Quixote: it would be worthwhile to pick up a bit of algebra just to appreciate this a b-istical jab at the windmills. The idea is to prove something in the most convoluted way possible, throw in a mention of the circle a couple of times in an unrelated context during your proof, and then conclude with a long-winded statement of Q. E. D. The following is barely an exaggeration:—
To prove that 2 and 2 make 5. Let a = 2, b = 5: let c = 658, the number of the House: let d = 666, the number of the Beast. Then of necessity d = a + b + c + 1; so that 1 is a harmonious and logical quantification of the number of which we are to take care. Now, b, the middle of our digital system, is, by mathematical and geometrical combination, a mean between 5 + 1 and 2 + 2. Let 1 be removed to be taken care of, a thing no real mathematician can refuse without serious injury to his mathematical and geometrical reputation. It follows of necessity that 2 + 2 = 5, quod erat demonstrumhorrendum. If Simpkin & Marshall have not, after my notice, to account for a gross of copies more than would have gone off without me, the world is not worthy of its James Smith!
To prove that 2 and 2 equal 5. Let a = 2, b = 5; let c = 658, the House number; let d = 666, the Beast's number. Then it follows that d = a + b + c + 1; therefore, 1 serves as a logical and harmonious addition to the number we need to consider. Now, b, the midpoint of our numerical system, is by mathematical and geometric means, an average between 5 + 1 and 2 + 2. If we remove 1 to focus on it, any real mathematician wouldn’t deny this without harming their mathematical and geometric credibility. It necessarily follows that 2 + 2 = 5, quod erat demonstrandum horrendum. If Simpkin & Marshall haven't accounted for a gross of copies beyond what would have sold without my input, then the world isn't worthy of its James Smith!
The only fault of the above is, that there is more [238]connection than in the process of Faber Cyclometricus: so much, in fact, that the blunders are visible. The utter irrelevance of premises to conclusion cannot be exhibited with the requisite obscurity by any one who is able to follow reasoning: it is high art displayed in a certain toning down of the ægri somnia, which brings them to a certain look of reproach to reasoning which I can only burlesque. Mr. J. S. produces something which resembles argument much as a chimpanzee in dolor, because balked of his dinner, resembles a thinking man at his studies. My humble attempt at imitation of him is more like a monkey hanging by his tail from a tree and trying to crack a cocoa-nut by his chatter.
The only flaw in the above is that there’s more [238]connection than in Faber Cyclometricus: so much, in fact, that the mistakes are evident. The complete irrelevance of premises to conclusion cannot be shown with the necessary obscurity by anyone who can follow reasoning; it’s a high art shown in a way that tones down the ægri somnia, giving them a certain reproachful look toward reasoning that I can only make fun of. Mr. J. S. creates something that resembles an argument much like a sad chimpanzee, because he's denied his meal, resembles a thinking man at work. My humble attempt to imitate him is more like a monkey hanging by its tail from a tree, trying to crack a coconut by chattering.
I could forgive Mr. J. S. anything, properly headed. I would allow him to prove—for himself—that the Quadrature of the Circle is the child of a private marriage between the Bull Unigenitus and the Pragmatic Sanction, claiming tithe of onions for repeal of the Mortmain Act, before the Bishops in Committee under the kitchen table: his mode of imitating reason would do this with ease. But when he puts his imitation into my mouth, to make me what he calls a "real mathematician," my soul rises in epigram against him. I say with the doll's dressmaker—such a job makes me feel like a puppet's tailor myself—"He ought to have a little pepper? just a few grains? I think the young man's tricks and manners make a claim upon his friends for a little pepper?" De Fauré[380] and Joseph Scaliger[381] come into my head: my reader may look back for them.
I could forgive Mr. J. S. anything if it were presented properly. I would let him prove—for himself—that the Quadrature of the Circle is the result of a private union between the Bull Unigenitus and the Pragmatic Sanction, demanding a share of onions for the repeal of the Mortmain Act, before the Bishops in Committee under the kitchen table: his style of mimicking reason would manage this effortlessly. But when he puts his imitation in my mouth, trying to make me what he calls a "real mathematician," my soul rebels against him. I say, like the doll's dressmaker—such a task makes me feel like a puppet's tailor myself—"He ought to have a little spice? just a few grains? I think the young man's tricks and antics require a little spice from his friends?" De Fauré[380] and Joseph Scaliger[381] come to mind: my reader may refer back to them.
"Three circlesquarers to the manner born,
"Three circlesquarers to the manner born,
Switzerland, France, and England did adorn,
Switzerland, France, and England did adorn,
De Fauré in equations did surpass,
De Fauré surpassed others in equations,
Joseph at contradictions was an ass.
Joseph at contradictions was an ass.
Groaned Folly, I'm used up! What shall I do
Groaned Folly, I'm completely worn out! What should I do?
To make James Smith? Grinned Momus, Join the two!"
To make James Smith? Grinned Momus, Join the two!"
As to my locus pœnitentiæ,[382] the reader who is fit to enjoy the letter I have already alluded to will see that I have a soft and easy position; that the thing is really a pillowry; and that I am, like Perrette's pot of milk,
As for my locus pœnitentiæ,[382] the reader who is ready to appreciate the letter I mentioned earlier will notice that I have a comfortable and relaxed stance; that the situation is truly a pillowry; and that I am, just like Perrette's pot of milk,
"Bien posé sur un coussinet."[383]
"Well placed on a cushion."__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Joanna Southcott[384] never had a follower who believed in her with more humble piety than Mr. James Smith believes in himself. After all that has happened to him, he asks me with high confidence to "favor the writer with a proof" that I still continue of opinion that "the best of the argument is in my jokes, and the best of the joke is in his arguments." I will not so favor him. At the very outset I told him in plain English that he has the whiphand of all the reasoners in the world, and in plain French that il a perdu le droit d'être frappé de l'évidence[385]; I might have said pendu.[386] To which I now add, in plain Latin, Sapienti pauca, indocto nihil.[387] The law of Chancery says that he who will have equity must do equity: the law of reasoning says that he who will have proof must see proof.
Joanna Southcott[384] never had a follower who believed in her with more humble devotion than Mr. James Smith believes in himself. After everything that has happened to him, he confidently asks me to "give the writer a proof" that I still think "the best part of the argument is in my jokes, and the best part of the joke is in his arguments." I won’t do that for him. Right from the start, I told him clearly that he has the upper hand over all the reasoners in the world, and in straightforward French that il a perdu le droit d'être frappé de l'évidence[385]; I could also have said pendu.[386] To which I now add, in clear Latin, Sapienti pauca, indocto nihil.[387] The law of Chancery says that if you want equity, you must do equity: the law of reasoning says that if you want proof, you must see proof.
The introduction of things quite irrelevant, by way of reproach, is an argument in universal request: and it often happens that the argument so produced really tells against the producer. So common is it that we forget how boyish it is; but we are strikingly reminded when it actually comes from a boy. In a certain police court, certain small boys were arraigned for conspiring to hoot an obnoxious individual on his way from one of their school exhibitions. This proceeding was necessary, because there seemed to be a permanent conspiracy to annoy the gentleman; and the [240]masters did not feel able to interfere in what took place outside the school. So the boys were arraigned; and their friends, as silly in their way as themselves, allowed one of them to make the defence, instead of employing counsel; and did not even give them any useful hints. The defence was as follows; and any one who does not see how richly it sets off the defences of bigger boys in bigger matters has much to learn. The innocent conviction that there was answer in the latter part is delightful. Of course fine and recognizance followed.
The introduction of completely irrelevant things as a way of blaming someone is a common issue. It often happens that the argument used actually backfires on the person making it. It's so common that we forget how immature it is, but it becomes very clear when it comes from a child. In a certain police court, a group of young boys was brought in for conspiring to heckle someone they didn't like on his way back from one of their school events. This action was necessary because there seemed to be an ongoing effort to disturb the man, and the teachers felt they couldn’t step in with what was happening outside the school. So the boys were brought to court, and their friends, just as foolish as they were, let one of them defend themselves instead of hiring a lawyer and didn’t even offer any helpful suggestions. The defense went like this, and anyone who doesn’t see how it reflects the defenses of older boys in more significant matters has a lot to learn. The naive belief that there was a valid response in the latter part is charming. Naturally, a fine and a promise to behave followed.
A—— said the boys had received great provocation from B——. He was constantly threatening them with a horsewhip which he carried in his hand [the boy did not say what had passed to induce him to take such a weapon], and he had repeatedly insulted the master, which the boys could not stand. B—— had in his own drawing-room told him (A——) that he had drawn his sword against the master and thrown away the scabbard. B—— knew well that if he came to the college he would catch it, and then he went off through a side door—which was no sign of pluck; and then he brought Mrs. B—— with him, thinking that her presence would protect him.
A—— said the boys had been seriously provoked by B——. He was always threatening them with a horsewhip that he carried around [the boy didn’t say what made him take such a weapon], and he had repeatedly insulted the master, which the boys couldn't tolerate. B—— had even told him (A——) in his own drawing-room that he had drawn his sword against the master and tossed aside the scabbard. B—— knew very well that if he went to the college, he would be in trouble, so he sneaked out through a side door—which wasn’t very brave. Then he brought Mrs. B—— along with him, thinking her presence would keep him safe.
My readers may expect a word on Mr. Thom's sermons, after my account of his queer doings about 666. He is evidently an honest and devout man, much wanting in discrimination. He has a sermon about private judgment, in which he halts between the logical and legal meanings of the word. He loathes those who apply their private judgment to the word of God: here he means those who decide what it ought to be. He seems in other places aware that the theological phrase means taking right to determine what it is. He uses his own private judgment very freely, and is strong in the conclusion that others ought not to use theirs except as he tells them how; he leaves all the rest of mankind free to think with him. In this he is not original: his fame must rest on his senary tripod. [241]
My readers might expect a few words about Mr. Thom's sermons after my account of his strange actions regarding 666. He is clearly a sincere and religious man, but he lacks discernment. He has a sermon about private judgment, in which he wavers between the logical and legal meanings of the term. He despises those who apply their private judgment to the word of God; here, he refers to those who decide what it should be. In other instances, he seems to understand that the theological term means having the right to determine what it is. He uses his own private judgment quite freely and is firmly convinced that others should not use theirs unless he tells them how; he allows everyone else the freedom to think like him. In this regard, he is not original: his reputation is based on his senary tripod. [241]
JAMES SMITH ONCE MORE.
JAMES SMITH AGAIN.
Mr. James Smith's procedures are not caricature of reasoning; they are caricature of blundering. The old way of proving that 2 = 1 is solemn earnest compared with his demonstrations. As follows:[388]
Mr. James Smith's methods aren't a cartoonish take on reasoning; they're more like a cartoonish take on making mistakes. The traditional way of showing that 2 = 1 is seriously thoughtful compared to his explanations. As follows: [388]
Let | x = 1 | |
Then | x2 = x | |
And | x2 - 1 = x - 1 | |
Divide both sides by x - 1; then | ||
x + 1 = 1; but x = 1, whence 2 = 1. |
When a man is regularly snubbed, bullied, blown up, walked into, and put down, there is usually some reaction in his favor, a kind of deostracism, which cannot bear to hear him always called the blunderer. I hope it will be so in this case. There is nothing I more desire than to see sects of paradoxers. There are fully five thousand adults in England who ought to be the followers of some one false quadrature. And I have most hope of 3⅛, because I think Mr. James Smith better fitted to be the leader of an organized infatuation than any one I know of. He wants no pity, and will get none. He has energy, means, good humor, strong conviction, character, and popularity in his own circle. And, most indispensable point of all, he sticks at nothing;
When a man is constantly dismissed, bullied, ignored, bumped into, and belittled, there’s usually some reaction in his favor, a sort of support, that can’t stand to hear him always referred to as the fool. I hope it’s the same in this situation. There’s nothing I want more than to see groups of paradox thinkers. There are about five thousand adults in England who should be followers of some misguided belief. And I’m most optimistic about 3⅛ because I think Mr. James Smith is better suited to lead an organized obsession than anyone I know. He doesn’t need pity, and he won’t get any. He has energy, resources, a good sense of humor, strong beliefs, character, and popularity in his social circle. And most importantly, he won’t back down from anything;
"In cœlum jusseris, ibit."[389]
"In heaven you command, it will go."__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
When my instructor found I did not print an acceptance of what I have quoted, he addressed me as follows (Corr., Sept 23):—
When my instructor discovered that I didn't print an acceptance of what I quoted, he addressed me like this (Corr., Sept 23):—
"In this life, however, we must do our duty, and, when [242]necessary, use the rod, not in a spirit of revenge, but for the benefit of the culprit and the good of society. Now, Sir, the opportunity has been thrown in your way of slipping out of the pillory without risk of serious injury; but, like an obstinate urchin, you have chosen to quarrel with your opportunity and remain there, and thus you compel me to deal with you as schoolmasters used to do with stupid boys in bygone days—that is to say, you force me to the use of the critic's rod, compel me to put you where little Jack Horner sat, and, as a warning to other naughty boys, to ornament you with a dunce's cap. The task I set you was a very simple one, as I shall make manifest at the proper time."
"In this life, we have to do our duty, and when necessary, we need to use discipline—not out of revenge, but for the benefit of the wrongdoer and the good of society. Now, Sir, you've been given a chance to escape the consequences without facing serious harm; yet, like a stubborn child, you've chosen to challenge that chance and stay in your position, which forces me to treat you like schoolmasters used to handle slow students back in the day—that is, I have to use the critic's discipline, put you where little Jack Horner sat, and, as a warning to other misbehaving kids, crown you with a dunce's cap. The task I assigned to you was quite simple, as I will demonstrate at the right time."
In one or more places, as well as this, Mr. Smith shows that he does not know the legend of little Jack Horner, whom he imagines to be put in the corner as a bad boy. This is curious; for there had been many allusions to the story in the journal he was writing in, and the Christmas pie had become altered into the Seaforth π.
In several places, including this one, Mr. Smith demonstrates that he doesn't know the story of little Jack Horner, whom he thinks was put in the corner for being naughty. This is strange because there had been many references to the tale in the journal he was writing, and the Christmas pie had been changed into the Seaforth π.
Mr. Smith is satisfied at last that—what between argument and punishment he has convinced me. He says (Corr., Jan. 27, 1866): "I tell him without hesitation that he knows the true ratio of diameter to circumference as well as I do, and if he be wise he will admit it." I should hope I do, and better; but there is no occasion to admit what everybody knows.
Mr. Smith is finally satisfied that, after all the arguing and punishment, he has convinced me. He says (Corr., Jan. 27, 1866): "I tell him without hesitation that he knows the true ratio of diameter to circumference just as well as I do, and if he’s smart, he will admit it." I would hope I do, and even better; but there’s no need to admit what everyone already knows.
I have often wished that we could have a slight glimpse of the reception which was given to some of the old cyclometers: but we have nothing, except the grave disapprobation of historians. I am resolved to give the New Zealander a chance of knowing a little more than this about one of them at least; and, by the fortunate entrance into life of the Correspondent, I am able to do it. I omit sober mathematical answers, of which there were several. The following letter is grave earnest:
I’ve often wished we could catch a glimpse of how some of the old cyclometers were received, but all we have are the serious disapprovals from historians. I’m determined to give the New Zealander a chance to learn a bit more about at least one of them; and thanks to the fortunate arrival of the Correspondent, I can do that. I’ll skip over the serious mathematical responses, of which there were a few. The following letter is serious:
"Sir,—I have watched Mr. James Smith's writings on this subject from the first, and I did hope that, as the more [243]he departs from truth the more easy it must be to refute him, [this by no means always true] some of your correspondents would by this time have done so. I own that I am unable to detect the fallacy of his argument; and I am quite certain that 'Π' is wrong, in No. 23, where he declares that Mr. Smith is 'ignorant of the very elements of mathematical truth.' I have observed an immense amount of geometrical reasoning on his part, and I cannot see that it is either fair or honest to deny this, which may be regarded as the 'elements' of mathematical truth. Would it not be better for 'Π' to answer Mr. Smith, to refute his arguments, to point out their fallacies, and to save learners from error, than to plunge into gross insult and unmanly abuse? Would it not be well, also, that Professor De Morgan should favour us with a little reasoning?
"Sir,—I've followed Mr. James Smith's writings on this subject from the beginning, and I hoped that, since the further he strays from the truth, the easier it should be to disprove him, some of your correspondents would have done so by now. I must admit that I can't identify the flaw in his argument; and I'm quite sure that 'Π' is mistaken in No. 23 when he claims that Mr. Smith is 'ignorant of the very elements of mathematical truth.' I've noticed a significant amount of geometric reasoning on his part, and I don't think it's fair or honest to deny this, as it can be seen as the 'elements' of mathematical truth. Wouldn't it be better for 'Π' to engage with Mr. Smith, refute his arguments, highlight their flaws, and help learners avoid mistakes than to resort to offensive insults and petty attacks? Would it also be beneficial for Professor De Morgan to share a bit of reasoning?"
"I have hitherto seen no attempt to overthrow Mr. Smith's arguments; I trust that this will not continue, since the subject is one of immense importance to science in general, especially to nautical science, and all that thereto belongs.
"I haven't seen anyone try to counter Mr. Smith's arguments yet; I hope that doesn’t keep happening because this topic is incredibly important to science overall, especially to maritime science and everything related to it."
Yours, etc.,
Yours, etc.
A Captain, R.N."
"Captain, R.N."
On looking at this homœopathic treatment of the 3⅛ quadrature—remember, homœopathic, similia similibus,[390] not infinitesimal—and at the imputation thrown upon it, I asked myself, what is vulgarity? No two agree, except in this, that every one sees vulgarity in what is directed against himself. Mark the world, and see if anything be so common as the description of the other side's remarks as "vulgar attempt at wit." "I suppose you think that very witty:" the answer is "No my friend! your remark shows that you feel it as wit, so that the purpose is answered; I keep my razor for something else than cutting blocks;" I am inclined to think that "out of place" is a necessary attribute of true vulgarity. And further, it is to be noticed that nothing is [244]unproducible—salvo pudore[391]—which has classical authority, modern or ancient, in its favor. "He is a vulgar fellow; I asked him what he was upon, and what do you think he answered, My legs!"—"Well, and has he not justification? what do you find in Terence? Quid agitur? Statur."[392] I do not even blench from my principle where I find that it brings what is called "taking a sight" within permissible forms of expression: Rabelais not only establishes its antiquity, but makes it English. Our old translation[393] has it thus (book 2. ch. 19):
On looking at this homeopathic treatment of the 3⅛ quadrature—remember, homeopathic, similia similibus,[390] not infinitesimal—and considering the criticism aimed at it, I asked myself, what is vulgarity? No two people seem to agree, except in the fact that everyone sees vulgarity in things directed at themselves. Look at the world and see if anything is more common than labeling the other side’s comments as a "vulgar attempt at wit." "I suppose you think that’s really clever:" the response is "No my friend! Your comment shows you perceive it as clever, so the goal is achieved; I reserve my sharpness for something other than just cutting down nonsense;" I’m inclined to think that being "out of place" is a necessary characteristic of true vulgarity. Additionally, it’s worth noting that nothing is [244] unacceptable—salvo pudore[391]—if it has classical authority, whether ancient or modern, backing it. "He’s a vulgar guy; I asked him what he was up to, and what do you think he said? My legs!"—"Well, doesn’t he have a point? What do you find in Terence? Quid agitur? Statur."[392] I don’t back down from my principle when it leads to what’s called "taking a sight" being included in acceptable forms of expression: Rabelais not only confirms its ancient origins but also makes it English. Our old translation[393] puts it this way (book 2. ch. 19):
"Then made the Englishman this sign. His left hand, all open, he lifted up into the air, then instantly shut into his fist the four fingers thereof; and his thumb extended at length he placed upon the tip of his nose. Presently after he lifted up his right hand all open and abased and bent it downwards, putting the thumb thereof in the very place where the little finger of the left hand did close in the fist, and the four right hand fingers he softly moved in the air. Then contrarily he did with the right hand what he had done with the left, and with the left what he had done with the right."
"Then the Englishman made this gesture. He lifted his open left hand up into the air, then quickly closed the four fingers into a fist, leaving his thumb extended and placing it on the tip of his nose. Shortly after, he raised his open right hand, lowered it, and positioned his thumb exactly where his left hand's little finger had closed in the fist, gently moving the four fingers of his right hand in the air. He then mirrored with his right hand what he had just done with his left, and with his left hand what he had done with his right."
An impressive sight! The making of a fist of the left hand is a great addition of power, and should be followed in modern practice. The gentle sullation of the front fingers, with the clenched fist behind them, says as plainly as possible, Put suaviter in modo in the van, but don't forget to have fortiter in re[394] in the rear.
An impressive sight! Making a fist with your left hand adds a lot of power and should be part of modern practice. The gentle wave of the front fingers, with the clenched fist behind them, clearly conveys, Put suaviter in modo in the lead, but don't forget to have fortiter in re in the back.
My Budget was announced (March 23, 1867) for completion on the 30th. Mr. James Smith wrote five letters, one before the completion, four after it; the five contained 68 pages of quarto letter paper. Mr. J. S. had picked up a clerical correspondent, with whom he was in the heat of battle.
My budget was announced (March 23, 1867) to be completed on the 30th. Mr. James Smith wrote five letters, one before the completion and four after. The five letters totaled 68 pages of quarto-sized paper. Mr. J. S. had engaged a clerical correspondent, with whom he was in an intense exchange.
"March 27.—Dear Sir. Very truly yours. Duty; for my own sake; just time left to retrieve my errors; sends copy of letter to clergyman; new proof never before thought of; merest tyro would laugh if I were to stifle it, whether by rhodomontade or silent contempt; keep your temper. I shall be convinced; and if world be right in supposing me incapable of a foul act, I shall proclaim glorious discovery in the Athenæum.
"March 27.—Dear Sir, I sincerely appreciate your correspondence. Out of duty, for my own sake, I have just enough time to correct my mistakes; I’m sending a copy of this letter to the clergyman. This is a new insight I never considered before; even a complete novice would find it amusing if I were to ignore it, whether through bragging or just being dismissive; I need to keep my cool. I will be convinced, and if the world is right in believing I'm incapable of committing a terrible act, I will announce this amazing discovery in the Athenæum.
"April 15.—Sir,... My dear Sir, Your sincere tutelary. Copy of another letter to clergyman; discovery tested by logarithms; reasons such as none but a knave or a sinner can resist. Let me advise you to take counsel before it is too late! Keep your temper. Let not your pride get the better of your discretion! Screw up your courage, my good friend, and resolve to show the world that you are an honest man....
"April 15.—Dear Sir,... My dear Sir, Yours sincerely. A copy of another letter to a clergyman; discovery confirmed by logarithms; reasons that only a rogue or a sinner could ignore. I advise you to seek advice before it's too late! Stay calm. Don’t let your pride overpower your judgment! Gather your courage, my good friend, and decide to prove to the world that you are an honest man...."
"April 20.—Sir ... Your very sincere and favorite tutelary. I have long played the cur, snapping and snarling...; suddenly lost my power, and became half-starved dog without spirit to bark; try if air cannot restore me; calls himself the thistle in allusion to my other tutelary, the thorn; Would I prefer his next work to be, 'A whip for the Mathematical Cur, Prof. De M.' In some previous letter which I have mislaid, he told me his next would be 'a muzzle for the Mathematical Bull dog, Prof. De M.'
"April 20.—Sir ... Your very sincere and favorite protector. I've long acted like a cur, snapping and growling...; suddenly lost my power and became a half-starved dog with no spirit to bark; see if the air can restore me; he calls himself the thistle as a nod to my other protector, the thorn; I wonder if I'd prefer his next work to be, 'A whip for the Mathematical Cur, Prof. De M.' In a previous letter that I misplaced, he mentioned his next would be 'a muzzle for the Mathematical Bull dog, Prof. De M.'
"May 6.—My dear Sir. Very sincerely yours. All to myself, and nothing to note.
"May 6.—Dear Sir, I'm very sincerely yours. Everything is for me, and nothing to report."
"July 2.—No more in this interval. All that precedes is a desperate attempt to induce me to continue my descriptions: notoriety at any price."
"July 2.—Nothing else during this time. Everything before is just a desperate effort to get me to keep sharing my thoughts: fame at any cost."
I dare say the matter is finished: the record of so marked an instance of self-delusion will be useful.
I can confidently say that the matter is settled: the account of such a clear example of self-deception will be valuable.
I append to the foregoing a letter from Dr. Whewell[395] to Mr. James Smith. The Master of Trinity was conspicuous as a rough customer, an intellectual bully, an overbearing disputant: the character was as well established as that of Sam Johnson. But there was a marked difference. It was said of Johnson that if his pistol missed fire, he would knock you down with the butt end of it: but Whewell, in like case, always acknowledged the miss, and loaded again or not, as the case might be. He reminded me of Dennis Brulgruddery, who says to Dan, Pacify me with a good reason, and you'll find me a dutiful master. I knew him from the time when he was my teacher at Cambridge, more than forty years. As a teacher, he was anything but dictatorial, and he was perfectly accessible to proposal of objections. He came in contact with me in his slashing way twice in our after joint lives, and on both occasions he acknowledged himself overcome, by that change of manner, and apologetic mode of continuance, which I had seen him employ towards others under like circumstances.
I’m adding a letter from Dr. Whewell[395] to Mr. James Smith. The Master of Trinity was known as a tough character, an intellectual bully, and an overbearing debater: his reputation was as established as that of Sam Johnson. But there was a notable difference. People said that if Johnson's argument fell flat, he would resort to physical force, but Whewell, in a similar situation, would always acknowledge the failure and would either reload his argument or not, depending on the situation. He reminded me of Dennis Brulgruddery, who tells Dan that if he can be calmed with a good reason, he’ll make a dutiful master. I’ve known him since he was my teacher at Cambridge, which has been over forty years. As a teacher, he was far from dictatorial and was always open to discussing objections. We clashed in his sharp manner twice later in our lives, and both times he admitted he was outmatched, changing his tone and apologizing, just like I had seen him do with others in similar situations.
I had expressed my wish to have a thermometer of probability, with impossibility at one end, as 2 and 2 make 5, and necessity at the other, as 2 and 2 make 4, and a graduated rise of examples between them. Down came a blow: "What! put necessary and contingent propositions together! It's absurd!" I pointed out that the two kinds of necessity are but such extremes of probability as 0 and ∞ are of number, and illustrated by an urn with 1 white and n black [247]balls, n increasing without limit. It was frankly seen, and the point yielded; a large company was present.
I had shared my desire to have a thermometer of probability, with impossibility on one end, like saying 2 and 2 make 5, and necessity on the other, like saying 2 and 2 make 4, with a range of examples in between. Then someone interjected: "What! Combine necessary and contingent statements? That's ridiculous!" I pointed out that the two types of necessity are just the extremes of probability, similar to how 0 and ∞ relate to numbers, and explained it using an urn with 1 white and n black [247] balls, with n increasing without limit. It was clearly understood, and the objection was dropped; many people were present.
Again, in a large party, after dinner, and politics being the subject, I was proceeding, in discussion with Mr. Whewell, with "I think"...—"Ugh! you think!" was the answer. I repeated my phrase, and gave as a reason the words which Lord Grey[396] had used in the House of Lords the night before (the celebrated advice to the Bishops to set their houses in order). He had not heard of this, and his manner changed in an instant: he was the rational discutient all the rest of the evening, having previously been nothing but a disputant with all the distinctions strongly marked.
Again, at a big party after dinner where politics was the topic, I was having a discussion with Mr. Whewell and said, "I think..."—"Ugh! you think!" was his reply. I repeated my statement and explained it by referencing the comments that Lord Grey[396] made in the House of Lords the night before (the famous advice to the Bishops to get their houses in order). He hadn't heard that, and his attitude changed immediately: he became a rational debater for the rest of the evening, having previously just been an argumentative person with all his distinctions clearly defined.
I have said that Whewell was gentle with his pupils; it was the same with all who wanted teaching: it was only on an armed enemy that he drew his weapon. The letter which he wrote to Mr. J. Smith is an instance: and as it applies with perfect fidelity to the efforts of unreasoning above described, I give it here. Mr. James Smith is skilfully exposed, and felt it; as is proved by "putting the writer in the stocks."
I’ve mentioned that Whewell was kind to his students; he treated everyone seeking guidance the same way: he only got tough with those who were hostile. The letter he wrote to Mr. J. Smith is a perfect example of this, as it accurately reflects the unreasoning efforts described earlier. In it, Mr. James Smith is cleverly called out, and he definitely felt it, which is evidenced by his reaction of “putting the writer in the stocks.”
"Sir,—I have received your explanation of your proposition that the circumference of the circle is to its diameter as 25 to 8. I am afraid I shall disappoint you by saying that I see no force in your proof: and I should hope that you will see that there is no force in it if you consider this: In the whole course of the proof, though the word cycle occurs, there is no property of the circle employed. You may do this: you may put the word hexagon or dodecagon, or any other word describing a polygon in the place of Circle in your proof, and the proof would be just as good as before. Does not this satisfy you that you cannot have proved a property of that special figure—a circle? [248]
"Sir,—I've received your explanation of your suggestion that the circumference of a circle is to its diameter as 25 is to 8. I'm afraid I have to disappoint you by saying that I don’t find your proof convincing. I hope you'll see that it lacks strength if you consider this: In the entire proof, even though the term 'circle' is mentioned, no property of the circle is actually used. You could replace the word circle with hexagon, dodecagon, or any other polygon name, and your proof would still hold just as well. Doesn't this indicate that you haven't proven a property of that specific shape—a circle? [248]
"Or you may do this: calculate the side of a polygon of 24 sides inscribed in a circle. I think you are a Mathematician enough to do this. You will find that if the radius of the circle be one, the side of this polygon is .264 etc. Now, the arc which this side subtends is according to your proposition 3.125/12 = .2604, and therefore the chord is greater than its arc, which you will allow is impossible.
"Or you can do this: calculate the length of a side of a polygon with 24 sides inscribed in a circle. I believe you're skilled enough in math to handle this. You'll find that if the circle's radius is one, the length of this polygon's side is .264, etc. Now, the arc that this side subtends is according to your proposition 3.125/12 = .2604, and therefore the chord is longer than its arc, which you would agree is impossible."
"I shall be glad if these arguments satisfy you, and
I’ll be happy if these arguments convince you, and
"I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
"I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
"W. Whewell."
"W. Whewell."
AN M.P.'S ARITHMETIC.
A politician's math.
In the debate of May, 1866, on Electoral Qualifications, a question arose about arithmetical capability. Mr. Gladstone asked how many members of the House could divide 1330l. 7s. 6d. by 2l. 13s. 8d. Six hundred and fifty-eight, answered one member; the thing cannot be done, answered another. There is an old paradox to which this relates: it arises out of the ignorance of the distinction between abstract and concrete arithmetic. Magnitude may be divided by magnitude; and the answer is number: how often does 12d. contain 4d.; answer three times. Magnitude may be divided by number, and the answer is magnitude: 12d. is divided in four equal parts, what is each part? Answer three pence. The honorable objector, whose name I suppress, trusting that he has mended his ways, gave the following utterance:
In the debate of May 1866 on Electoral Qualifications, a question came up about arithmetic skills. Mr. Gladstone asked how many members of the House could divide 1330 pounds, 7 shillings, and 6 pence by 2 pounds, 13 shillings, and 8 pence. One member answered six hundred and fifty-eight, while another said it couldn’t be done. This relates to an old paradox that stems from not understanding the difference between abstract and concrete arithmetic. Magnitude can be divided by magnitude, and the answer is a number: how many times does 12 pence contain 4 pence? The answer is three times. Magnitude can also be divided by number, and the answer is magnitude: if 12 pence is divided into four equal parts, what is each part? The answer is three pence. The honorable objector, whose name I will not mention, hoping he has improved his understanding, said the following:
"With regard to the division sum, it was quite possible to divide by a sum, but not by money. How could any one divide money by 2l. 16s. 8d.? (Laughter.) The question might be asked, 'How many times 2s. will go into 1l.?' but that was not dividing by money; it was simply dividing 20 by 2. He might be asked, 'How many times will 6s. 8d. go into a pound?' but it was only required to divide 240 by 80. If the right hon. gentleman were to ask the hon. [249]member for Brighton (Professor Fawcett),[397] or any other authority, he would receive the same answer—viz., that it was possible to divide by a sum, but not by money. (Hear.)"
"About the division problem, it was definitely possible to divide a sum, but not to divide money. How could anyone divide money by 2l. 16s. 8d.? (Laughter.) You could ask, 'How many times does 2s. fit into 1l.?' but that wasn't dividing by money; it was just dividing 20 by 2. Someone might ask, 'How many times does 6s. 8d. fit into a pound?' but all that was needed was to divide 240 by 80. If the right hon. gentleman were to ask the hon. [249]member for Brighton (Professor Fawcett),[397] or any other expert, he would get the same answer—namely, that it was possible to divide a sum, but not to divide money. (Hear.)"
I shall leave all comment for the second edition, if I publish one.[398] I shall be sure to have something to laugh at. Anything said from a respectable quarter, or supposed to be said, is sure to find defenders. Sam Johnson, a sound arithmetician, comparing himself, and what he alone had done in three years, with forty French Academicians and their forty years, said it proved that an Englishman is to a Frenchman as 40 × 40 to 3, or as 1600 to 3. Boswell, who was no great hand at arithmetic, made him say that an Englishman is to a Frenchman as 3 to 1600. When I pointed this out, the supposed Johnson was defended through thick and thin in Notes and Queries.
I'll save all comments for the second edition, if I decide to publish one.[398] I’m sure I’ll have something to laugh about. Anything that comes from a reputable source, or is thought to come from one, will definitely have its defenders. Sam Johnson, a solid mathematician, compared his own work over three years to that of forty French Academicians over forty years, claiming it showed that an Englishman is to a Frenchman as 40 × 40 is to 3, or as 1600 is to 3. Boswell, who wasn’t great at math, made him say that an Englishman is to a Frenchman as 3 is to 1600. When I pointed this out, the supposed Johnson was defended vigorously in Notes and Queries.
I am now curious to see whether the following will find a palliator. It is from "Tristram Shandy," book V. chapter 3. There are two curious idioms, "for for" and "half in half"; but these have nothing to do with my point:
I’m now curious to see if there will be a solution for this. It’s from "Tristram Shandy," book V, chapter 3. There are two interesting expressions, "for for" and "half in half"; but these aren’t related to my point:
"A blessing which tied up my father's tongue, and a misfortune which set it loose with a good grace, were pretty equal: sometimes, indeed, the misfortune was the better of the two; for, for instance, where the pleasure of harangue was as ten, and the pain of the misfortune but as five, my father gained half in half; and consequently was as well again off as if it had never befallen him."
"A blessing that made my father's speech difficult, and a misfortune that allowed him to speak more freely, were pretty much the same: sometimes, in fact, the misfortune was the better option; because, for example, when the enjoyment of speaking was a ten, and the discomfort of the misfortune was only a five, my father came out ahead by half; so he ended up just as well off as if it had never happened."
This is a jolly confusion of ideas; and wants nothing but a defender to make it perfect. A person who invests five [250]with a return of ten, and one who loses five with one hand and gains ten with the other, both leave off five richer than they began, no doubt. The first gains "half in half," more properly "half on half," that is, of the return, 10, the second 5 is gain upon the first 5 invested. "Half in half" is a queer way of saying cent. per cent. If the 5l. invested be all the man had in the world, he comes out, after the gain, twice as well off as he began, with reference to his whole fortune. But it is very odd to say that balance of 5l. gain is twice as good as if nothing had befallen, either loss or gain. A mathematician thinks 5 an infinite number of times as great as 0. The whole confusion is not so apparent when money is in question: for money is money whether gained or lost. But though pleasure and pain stand to one another in the same algebraical relation as money gained and lost, yet there is more than algebra can take account of in the difference.
This is a cheerful mix-up of ideas, and it just needs a defense to make it complete. Someone who invests five [250] and gets back ten, and someone who loses five with one hand but gains ten with the other, both end up five richer than they started, no doubt. The first person gains "half in half," more accurately "half on half," meaning that of the return, 10, the second 5 is profit on the first 5 invested. "Half in half" is a strange way to say percent. If the 5l. invested is all the person had, they come out, after the profit, twice as well off as they began, regarding their entire wealth. But it seems odd to say that a net gain of 5l. is twice as good as if nothing had happened, whether loss or gain. A mathematician believes 5 is infinitely greater than 0. The entire confusion isn't as obvious when it comes to money: money is just money, whether gained or lost. However, while pleasure and pain have the same mathematical relationship as money gained and lost, there’s more than math can capture in the differences.
Next, Ri. Milward[399] (Richard, no doubt, but it cannot be proved) who published Selden's[400] Table Talk, which he had collected while serving as amanuensis, makes Selden say, "A subsidy was counted the fifth part of a man's estate; and so fifty subsidies is five and forty times more than a man is worth." For times read subsidies, which seems part of the confusion, and there remains the making all the subsidies equal to the first, though the whole of which they are to be the fifths is perpetually diminished.
Next, Ri. Milward[399] (Richard, most likely, but that can't be proven) who published Selden's[400] Table Talk, which he gathered while working as a scribe, makes Selden say, "A subsidy was considered one-fifth of a man's estate; and so fifty subsidies are forty-five times more than a man is worth." For times read subsidies, which seems to be part of the confusion, and there remains the issue of making all the subsidies equal to the first, even though the total they are supposed to represent as fifths is constantly decreasing.
Thirdly, there is the confusion of the great misomath [251]of our own day, who discovered two quantities which he avers to be identically the same, but the greater the one the less the other. He had a truth in his mind, which his notions of quantity were inadequate to clothe in language. This erroneous phraseology has not found a defender; and I am almost inclined to say, with Falstaff, The poor abuses of the time want countenance.
Thirdly, there's the confusion of the great misomath [251] of our time, who discovered two quantities that he claims are the same, but the greater one makes the other smaller. He had a truth in his mind that his ideas about quantity couldn't express in words. This mistaken way of speaking hasn't found any supporters; and I'm almost tempted to say, like Falstaff, that the unfortunate problems of our time need support.
ERRONEOUS ARITHMETICAL NOTIONS.
Incorrect Math Concepts.
"Shallow numerists," as Cocker[401] is made to call them, have long been at work upon the question how to multiply money by money. It is, I have observed, a very common way of amusing the tedium of a sea voyage: I have had more than one bet referred to me. Because an oblong of five inches by four inches contains 5 × 4 or 20 square inches, people say that five inches multiplied by four inches is twenty square inches: and, thinking that they have multiplied length by length, they stare when they are told that money cannot be multiplied by money. One of my betters made it an argument for the thing being impossible, that there is no square money: what could I do but suggest that postage-stamps should be made legal tender. Multiplication must be repetition: the repeating process must be indicated by number of times. I once had difficulty in persuading another of my betters that if you repeat five shillings as often as there are hairs in a horse's tail, you do not multiply five shillings by a horsetail.[402]
"Shallow numerists," as Cocker[401] calls them, have long been trying to figure out how to multiply money with money. I've noticed that it's a common way to pass the time on a long sea voyage: I've had more than one bet come my way. Because a rectangle that's five inches by four inches has 5 × 4 or 20 square inches, people claim that five inches multiplied by four inches is twenty square inches: and, believing they have successfully multiplied length by length, they are stunned when I tell them that money can't be multiplied by money. One of my bettors argued that it was impossible because there is no square money: all I could do was suggest that postage stamps be made legal tender. Multiplication must be repetition: this process of repeating must be shown by the number of times it occurs. I once had trouble convincing another bettor that if you repeat five shillings as many times as there are hairs in a horse's tail, you do not multiply five shillings by a horsetail. [402]
I am very sorry to say that these wrong notions have found support—I think they do so no longer—in the University of Cambridge. In 1856 or 1857, an examiner was displaced by a vote of the Senate. The pretext was that he was too severe an examiner: but it was well known that [252]great dissatisfaction had been expressed, far and wide through the Colleges, at an absurd question which he had given. He actually proposed such a fraction as
I’m really sorry to say that these misguided ideas have had support—I believe they no longer do—at the University of Cambridge. In 1856 or 1857, an examiner was removed after a vote by the Senate. The excuse was that he was too strict as an examiner, but it was widely known that [252]there was significant dissatisfaction throughout the Colleges regarding an absurd question he had posed. He actually suggested a fraction like
6s. 3d.![]() 17s. 4d. | . |
As common sense gained a hearing very soon, there is no occasion to say more. In 1858, it was proposed at a college examination, to divide 22557 days, 20 hours, 20 minutes, 48 seconds, by 57 minutes, 12 seconds, and also to explain the fraction
As common sense quickly made its case, there’s no need to say more. In 1858, it was suggested during a college exam to divide 22,557 days, 20 hours, 20 minutes, and 48 seconds by 57 minutes and 12 seconds, and also to explain the fraction.
32l. 18s. 8d.![]() 62l. 12s. 9d. | . |
All paradoxy, in matters of demonstration, arises out of muddle about first principles. Who can say how much of it is to be laid at the door of the University of Cambridge, for not taking care of the elements of arithmetical thought?
All contradictions in demonstrations come from confusion about fundamental principles. Who can determine how much of this is due to the University of Cambridge for not properly addressing the basics of mathematical thought?
ON LITERARY BARGAINS.
ON BOOK DEALS.
The phenomena of the two ends of society, when brought together, give interesting comparisons: I mean the early beginnings of thought and literature, and our own high and finished state, as we think it. There is one very remarkable point. In the early day, the letter was matter of the closest adherence, and implied meanings were not admitted.
The extremes of society, when compared, provide fascinating insights: I'm talking about the early stages of thought and literature and our own advanced and refined state, as we perceive it. There's one notable aspect. Back then, writing was strictly tied to the literal meaning, and implied meanings weren’t accepted.
The blessing of Isaac meant for Esau, went to false Jacob, in spite of the imposition; and the writer of Genesis seems to intend to give the notion that Isaac had no power to pronounce it null and void. And "Jacob's policy, whereby he became rich"—as the chapter-heading puts it—in speckled and spotted stock, is not considered as a violation of the agreement, which contemplated natural proportions. In [253]the story of Lycurgus the lawgiver is held to have behaved fairly when he bound the Spartans to obey his laws until he returned—intimating a short absence—he intending never to return. And Vishnoo, when he asked the usurper for three steps of territory as a dwarf, and then enlarged himself until he could bring heaven and earth under the bargain, was thought clever, certainly, but quite fair.
The blessing from Isaac meant for Esau ended up going to deceitful Jacob, despite the trickery involved; and the writer of Genesis seems to suggest that Isaac couldn't cancel it. Furthermore, "Jacob's strategy, by which he became wealthy"—as the chapter heading states—using speckled and spotted livestock is not seen as a breach of the agreement, which expected natural proportions. In the story of Lycurgus, the lawgiver is considered to have acted justly when he compelled the Spartans to follow his laws until his return—implying a brief absence—while he actually planned never to come back. Similarly, Vishnu, when he asked the usurper for three steps of land in the form of a dwarf and then grew large enough to claim all of heaven and earth under that agreement, was regarded as clever, but definitely fair.
There is nothing of this kind recognized in our day: so far good. But there is a bad contrary: the age is apt, in interpretation, to upset the letter in favor of the view—very often the after thought—of one side only. The case of John Palmer,[403] the improver of the mail coach system, is smothered. He was to have an office and a salary, and 2½ per cent for life on the increased revenue of the Post-Office. His rights turned out so large, that Government would not pay them. For misconduct, real or pretended, they turned him out of his office: but his bargain as to the percentage had nothing to do with his future conduct; it was payment for his plan. I know nothing, except from the debates of 1808 in the two Houses: if any one can redeem the credit of the nation, the field is open. When I was young, the old stagers spoke of this transaction sparingly, and dismissed it speedily.
There’s nothing like this recognized in our time, which is good. But there’s a downside: people today tend to twist the facts to support a one-sided viewpoint—often an afterthought. The case of John Palmer, the person who improved the mail coach system, is overlooked. He was supposed to get a position and a salary, plus 2.5% for life on the increased revenue of the Post Office. His rights ended up being so significant that the government refused to pay them. For alleged misconduct, they kicked him out of his position, but his agreement about the percentage had nothing to do with his behavior moving forward; it was payment for his plan. I know nothing except from the debates of 1808 in both Houses: if anyone can restore the nation’s reputation, the opportunity is there. When I was younger, the old-timers talked about this situation rarely and moved on quickly.
The government did not choose to remember what private persons must remember, and are made to remember, if needful. When Dr. Lardner[404] made his bargain with the [254]publishers for the Cabinet Cyclopædia he proposed that he, as editor, should have a certain sum for every hundred sold above a certain number: the publishers, who did not think there was any chance of reaching the turning sale of this stipulation, readily consented. But it turned out that Dr. Lardner saw further than they: the returns under this stipulation gave him a very handsome addition to his other receipts. The publishers stared; but they paid. They had no idea of standing out that the amount was too much for an editor; they knew that, though the editor had a percentage, they had all the rest; and they would not have felt aggrieved if he had received ten times as much. But governments, which cannot be brought to book before a sworn jury, are ruled only by public opinion. John Palmer's day was also the day of Thomas Fyshe Palmer,[405] and the governments, in their prosecutions for sedition, knew that these would have a reflex action upon the minds of all who wrote about public affairs.
The government didn't choose to remember what private individuals must remember and are made to remember when necessary. When Dr. Lardner made his deal with the publishers for the *Cabinet Cyclopædia*, he suggested that as the editor, he should receive a certain amount for every hundred sold above a specific number. The publishers, who believed there was no chance of meeting that sales threshold, agreed without hesitation. However, Dr. Lardner proved to be more insightful than they expected: the returns from this agreement ended up providing him with a significant boost to his income. The publishers were taken aback, but they paid up. They had no intention of arguing that the amount was too high for an editor; they understood that while the editor received a percentage, they kept the rest, and they wouldn't have felt upset if he had made ten times more. But governments, which cannot be held accountable by a sworn jury, are guided only by public opinion. John Palmer's era also overlapped with that of Thomas Fyshe Palmer, and the governments, in their prosecutions for sedition, were aware that these cases would resonate with anyone who wrote about public matters.
DECLARATION OF BELIEF
Belief Statement
1864-65.—It often happens that persons combine to maintain and enforce an opinion; but it is, in our state of society, a paradox to unite for the sole purpose of blaming the opposite side. To invite educated men to do this, and above all, men of learning or science, is the next paradoxical thing of all. But this was done by a small combination in 1864. They got together and drew up a declaration, to be signed by "students of the natural sciences," who were to express their "sincere regret that researches into [255]scientific truth are perverted by some in our own times into occasion for casting doubt upon the truth and authenticity of the Holy Scriptures." In words of ambiguous sophistry, they proceeded to request, in effect, that people would be pleased to adopt the views of churches as to the complete inspiration of all the canonical books. The great question whether the Word of God is in the Bible, or whether the Word of God is all the Bible, was quietly taken for granted in favor of the second view; to the end that men of science might be induced to blame those who took the first view. The first public attention was drawn to the subject by Sir John Herschel,[406] who in refusing to sign the writ sent to him, administered a rebuke in the Athenæum, which would have opened most eyes to see that the case was hopeless. The words of a man whose suaviter in modo makes his fortiter in re[407] cut blocks with a razor are worth preserving:
1864-65.—It often happens that people come together to support and promote a certain opinion; however, in our society, it's contradictory to unite purely to criticize the opposing side. Encouraging educated individuals, especially those in learning or science, to do this is even more paradoxical. Yet, this was exactly what a small group did in 1864. They gathered and created a declaration, to be signed by "students of the natural sciences," expressing their "sincere regret that research into scientific truth is being misused by some in our own time to cast doubt on the truth and authenticity of the Holy Scriptures." Through complex language, they effectively requested that people adopt the churches' views regarding the complete inspiration of all the canonical books. The significant question of whether the Word of God is in the Bible, or if the Word of God is all of the Bible, was quietly assumed to support the latter view; this was intended to pressure scientists to criticize those who held the former view. The topic gained public attention when Sir John Herschel, upon refusing to sign the statement sent to him, offered a sharp rebuttal in the Athenæum, which likely made many realize that the situation was futile. The words of a man whose suaviter in modo makes his fortiter in re[407] cut blocks with a razor are worth preserving:
"I consider the act of calling upon me publicly to avow or disavow, to approve or disapprove, in writing, any religious doctrine or statement, however carefully or cautiously drawn up (in other words, to append my name to a religious manifesto) to be an infringement of that social forbearance which guards the freedom of religious opinion in this country with especial sanctity.... I consider this movement simply mischievous, having a direct tendency (by putting forward a new Shibboleth, a new verbal test of religious partisanship) to add a fresh element of discord to the already too discordant relations of the Christian world.... But no nicety of wording, no artifice of human language, will suffice to discriminate the hundredth part of the shades of meaning in which the most world-wide differences of thought on such subjects may be involved; or prevent the most gentle worded and apparently justifiable expression of regret, so embodied, from grating on the [256]feelings of thousands of estimable and well-intentioned men with all the harshness of controversial hostility."
"I view the act of publicly calling on me to state my support or opposition to any religious belief or declaration, no matter how carefully phrased (essentially asking me to sign a religious manifesto), as an infringement on the social tolerance that particularly protects the freedom of religious opinion in this country. I see this movement as simply harmful, as it tends to introduce a new litmus test for religious loyalty, which would only create more division in an already fragmented Christian world. No clever wording or tricks of human language can capture the countless nuances of meaning present in the vast differences of thought on these issues, nor can it stop a seemingly mild and reasonable expression of regret from rubbing thousands of decent and well-meaning individuals the wrong way, feeling as harsh as antagonistic debate."
Other doses were administered by Sir J. Bowring,[408] Sir W. Rowan Hamilton,[409] and myself. The signed declaration was promised for Christmas, 1864: but nothing presentable was then ready; and it was near Midsummer, 1865, before it was published. Persons often incautiously put their names without seeing the character of a document, because they coincide in its opinions. In this way, probably, fifteen respectable names were procured before printing; and these, when committed, were hawked as part of an application to "solicit the favor" of other signatures. It is likely enough no one of the fifteen saw that the declaration was, not maintenance of their own opinion, but regret (a civil word for blame) that others should think differently.
Other doses were given by Sir J. Bowring, [408] Sir W. Rowan Hamilton, [409] and me. The signed declaration was expected for Christmas, 1864, but nothing ready for presentation was available at that time; it wasn't published until nearly Midsummer, 1865. People often carelessly sign their names without reading the content of a document, just because they agree with its opinions. This way, around fifteen reputable names were collected before it went to print; these were then used as part of a request to "solicit the favor" of additional signatures. It's likely that none of the fifteen realized that the declaration was not a maintenance of their own opinion, but a regret (a polite term for blame) that others should think differently.
When the list appeared, there were no fewer than 716 names! But analysis showed that this roll was not a specimen of the mature science of the country. The collection was very miscellaneous: 38 were designated as "students of the College of Chemistry," meaning young men who attended lectures in that college. But as all the Royal Society had been applied to, a test results as follows. Of Fellows of the Royal Society, 600 in number, 62 gave their signatures; of writers in the Philosophical Transactions, 166 in number, 19 gave their signatures. Roughly speaking, then, only one out of ten could be got to express disapprobation of the free comparison of the results of science with the statements of the canonical books. And I am satisfied that many of these thought they were signing only a declaration of difference of opinion, not of blame for that difference. The number of persons is not small who, when it comes to signing printed documents, would put their names to a declaration that the coffee-pot ought to be taken down-stairs, meaning that the teapot ought to be brought [257]up-stairs. And many of them would defend it. Some would say that the two things are not contradictory; which, with a snort or two of contempt, would be very effective. Others would, in the candid and quiet tone, point out that it is all one, because coffee is usually taken before tea, and it keeps the table clear to send away the coffee-pot before the teapot is brought up.
When the list came out, there were no fewer than 716 names! But an analysis revealed that this list wasn't a reflection of the country's advanced science. The collection was quite varied: 38 were labeled as "students of the College of Chemistry," meaning young men attending lectures there. However, since everyone in the Royal Society had been contacted, the results are as follows. Out of the 600 Fellows of the Royal Society, 62 signed; out of 166 contributors to the Philosophical Transactions, 19 signed. So roughly speaking, only one in ten was willing to express disapproval of comparing scientific results with the statements in the canonical books. I'm convinced that many of these signers believed they were just stating a different opinion, not condemning that difference. There are plenty of people who, when asked to sign official documents, would put their names on a statement that the coffee pot should be taken downstairs, meaning that the teapot should be brought upstairs. And many would argue in favor of this. Some would claim that the two points aren’t contradictory; with a scoff or two, that would be quite persuasive. Others might calmly point out that it’s all the same, since coffee is usually served before tea, and clearing the table by removing the coffee pot before bringing up the teapot makes sense.
The original signatures were decently interred in the Bodleian Library: and the advocates of scattering indefinite blame for indefinite sins of opinion among indefinite persons are, I understand, divided in opinion about the time at which the next attempt shall be made upon men of scientific studies: some are for the Greek Calends, and others for the Roman Olympiads. But, with their usual love of indefiniteness, they have determined that the choice shall be argued upon the basis that which comes first cannot be settled, and is of no consequence.
The original signatures were properly buried in the Bodleian Library, and the supporters of spreading vague blame for vague opinions among unspecified people are, as I understand it, split about when the next effort will be made against those in scientific fields: some prefer the Greek Calends, while others opt for the Roman Olympiads. However, true to their typical fondness for ambiguity, they have decided that the discussion will be based on the idea that which comes first can't be determined and doesn't really matter.
I give the declaration entire, as a curiosity: and parallel with it I give a substitute which was proposed in the Athenæum, as worthy to be signed both by students of theology, and by students of science, especially in past time. When a new attempt is made, it will be worth while to look at both:
I present the full declaration here as a curiosity: alongside it, I’m including an alternative that was suggested in the Athenæum, which is worth signing by both theology and science students, especially in previous times. When a new effort is launched, it will be useful to compare both:
The distinctness of the fallacies is creditable to the composers, and shows that scientific habits tend to clearness, even to sophistry. Nowhere does it so plainly stand out that the Written Word means the sense in which the accuser takes it, while the sense of the other side is their interpretation. The infallible church on one side, arrayed against heretical pravity on the other, is seen in all subjects in which men differ. At school there were various games in which one or another advantage was the right of those who first called for it. In adult argument the same thing is often attempted: we often hear—I cried Church first!
The uniqueness of the fallacies is commendable to the creators and shows that scientific methods lean toward clarity, even when it comes to misleading arguments. It clearly illustrates that the Written Word reflects the meaning that the accuser interprets, while the other side represents their interpretation. The infallible church on one side is positioned against heretical corruption on the other, a dynamic visible in all topics where people disagree. In school, there were various games where the first person to call for an advantage got it. In adult debates, the same tactic often emerges: we frequently hear— “I said Church first!”
I end with the answer which I myself gave to the application: its revival may possibly save me from a repetition of the like. If there be anything I hate more than another it is the proposal to place any persons, especially those who allow freedom to me, under any abridgment of their liberty to think, to infer, and to publish. If they break the law, take the law; but do not make the law: ἀγοραιοι ἀγονται ἐγκαλειτωσαν ἀλληλοις.[410] I would rather be asked to take shares in an argyrosteretic company (with limited liability) for breaking into houses by night on fork and spoon errands. I should put aside this proposal with nothing but laughter. It was a joke against Sam Rogers[411] that his appearance was very like that of a corpse. The John Bull [261]newspaper—suppose we now say Theodore Hook[412]—averred that when he hailed a coach one night in St. Paul's Churchyard, the jarvey said, "Ho! ho! my man; I'm not going to be taken in that way: go back to your grave!" This is the answer I shall make for the future to any relics of a former time who shall want to call me off the stand for their own purposes. What obligation have I to admit that they belong to our world?
I’ll finish with the answer I gave to the application: its revival might save me from going through something like this again. If there's anything I hate more than anything else, it's the idea of putting anyone, especially those who allow me the freedom to think, infer, and publish, under any restriction of their liberty. If they break the law, let them face the law; but don't create the law: ἀγοραιοι ἀγονται ἐγκαλειτωσαν ἀλληλοις.[410] I would rather be asked to invest in a sketchy company (with limited liability) for breaking into houses at night for trivial errands. I would dismiss this proposal with nothing but laughter. There was a joke about Sam Rogers[411] that he looked a lot like a corpse. The John Bull [261] newspaper—let's say Theodore Hook[412]—claimed that when he hailed a coach one night in St. Paul's Churchyard, the driver said, "Ho! ho! my man; I’m not going to fall for that: go back to your grave!" This is the response I will give in the future to any remnants of a past era that try to pull me away from my position for their own ends. What obligation do I have to acknowledge that they belong in our world?
"SCRIPTURE AND SCIENCE.
"BIBLE AND SCIENCE."
"This document was sent to me four days ago. It 'solicits the favor'—I thought at first it was a grocer's supplication for tea and sugar patronage—of my signature to expression of 'sincere regret' that some persons unnamed—general warrants are illegal—differ from what I am supposed—by persons whom it does not concern—to hold about Scripture and Science in their real or alleged discrepancies.
"This document was sent to me four days ago. It 'requests the favor'—I thought at first it was a grocer's plea for tea and sugar sales—of my signature to express 'sincere regret' that some unnamed individuals—general warrants are illegal—differ from what I am supposed—by people who have no stake in it—to believe about Scripture and Science in their real or claimed discrepancies."
"No such favor from me: for three reasons. First, I agree with Sir. J. Herschel that the solicitation is an intrusion to be publicly repelled. Secondly, I do not regret that others should differ from me, think what I may: those others are as good as I, and as well able to think, and as much entitled to their conclusions. Thirdly, even if I did regret, I should be ashamed to put my name to bad chemistry made to do duty for good reasoning. The declaration is an awkward attempt to saturate sophism with truism; but the sophism is left largely in excess.
"No such favor from me: for three reasons. First, I agree with Sir J. Herschel that the request is an intrusion that should be publicly rejected. Secondly, I do not regret that others may disagree with me, no matter how I feel about it: those others are as capable as I am, just as capable of thinking, and just as entitled to their conclusions. Thirdly, even if I did regret it, I would be ashamed to put my name to poor chemistry disguised as good reasoning. The statement is an awkward attempt to mix false logic with common truth; however, the false logic still outweighs the truth."
"I owe the inquisitors a grudge for taking down my conceit of myself. For two months I have crowed in my own mind over my friend Sir J. Herschel, fancying that the promoters instinctively knew better than to bring their fallacies before a writer on logic. Ah! my dear Sir John! thought I, if you had shown yourself to be well up in Barbara Celarent,[414] and had ever and anon astonished the natives with the distinction between simpliciter and secundum quid, no autograph-hunters would have baited a trap with non sequitur[415] to catch your signature. What can I say now? I hide my diminished head, diminished by the horns which I have been compelled to draw in.
"I hold a grudge against the inquisitors for bringing down my ego. For two months, I’ve been bragging in my own mind about my friend Sir J. Herschel, thinking that the organizers somehow knew better than to present their faults to a writer on logic. Ah! my dear Sir John! I thought, if only you had proven your knowledge of Barbara Celarent,[414] and occasionally amazed everyone with the difference between simpliciter and secundum quid, no autograph seekers would have set a trap with non sequitur[415] to catch your signature. What can I say now? I hang my head in shame, diminished by the horns I’ve been forced to pull in."
"Those who make personal solicitation for support to an opinion about religion are bound to know their men. The king had a right to Brother Neale's money, because Brother Neale offered it. Had he put his hand into purse after purse by way of finding out all who were of Brother Neale's mind, he would have been justly met by a rap on the knuckles whenever he missed his mark.
"Anyone who seeks personal support for their views on religion needs to understand the people they're dealing with. The king was entitled to Brother Neale's money because Brother Neale willingly offered it. If he had gone around rifling through everyone's wallets to find those who agreed with Brother Neale, he would have rightly received a slap on the wrist whenever he got it wrong."
"The kind of test before me is the utmost our time will allow of that inquisition into opinion which has been the curse of Christianity ever since the State took Providence under its protection. The writ de hæretico commiserando is little more than the smell of the empty cask: and those who issue it may represent the old woman with her
"The test in front of me is the best our time will permit for that investigation into beliefs that has plagued Christianity ever since the State took God’s will into its own hands. The writ de hæretico commiserando is barely more than the scent of an empty barrel: and those who issue it may resemble the old woman with her"
It is no excuse that the illegitimate bantling is a very little one. Its parents may think themselves hardly treated when they are called lineal successors of Tony Fire-the-faggot: [263]but, degenerate though they be, such is their ancestry. Let every allowance be made for them: but their unholy fire must be trodden out; so long as a spark is left, nothing but fuel is wanted to make a blaze. If this cannot be done, let the flame be confined to theology, though even there it burns with diminished vigor: and let charity, candor, sense, and ridicule, be ready to play upon it whenever there is any chance of its extending to literature and science.
It's no excuse that the illegitimate child is very small. Its parents might feel unfairly judged when labeled as direct descendants of Tony Fire-the-faggot: [263] but, despite their shortcomings, that's their lineage. Let's be generous towards them: but their inappropriate behavior must be put to rest; as long as there's even a spark, all it takes is some fuel to create a fire. If this can't be achieved, let the fire be limited to theology, even if it burns less fiercely there: and let kindness, openness, reason, and humor be ready to address it whenever there's a chance of it spreading to literature and science.
"What would be the consequence if this test-signing absurdity were to grow? Deep would call unto deep; counter-declaration would answer declaration, each stronger than the one before. The moves would go on like the dispute of two German students, of whom each is bound to a sharper retort on a graduated scale, until at last comes dummer Junge![417]—and then they must fight. There is a gentleman in the upper fifteen of the signers of the writ—the hawking of whose names appears to me very bad taste—whom I met in cordial cooperation for many a year at a scientific board. All I knew about his religion was that he, as a clergyman, must in some sense or other receive the 39 Articles:—all that he could know about mine was that I was some kind of heretic, or so reputed. If we had come to signing opposite manifestoes, turn-about, we might have found ourselves in the lowest depths of party discussion at our very council-table. I trust the list of subscribers to the declaration, when it comes to be published, will show that the bulk of those who have really added to our knowledge have seen the thing in its true light.
What would happen if this ridiculous test-signing thing got out of hand? It would escalate quickly; counter-statements would respond to statements, each one stronger than the last. It would continue like a back-and-forth between two German students, each one feeling the need to come back with a wittier reply until one finally exclaims, dummer Junge![417]—and then they’d have to fight. There's a guy among the top fifteen signers of the document—whose name being tossed around seems very distasteful to me—whom I worked with for many years on a scientific board. All I knew about his beliefs was that, as a clergyman, he somehow had to accept the 39 Articles; all he could really guess about mine was that I was seen as some type of heretic. If we had ended up signing opposing declarations, going back and forth, we might have found ourselves deep in party debates right at our own council table. I hope the list of people who signed the declaration, when it’s published, shows that most of those who genuinely contributed to our understanding have seen the situation clearly.
"The promoters—I say nothing about the subscribers—of the movement will, I trust, not feel aggrieved at the course I have taken or the remarks I have made. Walter Scott says that before we judge Napoleon by the temptation to which he yielded, we ought to remember how much he may have resisted: I invite them to apply this rule to myself; they can have no idea of the feeling with which I [264]contemplate all attempts to repress freedom of inquiry, nor of the loathing with which I recoil from the proposal to be art and part. They have asked me to give a public opinion upon a certain point. It is true that they have had the kindness to tender both the opinion they wish me to form, and the shape in which they would have it appear: I will let them draw me out, but I will not let them take me in. If they will put an asterisk to my name, and this letter to the asterisk, they are welcome to my signature. As I do not expect them to relish this proposal, I will not solicit the favor of its adoption. But they have given a right to think, for they have asked me to think; to publish, for they have asked me to allow them to publish; to blame them, for they have asked me to blame their betters. Should they venture to find fault because my direction of disapproval, publicly given, is half a revolution different from theirs, they will be known as having presented a loaded document at the head of a traveler in the highway of discussion, with—Your signature or your silence!"
"The promoters—I won't comment on the subscribers—of the movement, I hope, won't feel upset about the approach I've taken or the comments I've made. Walter Scott said that before we judge Napoleon for the temptations he gave into, we should remember how much he might have resisted: I encourage them to apply this perspective to me; they can’t possibly understand the feelings I have when I see attempts to suppress freedom of inquiry, nor the disgust I feel about the idea of being complicit. They’ve asked me to share my opinion on a certain issue. It’s true they’ve been kind enough to provide both the opinion they want me to form and the format they’d like it to take: I’ll let them draw me out, but I won’t let them fool me. If they want to put an asterisk next to my name and attach this letter to it, they’re free to have my signature. Since I don’t expect them to like this suggestion, I won’t push for its acceptance. But they’ve given themselves the right to ask me to think, since they’ve asked me to think; to publish, since they’ve asked me to let them publish; to criticize, since they’ve asked me to blame their more respected counterparts. If they dare to complain because my public expression of disapproval is somewhat different from theirs, they will be seen as presenting a biased document to a traveler on the road of discussion, saying—Your signature or your silence!"
THE FLY-LEAF PARADOX.
THE FLYLEAF PARADOX.
The paradox being the proposition of something which runs counter to what would generally be thought likely, may present itself in many ways. There is a fly-leaf paradox, which puzzled me for many years, until I found a probable solution. I frequently saw, in the blank leaves of old books, learned books, Bibles of a time when a Bible was very costly, etc., the name of an owner who, by the handwriting and spelling, must have been an illiterate person or a child, followed by the date of the book itself. Accordingly, this uneducated person or young child seemed to be the first owner, which in many cases was not credible. Looking one day at a Barker's[418] Bible of 1599, I saw an [265]inscription in a child's writing, which certainly belonged to a much later date. It was "Martha Taylor, her book, giuen me by Granny Scott to keep for her sake." With this the usual verses, followed by 1599, the date of the book. But it so chanced that the blank page opposite the title, on which the above was written, was a verso of the last leaf of a prayer book, which had been bound before the Bible; and on the recto of this leaf was a colophon, with the date 1632. It struck me immediately that uneducated persons and children, having seen dates written under names, and not being quite up in chronology, did frequently finish off with the date of the book, which stared them in the face.
The paradox is the idea of something that goes against what is generally believed to be true, and it can show up in various forms. There’s a fly-leaf paradox that confused me for many years until I found a likely explanation. I often noticed, in the blank pages of old books—scholarly texts, Bibles from a time when they were very expensive, etc.—the name of an owner who, based on the handwriting and spelling, had to have been uneducated or a child, followed by the book's date. So, it seemed that this illiterate person or young child was the first owner, which often didn’t make sense. One day, while looking at a Barker's[418] Bible from 1599, I came across an [265] inscription written in a child's handwriting, which definitely belonged to a much later date. It read, "Martha Taylor, her book, giuen me by Granny Scott to keep for her sake," followed by some common verses and the date 1599. But it so happened that the blank page opposite the title, where this was written, was the verso of the last leaf of a prayer book that had been bound before the Bible, and on the recto of this leaf was a colophon, dated 1632. It struck me right away that uneducated people and children, having seen dates written under names and not fully understanding chronology, would often just copy the date of the book that was right in front of them.
Always write in your books. You may be a silly person—for though your reading my book is rather a contrary presumption, yet it is not conclusive—and your observations may be silly or irrelevant, but you cannot tell what use they may be of long after you are gone where Budgeteers cease from troubling.
Always write in your books. You might be foolish—since your reading my book is a bit of a contradictory assumption, but that's not definite—and your comments might be foolish or off-topic, but you never know how useful they might be long after you're gone where Budgeteers stop bothering.
I picked up the following book, printed by J. Franklin[419] at Boston, during the period in which his younger brother Benjamin was his apprentice. And as Benjamin was apprenticed very early, and is recorded as having learned the mechanical art very rapidly, there is some presumption that part of it may be his work, though he was but thirteen at the time. As this set of editions of Hodder[420] (by [266]Mose[421]) is not mentioned, to my knowledge, I give the title in full:
I picked up the following book, printed by J. Franklin[419] in Boston, during the time when his younger brother Benjamin was his apprentice. Since Benjamin started apprenticing at a very young age and is noted to have picked up the mechanical skills quickly, it's likely that he contributed to this work, even though he was only thirteen at the time. As this set of editions of Hodder[420] (by [266]Mose[421]) isn't mentioned, to my knowledge, I will provide the full title:
"Hodder's Arithmetick: or that necessary art made most easy: Being explained in a way familiar to the capacity of any that desire to learn it in a little time. By James Hodder, Writing-master. The Five and twentieth edition, revised, augmented, and above a thousand faults amended, by Henry Mose, late servant and successor to the author. Boston: printed by J. Franklin, for S. Phillips, N. Buttolph, B. Elliot, D. Henchman, G. Phillips, J. Elliot, and E. Negus, booksellers in Boston, and sold at their shops. 1719."
"Hodder's Arithmetic: the essential skill made easy. Explained in a way that anyone who wants to learn can understand in a short time. By James Hodder, Writing Master. The twenty-fifth edition, revised, expanded, and with over a thousand errors corrected by Henry Mose, a former student and successor to the author. Boston: printed by J. Franklin, for S. Phillips, N. Buttolph, B. Elliot, D. Henchman, G. Phillips, J. Elliot, and E. Negus, booksellers in Boston, and available at their stores. 1719."
The book is a very small octavo, the type and execution are creditable, the woodcut at the beginning is clumsy. It is a perfect copy, page for page, of the English editions of Mose's Hodder, of which the one called seventeenth is of London, 1690. There is not a syllable to show that the edition above described might not be of Boston in England. Presumptions, but not very strong ones, might be derived from the name of Franklin, and from the large number of booksellers who combined in the undertaking. It chanced, however, that a former owner had made the following note in my copy:
The book is a small octavo, the print and production quality are respectable, but the woodcut at the beginning is awkward. It is an exact replica, page for page, of the English editions of Mose's Hodder, particularly the one labeled seventeenth, published in London in 1690. There's nothing to indicate that the edition described above couldn't be from Boston in England. There are some assumptions, though not very strong, that could be made based on the name Franklin and the many booksellers involved in the project. However, it so happens that a previous owner left the following note in my copy:
"Wednessday, July ye 14, 1796, att ten in ye forenoon we saild from Boston, came too twice, once in King Rode, and once in ye Narrows. Saild by ye lighthouse in ye eveng."
"On Wednesday, July 14, 1796, at 10 AM, we left Boston. We made two stops, one in King Road and another in the Narrows. We passed by the lighthouse in the evening."
No ordinary map would decide these points: so I had to apply to my friend Sir Francis Beaufort,[422] and the charts at the Admiralty decided immediately for Massachusetts.
No regular map could determine these points, so I had to reach out to my friend Sir Francis Beaufort,[422] and the charts at the Admiralty quickly confirmed Massachusetts.
PARADOXES OF ORTHOGRAPHY AND COMPUTATION.
Orthography and Computation Paradoxes.
The French are able paradoxers in their spelling of foreign names. The Abbé Sabatier de Castres,[423] in 1772, gives an account of an imaginary dialogue between Swif, Adisson, Otwai, and Bolingbrocke. I had hoped that this was a thing of former days, like the literal roasting of heretics; but the charity which hopeth all things must hope for disappointments. Looking at a recent work on the history of the popes, I found referred to, in the matter of Urban VIII[424] and Galileo, references to the works of two Englishmen, the Rev. Win Worewel and the Rev. Raden Powen. [Wm. Whewell and Baden Powell].[425]
The French are skilled at making paradoxes in how they spell foreign names. The Abbé Sabatier de Castres, in 1772, describes an imaginary conversation between Swift, Addison, Otway, and Bolingbroke. I had hoped this was something from the past, like the actual roasting of heretics; but the hope that looks for the best must also prepare for letdowns. While looking at a recent book on the history of the popes, I came across mentions of Urban VIII and Galileo, which included references to the works of two Englishmen, the Rev. Win Worewel and the Rev. Raden Powen. [Wm. Whewell and Baden Powell].
I must not forget the "moderate computation" paradox. This is the way by which large figures are usually obtained. Anything surprisingly great is got by the "lowest computation," anything as surprisingly small by the "utmost computation"; and these are the two great subdivisions of "moderate computation." In this way we learn that 70,000 persons were executed in one reign, and 150,000 persons [268]burned for witchcraft in one century. Sometimes this computation is very close. By a card before me it appears that all the Christians, including those dispersed in heathen countries, those of Great Britain and Ireland excepted, are 198,728,000 people, and pay their clergy 8,852,000l. But 6,400,000 people pay the clergy of the Anglo-Irish Establishment 8,896,000l.; and 14,600,000 of other denominations pay 1,024,000l. When I read moderate computations, I always think of Voltaire and the "mémoires du fameux évêque de Chiapa, par lesquels il paraît qu'il avait égorgé, ou brulé, ou noyé dix millions d'infidèles en Amérique pour les convertir. Je crus que cet évêque exaggérait; mais quand on réduisait ces sacrifices à cinq millions de victimes, cela serait encore admirable."[426]
I must not forget the "moderate computation" paradox. This is how large numbers are typically calculated. Anything surprisingly large comes from the "lowest computation," while anything surprisingly small results from the "utmost computation"; and these are the two main categories of "moderate computation." This way, we find out that 70,000 people were executed in one reign, and 150,000 people were burned for witchcraft in one century. Sometimes this calculation is very precise. According to a card in front of me, all Christians, including those living in non-Christian countries, except those in Great Britain and Ireland, total 198,728,000 people, and they pay their clergy 8,852,000l. However, 6,400,000 people pay the clergy of the Anglo-Irish Establishment 8,896,000l.; and 14,600,000 from other denominations pay 1,024,000l. When I read moderate computations, I always think of Voltaire and the "mémoires du fameux évêque de Chiapa, où il semble qu'il avait égorgé, ou brulé, ou noyé dix millions d'infidèles en Amérique pour les convertir. I thought this bishop was exaggerating; but even if these sacrifices were reduced to five million victims, it would still be remarkable."[426]
CENTRIFUGAL FORCE.
Centrifugal force.
My Budget has been arranged by authors. This is the only plan, for much of the remark is personal: the peculiarities of the paradoxer are a large part of the interest of the paradox. As to subject-matter, there are points which stand strongly out; the quadrature of the circle, for instance. But there are others which cannot be drawn out so as to be conspicuous in a review of writers: as one instance, I may take the centrifugal force.
My budget has been organized by authors. This is the only plan, as much of the commentary is personal: the quirks of the paradox maker are a significant part of what makes the paradox interesting. Regarding subject matter, there are certain points that stand out strongly, like the squaring of the circle, for example. However, there are others that can't be highlighted as clearly in a review of writers. One example is centrifugal force.
When I was about nine years old I was taken to hear a course of lectures, given by an itinerant lecturer in a country town, to get as much as I could of the second half of a good, sound, philosophical omniscience. The first half (and sometimes more) comes by nature. To this end I smelt chemicals, learned that they were different kinds of gin, saw young wags try to kiss the girls under the excuse of what was called laughing gas—which I was sure [269]was not to blame for more than five per cent of the requisite assurance—and so forth. This was all well so far as it went; but there was also the excessive notion of creative power exhibited in the millions of miles of the solar system, of which power I wondered they did not give a still grander idea by expressing the distances in inches. But even this was nothing to the ingenious contrivance of the centrifugal force. "You have heard what I have said of the wonderful centripetal force, by which Divine Wisdom has retained the planets in their orbits round the Sun. But, ladies and gentlemen, it must be clear to you that if there were no other force in action, this centripetal force would draw our earth and the other planets into the Sun, and universal ruin would ensue. To prevent such a catastrophe, the same wisdom has implanted a centrifugal force of the same amount, and directly opposite," etc. I had never heard of Alfonso X of Castile,[427] but I ventured to think that if Divine Wisdom had just let the planets alone it would come to the same thing, with equal and opposite troubles saved. The paradoxers deal largely in speculation conducted upon the above explanation. They provide external agents for what they call the centrifugal force. Some make the sun's rays keep the planets off, without a thought about what would become of our poor eyes if the push of the light which falls on the earth were a counterpoise to all its gravitation. The true explanation cannot be given here, for want of room.
When I was about nine, I went to a series of lectures by a traveling speaker in a small town, hoping to absorb as much as I could of a solid, philosophical understanding. The first part (and often more) comes naturally. To that end, I smelled chemicals, learned they were different types of gin, and watched young guys try to kiss girls under the pretense of what they called laughing gas—which I was pretty sure was only responsible for about five percent of the required confidence—and so on. This was all fine as far as it went; but there was also this exaggerated idea of creative power displayed in the vastness of the solar system. I wondered why they didn’t give an even more impressive perspective by using inches to express the distances. But even that was nothing compared to the clever explanation of centrifugal force. "You’ve heard about the amazing centripetal force that Divine Wisdom uses to keep the planets in their orbits around the Sun. But, ladies and gentlemen, it should be clear to you that if there were no other force acting, this centripetal force would pull our Earth and the other planets into the Sun, leading to total destruction. To avoid such a disaster, the same wisdom has created a centrifugal force of equal measure, which works in the opposite direction," and so on. I had never heard of Alfonso X of Castile, but I thought that if Divine Wisdom had just left the planets alone, it would have led to the same outcome without creating opposing problems. Those who enjoy paradoxes often speculate based on this explanation, providing external causes for what they call centrifugal force. Some even claim the Sun's rays push the planets away, without considering what would happen to our poor eyes if the push of light hitting the Earth countered all its gravity. The actual explanation can't be provided here due to lack of space.
CAMBRIDGE POETS.
Cambridge Poets.
Sometimes a person who has a point to carry will assert a singular fact or prediction for the sake of his point; and [270]this paradox has almost obtained the sole use of the name. Persons who have reputation to care for should beware how they adopt this plan, which now and then eventuates a spanker, as the American editor said. Lord Byron, in "English Bards, etc." (1809), ridiculing Cambridge poetry, wrote as follows:
Sometimes someone who wants to make a point will emphasize a specific fact or prediction just to support their argument; and [270] this paradox has almost solely come to define the term. People with a reputation to protect should be cautious about using this strategy, as it can sometimes backfire, like the American editor put it. Lord Byron, in "English Bards, etc." (1809), mocked Cambridge poetry with these words:
"But where fair Isis rolls her purer wave,
"But where fair Isis flows her clearer waters,
The partial muse delighted loves to lave;
The partial muse happily loves to wash;
On her green banks a greener wreath she wove,
On her green banks, she wove a greener wreath,
To crown the bards that haunt her classic grove;
To honor the poets that linger in her timeless grove;
There is some account of the Rev. Geo. Richards, Fellow of Oriel and Vicar of Bampton, (M.A. in 1791) in the Living Authors by Watkins[430] and Shoberl[431] (1816). In Rivers's Living Authors, of 1798, which is best fitted for citation, as being published before Lord Byron wrote, he is spoken of in high terms. The Aboriginal Britons was an Oxford (special) prize poem, of 1791. Charles Lamb mentions Richards as his school-fellow at Christ's Hospital, "author of the Aboriginal Britons, the most spirited of the Oxford Prize Poems: a pale, studious Grecian."
There is some information about Rev. Geo. Richards, Fellow of Oriel and Vicar of Bampton (M.A. in 1791) in the Living Authors by Watkins[430] and Shoberl[431] (1816). In Rivers's Living Authors, from 1798, which is better for citation since it was published before Lord Byron wrote, he is described in positive terms. The Aboriginal Britons was a special prize poem from Oxford in 1791. Charles Lamb mentions Richards as his schoolmate at Christ's Hospital, "author of the Aboriginal Britons, the most spirited of the Oxford Prize Poems: a pale, studious Grecian."
As I never heard of Richards as a poet,[432] I conclude that his fame is defunct, except in what may prove to be a very ambiguous kind of immortality, conferred by Lord Byron. The awkwardness of a case which time has broken down [271]is increased by the eulogist himself adding so powerful a name to the list of Cambridge poets, that his college has placed his statue in the library, more conspicuously than that of Newton in the chapel; and this although the greatness of poetic fame had some serious drawbacks in the moral character of some of his writings. And it will be found on inquiry that Byron, to get his instance against Cambridge, had to go back eighteen years, passing over seven intermediate productions, of which he had either never heard, or which he would not cite as waking a genuine poet's fires.
As I've never heard of Richards as a poet, I conclude that his fame is pretty much gone, except for what might be a very unclear kind of immortality given by Lord Byron. The awkwardness of a situation that time has worn down is made worse by the eulogist himself adding such a powerful name to the list of Cambridge poets, that his college has put his statue in the library, even more prominently than Newton's in the chapel; and this is despite the fact that the greatness of poetic fame had some serious issues regarding the moral character of some of his writings. If you look into it, you'll find that Byron, to make his point against Cambridge, had to go back eighteen years, skipping over seven works in between, which he either had never heard of or wouldn't cite as inspiring a true poet’s passion.
The conclusion seems to be that the Aboriginal Britons is a remarkable youthful production, not equalled by subsequent efforts.
The conclusion appears to be that the Aboriginal Britons is a remarkable and youthful work, unmatched by later attempts.
To enhance the position in which the satirist placed himself, two things should be remembered. First, the glowing and justifiable terms in which Byron had spoken,—a hundred and odd lines before he found it convenient to say no Cambridge poet could compare with Richards,—of a Cambridge poet who died only three years before Byron wrote, and produced greatly admired works while actually studying in the University. The fame of Kirke White[433] still lives; and future literary critics may perhaps compare his writings and those of Richards, simply by reason of the curious relation in which they are here placed alongside of each other. And it is much to Byron's credit that, in speaking of the deceased Cambridge poet, he forgot his own argument and its exigencies, and proved himself only a paradoxer pro re nata.
To improve the position the satirist put himself in, two things should be kept in mind. First, consider the glowing and valid comments Byron made—over a hundred lines before he found it convenient to state that no Cambridge poet could match Richards—about a Cambridge poet who passed away just three years before Byron wrote, and who produced highly regarded works while actually studying at the University. The legacy of Kirke White[433] still endures; future literary critics may end up comparing his writings with those of Richards simply because of the unique relationship in which they are presented side by side here. It’s commendable for Byron that, when discussing the late Cambridge poet, he set aside his own argument and its demands, revealing himself only as a paradoxical figure pro re nata.
Secondly, Byron was very unfortunate in another passage of the same poem:
Secondly, Byron was really unlucky in another part of the same poem:
"What varied wonders tempt us as they pass!
"What amazing wonders tempt us as they go by!
The cow-pox, tractors, galvanism, and gas.
The cowpox, tractors, galvanism, and gas.
In turns appear, to make the vulgar stare,
In turns, they appear to make the ordinary people stare,
Till the swoln bubble bursts—and all is air!"
Till the swollen bubble bursts—and everything is gone!"
Three of the bubbles have burst to mighty ends. The metallic tractors are disused; but the force which, if anything, they put in action, is at this day, under the name of mesmerism, used, prohibited, respected, scorned, assailed, defended, asserted, denied, declared utterly obscure, and universally known. It was hard lines to select for candidates for oblivion not one of whom got in. I shall myself, I am assured, be some day cited for laughing at the great discovery of ——: the blank is left for my reader to fill up in his own way; but I think I shall not be so unlucky in four different ways.
Three of the bubbles have burst dramatically. The metal tractors are no longer in use; however, the force they once activated is now, under the name of mesmerism, utilized, banned, respected, ridiculed, attacked, defended, claimed, denied, declared completely mysterious, and widely recognized. It was difficult to choose candidates for oblivion, especially since none of them succeeded. I’m sure that someday I will be mentioned for mocking the great discovery of ——: the blank is left for you, the reader, to fill in however you like; but I don’t think I’ll be as unlucky in four different ways.
FALSIFIED PREDICTION.
FAKE PREDICTION.
The narration before the fact, as prophecy has been called, sometimes quite as true as the narration after the fact, is very ridiculous when it is wrong. Why, the pre-narrator could not know; the post-narrator might have known. A good collection of unlucky predictions might be made: I hardly know one so fit to go with Byron's as that of the Rev. Daniel Rivers, already quoted, about Johnson's biographers. Peter Pindar[434] may be excused, as personal satire was his object, for addressing Boswell and Mrs. Piozzi[435] as follows:
The storytelling that happens before the event, often called prophecy, can sometimes be just as accurate as the storytelling that happens after the event, but it looks pretty silly when it’s wrong. The person telling the story beforehand couldn’t know; the person telling it afterward might have known. You could compile a solid list of failed predictions: I can hardly think of one that fits with Byron's as well as that of Rev. Daniel Rivers, which has already been mentioned, about Johnson’s biographers. Peter Pindar[434] can be forgiven since he aimed for personal satire when he addressed Boswell and Mrs. Piozzi[435] like this:
"Instead of adding splendor to his name,
"Instead of bringing glory to his name,
Your books are downright gibbets to his fame;
Your books are total hang-ups for his fame;
You never with posterity can thrive,
You can never succeed with future generations,
'Tis by the Rambler's death alone you live."
'Tis only by the Rambler's death that you survive."
But Rivers, in prose narrative, was not so excusable. He says:
But Rivers, in his writing, wasn’t as forgivable. He says:
"As admirers of the learning and moral excellence of their hero, we glow at almost every page with indignation that his weaknesses and his failings should be disclosed to public view.... Johnson, after the luster he had reflected on the name of Thrale ... was to have his memory tortured and abused by her detested itch for scribbling. More injury, we will venture to affirm, has been done to the fame of Johnson by this Lady and her late biographical helpmate, than his most avowed enemies have been able to effect: and if his character becomes unpopular with some of his successors, it is to those gossiping friends he is indebted for the favor."
"As fans of the knowledge and moral greatness of their hero, we feel a sense of anger with almost every page that his flaws and mistakes are exposed for everyone to see.... Johnson, after the brilliance he brought to the name of Thrale ... was to have his legacy twisted and abused by her annoying habit of writing. We would argue that more harm has been done to Johnson's reputation by this woman and her recent biographical partner than his most open enemies have been able to achieve: and if his character becomes less popular with some of his followers, it’s because of those chatty friends he has to thank for that decline."
Poor dear old Sam! the best known dead man alive! clever, good-hearted, logical, ugly bear! Where would he have been if it had not been for Boswell and Thrale, and their imitators? What would biography have been if Boswell had not shown how to write a life?
Poor dear old Sam! the most famous dead guy around! smart, kind-hearted, logical, ugly bear! Where would he have been without Boswell and Thrale, and all those who copied them? What would biography even look like if Boswell hadn't figured out how to write a life?
Rivers is to be commended for not throwing a single Stone at Mrs. Thrale's second marriage. This poor lady begins to receive a little justice. The literary world seems to have found out that a blue-stocking dame who keeps open house for a set among them has a right, if it so please her, to marry again without taking measures to carry on the cake-shop. I was before my age in this respect: as a boy-reader of Boswell, and a few other things that fell in my way, I came to a clearness that the conduct of society towards Mrs. Piozzi was blackguard. She wanted nothing but what was in that day a woman's only efficient protection, a male relation with a brace of pistols, and a competent notion of using them.
Rivers deserves praise for not criticizing Mrs. Thrale’s second marriage at all. This unfortunate lady is finally getting some justice. The literary world seems to have realized that a knowledgeable woman who opens her home to a group of them has the right, if she chooses, to marry again without having to keep her business running smoothly. I was ahead of my time in this regard: as a young reader of Boswell and a few other books that came my way, I clearly saw that society's treatment of Mrs. Piozzi was shameful. All she wanted was what was, at that time, a woman’s only true protection—a male relative with a couple of pistols who knew how to use them.
BYRON AND WORDSWORTH.
Byron and Wordsworth.
"Of man's first disobedience, and the fruit
"Of man's first disobedience, and the fruit
Eve gave to Adam in his birthday suit—"
Eve gave to Adam while he was in his birthday suit—
and some critic were to call it nonsense, would that critic be laughing at Milton? Payne Knight,[436] in his Taste, translated part of Gray's Bard into Greek. Some of his lines are
and if some critic were to call it nonsense, would that critic be laughing at Milton? Payne Knight, [436] in his Taste, translated part of Gray's Bard into Greek. Some of his lines are
θερμὰ δ' ὁ τὲγγων δάκρυα στοναχαῖς
Hot tears streaming down, he sighed heavily.
οὖλον μέλος φοβερᾷ
οὖλον μέλος φοβερᾷ
ηἔιδε φωνᾷ.
ηἔιδε φωνᾷ.
Literally thus:
Literally like this:
"Wetting warm tears with groans,
"Wetting warm tears with sighs,"
Continuous chant with fearful
Continuous chant with fear
Voice he sang."
He sang with a voice.
On which Hallam remarks: "The twelfth line [our first] is nonsense." And so it is, a poet can no more wet his tears with his groans than wet his ale with his whistle. Now this first line is from Pindar, but is only part of the sense; in full it is:
On which Hallam comments: "The twelfth line [our first] is nonsense." And it really is; a poet can no more soak his tears with his groans than he can soak his beer with his whistle. This first line is from Pindar, but it's only part of the meaning; in full, it is:
θερμὰ δὲ τέγγων δάκρυα στοναχαῖς
crying warm tears
ὅρθιον φώνασε.
Speak up.
Pindar's τέγγων must be Englished by shedding, and he stands alone in this use. He says, "shedding warm tears, he cried out loud, with groans." Byron speaks of
Pindar's Not enough context. should be translated to shedding, and he is unique in this usage. He says, "shedding warm tears, he cried out loud, with groans." Byron talks about
"Classic Hallam, much renowned for Greek:"
"Classic Hallam, famous for Greek:"
and represents him as criticising the Greek of all Payne's lines, and not discovering that "the lines" were Pindar's [275]until after publication. Byron was too much of a scholar to make this blunder himself: he either accepted the facts from report, or else took satirical licence. And why not? If you want to laugh at a person, and he will not give occasion, whose fault is it that you are obliged to make it? Hallam did criticise some of Payne Knight's Greek; but with the caution of his character, he remarked that possibly some of these queer phrases might be "critic-traps" justified by some one use of some one author. I remember well having a Latin essay to write at Cambridge, in which I took care to insert a few monstrous and unusual idioms from Cicero: a person with a Nizolius,[437] and without scruples may get scores of them. So when my tutor raised his voice against these oddities, I was up to him, for I came down upon him with Cicero, chapter and verse, and got round him. And so my own solecisms, many of them, passed unchallenged.
and shows him criticizing the Greek in all of Payne's lines, not realizing that "the lines" were actually Pindar's [275]until after publication. Byron was too knowledgeable to make this mistake himself: he either accepted the facts from hearsay or took some satirical liberties. And why not? If you want to mock someone, and they don't give you a reason to, whose fault is it that you have to create one? Hallam did critique some of Payne Knight's Greek; but true to his cautious nature, he noted that some of these strange phrases might be "critic-traps" justified by a single usage from a specific author. I remember writing a Latin essay at Cambridge, where I made sure to include a few bizarre and uncommon idioms from Cicero: a person with a Nizolius and no scruples can find plenty of them. So when my tutor complained about these oddities, I was ready for him, because I countered with Cicero, chapter and verse, and managed to win him over. Thus, many of my own mistakes went unchallenged.
Byron had more good in his nature than he was fond of letting out: whether he was a soured misanthrope, or whether his vein lay that way in poetry, and he felt it necessary to fit his demeanor to it, are matters far beyond me. Mr. Crabb Robinson[438] told me the following story more than once. He was at Charles Lamb's chambers in the Temple when Wordsworth came in, with the new Edinburgh Review in his hand, and fume on his countenance. "These reviewers," said he, "put me out of patience! Here is a young man—they say he is a lord—who has written a volume of poetry; and these fellows, just because he is a lord, set upon him, laugh at him, and sneer at his writing. The young man will do something, if he goes on as he has begun. But these reviewers seem to think [276]that nobody may write poetry, unless he lives in a garret." Crabb Robinson told this long after to Lady Byron, who said, "Ah! if Byron had known that, he would never have attacked Wordsworth. He went one day to meet Wordsworth at dinner; when he came home I said, 'Well, how did the young poet get on with the old one?' 'Why, to tell you the truth,' said he, 'I had but one feeling from the beginning of the visit to the end, and that was—reverence!'" Lady Byron told my wife that her husband had a very great respect for Wordsworth. I suppose he would have said—as the Archangel said to his Satan—"Our difference is po[li = e]tical."
Byron had more good qualities than he liked to show: whether he was just a bitter misanthrope, or if it was simply his style in poetry, leading him to match his attitude to it, are matters I can't fully grasp. Mr. Crabb Robinson told me this story more than once. He was at Charles Lamb's place in the Temple when Wordsworth walked in, holding the latest Edinburgh Review, looking upset. "These reviewers," he exclaimed, "are driving me crazy! Here’s a young man—they say he’s a lord—who has published a book of poetry; and these guys, just because he’s a lord, attack him, mock him, and criticize his work. This young man will achieve something if he keeps going as he has started. But these reviewers seem to think that nobody can write poetry unless they’re stuck in a garret." Crabb Robinson later recounted this to Lady Byron, who said, "Oh! if Byron had known that, he would have never criticized Wordsworth. One day he went to have dinner with Wordsworth; when he came home, I asked, 'So, how did the young poet get along with the old one?' He replied, 'Honestly, from the start to the end of the visit, I felt just one thing, and that was—reverence!'" Lady Byron told my wife that her husband held a deep respect for Wordsworth. I think he would have said—as the Archangel said to his Satan—"Our difference is po[li = e]tical."
I suspect that Fielding would, if all were known, be ranked among the unlucky railers at supposed paradox. In his Miscellanies (1742, 8vo) he wrote a satire on the Chrysippus or Guinea, an animal which multiplies itself by division, like the polypus. This he supposes to have been drawn up by Petrus Gualterus, meaning the famous usurer, Peter Walter. He calls it a paper "proper to be read before the R——l Society": and next year, 1743, a quarto reprint was made to resemble a paper in the Philosophical Transactions. So far as I can make out, one object is ridicule of what the zoologists said about the polypus: a reprint in the form of the Transactions was certainly satire on the Society, not on Peter Walter and his knack of multiplying guineas.
I think Fielding would, if everything were known, be seen as one of those who complains about supposed contradictions. In his Miscellanies (1742, 8vo), he wrote a satire about the Chrysippus or Guinea, an animal that can multiply by splitting itself, like a polyp. He suggests it was written by Petrus Gualterus, referring to the notorious moneylender, Peter Walter. He describes it as a paper "suitable to be read before the R——l Society": and the following year, 1743, a quarto reprint was published to mimic a paper in the Philosophical Transactions. From what I can gather, one aim is to mock what zoologists said about the polyp; the reprint styled like the Transactions was definitely a satire on the Society, rather than on Peter Walter and his ability to create wealth.
Old poets have recognized the quadrature of the circle as a well-known difficulty. Dante compares himself, when bewildered, to a geometer who cannot find the principle on which the circle is to be measured:
Old poets have acknowledged the challenge of squaring the circle as a well-known problem. Dante compares himself, when confused, to a geometer who can't find the principle for measuring the circle:
And Quarles[440] speaks as follows of the summum bonum:
And Quarles[440] speaks as follows of the summum bonum:
"Or is't a tart idea, to procure
"Or is it a harsh idea, to obtain"
An edge, and keep the practic soul in ure,
An edge, and keep the practical soul in you,
Like that dear chymic dust, or puzzling quadrature?"
Like that precious alchemical dust, or confusing geometry?"
The poetic notion of the quadrature must not be forgotten. Aristophanes, in the Birds, introduces a geometer who announces his intention to make a square circle. Pope, in the Dunciad, delivers himself as follows, with a Greek pronunciation rather strange in a translator of Homer. Probably Pope recognized, as a general rule, the very common practice of throwing back the accent in defiance of quantity, seen in o´rator, au´ditor, se´nator, ca´tenary, etc.
The poetic idea of the quadrature shouldn't be overlooked. Aristophanes, in the Birds, introduces a geometer who says he plans to create a square circle. Pope, in the Dunciad, expresses himself like this, with a Greek pronunciation that seems odd coming from a translator of Homer. It’s likely that Pope recognized the common tendency to shift the accent back regardless of quantity, as seen in words like o´rator, au´ditor, se´nator, ca´tenary, etc.
"Mad Mathesis alone was unconfined,
"Mad Mathesis was limitless,"
Too mad for mere material chains to bind,—
Too angry to be held back by mere physical restraints,—
Now to pure space lifts her ecstatic stare,
Now her ecstatic gaze is lifted to pure space,
Now, running round the circle, finds it square."
Now, running around the circle, finds it square.
The author's note explains that this "regards the wild and fruitless attempts of squaring the circle." The poetic idea seems to be that the geometers try to make a square circle. Disraeli quotes it as "finds its square," but the originals do not support this reading.
The author's note explains that this "refers to the wild and fruitless attempts to square the circle." The poetic idea seems to be that the geometers are trying to create a square circle. Disraeli quotes it as "finds its square," but the originals do not support this interpretation.
DE BECOURT.
DE BECOURT.
I have come in the way of a work, entitled The Grave of Human Philosophies (1827), translated from the French of R. de Bécourt[441] by A. Dalmas. It supports, but I suspect not very accurately, the views of the old Hindu books. [278]That the sun is only 450 miles from us, and only 40 miles in diameter, may be passed over; my affair is with the state of mind into which persons of M. Bécourt's temperament are brought by a fancy. He fully grants, as certain, four millions of years as the duration of the Hindu race, and 1956 as that of the universe. It must be admitted he is not wholly wrong in saying that our errors about the universe proceed from our ignorance of its origin, antiquity, organization, laws, and final destination. Living in an age of light, he "avails himself of that opportunity" to remove this veil of darkness, etc. The system of the Brahmins is the only true one: he adds that it has never before been attempted, as it could not be obtained except by him. The author requests us first, to lay aside prejudice; next, to read all he says in the order in which he says it: we may then pronounce judgment upon a work which begins by taking the Brahmins for granted. All the paradoxers make the same requests. They do not see that compliance would bring thousands of systems before the world every year: we have scores as it is. How is a poor candid inquirer to choose. Fortunately, the mind has its grand jury as well as its little one: and it will not put a book upon its trial without a prima facie case in its favor. And with most of those who really search for themselves, that case is never made out without evidence of knowledge, standing out clear and strong, in the book to be examined.
I’ve come across a work called The Grave of Human Philosophies (1827), translated from the French by R. de Bécourt, done by A. Dalmas. It claims to align, though I doubt accurately, with the ideas of ancient Hindu texts. [278] The idea that the sun is just 450 miles away and only 40 miles in diameter can be overlooked; my main concern is the mindset that someone like M. Bécourt adopts based on his beliefs. He confidently states that the Hindu race has existed for four million years, and the universe for 1,956 years. He cannot be entirely dismissed when he argues that our misunderstandings about the universe stem from our lack of knowledge regarding its origin, age, structure, laws, and ultimate purpose. Living in an enlightened time, he “takes the opportunity” to lift this shroud of ignorance, etc. He claims that the system of the Brahmins is the only true one, stating that it has never been attempted before and could only be revealed through him. The author asks us first to set aside any biases, and then to read everything he writes in the order he presents it, allowing us to judge a work that starts by assuming the validity of the Brahmins' perspective. All those who propose outrageous ideas make similar requests. They fail to see that such compliance would lead to thousands of theories being introduced each year: we already have plenty as it is. How is an honest seeker supposed to choose? Luckily, the mind has its grand jury as well as a small one, and it won't put a book on trial without a prima facie case supporting it. For most who genuinely seek knowledge, that case is rarely established without clear and compelling evidence presented in the book being evaluated.
BEQUEST OF A QUADRATURE.
BEQUEST OF A SQUARE.
There is much private history which will never come to light, caret quia vate sacro,[442] because no Budgeteer comes across it. Many years ago a man of business, whose life was passed in banking, amused his leisure with quadrature, was successful of course, and bequeathed the result in a sealed book, which the legatee was enjoined not to sell [279]under a thousand pounds. The true ratio was 3.1416: I have the anecdote from the legatee's executor, who opened the book. That a banker should square the circle is very credible: but how could a City man come by the notion that a thousand pounds could be got for it? A friend of mine, one of the twins of my zodiac, will spend a thousand pounds, if he have not done it already, in black and white cyclometry: but I will answer for it that he, a man of sound business notions, never entertained the idea of π recouping him, as they now say. I speak of individual success: of course if a company were formed, especially if it were of unlimited lie-ability, the shares would be taken. No offence; there is nothing but what a pun will either sanctify, justify, or nullify:
There’s a lot of private history that will never be revealed, caret quia vate sacro,[442] because no Budgeteer comes across it. Many years ago, a businessman who spent his life in banking entertained himself with quadrature, was obviously successful, and left the results in a sealed book that the heir was instructed not to sell for less than a thousand pounds. The true ratio was 3.1416; I got this story from the executor of the heir, who opened the book. That a banker would try to square the circle is very believable, but how did a City guy get the idea that he could sell it for a thousand pounds? A friend of mine, one of my zodiac twins, will spend a thousand pounds, if he hasn’t already, on black and white cyclometry. But I can assure you that he, a man with solid business sense, never thought of π paying him back, as they say. I’m talking about individual success; naturally, if a company were formed, especially if it had unlimited liability, the shares would be taken. No offense; there’s nothing that a pun can't either sanctify, justify, or nullify:
"It comes o'er the soul like the sweet South
"It comes over the soul like the sweet South"
That breathes upon a bank of vile hits."
That breathes upon a bank of awful songs."
The shares would be at a premium of 3⅛ on the day after issue. If they presented me with the number of shares I deserve, for suggestion and advertisement, I should stand up for the Archpriest of St. Vitus[443] and 3-1/5, with a view to a little more gold on the bridge.
The shares would be priced at a premium of 3⅛ the day after they are issued. If they gave me the number of shares I deserve for my suggestions and promotions, I would support the Archpriest of St. Vitus[443] and 3-1/5, aiming for a bit more cash in hand.
I now insert a couple of reviews, one about Cyclopædias, one about epistolary collections. Should any reader wish for explanation of this insertion, I ask him to reflect a moment, and imagine me set to justify all the additions now before him! In truth these reviews are the repositories of many odds and ends: they were not made to the books; the materials were in my notes, and the books came as to a ready-made clothes shop, and found what would fit them. Many remember Curll's[444] bequest of some very good titles [280]which only wanted treatises written to them. Well! here were some tolerable reviews—as times go—which only wanted books fitted to them. Accordingly, some tags were made to join on the books; and then as the reader sees.
I’m now sharing a couple of reviews, one about encyclopedias and one about collections of letters. If any reader is curious about why I included these, I invite you to pause for a moment and picture me trying to explain all the additions in front of you! Honestly, these reviews are a mix of various bits and pieces: they weren’t written specifically for the books; the material was from my notes, and the books were like a ready-to-wear shop, finding what suited them. Many remember Curll’s bequest of some really good titles that just needed some essays written to go with them. Well, here were some decent reviews—as times go—that just needed books to match them. So, some tags were created to connect the books, and then, as the reader sees.
I should find it hard to explain why the insertion is made in this place rather than another. But again, suppose I were put to make such an explanation throughout the volume. The improver who laid out grounds and always studied what he called unexpectedness, was asked what name he gave it for those who walked over his grounds a second time. He was silenced; but I have an answer: It is that which is given by the very procedure of taking up my book a second time.
I would struggle to explain why this section is included here instead of somewhere else. But suppose I had to provide such an explanation for the entire book. The designer who created the landscape and always focused on what he referred to as unexpectedness was asked what he called it for those who walked through his grounds a second time. He was at a loss for words; but I have an answer: It's found in the very act of picking up my book again.
REVIEW OF CYCLOPÆDIAS.
REVIEW OF ENCYCLOPEDIAS.
October 19, 1861. The English Cyclopædia. Conducted by Charles Knight.[445] 22 vols.: viz., Geography, 4 vols.; Biography, 6 vols.; Natural History, 4 vols.; Arts and Sciences, 8 vols. (Bradbury & Evans.)
October 19, 1861. The English Cyclopædia. Edited by Charles Knight. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 22 volumes: including Geography, 4 volumes; Biography, 6 volumes; Natural History, 4 volumes; Arts and Sciences, 8 volumes. (Bradbury & Evans.)
The Encyclopædia Britannica: a Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and General Literature. Eighth Edition. 21 vols. and Index. (Black.)
The Encyclopædia Britannica: a Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and General Literature. Eighth Edition. 21 volumes and Index. (Black.)
The two editions above described are completed at the same time: and they stand at the head of the two great branches into which pantological undertakings are divided, as at once the largest and the best of their classes.
The two editions mentioned above are finished at the same time, and they represent the top of the two major branches into which comprehensive projects are divided, as both the largest and the best in their categories.
When the works are brought together, the first thing that strikes the eye is the syllable of difference in the names. The word Cyclopædia is a bit of modern purism. Though ἐγκυκλοπαιδεια[446] is not absolutely Greek of Greece, we learn from both Pliny[447] and Quintilian[448] that the circle [281]of the sciences was so called by the Greeks, and Vitruvius[449] has thence naturalized encyclium in Latin. Nevertheless we admit that the initial en would have euphonized but badly with the word Penny: and the English Cyclopædia is the augmented, revised, and distributed edition of the Penny Cyclopædia. It has indeed been said that Cyclopædia should mean the education of a circle, just as Cyropædia is the education of Cyrus. But this is easily upset by Aristotle's word κυκλοφορία,[450] motion in a circle, and by many other cases, for which see the lexicon.
When the works are put together, the first thing that stands out is the difference in the names. The word Cyclopædia is a bit of modern refinement. Although encyclopedia[446] isn't exactly ancient Greek, we find from both Pliny[447] and Quintilian[448] that the Greeks referred to the circle of sciences this way, and Vitruvius[449] adopted encyclium into Latin. Still, we acknowledge that the initial en would not have fit well with the word Penny: and the English Cyclopædia is the expanded, updated, and distributed version of the Penny Cyclopædia. It has indeed been claimed that Cyclopædia should mean the education of a circle, just like Cyropædia is the education of Cyrus. But this interpretation is easily challenged by Aristotle's term traffic,[450] meaning motion in a circle, along with many other examples, which you can find in the lexicon.
The earliest printed Encyclopædia of this kind was perhaps the famous "myrrour of the worlde," which Caxton[451] translated from the French and printed in 1480. The original Latin is of the thirteenth century, or earlier. This is a collection of very short treatises. In or shortly after 1496 appeared the Margarita Philosophica of Gregory Reisch,[452] the same we must suppose, who was confessor to the Emperor Maximilian.[453] This is again a collection of treatises, of much more pretension: and the estimation formed of it is proved by the number of editions it went through. In 1531 appeared the little collection of works of Ringelberg,[454] which is truly called an Encyclopædia by [282]Morhof, though the thumbs and fingers of the two hands will meet over the length of its one volume. There are more small collections; but we pass on to the first work to which the name of Encyclopædia is given. This is a ponderous Scientiarum Omnium Encyclopædia of Alsted,[455] in four folio volumes, commonly bound in two: published in 1629 and again in 1649; the true parent of all the Encyclopædias, or collections of treatises, or works in which that character predominates. The first great dictionary may perhaps be taken to be Hofman's Lexicon Universale[456] (1677); but Chambers's[457] (so called) Dictionary (1728) has a better claim. And we support our proposed nomenclature by observing that Alsted accidentally called his work Encyclopædia, and Chambers simply Cyclopædia.
The earliest printed encyclopedia of this type was probably the famous "Mirror of the World," which Caxton translated from French and printed in 1480. The original Latin dates back to the thirteenth century or earlier. This is a collection of very short treatises. In or shortly after 1496, the Margarita Philosophica by Gregory Reisch came out, who we must assume was the confessor to Emperor Maximilian. This again is a collection of treatises but much more ambitious, as indicated by the number of editions it went through. In 1531, a small collection of works by Ringelberg was published, which Morhof truly refers to as an encyclopedia, although it can be easily held between two hands due to its single volume. There are more small collections, but we'll move on to the first work to be called an Encyclopædia. This is the hefty Scientiarum Omnium Encyclopædia by Alsted, in four folio volumes, usually bound in two, published in 1629 and again in 1649; it is the true ancestor of all encyclopedias, or collections of treatises, or works that are primarily characterized by that quality. The first major dictionary could be considered Hofman's Lexicon Universale (1677), but Chambers's (the so-called) Dictionary (1728) has a stronger claim. We support our proposed terminology by noting that Alsted accidentally referred to his work as Encyclopædia, while Chambers simply called his Cyclopædia.
We shall make one little extract from the myrrour, and one from Ringelberg. Caxton's author makes a singular remark for his time; and one well worthy of attention. The grammar rules of a language, he says, must have been invented by foreigners: "And whan any suche tonge was perfytely had and usyd amonge any people, than other people not used to the same tonge caused rulys to be made wherby they myght lerne the same tonge ... and suche rulys be called the gramer of that tonge." Ringelberg says that if the right nostril bleed, the little finger of the right hand should be crooked, and squeezed with great force; and the same for the left.
We'll take a small excerpt from the myrrour, and one from Ringelberg. The author of Caxton's work makes a unique observation for his time that deserves attention. He states that the grammar rules of a language must have been created by people from outside that culture: "And when any such language was fully developed and used among a group, then others who weren't familiar with that language caused rules to be established so they could learn it... and those rules are called the grammar of that language." Ringelberg mentions that if the right nostril bleeds, the little finger of the right hand should be bent and squeezed tightly, and the same goes for the left.
We pass on to the Encyclopédie,[458] commenced in 1751; the work which has, in many minds, connected the word encyclopædist with that of infidel. Readers of our day are surprised when they look into this work, and wonder what has become of all the irreligion. The truth is, that the work—though denounced ab ovo[459] on account of the character of its supporters—was neither adapted, nor intended, to excite any particular remark on the subject: no work of which D'Alembert[460] was co-editor would have been started on any such plan. For, first, he was a real sceptic: that is, doubtful, with a mind not made up. Next, he valued his quiet more than anything; and would as soon have gone to sleep over an hornet's nest as have contemplated a systematic attack upon either religion or government. As to Diderot[461]—of whose varied career of thought it is difficult to fix the character of any one moment, but who is very frequently taken among us for a pure atheist—we will quote one sentence from the article "Encyclopédie," which he wrote himself:—"Dans le moral, il n'y a que Dieu qui doit servir de modèle a 1'homme; dans les art, que la nature."[462]
We move on to the Encyclopédie,[458] which started in 1751; the work that has, for many people, linked the term encyclopædist with being infidel. Readers today are surprised when they explore this work and wonder where all the irreligion went. The truth is that, although it was condemned ab ovo[459] due to the nature of its supporters, the work was neither designed nor meant to provoke any specific comments on the subject: no project involving D'Alembert[460] as co-editor would have been initiated with such intentions. First, he was a true sceptic: that is, uncertain, with an unresolved mindset. Also, he prioritized his peace of mind above everything else; he would rather fall asleep in front of a hornet's nest than plan a systematic attack against either religion or government. As for Diderot[461]—whose complex thoughts make it tough to pin down his beliefs at any moment in time, but who is often thought of as a pure atheist—we'll quote one line from the article "Encyclopédie," which he authored: "Dans le moral, il n'y a que Dieu qui doit servir de modèle à l'homme; dans les arts, que la nature."[462]
A great many readers in our country have but a very hazy idea of the difference between the political Encyclopædia, as we may call it, and the Encyclopédie Méthodique,[463] which we always take to be meant—whether rightly or not we cannot tell—when we hear of the "great French Encyclopædia." This work, which takes much from its [284]predecessor, professing to correct it, was begun in 1792, and finished in 1832. There are 166 volumes of text, and 6439 plates, which are sometimes incorporated with the text, sometimes make about 40 more volumes. This is still the monster production of the kind; though probably the German Cyclopædia of Ersch and Gruber,[464] which was begun in 1818, and is still in progress, will beat it in size. The great French work is a collection of dictionaries; it consists of Cyclopædias of all the separate branches of knowledge. It is not a work, but a collection of works, one or another department is to be bought from time to time; but we never heard of a complete set for sale in one lot. As ships grow longer and longer, the question arises what limit there is to the length. One answer is, that it will never do to try such a length that the stern will be rotten before the prow is finished. This wholesome rule has not been attended to in the matter before us; the earlier parts of the great French work were antiquated before the whole were completed: something of the kind will happen to that of Ersch and Gruber.
Many readers in our country have a pretty unclear idea of the difference between what we might call the political Encyclopædia and the Encyclopédie Méthodique,[463] which we typically assume is meant—whether this is correct or not, we can't tell—when we hear about the "great French Encyclopædia." This work, which borrows a lot from its predecessor while claiming to improve it, started in 1792 and was completed in 1832. There are 166 volumes of text and 6,439 plates, which are sometimes included with the text and sometimes add about 40 more volumes. This is still the largest work of its kind, although the German Cyclopædia by Ersch and Gruber,[464] which began in 1818 and is still ongoing, will probably surpass it in size. The great French work is a collection of dictionaries; it consists of encyclopaedias covering all the different branches of knowledge. It's not a single work but a collection of works, with individual sections available for purchase from time to time. However, we haven't heard of a complete set being sold all at once. Just as ships keep getting longer, the question arises about how long they can actually get. One answer is that it’s not practical to try to make a ship so long that the back is falling apart before the front is finished. This helpful rule hasn’t been followed in the case at hand; the earlier parts of the great French work were outdated before the entire thing was completed, and something similar will likely happen with Ersch and Gruber's work.
The production of a great dictionary of either of the kinds is far from an easy task. There is one way of managing the Encyclopædia which has been largely resorted to; indeed, we may say that no such work has been free from it. This plan is to throw all the attention upon the great treatises, and to resort to paste and scissors, or some process of equally easy character, for the smaller articles. However it may be done, it has been the rule that the Encyclopædia of treatises should have its supplemental Dictionary of a very incomplete character. It is true that the treatises are intended to do a good deal; and that the Index, if it be good, knits the treatises and the dictionary into one whole of reference. Still there are two stools, and between them a great deal will fall to the ground. The dictionary portion of the Britannica is not to be compared with its [285]treatises; the part called Miscellaneous and Lexicographical in the Metropolitana[465] is a great failure. The defect is incompleteness. The biographical portion, for example, of the Britannica is very defective: of many names of note in literature and science, which become known to the reader from the treatises, there is no account whatever in the dictionary. So that the reader who has learnt the results of a life in astronomy, for example, must go to some other work to know when that life began and ended. This defect has run through all the editions; it is in the casting of the work. The reader must learn to take the results at their true value, which is not small. He must accustom himself to regard the Britannica as a splendid body of treatises on all that can be called heads of knowledge, both greater and smaller; with help from the accompanying dictionary, but not of the most complete character. Practically, we believe, this defect cannot be avoided: two plans of essentially different structure cannot be associated on the condition of each or either being allowed to abbreviate the other.
Creating a comprehensive dictionary, no matter the type, is anything but easy. One common strategy for handling the Encyclopædia that many have relied on is to focus on the major articles while using simpler methods, like cut-and-paste, for the shorter entries. Regardless of the approach, the norm has been that the Encyclopædia of major articles is accompanied by a supplementary Dictionary that is quite incomplete. It's true that these articles aim to cover a lot of ground, and a well-made Index connects the articles to the dictionary, forming a cohesive reference. However, there are still shortcomings, and many aspects get overlooked. The dictionary section of the Britannica just doesn’t measure up to its [285]articles; the Miscellaneous and Lexicographical section in the Metropolitana[465] is a significant failure. The main issue is its incompleteness. For instance, the biographical entries in the Britannica are very lacking: for many notable figures in literature and science mentioned in the articles, there’s no information at all in the dictionary. So, a reader who learns about someone’s contributions in astronomy will need to consult another source to find out when that person lived. This issue has persisted through all editions; it’s deeply embedded in the work itself. Readers need to appreciate the results at their genuine worth, which are not trivial. They should come to see the Britannica as an impressive collection of articles on a wide range of subjects, both big and small, with assistance from the dictionary, albeit not a comprehensive one. Unfortunately, we believe this flaw is unavoidable: two plans of fundamentally different structures cannot function together if either one shortens the other.
The defect of all others which it is most difficult to avoid is inequality of performance. Take any dictionary you please, of any kind which requires the association of a number of contributors, and this defect must result. We do not merely mean that some will do their work better than others; this of course: we mean that there will be structural differences of execution, affecting the relative extent of the different parts of the whole, as well as every other point by which a work can be judged. A wise editor will not attempt any strong measures of correction: he will remember that if some portions be below the rest, which is a disadvantage, it follows that some portions must be above the rest, which is an advantage. The only practical level, if [286]level there must be, is that of mediocrity, if not of absolute worthlessness: any attempt to secure equality of strength will result in equality of weakness. Efficient development may be cut down into meager brevity, and in this way only can apparent equality of plan be secured throughout. It is far preferable to count upon differences of execution, and to proceed upon the acknowledged expectation that the prominent merits of the work will be settled by the accidental character of the contributors; it being held impossible that any editorial efforts can secure a uniform standard of goodness. Wherever the greatest power is found, it should be suffered to produce its natural effect. There are, indeed, critics who think that the merit of a book, like the strength of a chain, is that of its weakest part: but there are others who know that the parallel does not hold, and who will remember that the union of many writers must show exaggeration of the inequalities which almost always exist in the production of one person. The true plan is to foster all the good that can be got, and to give development in the directions in which most resources are found: a Cyclopædia, like a plant, should grow towards the light.
The hardest defect to avoid is uneven performance. No matter which dictionary you choose, especially one that involves multiple contributors, this issue will occur. It's not just that some people will do their jobs better than others—although that's true—but there will also be structural differences in how the work is executed, impacting how much of each part contributes to the whole, as well as every other aspect by which a work can be evaluated. A wise editor won't try to make heavy corrections; he will recognize that if some parts fall short, which is a drawback, then some parts must stand out, which is a benefit. The only practical standard, if there has to be one, is mediocrity, if not complete worthlessness: any attempt to ensure equal strength will just lead to equal weakness. Effective development can be reduced to bare minimums, and this is the only way to achieve a false sense of equal structure throughout. It's far better to expect differences in execution and to acknowledge that the standout qualities of the work will depend on the unique characteristics of the contributors, as no amount of editorial effort can create a uniform standard of quality. Where the greatest talent exists, it should be allowed to have its natural impact. Some critics believe that a book's value, like a chain's, is determined by its weakest link; however, others understand that this analogy doesn’t hold true, and they remember that combining many writers will exaggerate the inequalities that typically appear in a single person's work. The true approach is to nurture all the good that can be produced and to develop the areas where the most resources are available: a Cyclopædia, like a plant, should grow toward the light.
The Penny Cyclopædia had its share of this kind of defect or excellence, according to the way in which the measure is taken. The circumstance is not so much noticed as might be expected, and this because many a person is in the habit of using such a dictionary chiefly with relation to one subject, his own; and more still want it for the pure dictionary purpose, which does not go much beyond the meaning of the word. But the person of full and varied reference feels the differences; and criticism makes capital of them. The Useful Knowledge Society was always odious to the organs of religious bigotry; and one of them, adverting to the fact that geography was treated with great ability, and most unusual fullness, in the Penny Cyclopædia, announced it by making it the sole merit of [287]the work that, with sufficient addition, it would make a tolerably good gazetteer.
The Penny Cyclopædia had its share of this kind of flaw or strength, depending on how you look at it. This issue isn't noticed as much as you might expect because many people tend to use such a dictionary mostly for one topic: their own. Even more people want it just for basic definitions, which often doesn't go beyond the meaning of the word. However, someone with a broader range of reference understands the differences, and critics take advantage of them. The Useful Knowledge Society was always disliked by those with religious prejudice; one of their publications pointed out that geography was covered with impressive skill and unusual depth in the Penny Cyclopædia, declaring that, with some extra content, it would make a pretty decent gazetteer.
Some of our readers may still have hanging about them the feelings derived from this old repugnance of a class to all that did not associate direct doctrinal teaching of religion with every attempt to communicate knowledge. I will take one more instance, by way of pointing out the extent to which stupidity can go. If there be an astronomical fact of the telescopic character which, next after Saturn's ring and Jupiter's satellites, was known to all the world, it was the existence of multitudes of double stars, treble stars, etc. A respectable quarterly of the theological cast, which in mercy we refrain from naming, was ignorant of this common knowledge,—imagined that the mention of such systems was a blunder of one of the writers in the Penny Cyclopædia, and lashed the presumed ignorance of the statement in the following words, delivered in April, 1837:
Some of our readers might still hold onto the feelings stemming from this old aversion of a certain class towards anything that didn't connect direct religious teaching with every effort to share knowledge. I'll present one more example to illustrate how far ignorance can reach. If there's any astronomical fact that everyone, after the rings of Saturn and the moons of Jupiter, was aware of, it was the existence of many double stars, triple stars, and so on. A well-respected quarterly publication with a religious focus, which we won’t name out of kindness, was unaware of this common knowledge; it thought that mentioning such systems was a mistake made by one of the writers in the Penny Cyclopædia, and criticized the supposed ignorance of the statement in the following words, published in April 1837:
"We have forgotten the name of that Sidrophel who lately discovered that the fixed stars were not single stars, but appear in the heavens like soles at Billingsgate, in pairs; while a second astronomer, under the influence of that competition in trade which the political economists tell us is so advantageous to the public, professes to show us, through his superior telescope, that the apparently single stars are really three. Before such wondrous mandarins of science, how continually must homunculi like ourselves keep in the background, lest we come between the wind and their nobility."
"We’ve forgotten the name of that Sidrophel who recently discovered that the fixed stars aren't just single stars but show up in the sky like soles at Billingsgate, in pairs; while another astronomer, driven by the competition in trade that political economists argue benefits the public, claims to prove with his advanced telescope that what look like single stars are actually three. Before such incredible science experts, how often must homunculi like us stay in the background to avoid interfering with their brilliance."
Certainly these little men ought to have kept in the background; but they did not: and the growing reputation of the work which they assailed has chronicled them in literary history; grubs in amber.
Certainly, these little men should have stayed in the background; but they didn't: and the increasing reputation of the work they attacked has recorded them in literary history; grubs in amber.
This important matter of inequality, which has led us so far, is one to which the Encyclopædia is as subject as the Cyclopædia; but it is not so easily recognized as a fault. [288]We receive the first book as mainly a collection of treatises: we know their authors, and we treat them as individuals. We see, for instance, the names of two leading writers on Optics, Brewster[466] and Herschel.[467] It would not at all surprise us if either of these writers should be found criticising the other by name, even though the very view opposed should be contained in the same Encyclopædia with the criticism. And in like manner, we should hold it no wonder if we found some third writer not comparable to either of those we have named. It is not so in the Cyclopædia: here we do not know the author, except by inference from a list of which we never think while consulting the work. We do not dissent from this or that author: we blame the book.
This crucial issue of inequality, which has brought us to this point, affects the Encyclopædia just like it does the Cyclopædia; however, it’s not as easily recognized as a flaw. [288] We view the first book mainly as a collection of essays: we know their authors and see them as individuals. For example, we recognize two major writers on Optics, Brewster and Herschel. It wouldn’t surprise us if either of them criticized the other by name, even if the opposing view appeared in the same Encyclopædia alongside the criticism. Similarly, we wouldn’t be shocked to find another writer who doesn’t match either of them in quality. This isn’t the case with the Cyclopædia: here, we don’t know the author, except through inference from a list we rarely consider while using the resource. We don’t disagree with this or that author; we criticize the book itself.
The Encyclopædia Britannica is an old friend. Though it holds a proud place in our present literature, yet the time was when it stood by itself, more complete and more clear than anything which was to be found elsewhere. There must be studious men alive in plenty who remember when they were studious boys, what a literary luxury it was to pass a few days in the house of a friend who had a copy of this work. The present edition is a worthy successor of those which went before. The last three editions, terminating in 1824, 1842, and 1861, seem to show that a lunar cycle cannot pass without an amended and augmented edition. Detailed criticism is out of the question; but we may notice the effective continuance of the plan of giving general historical dissertations on the progress of knowledge. Of some of these dissertations we have had to take separate notice; and all will be referred to in our ordinary treatment of current literature.[468]
The Encyclopædia Britannica is an old friend. While it proudly holds its place in today’s literature, there was a time when it stood alone, more complete and clearer than anything else available. Many scholarly individuals likely remember their days as studious boys and how luxurious it felt to spend time at a friend's house who owned a copy of this work. The current edition is a worthy successor to the ones that came before. The last three editions, ending in 1824, 1842, and 1861, suggest that a lunar cycle can't go by without an updated and expanded version. Detailed criticism isn’t possible here, but we can highlight the effective continuation of the strategy to provide general historical essays on the advancement of knowledge. Some of these essays have been addressed separately, and all will be mentioned in our regular discussion of current literature.[468]
The literary excellence of these two extensive undertakings is of the same high character. To many this will [289]need justification: they will not easily concede to the cheap and recent work a right to stand on the same shelf with the old and tried magazine, newly replenished with the best of everything. Those who are cognizant by use of the kind of material which fills the Penny Cyclopædia will need no further evidence: to others we shall quote a very remarkable and certainly very complete testimony. The Cyclopædia of the Physical Sciences, published by Dr. Nichol[469] in 1857 (noticed by us, April 4), is one of the most original of our special dictionaries. The following is an extract from the editor's preface:
The literary quality of these two extensive projects is equally impressive. Many will question this: they won't easily accept that a recent, inexpensive work deserves to be placed alongside the established magazine, which has been updated with the finest content. Those familiar with the kind of material in the Penny Cyclopædia won't need any further proof; for others, we will cite a very notable and comprehensive endorsement. The Cyclopædia of the Physical Sciences, published by Dr. Nichol[469] in 1857 (mentioned by us on April 4), is one of the most original among our specialized dictionaries. Here is an excerpt from the editor's preface:
"When I assented to Mr. Griffin's proposal that I should edit such a Cyclopædia, I had it in my mind that I might make the scissors eminently effective. Alas! on narrowly examining our best Cyclopædias, I found that the scissors had become blunted through too frequent and vigorous use. One great exception exists: viz., the Penny Cyclopædia of Charles Knight.[470] The cheapest and the least pretending, it is really the most philosophical of our scientific dictionaries. It is not made up of a series of treatises, some good and many indifferent, but is a thorough Dictionary, well proportioned and generally written by the best men of the time. The more closely it is examined, the more deeply will our obligation be felt to the intelligence and conscientiousness of its projector and editor."
"When I agreed to Mr. Griffin's proposal to edit an encyclopedia, I thought I could make the scissors really effective. Unfortunately, after reviewing our best encyclopedias, I found that the scissors had become dull from too much use. One notable exception is the Penny Cyclopædia by Charles Knight.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The most affordable and least pretentious, it is actually the most philosophical of our scientific dictionaries. It isn’t just a collection of essays, some good and many mediocre, but a comprehensive Dictionary, well-balanced and mostly written by the best thinkers of the time. The more we examine it, the more we appreciate the intelligence and dedication of its creator and editor."
After Dr. Nichol's candid and amusing announcement of his scissorial purpose, it is but fair to state that nothing of the kind was ultimately carried into effect, even upon the work in which he found so much to praise. I quote this testimony because it is of a peculiar kind.
After Dr. Nichol's honest and funny announcement of his cutting intentions, it's only fair to say that nothing of the sort actually happened, even regarding the work he praised so much. I mention this point because it stands out in its own way.
The success of the Penny Magazine led Mr. Charles Knight in 1832 to propose to the Useful Knowledge Society a Cyclopædia in weekly penny numbers. These two works stamp the name of the projector on the literature of our day in very legible characters. Eight volumes of 480 pages each were contemplated; and Mr. Long[471] and Mr. Knight were to take the joint management. The plan embraced a popular account of Art and Science, with very brief biographical and geographical information. The early numbers of the work had some of the Penny Magazine character: no one can look at the pictures of the Abbot and Abbess in their robes without seeing this. By the time the second volume was completed, it was clearly seen that the plan was working out its own extension: a great development of design was submitted to, and Mr. Long became sole editor. Contributors could not be found to make articles of the requisite power in the assigned space. One of them told us that when he heard of the eight volumes, happening to want a shelf to be near at hand for containing the work as it went on, he ordered it to be made to hold twenty-five volumes easily. But the inexorable logic of facts beat him after all: for the complete work contained twenty-six volumes and two thick volumes of Supplement.
The success of the Penny Magazine led Mr. Charles Knight in 1832 to propose to the Useful Knowledge Society a Cyclopedia in weekly penny installments. These two works clearly mark the projector's influence on today's literature. Eight volumes of 480 pages each were planned, with Mr. Long and Mr. Knight sharing management duties. The plan included a popular overview of Art and Science, along with brief biographical and geographical information. The early editions of the work reflected some of the Penny Magazine style; just look at the illustrations of the Abbot and Abbess in their robes to see this. By the time the second volume was finished, it was evident that the plan was evolving on its own: a major expansion of design was proposed, and Mr. Long became the sole editor. They struggled to find contributors who could write compelling articles within the limited space. One contributor mentioned that when he first heard about the eight volumes, he needed a shelf to store the work, so he had one made that could easily hold twenty-five volumes. However, the harsh reality proved him wrong: the finished work ended up being twenty-six volumes plus two thick volumes of Supplement.
The penny issue was brought to an end by the state of the law, which required, in 1833, that the first and last page of everything sold separately should contain the name and address of the printer. The penny numbers contained this imprint on the fold of the outer leaf: and qui tam[472] informations were laid against the agents in various towns. [291]It became necessary to call in the stock; and the penny issue was abandoned. Monthly parts were substituted, which varied in bulk, as the demands of the plan became more urgent, and in price from one sixpence to three. The second volume of Supplement appeared in 1846, and during the fourteen years of issue no one monthly part was ever behind its time. This result is mainly due to the peculiar qualities of Mr. Long, who unites the talents of the scholar and the editor in a degree which is altogether unusual. If any one should imagine that a mixed mass of contributors is a punctual piece of machinery, let him take to editing upon that hypothesis, and he shall see what he shall see and learn what he shall learn.
The penny issue ended due to the law, which required that, starting in 1833, the first and last page of anything sold separately must display the name and address of the printer. The penny numbers had this imprint on the fold of the outer leaf, and qui tam[472] lawsuits were filed against the agents in different towns. [291]It became necessary to call back the stock, and the penny issue was dropped. Monthly parts were introduced instead, which varied in size as the plan's demands became more pressing, and in price from one sixpence to three. The second volume of Supplement was released in 1846, and over the fourteen years of publication, no monthly part was ever late. This achievement is largely thanks to Mr. Long's unique qualities, who combines the skills of a scholar and an editor in an unusual way. If anyone believes that a mixed group of contributors can function like a well-oiled machine, let them try editing under that assumption, and they'll see for themselves what that entails.
The English contains about ten per cent more matter than the Penny Cyclopædia and its supplements; including the third supplementary volume of 1848, which we now mention for the first time. The literary work of the two editions cost within 500l. and 50,000l.: that of the two editions of the Britannica cost 41,000l. But then it is to be remembered that the Britannica had matter to begin upon, which had been paid for in the former editions. Roughly speaking, it is probable that the authorship of a page of the same size would have cost nearly the same in one as in the other.
The English has about ten percent more content than the Penny Cyclopædia and its supplements, including the third supplementary volume from 1848, which we are now mentioning for the first time. The literary work for the two editions cost between 500l. and 50,000l.; the two editions of the Britannica cost 41,000l. However, it’s important to note that the Britannica had existing content that was paid for in the earlier editions. Roughly speaking, it’s likely that the authorship of a page of the same size would have cost about the same for both.
The longest articles in the Penny Cyclopædia were "Rome" in 98 columns and "Yorkshire" in 86 columns. The only article which can be called a treatise is the Astronomer Royal's "Gravitation," founded on the method of Newton in the eleventh section, but carried to a much greater extent. In the English Cyclopædia, the longest article of geography is "Asia," in 45 columns. In natural history the antelopes demand 36 columns. In biography, "Wellington" uses up 42 columns, and his great military opponent 41 columns. In the division of Arts and Sciences, which includes much of a social and commercial character, the length of articles often depends upon the state of the [292]times with regard to the subject. Our readers would not hit the longest article of this department in twenty guesses: it is "Deaf and Dumb" in 60 columns. As other specimens, we may cite Astronomy, 19; Banking, 36; Blind, 24; British Museum, 35; Cotton, 27; Drama, 26; Gravitation, 50; Libraries, 50; Painting, 34; Railways, 18; Sculpture, 36; Steam, etc., 37; Table, 40; Telegraph, 30; Welsh language and literature, 39; Wool, 21. These are the long articles of special subdivisions: the words under which the Encyclopædia gives treatises are not so prominent. As in Algebra, 10; Chemistry, 12; Geometry, 8; Logic, 14; Mathematics, 5; Music, 9. But the difference between the collection of treatises and the dictionary may be illustrated thus: though "Mathematics" have only five columns, "Mathematics, recent terminology of," has eight: and this article we believe to be by Mr. Cayley,[473] who certainly ought to know his subject, being himself a large manufacturer of the new terms which he explains. Again, though "Music" in genere, as the schoolmen said, has only nine columns, "Temperament and Tuning," has eight, and "Chord" alone has two. And so on.
The longest articles in the Penny Cyclopædia were "Rome," spanning 98 columns, and "Yorkshire," which covered 86 columns. The only piece that can be considered a treatise is the Astronomer Royal's "Gravitation," based on Newton's method in the eleventh section but expanded significantly. In the English Cyclopædia, the longest geographical article is "Asia," which fills 45 columns. For natural history, the antelopes take up 36 columns. In biography, "Wellington" occupies 42 columns, while his major military rival takes 41 columns. In the Arts and Sciences section, which includes many topics of a social and commercial nature, the length of articles often reflects contemporary issues related to the subject. Our readers would likely not guess the longest article in this department in twenty tries: it's "Deaf and Dumb," which spans 60 columns. Other examples include Astronomy (19), Banking (36), Blind (24), British Museum (35), Cotton (27), Drama (26), Gravitation (50), Libraries (50), Painting (34), Railways (18), Sculpture (36), Steam, etc. (37), Table (40), Telegraph (30), Welsh language and literature (39), and Wool (21). These represent the longer articles in specific categories: the topics under which the Encyclopædia offers treatises are less prominent. For instance, Algebra has 10 columns, Chemistry 12, Geometry 8, Logic 14, Mathematics 5, and Music 9. However, the difference between treatises and dictionary entries can be illustrated this way: although "Mathematics" has only five columns, "Mathematics, recent terminology of," has eight—this article is likely by Mr. Cayley, who certainly knows his subject well as he is a significant creator of the new terms he discusses. Moreover, although "Music" in genere, as the scholars would say, has only nine columns, "Temperament and Tuning" has eight, and "Chord" alone takes up two. And so on.
In a dictionary of this kind it is difficult to make a total clearance of personality: by which we mean that exhibition of peculiar opinion which is offensive to taste when it is shifted from the individual on the corporate book. The treatise of the known author may, as we have said, carry that author's controversies on its own shoulders: and even his crotchets, if we may use such a word. But [293]the dictionary should not put itself into antagonism with general feeling, nor even with the feelings of classes. We refer particularly to the ordinary and editorial teaching of the article. If, indeed, the writer, being at issue with mankind, should confess the difference, and give abstract of his full grounds, the case is altered: the editor then, as it were, admits a correspondent to a statement of his own individual views. The dictionary portion of the Britannica is quite clear of any lapses on this point, so far as we know: the treatises and dissertations rest upon their authors. The Penny Cyclopædia was all but clear: and great need was there that it should have been so. The Useful Knowledge Society, starting on the principle of perfect neutrality in politics and religion, was obliged to keep strict watch against the entrance of all attempt even to look over the hedge. There were two—we believe only two—instances of what we have called personality. The first was in the article "Bunyan." It is worth while to extract all that is said—in an article of thirty lines—about a writer who is all but universally held to be the greatest master of allegory that ever wrote:
In a dictionary like this, it's hard to completely eliminate personality: by that we mean the expression of unique opinions that can come off as distasteful when it’s taken from the individual to the collective publication. The work of a known author may, as we mentioned, carry that author's debates on its own merit: and even their quirks, if we can use that term. But [293]the dictionary should not oppose general sentiment, nor even the feelings of specific groups. We're especially talking about the standard and editorial approach of the article. If the writer disagrees with the public and acknowledges that difference, providing a summary of their reasons, the situation changes: the editor, in a way, allows a contributor to express their own individual opinions. The dictionary part of the Britannica is quite free from such issues, as far as we know: the essays and discussions remain tied to their authors. The Penny Cyclopædia was nearly free from this as well: and it was crucial that it be so. The Useful Knowledge Society, founded on the principle of complete neutrality in politics and religion, had to keep a strict guard against any attempts to peek over the fence. There were two—we believe only two—instances of what we've referred to as personality. The first was in the article "Bunyan." It's worth extracting everything that's mentioned—in an article of thirty lines—about a writer who is almost universally regarded as the greatest master of allegory ever to write:
"His works were collected in two volumes, folio, 1736-7: among them 'The Pilgrim's Progress' has attained the greatest notoriety. If a judgment is to be formed of the merits of a book by the number of times it has been reprinted, and the many languages into which it has been translated, no production in English literature is superior to this coarse allegory. On a composition which has been extolled by Dr. Johnson, and which in our own times has received a very high critical opinion in its favor [probably Southey], it is hazardous to venture a disapproval, and we, perhaps, speak the opinion of a small minority when we confess that to us it appears to be mean, jejune and wearisome."
"His works were collected in two volumes, folio, 1736-7: among them, 'The Pilgrim's Progress' has become the most infamous. If we evaluate a book's value by how many times it's been reprinted and the many languages it's been translated into, no other work in English literature compares to this rough allegory. Since this piece has been praised by Dr. Johnson and has received high critical acclaim in our time [probably Southey], it's risky to express disapproval, and maybe we’re part of a small minority when we admit that it seems uninspiring, dull, and tedious to us."
—If the unfortunate critic who thus individualized himself had been a sedulous reader of Bunyan, his power over [294]English would not have been so jejune as to have needed that fearful word. This little bit of criticism excited much amusement at the time of its publication: but it was so thoroughly exceptional and individual that it was seldom or never charged on the book. The second instance occurred in the article "Socinians." It had been arranged that the head-words of Christian sects should be intrusted to members of the sects themselves, on the understanding that the articles should simply set forth the accounts which the sects themselves give of their own doctrines. Thus the article on the Roman Church was written by Dr. Wiseman.[474] But the Unitarians were not allowed to come within the rule: as in other quarters, they were treated as the gypsies of Christianity. Under the head "Socinians"—a name repudiated by themselves—an opponent was allowed not merely to state their alleged doctrines in his own way, but to apply strong terms, such as "audacious unfairness," to some of their doings. The protests which were made against this invasion of the understanding produced, in due time, the article "Unitarians," written by one of that persuasion. We need not say that these errors have been amended in the English Cyclopædia: and our chief purpose in mentioning them is to remark, that this is all we can find on the points in question against twenty-eight large volumes produced by an editor whose task was monthly, and whose issue was never delayed a single hour. How much was arrested before publication none but himself can say. We have not alluded to one or two remonstrances on questions of absolute fact, which are beside the present purpose.
—If the unfortunate critic who singled himself out had been a diligent reader of Bunyan, his mastery of English wouldn't have been so lacking as to require that harsh term. This little piece of criticism generated a lot of amusement when it was published, but it was so unique and individual that it was rarely, if ever, attributed to the book. The second instance happened in the article "Socinians." It had been agreed that the main articles on Christian sects would be written by members of those sects themselves, under the understanding that the articles would simply represent the accounts those sects give of their own beliefs. So, the article on the Roman Church was written by Dr. Wiseman. But the Unitarians weren't allowed to follow this rule; they were treated like the outcasts of Christianity. Under the heading "Socinians"—a name they reject—an opponent was permitted not only to describe their claimed doctrines in his own words but also to use harsh terms like "audacious unfairness" regarding some of their actions. The protests made against this misunderstanding eventually led to the article "Unitarians," written by someone from that group. We should mention that these mistakes have been corrected in the English Cyclopædia, and our main point in bringing this up is to note that this is all we could find on the relevant issues compared to the twenty-eight large volumes produced by an editor whose work was monthly and whose publications were never late. Only he knows how much was held back before publication. We haven't mentioned one or two objections regarding absolute facts that are not relevant to the current discussion.
Both kinds of encyclopædic works have been fashioned upon predecessors, from the very earliest which had a predecessor to be founded upon; and the undertakings before us will be themselves the ancestors of a line of successors. Those who write in such collections should be [295]careful what they say, for no one can tell how long a mis-statement may live. On this point we will give the history of a pair of epithets. When the historian De Thou[475] died, and left the splendid library which was catalogued by Bouillaud[476] and the brothers Dupuis[477] (Bullialdus and Puteanus), there was a manuscript of De Thou's friend Vieta,[478] the Harmonicon Cœleste, of which it is on record, under Bouillaud's hand, that he himself lent it to Cosmo de' Medici,[479] to which must be added that M. Libri[480] found it in the Magliabecchi Library at Florence in our own day. Bouillaud, it seems, entirely forgot what he had done. Something, probably, that Peter Dupuis said to Bouillaud, while they were at work on the catalogue, remained on his memory, and was published by him in 1645, long after; to the effect that Dupuis lent the manuscript to Mersenne,[481] from whom it was procured by some intending plagiarist, who would not give it back. This was repeated by Sherburne,[482] in 1675, who speaks of the work, which "being communicated to Mersennus was, by some perfidious acquaintance of that honest-minded person, surreptitiously taken from him, and irrecoverably lost or suppressed, to the unspeakable detriment of the lettered world." Now let the [296]reader look through the dictionaries of the last century and the present, scientific or general, at the article, "Vieta," and he will be amused with the constant recurrence of "honest-minded" Mersenne, and his "surreptitious" acquaintance. We cannot have seen less than thirty copies of these epithets.
Both types of encyclopedic works have been built upon earlier versions, starting from the very first ones that had any predecessors to draw inspiration from; and the projects we are discussing will themselves become the foundations for future works. Writers who contribute to these collections should be careful about what they say, as no one can predict how long an error might persist. To illustrate this, let’s look at the history of a couple of terms. When the historian De Thou died, he left behind a magnificent library that was cataloged by Bouillaud and the Dupuis brothers (Bullialdus and Puteanus). Among the items was a manuscript by De Thou's friend Vieta, the Harmonicon Cœleste, of which it was documented, according to Bouillaud, that he himself lent it to Cosmo de' Medici. Additionally, M. Libri found this manuscript in the Magliabecchi Library in Florence in our own time. It seems Bouillaud completely forgot this transaction. Perhaps something Peter Dupuis mentioned to Bouillaud while they were working on the catalog stuck in his mind and was published by him in 1645, long after, claiming that Dupuis lent the manuscript to Mersenne, from whom it was taken by some would-be plagiarist who refused to return it. This was echoed by Sherburne in 1675, who referred to the work, stating that "being shared with Mersenne, it was, by some treacherous acquaintance of that honest-minded person, secretly taken from him, and irretrievably lost or suppressed, to the unspeakable detriment of the scholarly community." Now let the reader check the dictionaries from the last century and today, whether scientific or general, on the entry for "Vieta," and they will be amused by the repeated mention of "honest-minded" Mersenne and his "treacherous" acquaintance. We must have seen at least thirty instances of these terms.
REVIEW OF MACCLESFIELD LETTERS.
REVIEW OF MACCLESFIELD LETTERS.
October 18, 1862. Correspondence of Scientific Men of the Seventeenth Century, in the Collection of the Earl of Macclesfield.[483] 2 vols. (Oxford, University Press.)
October 18, 1862. Correspondence of Scientific Men of the Seventeenth Century, in the Collection of the Earl of Macclesfield. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 2 vols. (Oxford, University Press.)
Though the title-page of this collection bears the date 1841, it is only just completed by the publication of its Table of Contents and Index. Without these, a work of the kind is useless for consultation, and cannot make its way. The reason of the delay will appear: its effect is well known to us. We have found inquirers into the history of science singularly ignorant of things which this collection might have taught them.
Though the title page of this collection shows the date 1841, it has only just been completed with the publication of its Table of Contents and Index. Without these, a work like this is useless for reference and can't gain traction. The reason for the delay will become clear: its impact is well known to us. We've found that those researching the history of science are surprisingly unaware of topics that this collection could have taught them.
In the same year, 1841, the Historical Society of Science, which had but a brief existence, published a collection of letters, eighty-three in number, edited by Mr. Halliwell,[484] of English men of science, which dovetails with the one before us, and is for the most part of a prior date. The two should be bound up together. The smaller collection runs from 1562 to 1682; the larger, from 1606 to past 1700. We shall speak of the two as the Museum collection and the Macclesfield collection. And near them should be placed, in every scientific library, the valuable collection published, by Mr. Edleston,[485] for Trinity College, in 1850.
In the same year, 1841, the Historical Society of Science, which had a brief existence, published a collection of eighty-three letters, edited by Mr. Halliwell, [484] from English scientists that connects with the one we’re looking at, and mostly comes from an earlier time. The two should be grouped together. The smaller collection spans from 1562 to 1682, while the larger goes from 1606 to past 1700. We will refer to them as the Museum collection and the Macclesfield collection. Additionally, in every scientific library, the valuable collection published by Mr. Edleston, [485] for Trinity College, in 1850 should be placed alongside them.
The history of these letters runs back to famous John Collins, the attorney-general of the mathematics, as he has been called, who wrote to everybody, heard from everybody, and sent copies of everybody's letter to everybody else. He was in England what Mersenne[486] was in France: as early as 1671, E. Bernard[487] addresses him as "the very Mersennus and intelligence of this age." John Collins[488] was never more than accountant to the Excise Office, to which he was promoted from teaching writing and ciphering, at the Restoration: he died in 1682. We have had a man of the same office in our own day, the late Prof. Schumacher,[489] who made the little Danish Observatory of Altona the junction of all the lines by which astronomical information was conveyed from one country to another. When the collision took place between Denmark and the Duchies, the English Government, moved by the Astronomical Society, instructed its diplomatic agents to represent strongly to the Danish Government, when occasion should arise, the great importance of the Observatory of Altona to the astronomical communications of the whole world. But Schumacher had his own celebrated journal, the Astronomische Nachrichten, by which to work out part of his plan; private correspondence was his supplementary assistant. Collins had only correspondence to rely on. Nothing is better known than that it was Collins's collection which furnished the materials put forward by the Committee of the Royal Society in 1712, as a defence of Newton against the partisans of Leibnitz. The noted Commercium Epistolicum is but the abbreviation of a title which runs on with "D. Johannis Collins et aliorum ..."
The history of these letters goes back to the famous John Collins, known as the "attorney-general of mathematics," who wrote to everyone, heard from everyone, and sent copies of everyone's letters to everyone else. He was to England what Mersenne[486] was to France: as early as 1671, E. Bernard[487] referred to him as "the very Mersennus and intelligence of this age." John Collins[488] was never more than an accountant at the Excise Office, where he was promoted from teaching writing and arithmetic after the Restoration; he passed away in 1682. In our own time, we had someone in the same role, the late Prof. Schumacher,[489] who turned the small Danish Observatory of Altona into the hub for all the lines of communication for astronomical information between countries. When conflict arose between Denmark and the Duchies, the English Government, prompted by the Astronomical Society, directed its diplomats to strongly convey to the Danish Government the crucial importance of the Altona Observatory for global astronomical communications. However, Schumacher had his renowned journal, the Astronomische Nachrichten, to help execute part of his plan; private correspondence was a helpful supplement. Collins, on the other hand, had only correspondence to depend on. It is well-known that Collins's collection provided the materials used by the Committee of the Royal Society in 1712 in defense of Newton against Leibniz's supporters. The famous Commercium Epistolicum is simply an abbreviation of a title that continues with "D. Johannis Collins et aliorum ..."
The whole of this collection passed into the hands of [298]William Jones,[490] the father of the Indian Judge of the same name, who died in 1749. Jones was originally a teacher, but was presented with a valuable sinecure by the interest of George, second Earl of Macclesfield, the mover of the bill for the change of style in Britain, who died President of the Royal Society. This change of style may perhaps be traced to the union of energies which were brought into concert by the accident of a common teacher: Lord Macclesfield and Lord Chesterfield,[491] the mover and the seconder, and Daval,[492] who drew the bill, were pupils of De Moivre.[493] Jones, who was a respectable mathematician though not an inventor, collected the largest mathematical library of his day, and became possessor of the papers of Collins, which contained those of Oughtred[494] and others. Some of these papers passed into the custody of the Royal Society: but the bulk was either bequeathed to, or purchased by, Lord Macclesfield; and thus they found their way to Shirburn Castle, where they still remain.
The entire collection was passed on to [298]William Jones, the father of the Indian Judge of the same name, who died in 1749. Jones started as a teacher but received a valuable position through the influence of George, the second Earl of Macclesfield, who was the one behind the bill for the style change in Britain and died as the President of the Royal Society. This change may have come about due to the combined efforts prompted by a shared teacher: Lord Macclesfield and Lord Chesterfield, the introducer and supporter, along with Daval, who drafted the bill, were all students of De Moivre. Jones, respected as a mathematician but not an inventor, built the largest mathematical library of his time and acquired the papers of Collins, which included those of Oughtred and others. Some of these papers went to the Royal Society, but most were either left to or bought by Lord Macclesfield, and thus they ended up at Shirburn Castle, where they still are.
A little before 1836, this collection attracted the attention of a searching inquirer into points of mathematical history, the late Professor Rigaud,[495] who died in 1839. He examined the whole collection of letters, obtained Lord Macclesfield's consent to their publication, and induced the Oxford Press to bear the expense. It must be particularly remembered that there still remains at Shirburn Castle a [299]valuable mass of non-epistolary manuscripts. So far as we can see, the best chance of a further examination and publication lies in public encouragement of the collection now before us: the Oxford Press might be induced to extend its operations if it were found that the results were really of interest to the literary and scientific world. Rigaud died before the work was completed, and the publication was actually made by one of his sons, S. Jordan Rigaud,[496] who died Bishop of Antigua. But this publication was little noticed, for the reasons given. The completion now published consists of a sufficient table of contents, of the briefest kind, by Professor De Morgan, and an excellent index by the Rev. John Rigaud.[497] The work is now fairly started on its career.
A little before 1836, this collection caught the eye of a curious researcher into mathematical history, the late Professor Rigaud, who passed away in 1839. He reviewed the entire collection of letters, got Lord Macclesfield's approval for their publication, and persuaded the Oxford Press to cover the costs. It's important to note that there is still a valuable collection of non-letter manuscripts at Shirburn Castle. As far as we can tell, the best opportunity for further examination and publication depends on public support for the collection we have now: the Oxford Press could be encouraged to expand its efforts if it turns out that the outcomes are genuinely interesting to the literary and scientific communities. Rigaud died before the work was finished, and the publication was actually carried out by one of his sons, S. Jordan Rigaud, who eventually became Bishop of Antigua. However, this publication received little attention for the reasons mentioned. The currently published completion includes a concise table of contents by Professor De Morgan and an excellent index by Rev. John Rigaud. The work has now officially begun its journey.
If we were charged to write a volume with the title "Small things in their connection with great," we could not do better than choose the small part of this collection of letters as our basis. The names, as well as the contents, are both great and small: the great names, those which are known to every mathematician who has any infusion of the history of his pursuit, are Briggs,[498] Oughtred, Charles Cavendish,[499] Gascoigne,[500] Seth Ward,[501] Wallis,[502] [300]Hu[y]gens,[503] Collins,[504] William Petty,[505] Hooke,[506] Boyle,[507] Pell,[508] Oldenburg,[509] Brancker,[510] Slusius,[511] Bertit,[512] Bernard,[513] Borelli,[514] Mouton,[515] Pardies,[516] Fermat,[517] Towneley,[518] Auzout,[519] [301]D. Gregory,[520] Halley,[521] Machin,[522] Montmort,[523] Cotes,[524] Jones,[525] Saunderson,[526] Reyneau,[527] Brook Taylor,[528] Maupertuis,[529] Bouguer,[530] La Condamine,[531] Folkes,[532] Macclesfield,[533] [302]Baker,[534] Barrow,[535] Flamsteed,[536] Lord Brounker,[537] J. Gregory,[538] Newton[539] and Keill.[540] To these the Museum collection adds the names of Thomas Digges,[541] Dee,[542] Tycho Brahe,[543] Harriot,[544] Lydyat,[545] Briggs,[546] Warner,[547] Tarporley, Pell,[548] Lilly,[549] Oldenburg,[550] Collins,[551] Morland.[552]
If we were tasked with writing a book titled "Small Things in Connection with Great," we couldn't choose a better foundation than this small selection from the collection of letters. The names and their contributions are both significant and minor: the notable names that every mathematician with a bit of historical knowledge in their field recognizes include Briggs, Oughtred, Charles Cavendish, Gascoigne, Seth Ward, Wallis, Hu[y]gens, Collins, William Petty, Hooke, Boyle, Pell, Oldenburg, Brancker, Slusius, Bertit, Bernard, Borelli, Mouton, Pardies, Fermat, Towneley, Auzout, D. Gregory, Halley, Machin, Montmort, Cotes, Jones, Saunderson, Reyneau, Brook Taylor, Maupertuis, Bouguer, La Condamine, Folkes, Macclesfield, Baker, Barrow, Flamsteed, Lord Brounker, J. Gregory, Newton, and Keill. Additionally, the Museum collection includes the names of Thomas Digges, Dee, Tycho Brahe, Harriot, Lydyat, Briggs, Warner, Tarporley, Pell, Lilly, Oldenburg, Collins, and Morland.
Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links.
The first who appears on the scene is the celebrated Oughtred, who is related to have died of joy at the Restoration: but it should be added, by way of excuse, that he was eighty-six years old. He is an animal of extinct race, an Eton mathematician. Few Eton men, even of the minority which knows what a sliding rule is, are aware that the inventor was of their own school and college: but they may be excused, for Dr. Hutton,[553] so far as his Dictionary bears witness, seems not to have known it any more than they. A glance at one of his letters reminds us of a letter from the Astronomer Royal on the discovery of Neptune, which we printed March 20, 1847. Mr. Airy[554] there contends, and proves it both by Leverrier[555] and by Adams,[556] that the limited publication of a private letter is more efficient than the more general publication of a printed memoir. The same may be true of a dead letter, as opposed to a dead book. Our eye was caught by a letter of Oughtred (1629), containing systematic use of contractions for the words sine, cosine, etc., prefixed to the symbol of the angle. This is so very important a step, simple as it is, that Euler[557] is justly held to have greatly advanced trigonometry by its introduction. Nobody that we know of has noticed that Oughtred was master of the improvement, and willing to have taught it, if people would have learnt. After looking at his dead letter, we naturally turned to his dead book on trigonometry, and there we found the abbreviations s, sco, t, tco, se, seco, regularly established as part of the system of the work. But not one of those who have investigated the contending claims of Euler and Thomas [304]Simpson[558] has chanced to know of Oughtred's "Trigonometrie": and the present revival is due to his letter, not to his book.
The first to show up is the famous Oughtred, who reportedly died of joy at the Restoration; it’s worth mentioning, as an excuse, that he was eighty-six years old. He’s a relic of a bygone era, an Eton mathematician. Few Eton alumni, even among the small group that knows what a sliding rule is, realize that the inventor was from their own school and college. But they can be forgiven, as Dr. Hutton, according to his Dictionary, seems not to have known it any more than they do. One glance at one of his letters reminds us of a letter from the Astronomer Royal about the discovery of Neptune, which we published on March 20, 1847. Mr. Airy argues in it, backed by both Leverrier and Adams, that the limited release of a private letter is more effective than the broader release of a published memoir. The same might hold true for a dead letter versus a dead book. We were intrigued by a letter from Oughtred (1629), which systematically used contractions for the words sine, cosine, etc., attached to the angle symbol. This simple but significant step is so important that Euler is rightly regarded as having greatly advanced trigonometry by introducing it. As far as we know, no one has pointed out that Oughtred mastered this improvement and would have taught it if people had been willing to learn. After examining his dead letter, we naturally checked out his dead book on trigonometry, where we found the abbreviations s, sco, t, tco, se, seco established as part of the system of the work. Yet not one of those who have explored the competing claims of Euler and Thomas [304]Simpson has happened to learn about Oughtred's "Trigonometrie": and the current revival is thanks to his letter, not his book.
A casual reader, turning over the pages, would imagine that almost all the letters had been printed, either in the General Dictionary, or in Birch,[559] etc.: so often does the supplementary remark begin with "this letter has been printed in ——." For ourselves we thought, until we counted, that a large majority of the letters had been given, either in whole or in part. But the positive strikes the mind more forcibly than the negative: we find that all of which any portion has been in type makes up very little more than a quarter; the cases in which the whole letter is given being a minority of this quarter. The person who has been best ransacked is Flamsteed: of 36 letters from him, 34 had been previously given in whole or in part. Of 59 letters to and from Newton, only 17 have been culled.
A casual reader flipping through the pages might assume that nearly all the letters have been printed, either in the General Dictionary or in Birch, etc.: so often does the supplementary note start with "this letter has been printed in ——." We thought, until we counted, that a large majority of the letters had been presented, either fully or partially. But the positive stands out more vividly than the negative: we discover that everything that has been printed comprises barely over a quarter; the instances where the entire letter is provided are a minority of that quarter. The person who has been most thoroughly examined is Flamsteed: out of 36 letters from him, 34 had been previously published in full or in part. Of 59 letters to and from Newton, only 17 have been selected.
The letters have been modernized in spelling, and, to some extent, in algebraical notation; it also seems that conjectural methods of introducing interpolations into the text have been necessary. For all this we are sorry: the scientific value of the collection is little altered, but its literary value is somewhat lowered. But it could not be helped: the printers could not work from the originals, and Professor Rigaud had to copy everything himself. A fac-simile must have been the work of more time than he had to give: had he attempted it, his death would have cut short the whole undertaking, instead of allowing him to prepare everything but a preface, and to superintend the printing of one of the volumes. We may also add, that we believe we have notices of all the letters in the Macclesfield collection. We judge this because several which are too trivial to print are numbered and described; and those would certainly not have been noticed if any omissions had [305]been made. And we know that every letter was removed from Shirburn Castle to Oxford.
The letters have been updated in spelling and, to some degree, in mathematical notation; it also seems that some guesswork has been needed to insert additional content into the text. We regret this: while the scientific value of the collection is mostly unchanged, its literary value has decreased a bit. However, it couldn't be avoided: the printers couldn’t work from the originals, and Professor Rigaud had to copy everything himself. Creating a facsimile would have taken more time than he had available: if he had tried, his death would have halted the whole project instead of allowing him to prepare everything except for the preface and oversee the printing of one of the volumes. We can also say that we believe we have records of all the letters in the Macclesfield collection. We believe this because several that are too minor to be printed are numbered and described; those certainly wouldn’t have been included if any omissions had been made. And we know that every letter was moved from Shirburn Castle to Oxford.
Two persons emerge from oblivion in this series of letters. The first is Michael Dary,[560] an obscure mathematician, who was in correspondence with Newton and other stars. He was a gauger at Bristol, by the interest of Collins; afterwards a candidate for the mathematical school at Christ's Hospital, with a certificate from Newton: he was then a gunner in the Tower, and is lastly described by Wallis as "Mr. Dary, the tobacco-cutter, a knowing man in algebra." In 1674, Dary writes to Newton at Cambridge, as follows:—"Although I sent you three papers yesterday, I cannot refrain from sending you this. I have had fresh thoughts this morning." Two months afterwards poor Newton writes to Collins, "Mr. Dary is very solicitous about mathematics": but in spite of the persecution, he subscribes himself to Dary "your loving friend." Dary's problem is that of finding the rate of interest of an annuity of which the value and term are given. Dary's theorem, which he seems to have invented specially for the solution of his problem, though it is of wide range, can be exhibited to mathematical readers even in our columns. In modern language, it is that the limit of φnx, when n increases without limit, is a solution of φx = x. We have mentioned the I. Newton to whom Dary looked up; we add a word about the one on whom he looked down. Dr. John Newton,[561] a sedulous publisher of logarithms, tables of interest, etc., who began his career before Isaac Newton, sometimes puzzles those who do not know him, when described as I. Newton. The scientific world was of opinion that all that was valuable in one of his works was taken from Dary's private communications.
Two people come out of obscurity in this series of letters. The first is Michael Dary, an obscure mathematician who corresponded with Newton and other notable figures. He worked as a gauger in Bristol, thanks to the influence of Collins. Later, he was a candidate for the mathematical school at Christ's Hospital with a recommendation from Newton. He then became a gunner in the Tower and is ultimately described by Wallis as "Mr. Dary, the tobacco-cutter, a knowledgeable man in algebra." In 1674, Dary writes to Newton at Cambridge, saying: "Even though I sent you three papers yesterday, I can't help but send you this. I have had new ideas this morning." Two months later, poor Newton writes to Collins, "Mr. Dary is very concerned about mathematics": but despite the challenges, he signs off to Dary as "your loving friend." Dary's problem is to find the interest rate of an annuity with a given value and term. Dary's theorem, which he seems to have created specifically to solve his problem, although it has broader applications, can be presented to mathematical readers even in our columns. In modern terms, it states that the limit of φnx, as n approaches infinity, is a solution of φx = x. We have mentioned I. Newton, whom Dary admired; now we add a note about the one he looked down upon. Dr. John Newton, a diligent publisher of logarithms, tables of interest, etc., who started his career before Isaac Newton, sometimes confuses those unfamiliar with him when referred to as I. Newton. The scientific community believed that all the valuable content in one of his works came from Dary's private correspondence.
The second character above alluded to is one who carried mathematical researches a far greater length than Newton himself: the assistance which he rendered in this respect, even to Newton, has never been acknowledged in modern times: though the work before us shows that his contemporaries were fully aware of it, and never thought of concealing it. In his theory of gravitation, in which, so far as he went, we have every reason to believe he was prior to Newton, he did not extend his calculations to the distance of the moon; his views in this matter were purely terrestrial, and led him to charge according to weight. He was John Stiles, the London and Cambridge carrier: his name is a household word in the Macclesfield Letters, and is even enshrined in the depths of Birch's quartos. Dary informs Newton—let us do his memory this justice—that he had paid John Stiles for the carriage. At the time when the railroad to Cambridge was opened, a correspondent recommended the directors, in our columns, to call an engine by the name of John Stiles, and never to let that name go off the road. We do not know whether the advice was followed: if not, we repeat it.
The second character mentioned is someone who took mathematical research much further than Newton himself. The help he provided, even to Newton, has never been recognized in modern times, although the work in front of us shows that his contemporaries were fully aware of it and never tried to hide it. In his theory of gravitation, which we have good reason to believe he developed before Newton, he didn’t go as far as calculating for the distance to the moon; his views were strictly based on Earth and led him to charge based on weight. He was John Stiles, the carrier between London and Cambridge; his name is well-known in the Macclesfield Letters and is even mentioned in the depths of Birch's quartos. Dary lets Newton know—let's give his memory this credit—that he had paid John Stiles for the delivery. When the railroad to Cambridge was opened, a correspondent suggested in our columns that the directors name an engine after John Stiles and never let that name off the rails. We don't know if they took the advice, but if they didn’t, we’ll say it again.
Little points of life and manners come out occasionally. Baker, the author of a work on algebra much esteemed at the time, wrote to Collins that their circumstances are alike, "having a just and equal number of chargeable olive-branches, and being in the same predicament and blessed condemnation with you, not more preaching than unpaid, and preaching the art of contentment to others, am forced to practise it." But the last sentence of his letter runs as follows: "I have sent by the bearer ... twenty shillings, as a token to you; desiring you to accept of it, as a small taste from Yours, Thos. Baker." In our day, men of a station to pay parish taxes do not offer their friends hard money to buy liquor. But Flamsteed[562] writes to Collins as follows: "Last week he sent us down the counterpart, which [307]my father has scaled, and I return up to you by the carrier, with 5l. to be paid to Mr. Leneve for the writing, I have added 2s. 6d. over, which will pay the expenses and serve to drink, with him." This would seem as odd to us as it would have seemed thirty years ago that half-a-crown should pay carriage for a deed from Derby to London, and leave margin for a bottle of wine: in our day, the Post-office and the French treaty would just manage it between them. But Flamsteed does not limit his friend to one bottle; he adds, "If you expend more than the half-crown, I will make it good after Whitsuntide." Collins does not remember exactly where he had met James Gregory, and mentions two equally likely places thus: "Sir, it was once my good hap to meet with you in an alehouse or in Sion College." There is a little proof how universally the dinner-hour was twelve o'clock. Astronomers well know the method of finding time by equal altitudes of the sun before and after noon: Huyghens calls it "le moyen de deux égales hauteurs du soleil devant et après dîner."[563]
Little moments of life and manners pop up from time to time. Baker, who wrote a well-regarded book on algebra, told Collins that their situations were similar, "having the same number of burdensome olive branches and sharing the same fate and blessed condemnation with you, not preaching more than unpaid, and teaching others the art of contentment while I am forced to practice it myself." But the last line of his letter says: "I have sent with the bearer ... twenty shillings as a token for you; I hope you will accept it as a small gift from Yours, Thos. Baker." Nowadays, people in a position to pay parish taxes don't offer their friends cash to buy drinks. Yet Flamsteed writes to Collins: "Last week he sent us the counterpart, which my father has signed, and I'm sending it back to you via the carrier, along with 5 pounds to be paid to Mr. Leneve for the writing. I've added 2 shillings 6 pence extra, which will cover the expenses and serve for drinks with him." This would seem just as strange to us as it would have seemed thirty years ago that half a crown could cover the carriage for a deed from Derby to London and still leave money for a bottle of wine: today, the Post Office and the French treaty would barely handle that. But Flamsteed doesn't limit his friend to just one bottle; he adds, "If you spend more than the half crown, I’ll make it up to you after Whitsun." Collins can't quite remember where he met James Gregory, mentioning two equally possible places: "Sir, it was once my good fortune to meet you either in a pub or at Sion College." This provides a little evidence of how universally the dinner hour was twelve o'clock. Astronomers know the method for telling time by the equal heights of the sun before and after noon: Huyghens calls it "the method of two equal heights of the sun before and after dinner."
There is one mention of "Mr. Cocker,[564] our famous English graver and writer, now a schoolmaster at Northampton." This is the true Cocker: his genuine works are specimens of writing, such as engraved copy-books, including some on arithmetic, with copper-plate questions and space for the working; also a book of forms for law-stationers, with specimens of legal handwriting. It is recorded somewhere that Cocker and another, whose name we forget, competed with the Italians in the beauty of their flourishes. This was his real fame: and in these matters he was great. The eighth edition of his book of law forms (1675), published shortly after Cocker's death, has a preface signed "J. H." This was John Hawkins, who became possessed of Cocker's papers—at least he said so—and [308]subsequently forged the famous Arithmetic,[565] a second work on Decimal Arithmetic, and an English dictionary, all attributed to Cocker. The proofs of this are set out in De Morgan's Arithmetical Books. Among many other corroborative circumstances, the clumsy forger, after declaring that Cocker to his dying day resisted strong solicitation to publish his Arithmetic, makes him write in the preface Ille ego qui quondam[566] of this kind: "I have been instrumental to the benefit of many, by virtue of those useful arts, writing and engraving; and do now, with the same wonted alacrity, cast this my arithmetical mite into the public treasury." The book itself is not comparable in merit to at least half-a-dozen others. How then comes Cocker to be the impersonation of Arithmetic? Unless some one can show proof, which we have never found, that he was so before 1756, the matter is to be accounted for thus.
There’s one mention of "Mr. Cocker, our renowned English engraver and writer, now a schoolteacher in Northampton.” This is the real Cocker: his authentic works are examples of writing, like engraved copybooks, including some on arithmetic, with copperplate questions and space for calculations; also a book of forms for law stationery, featuring examples of legal handwriting. It’s noted somewhere that Cocker and another person, whose name we can’t remember, competed with the Italians in the elegance of their flourishes. This was his true reputation: and in these areas, he excelled. The eighth edition of his law forms book (1675), published shortly after Cocker's death, has a preface signed "J. H." This was John Hawkins, who claimed to have obtained Cocker's papers—at least he said he did—and [308]later forged the well-known Arithmetic, a second work on Decimal Arithmetic, and an English dictionary, all credited to Cocker. The evidence for this is outlined in De Morgan's *Arithmetical Books*. Among many other supporting details, the clumsy forger, after stating that Cocker, until his dying day, resisted strong pressure to publish his Arithmetic, makes him write in the preface *Ille ego qui quondam*: "I have been a benefit to many, thanks to those useful skills, writing and engraving; and I *now*, with the same *usual eagerness*, contribute this my arithmetic effort to the public treasury." The book itself doesn’t compare in quality to at least half a dozen others. So how did Cocker become synonymous with Arithmetic? Unless someone can provide evidence, which we've never found, that he was recognized as such before 1756, it can be explained this way.
Arthur Murphy,[567] the dramatist, was by taste a man of letters, and ended by being the translator of Tacitus; though many do not know that the two are one. His friends had tried to make him a man of business; and no doubt he had been well plied with commercial arithmetic. His first dramatic performance, the farce of "The Apprentice," produced in 1756, is about an idle young man who must needs turn actor. Two of the best known books of the day in arithmetic were those of Cocker and Wingate.[568] Murphy chooses Wingate to be the name of an old merchant who [309]delights in vulgar fractions, and Cocker to be his arithmetical catchword—"You read Shakespeare! get Cocker's Arithmetic! you may buy it for a shilling on any stall; best book that ever was wrote!" and so on. The farce became very popular, and, as we believe, was the means of elevating Cocker to his present pedestal, where Wingate would have been, if his name had had the droller sound of the two to English ears.
Arthur Murphy, the playwright, had a passion for literature and eventually became the translator of Tacitus, though many people don't realize they are the same person. His friends had tried to push him into business, and he likely received a good dose of commercial arithmetic. His first theatrical work, the farce "The Apprentice," debuted in 1756 and tells the story of a lazy young man who decides to become an actor. Two of the most popular arithmetic books at the time were by Cocker and Wingate. Murphy chose Wingate as the name of an old merchant who loves vulgar fractions, and Cocker as his catchphrase—"You read Shakespeare! Get Cocker's Arithmetic! You can buy it for a shilling at any stall; it's the best book ever written!" and so on. The farce became very popular and, we believe, helped elevate Cocker to his current status, a place where Wingate might have been, if his name had had the same quirky sound to English ears.
A notoriety of an older day turns up, Major-General Lambert.[569] The common story is that he was banished to Guernsey, where he passed thirty years in confinement, rearing and painting flowers. But Baker, in 1678, represents him as a prisoner at Plymouth, sending equations for solution as a challenge: probably his place of confinement was varied, and his occupation also.
A figure from the past appears, Major-General Lambert.[569] The usual story is that he was exiled to Guernsey, where he spent thirty years in isolation, growing and painting flowers. However, Baker, in 1678, describes him as a prisoner in Plymouth, sending out equations to solve as a challenge: likely, his location of confinement changed, and so did his activities.
[General Lambert was removed to Plymouth, probably about 1668. His daughter captured the son of the Governor of Guernsey, who therefore probably was reckoned an unsafe custodier thenceforward; though he assured the king that he had turned the young couple out of doors, and had never given them a penny. Great importance was attached to Lambert's safe detention: probably the remaining republicans looked upon him as to be their next Cromwell, if such a thing were to be. There were standing orders to shoot him at once on the first appearance of any enemy before the island. See Notes and Queries, 3d S. iv. 89.]
[General Lambert was moved to Plymouth, likely around 1668. His daughter captured the son of the Governor of Guernsey, who was probably seen as an unreliable guard from then on; although he assured the king that he had kicked the young couple out and never gave them a dime. Great importance was placed on Lambert's secure confinement: it's likely that the remaining republicans viewed him as their next Cromwell, if such a figure were to emerge. There were standing orders to shoot him immediately at the first sign of any enemy approaching the island. See Notes and Queries, 3d S. iv. 89.]
Collins informs James Gregory that "some of the Royal Academy wrote over to Mr. Oldenburg, who was desired to impart the same to the Council of the Royal Society, that the French King was willing to allow pensions to one or two learned Englishmen, but they never made any answer [310]to such a proposal." This was written in 1671, and the thing probably happened several years before. Mr. De Morgan communicated the account of the proposal to Lord Macaulay, who replied that he did not think that any Englishman received a literary pension from Louis; but that there is a curious letter, about 1664, from the French Ambassador, in which he says that he has, by his master's orders, been making inquiries as to the state of learning in England, and that he is sorry to find that the best writer is the infamous Miltonus. On two such independent testimonies it may be held proved that the French King had attempted to buy a little adherence from English literature and science; and the silent contempt of the Royal Society is an honorable fact in their history.
Collins tells James Gregory that "some members of the Royal Academy contacted Mr. Oldenburg, who was asked to share the same with the Council of the Royal Society, that the French King was willing to grant pensions to one or two knowledgeable Englishmen, but they never responded [310]to such a proposal." This was written in 1671, and the event likely occurred several years earlier. Mr. De Morgan shared the details of the proposal with Lord Macaulay, who replied that he didn’t believe any Englishman received a literary pension from Louis; however, there is an interesting letter from around 1664 from the French Ambassador, in which he states that he has, by his master's orders, been gathering information about the state of learning in England, and he is disappointed to find that the best writer is the infamous Miltonus. Based on these two independent accounts, it can be concluded that the French King had tried to gain some support from English literature and science; and the Royal Society's silence in response is a remarkable aspect of their history.
Another little bit of politics is as follows. Oughtred is informed that "Mr. Foster,[570] our Lecturer on Astronomy at Gresham College, is put out because he will not kneel down at the communion-table. A Scotsman [Mungo Murray], one that is verbi bis minister,[571] is now lecturer in Mr. Foster's place." Ward in his work on the Gresham Professors,[572] suppresses the reason, and the suppression lowers the character of his book. Foster was expelled in 1636, and re-elected on a vacancy in 1641, when Puritanism had gained strength.
Another bit of political news is as follows. Oughtred learns that "Mr. Foster, our lecturer on Astronomy at Gresham College, is upset because he won’t kneel at the communion table. A Scotsman [Mungo Murray], who is verbi bis minister, is now lecturing in Mr. Foster's place." Ward, in his work on the Gresham Professors, leaves out the reason, and this omission harms the credibility of his book. Foster was expelled in 1636 and re-elected when a vacancy arose in 1641, when Puritanism had gained more power.
The correspondence of Newton would require deeper sifting than could be given in such an article as the present. The first of the letters (1669) is curious, as presenting the [311]appearance of forms belonging to the great calculus which, in this paragraph, we ought to call that of fluxions. We find, of the date February 18, 1669-70, what we believe is the earliest manifestation of that morbid part of Newton's temperament which has been so variously represented. He had solved a problem—being that which we have called Dary's—on which he writes as follows: "The solution of the annuity problem, if it will be of any use, you have my leave to insert into the Philosophical Transactions, so it be without my name to it. For I see not what there is desirable in public esteem, were I able to acquire and maintain it. It would perhaps increase my acquaintance, the thing which I chiefly study to decline."
The correspondence of Newton would need more thorough examination than what's possible in this article. The first letter (1669) is interesting because it shows the early forms of the great calculus, which we should refer to as fluxions in this context. Dated February 18, 1669-70, we see what we think is the earliest indication of the troubled side of Newton's personality, which has been portrayed in many ways. He had solved a problem—what we've called Dary's—and he wrote: "If the solution to the annuity problem is useful, you have my permission to publish it in the Philosophical Transactions, as long as my name isn't attached to it. I see no value in public recognition, even if I could gain and keep it. It might increase my social circle, which is exactly what I’m trying to avoid."
Three letters touch upon "the experiment of glass rubbed to cause various motions in bits of paper underneath": they are supplements to the account given by Newton to the Royal Society, and printed by Birch. It was Newton, so far as appears, who added glass to the substances known to be electric. Soon afterwards we come to a little bit of the history of the appointment to the Mint. It has appeared from the researches of late years that Newton was long an aspirant for public employment: the only coolness which is known to have taken place between him and Charles Montague[573] [Halifax] arose out of his imagining that his friend was not in earnest about getting him into the public service. March 14, 1696, Newton writes thus to Halley: "And if the rumour of preferment for me in the Mint should hereafter, upon the death of Mr. Hoar [the comptroller], or any other occasion, be revived, I pray that you would [312]endeavour to obviate it by acquainting your friends that I neither put in for any place in the Mint, nor would meddle with Mr. Hoar's place, were it offered to me." This means that Mr. Hoar's place had been suggested, which Newton seems to have declined. Five days afterwards, Montague writes to Newton that he is to have the Wardenship. It is fair to Newton to say that in all probability this was not—or only in a smaller degree—a question of personal dignity, or of salary. It must by this time have been clear to him that the minister, though long bound to make him an object of patronage, was actually seeking him for the Mint, because he wanted both Newton's name and his talents for business—which he knew to be great—in the weighty and dangerous operation of restoring the coinage. It may have been, and probably was, the case that Newton had a tolerably accurate notion of what he would have to do, and of what degree of power would be necessary to enable him to do it in his own way.
Three letters discuss "the experiment of glass rubbed to create various motions in bits of paper underneath": they are additional notes related to the account given by Newton to the Royal Society, as published by Birch. It seems that Newton was the one who added glass to the list of known electric materials. Shortly after, we get a brief look into the history of the appointment to the Mint. Recent research has shown that Newton had long aspired to public positions: the only tension that’s known to have occurred between him and Charles Montague [Halifax] came from his belief that his friend wasn’t serious about helping him secure a public role. On March 14, 1696, Newton wrote to Halley: "And if the rumor of a promotion for me at the Mint should come up again, perhaps due to the death of Mr. Hoar [the comptroller], or for any other reason, I ask that you would [312]try to prevent it by informing your friends that I am neither putting in for any position at the Mint, nor would I accept Mr. Hoar's position, even if it were offered to me." This suggests that Mr. Hoar's position had been mentioned, which Newton seems to have turned down. Five days later, Montague wrote to Newton that he was to take the Wardenship. To be fair to Newton, it’s likely that this wasn’t primarily a matter of personal pride or salary. By this point, he must have realized that the minister, although previously bound to support him, was actually looking for him to join the Mint, as he wanted both Newton’s reputation and his notable business talents—of which he was well aware—for the significant and risky task of restoring the coinage. It's possible, and probably true, that Newton had a pretty good understanding of what his responsibilities would be and what level of authority he would need to carry them out in his own way.
We have said that the non-epistolary manuscripts are still unexamined. There is a chance that one of them may answer a question of two centuries' standing, which is worth answering, because it has been so often asked. About 1640, Warner,[574] afterwards assisted by Pell,[575] commenced a table of antilogarithms, of the kind which Dodson[576] afterwards constructed anew and published. In the Museum collection there is inquiry after inquiry from Charles Cavendish,[577] first, as to when the Analogics, as he called them, would be finished; next, when they would be printed. Pell answers, in 1644, that Warner left his papers to a kinsman, who had become bankrupt, and proceeds thus:
We’ve mentioned that the non-epistolary manuscripts haven't been examined yet. There’s a chance that one of them could answer a question that's been around for two centuries, which is worth asking since it’s come up so often. Around 1640, Warner, [574] later assisted by Pell, [575] started a table of antilogarithms, similar to what Dodson [576] later recreated and published. In the Museum collection, there are multiple inquiries from Charles Cavendish, [577] first asking when the Analogics, as he called them, would be completed, and next, when they would be printed. Pell replied in 1644 that Warner left his papers to a relative who went bankrupt, and then continued:
"I am not a little afraid that all Mr. Warner's papers, [313]and no small share of my labours therein, are seazed upon, and most unmathematically divided between the sequestrators and creditors, who (not being able to ballance the account where there appeare so many numbers, and much troubled at the sight of so many crosses and circles in the superstitious Algebra and that black art of Geometry) will, no doubt, determine once in their lives to become figure-casters, and so vote them all to be throwen into the fire, if some good body doe not reprieve them for pye-bottoms, for which purposes you know analogicall numbers are incomparably apt, if they be accurately calculated."
"I'm a bit worried that all of Mr. Warner's papers, [313]along with a good amount of my work on them, are being taken and poorly divided between the sequesterers and creditors. They can't seem to make sense of the account since there are so many numbers, and they're confused by all the crosses and circles in the complicated Algebra and that tricky Geometry. No doubt, they'll decide at some point to try their hand at figure casting, and ultimately end up throwing everything into the fire, unless someone steps in to save them for pie bottoms, because you know that analogical numbers are extremely useful if they're calculated correctly."
Pell afterwards told Wallis[578] that the papers had fallen into the hands of Dr. Busby,[579] and Collins[580] writes that they were left in the hands of Dr. Thorndike,[581] a prebendary of Westminster; whence Rigaud[582] seems to say that Thorndike had left them to Dr. Busby. Birch[583] says that he procured for the Royal Society four boxes from Busby's trustees, containing papers of Warner and Pell: but there is no other tradition of such things in the Society. But in the Birch manuscripts at the British Museum, there turns up, as printed in what we call the Museum collection, a list of Warner's papers, with Collins's receipt to Dr. Thorndike at the bottom, and engagement to restore them on demand. The date is December 14, 1667; Wallis's statement being in 1693. It is possible that Busby may be a mistake altogether: he was very unlikely to have had charge of any mathematical papers: there may have been a confusion between the Prebendary of Westminster and the Head Master of Westminster School. If so, in all probability Thorndike handed [314]the cumbrous lot over to the notorious collector of mathematical papers, blessing himself that he got rid of them in a manner which would insure their return if he were called upon by the owners to restore them. It is much against this hypothesis that Dodson, who certainly recalculated, can say nothing more about Warner than a repetition of Wallis's story: though, had Collins kept the papers, they would probably have been in Jones's possession at the very time when Dodson, who was a friend of Jones and a user of his library, was engaged on his own computations. But even books, and still more manuscripts, are often singularly overlooked; and it remains not very improbable that Warner's table is now at Shirburn Castle, among the unexamined manuscripts.
Pell later informed Wallis[578] that the documents had ended up with Dr. Busby,[579] and Collins[580] mentions that they were left with Dr. Thorndike,[581] a prebendary at Westminster; from which Rigaud[582] seems to suggest that Thorndike passed them on to Dr. Busby. Birch[583] states that he obtained four boxes from Busby’s trustees for the Royal Society, containing papers from Warner and Pell: however, there are no other stories about such items in the Society. Yet, in the Birch manuscripts at the British Museum, a list of Warner’s papers appears, printed in what we refer to as the Museum collection, along with Collins’s receipt to Dr. Thorndike at the bottom, along with a commitment to return them when requested. The date is December 14, 1667; Wallis’s statement being from 1693. It’s possible that Busby might be a complete mistake: he was unlikely to have handled any mathematical papers; there may have been confusion between the Prebendary of Westminster and the Head Master of Westminster School. If that’s the case, it’s likely that Thorndike handed over the bulky collection to the infamous collector of mathematical papers, feeling relieved that he got rid of them in a way that ensured their return if he was ever asked by the owners to give them back. This theory is somewhat challenged by the fact that Dodson, who certainly recalculated, doesn’t mention anything more about Warner than a repetition of Wallis’s story: however, if Collins had kept the papers, they would likely have been with Jones at the very time when Dodson, a friend of Jones and a user of his library, was working on his own calculations. But even books, and even more so manuscripts, are often surprisingly overlooked; and it’s not very unlikely that Warner’s table is now at Shirburn Castle, among the unexamined manuscripts.
CYCLOMETRY AND STEEL PENS.
Cyclometry and Steel Pens.
Redit labor actus in orbem.[584] Among the matters which have come to me since the Budget opened, there is a pamphlet of quadrature of two pages and a half from Professor Recalcati,[585] already mentioned. It ends with "Quelque objection qu'on fasse touchant les raisonnements ci-dessus on tombera toujours dans l'absurde."[586] A civil engineer—so he says—has made the quadrature "no longer a problem, but an axiom." As follows: "Take the quadrant of a circle whose circumference is given, square the quadrant which gives the true square of the circle. Because 30 ÷ 4 = 7.5 × 7.5 = 56.25 = the positive square of a circle whose circumference is 30." Brevity, the soul of wit, is the "wings of mighty-winds" to quadrature, and sends it "flying all abroad." A surbodhicary—something like M.A. or LL.D., I understand—at Calcutta, published in 1863 the division of an [315]angle into any odd number of parts, demonstration and all in—when the diagram is omitted—one page, good-sized, well-leaded type, small duodecimo. But in the Preface he acknowledges "sheer inability" to execute his task. Mr. William Dean, of Todmorden, in 1863, announced 3-9/64 as proved both practically and geometrically: he has been already mentioned anonymously. Next I have the tract of Don Juan Larriva, published at Leiria in 1856, and dedicated to Queen Victoria. Mr. W. Peters,[587] already mentioned, who has for some months been circulating diagrams on a card, publishes (August, 1865) The Circle Squared. He agrees with the Archpriest of St. Vitus. He hints that a larger publication will depend partly on the support he receives, and partly on the castigation, for which last, of course, he looks to me. Cyclometers have their several styles of wit; so have anticyclometers too, for that matter. Mr. Peters will not allow me any extra-journal being: I am essentially a quotation from the Athenæum; "A. De Morgan" et præterea nihil.[588] If he had to pay for keeping me set up, he would find out his mistake, and would be glad to compound handsomely for a stereotype. Next comes a magnificent sheet of pasteboard, printed on both sides. Having glanced at it and detected quadrature, I began methodically at the beginning—"By Royal Command," with the lion and unicorn, and all that comes between. Mercy on us! thought I to myself: has Her Majesty referred the question to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, where all the great difficulties go now-a-days, and is this proclamation the result? On reading further I was relieved by finding that the first side is entirely an advertisement of Joseph Gillott's[589] steel pens, with engraving of his [316]premises, and notice of novel application of his unrivalled machinery. The second side begins with "the circle rectified" by W. E. Walker,[590] who finds π = 3.141594789624155.... This is an off-shoot from an accurate geometrical rectification, on which is to be presumed Mr. Gillott's new machinery is founded. I have no doubt that Mr. Walker's error, which is only in the sixth place of decimals, will not hurt the pens, unless it be by the slightest possible increase of the tendency to open at the points. This arises from Mr. Walker having rectified above proof by .000002136034362....
Redit labor actus in orbem.[584] Among the things that have come to me since the Budget opened, there’s a pamphlet of two and a half pages from Professor Recalcati,[585] already mentioned. It concludes with, "Whatever objections may be raised regarding the above reasoning, they will always lead to the absurd."[586] A civil engineer—so he claims—has made the quadrature "no longer a problem, but an axiom." Here’s how: "Take the quadrant of a circle with a given circumference, square the quadrant to get the true square of the circle. Because 30 ÷ 4 = 7.5 × 7.5 = 56.25 = the positive square of a circle with a circumference of 30." Brevity, the essence of wit, acts like "wings of mighty winds" to quadrature, sending it "flying everywhere." A surbodhicary—similar to M.A. or LL.D., as I understand—at Calcutta published in 1863 a division of an [315]angle into any odd number of parts, fully demonstrated—in one page, good-sized, well-spaced type, small duodecimo. However, in the Preface, he admits to a "sheer inability" to complete his task. Mr. William Dean, of Todmorden, in 1863, claimed to have proven 3-9/64 both practically and geometrically: he has already been mentioned anonymously. Next, I received the tract from Don Juan Larriva, published in Leiria in 1856 and dedicated to Queen Victoria. Mr. W. Peters,[587] previously mentioned, who has been circulating diagrams on a card for several months, published (August 1865) The Circle Squared. He agrees with the Archpriest of St. Vitus. He suggests that a larger publication will depend partly on the support he gets and partly on the criticism, for which, of course, he looks to me. Cyclometers have their various styles of wit; so do anticyclometers, for that matter. Mr. Peters won’t let me have any extra-journal existence: I am essentially a quote from the Athenæum; "A. De Morgan" et præterea nihil.[588] If he had to pay to keep me around, he would realize his mistake and would be happy to pay handsomely for a stereotype. Next, I received a magnificent sheet of thick paper, printed on both sides. After glancing at it and detecting quadrature, I started systematically from the beginning—"By Royal Command," with the lion and unicorn, and everything in between. Goodness! I thought to myself: has Her Majesty referred this question to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, where all the significant issues go these days, and is this declaration the outcome? Upon reading further, I was relieved to find that the first side is entirely an advertisement for Joseph Gillott's[589] steel pens, featuring an engraving of his [316]premises and a notice of a new use for his unmatched machinery. The second side begins with "the circle rectified" by W. E. Walker,[590] who finds π = 3.141594789624155.... This is a result of an accurate geometrical rectification, on which Mr. Gillott's new machinery undoubtedly relies. I don’t doubt that Mr. Walker's error, which is only in the sixth decimal place, won't affect the pens, unless it leads to a slight increase in the tendency to separate at the points. This is because Mr. Walker has rectified above proof by .000002136034362....
Lastly, I, even I myself, who have long felt that I was a quadrature below par, have solved the problem by means which, in the present state of the law of libel, I dare not divulge. But the result is permitted; and it goes far to explain all the discordances. The ratio of the circumference to the diameter is not always the same! Not that it varies with the radius; the geometers are right enough on that point: but it varies with the time, in a manner depending upon the difference of the true longitudes of the Sun and Moon. A friend of mine—at least until he misbehaved—insisted on the mean right ascensions: but I served him as Abraham served his guest in Franklin's parable. The true formula is, A and a being the Sun's and Moon's longitudes,
Lastly, I, even I myself, who have long felt that I was falling short, have solved the problem using methods that I can’t reveal due to the current libel laws. But the outcome is acceptable, and it helps explain all the discrepancies. The ratio of the circumference to the diameter isn’t always the same! Not that it changes with the radius; the mathematicians are correct about that. But it changes over time, in a way that depends on the difference between the true longitudes of the Sun and Moon. A friend of mine—at least until he acted out—was adamant about using the average right ascensions: but I treated him as Abraham treated his guest in Franklin's parable. The true formula is, A and a being the Sun's and Moon's longitudes,
π = 3-13/80 + 3/80 cos(A - a).
π = 3-13/80 + 3/80 cos(A - a).
Mr. James Smith obtained his quadrature at full moon; the Archpriest of St. Vitus and some others at new moon. Until I can venture to publish the demonstration, I recommend the reader to do as I do, which is to adopt 3.14159..., and to think of the matter only at the two points of the lunar month at which it is correct. The Nautical Almanac will no doubt give these points in a short time: I am in correspondence with the Admiralty, with nothing [317]to get over except what I must call a perverse notion on the part of the Superintendent of the Almanac, who suspects one correction depending on the Moon's latitude; and the Astronomer Royal leans towards another depending on the date of the Queen's accession. I have no patience with these men: what can the Moon's node of the Queen's reign possibly have to do with the ratio in question? But this is the way with all the regular men of science; Newton is to them etc. etc. etc. etc.
Mr. James Smith figured out his calculations at full moon; the Archpriest of St. Vitus and a few others did so at new moon. Until I can share the proof, I suggest readers do what I do: stick with 3.14159... and only consider the issue at the two points in the lunar month where it holds true. The Nautical Almanac will likely provide these points soon: I'm in contact with the Admiralty, with only one barrier to overcome, which I have to call a frustrating idea from the Superintendent of the Almanac, who believes one correction is linked to the Moon's latitude; meanwhile, the Astronomer Royal prefers another based on the date of the Queen's accession. I have no patience for these guys: what does the Moon's position during the Queen's reign have to do with the ratio in question? But this is typical of all the conventional scientists; to them, Newton is everything, etc. etc. etc. etc.
The following method of finding the circumference of a circle (taken from a paper by Mr. S. Drach[591] in the Phil. Mag., Jan. 1863, Suppl.) is as accurate as the use of 3.14159265. From three diameters deduct 8-thousandths and 7-millionths of a diameter; to the result add five per cent. We have then not quite enough; but the shortcoming is at the rate of about an inch and a sixtieth of an inch in 14,000 miles.
The following method for calculating the circumference of a circle (taken from a paper by Mr. S. Drach[591] in the Phil. Mag., Jan. 1863, Suppl.) is as precise as using 3.14159265. From three diameters, subtract 0.008 and 0.000007 of a diameter; then add five percent to the result. We end up with just a little short; but the deficit is about one inch and a sixtieth of an inch over 14,000 miles.
JACOB BEHMEN.
JACOB BEHMEN.
Though I have met with nothing but a little tract from the school of Jacob Behmen[592] (or Böhme; I keep to the old English version of his name), yet there has been more, and of a more recent date. I am told of an "Introduction to Theosophy [Theo private, I suppose, as in theological]; or, the Science of the Mystery of Christ," published in 1854, mostly from the writings of William Law[593]: and also of a volume of 688 pages, of the same year, printed for private circulation, containing notes for a biography of William Law. The editor of the first work wishes to grow "a [318]generation of perfect Christians" by founding a Theosophic College, for which he requests the public to raise a hundred thousand pounds. There is a good account of Jacob Behmen in the Penny Cyclopædia. The author mentions inaccurate accounts, one of which he quotes, as follows: "He derived all his mystical and rapturous doctrine from Wood's[594] Athenæ Oxonienses, Vol. I, p. 610, and Hist. et Antiq. Acad. Oxon., Vol. II, p. 308." On which the author remarks that Wood was born after Behmen's death. There must have been a few words which slipped out: what is meant is that Behmen "derived his doctrine from Robert Fludd,[595] for whom see Wood's etc. etc." Even this is absurd enough: for Behmen began to publish in 1610, and Fludd in 1616. Fludd was a Rosicrucian, and a mystic of a different type from Behmen. I have some of his works, and could produce out of them paradoxes enough, according to our ways of thinking, to fit out a host. But the Rosicrucian system was a recognized school of its day, and Fludd, a man of great learning, had abettors enough in all which he advanced, and predecessors in most of it.
Though I've only come across a brief piece from the school of Jacob Behmen (or Böhme; I'm sticking to the old English version of his name), there's actually more, and it's more recent. I've heard about an "Introduction to Theosophy [private theology, I assume]," published in 1854, largely based on the writings of William Law, and there's also a 688-page volume from that same year, printed for private distribution, containing notes for a biography of William Law. The editor of the first work wants to create "a generation of perfect Christians" by starting a Theosophic College, for which he asks the public to raise a hundred thousand pounds. There’s a solid account of Jacob Behmen in the *Penny Cyclopædia*. The author points out some inaccuracies, quoting one as follows: "He derived all his mystical and rapturous doctrine from Wood's *Athenæ Oxonienses*, Vol. I, p. 610, and *Hist. et Antiq. Acad. Oxon.*, Vol. II, p. 308." The author notes that Wood was born after Behmen's death. There must have been a few missing words: the intent was to say that Behmen "derived his doctrine from Robert Fludd, for whom see Wood's, etc." Even this is quite absurd because Behmen began publishing in 1610, while Fludd started in 1616. Fludd was a Rosicrucian and a mystic of a different type than Behmen. I have some of his works and could extract enough paradoxes from them, according to our way of thinking, to outfit a whole crowd. However, the Rosicrucian system was a recognized school in its time, and Fludd, a highly learned man, had plenty of supporters for everything he promoted, along with predecessors for most of it.
[A Correspondent has recently sent a short summary of the claims of Jacob Behmen to rank higher than I have placed him. I shall gladly insert this summary in the book I contemplate, as a statement of what is said of Behmen far less liable to suspicion of exaggeration than anything I could write. I shall add a few extracts from Behmen himself, in support of his right to be in my list.]
[A Correspondent has recently sent a brief summary of Jacob Behmen's claims, suggesting that he deserves a higher ranking than I have given him. I will happily include this summary in the book I am planning, as it presents a view of Behmen that is much less prone to exaggeration than anything I could write. I will also add a few excerpts from Behmen himself to support his place on my list.]
"Jacob Behmen.—That Prof. De Morgan classes Jacob Behmen among paradoxers can only be attributed to the fact of his being avowedly unacquainted with the writings [319]of that author. Perhaps you may think a few words from one who knows them well of sufficient interest to the learned Professor, and your readers in general, to be worthy of space in your columns. The metaphysical system of Behmen—the most perfect and only true one—still awaits a qualified commentator. Behmen's countryman, Dionysius Andreas Freher,[596] who spent the greater part of his life in this country, and whose exposition of Behmen exists only in MS., filling many volumes, written in English, with the exception of two, written in German, with numerous beautiful, highly ingenious, and elaborate illustrations,—copies of some of which are in the British Museum, but all the originals of which are in the possession of the gentleman who is the editor of the two works alluded to by Professor De Morgan,—this Freher was the first to philosophically expound Behmen's system, which was afterwards, with the help of these MSS., as it were, popularized by William Law; but both Freher and Law confined themselves chiefly to its theological aspect. In Behmen, however, is to be found, not only the true ground of all theology, but also that of all physical science. He demonstrated with a fullness, accuracy, completeness and certainty that leave nothing to be desired, the innermost ground of Deity and Nature; and, confining myself to the latter, I can from my own knowledge assert, that in Behmen's writings is to be found the true and clear demonstration of every physical fact that has been discovered since his day. Thus, the science of electricity, which was not yet in existence when he wrote, is there anticipated; and not only does Behmen describe all the now known phenomena of that force, but he even gives us the origin, generation and birth of electricity itself. Again, positive evidence can be adduced that Newton derived all his knowledge of gravitation and its [320]laws from Behmen, with whom gravitation or attraction is, and very properly so, as he shows us, the first of the seven properties of Nature. The theory defended by Mr. Grove,[597] at the Nottingham meeting of last year, that all the apparently distinct causes of moral and physical phenomena are but so many manifestations of one central force, and that Continuity is the law of nature, is clearly laid down, and its truth demonstrated, by Behmen, as well as the distinction between spirit and matter, and that the moral and material world is pervaded by a sublime unity. And though all this was not admitted in Behmen's days, because science was not then sufficiently advanced to understand the deep sense of our author, many of his passages, then unintelligible, or apparently absurd, read by the light of the present age, are found to contain the positive enunciation of principles at whose discovery and establishment science has only just arrived by wearisome and painful investigations. Every new scientific discovery goes to prove his profound and intuitive insight into the most secret workings of nature; and if scientific men, instead of sharing the prejudice arising from ignorance of Behmen's system, would place themselves on the vantage ground it affords, they would at once find themselves on an eminence whence they could behold all the arcana of nature. Behmen's system, in fact, shows us the inside of things, while modern physical science is content with looking at the outside. Behmen traces back every outward manifestation or development to its one central root,—to that one central energy which, as yet, is only suspected; every link in the chain of his demonstration is perfect, and there is not one link wanting. He carries us from the out-births of the circumference, along the radius to the center, [321]or point, and beyond that even to the zero, demonstrating the constitution of the zero, or nothing, with mathematical precision. C. W. H."
"Jacob Behmen.—The fact that Prof. De Morgan classifies Jacob Behmen among paradoxers can only be explained by his open admission of not being familiar with the author's writings. Perhaps you may think a few comments from someone who knows them well would be of enough interest to the learned Professor, and your readers in general, to deserve space in your columns. Behmen's metaphysical system—the most complete and only true one—still awaits a qualified commentator. Behmen's fellow countryman, Dionysius Andreas Freher,[596], who spent most of his life in this country and whose explanation of Behmen exists only in manuscript, filling many volumes and written in English, except for two in German, with numerous beautiful, inventive, and detailed illustrations—some copies of which are in the British Museum but all originals of which are held by the gentleman who edits the two works mentioned by Professor De Morgan—was the first to philosophically expound Behmen's system. This was later popularized, with the help of these manuscripts, by William Law; but both Freher and Law primarily focused on its theological aspect. However, in Behmen's works is found not only the true foundation of all theology but also of all physical science. He illustrated with fullness, accuracy, completeness, and certainty the deepest basis of Deity and Nature; and, focusing on the latter, I can assert from my own knowledge that Behmen's writings contain the true and clear explanation of every physical fact discovered since his time. For example, the science of electricity, which did not exist when he wrote, is anticipated there; not only does Behmen describe all the phenomena of that force currently known, but he also provides the origin, generation, and birth of electricity itself. Again, there is positive evidence that Newton got all his knowledge of gravitation and its [320]laws from Behmen, with whom gravitation or attraction is correctly shown to be the first of the seven properties of Nature. The theory defended by Mr. Grove,[597] at last year’s Nottingham meeting, that all the apparently distinct causes of moral and physical phenomena are merely manifestations of one central force, and that Continuity is the law of nature, is clearly outlined by Behmen, as well as the distinction between spirit and matter, and that the moral and material world is permeated by a sublime unity. Although this was not accepted in Behmen's time, because science had not advanced enough to grasp the deep significance of our author, many of his passages, which were then unintelligible or seemingly absurd, when viewed through the lens of the present age, are revealed to contain positive statements of principles that science has only just begun to discover through long and challenging investigations. Every new scientific discovery supports his profound and intuitive understanding of nature's most hidden workings; and if scientific individuals, instead of sharing the bias stemming from ignorance of Behmen's system, positioned themselves on the advantage it offers, they would immediately find themselves on a peak from which they could observe all nature's secrets. Behmen's system, in fact, reveals the inside of things, while modern physical science is satisfied with examining the outside. Behmen traces every outward manifestation or development back to its one central root—to that one central energy which is still only suspected; each link in his demonstration is perfect, and none is missing. He leads us from the outer manifestations of the circumference, along the radius to the center, [321]or point, and even beyond that to the zero, demonstrating the nature of zero, or nothing, with mathematical precision. C. W. H."
And so Behmen is no subject for the Budget! I waited until I should chance to light on one of his volumes, knowing that any volume would do, and almost any page. My first hap was on the second volume of the edition of 1664 (4to, published by M. Richardson) and opening near the beginning, a turn or two brought me to page 13, where I saw about sulphur and mercurius as follows:
And so Behmen isn't suitable for the Budget! I waited until I found one of his books, knowing that any book would work, and almost any page. My first find was in the second volume of the 1664 edition (4to, published by M. Richardson) and opening near the beginning, a turn or two brought me to page 13, where I saw about sulphur and mercurius as follows:
"Thus SUL is the soul, in an herb it is the oil, and in man also, according to the spirit of this world in the third principle, which is continually generated out of the anguish of the will in the mind, and the Brimstone-worm is the Spirit, which hath the fire and burneth: PHUR is the sour wheel in itself which causeth that.
"Thus SUL is the essence; in a plant, it is the oil, and in a person as well, according to the spirit of this world in the third principle, which is constantly produced from the pain of the will in the mind, and the Brimstone-worm is the Spirit that has the fire and burns: PHUR is the sour wheel within itself that causes that."
"Mercurius comprehendeth all the four forms, even as the life springeth up, and yet hath not its dark beginning in the Center as the PHUR hath, but after the flash of fire, when the sour dark form is terrified, where the hardness is turned into pliant sharpness, and where the second will (viz. the will of nature, which is called the Anguish) ariseth, there Mercurius hath its original. For MER is the shivering wheel, very horrible, sharp, venomous, and hostile; which assimulateth it thus in the sourness in the flash of fire, where the sour wrathful life ariseth. The syllable CU is the pressing out, of the Anxious will of the mind, from Nature: which is climbing up, and willeth to be out aloft. RI is the comprehension of the flash of fire, which in MER giveth a clear sound and tune. For the flash maketh the tune, and it is the Salt-Spirit which soundeth, and its form (or quality) is gritty like sand, and herein arise noises, sounds and voices, and thus CU comprehendeth the flash, and so the pressure is as a wind which thrusteth, and giveth a spirit to the flash, so that it liveth and burneth. Thus the [322]syllable US is called the burning fire, which with the spirit continually driveth itself forth: and the syllable CU presseth continually upon the flash."
"Mercurius encompasses all four forms, similar to how life emerges, and yet it doesn't have its dark origin in the Center like the PHUR does. Instead, it comes after the flash of fire, when the sour, dark form becomes frightened. In this place, hardness transforms into flexible sharpness, and where the second will (i.e., the will of nature, known as Anguish) rises, Mercurius finds its origin. MER represents the shivering wheel, quite terrifying, sharp, toxic, and hostile; it assimilates in the sourness during the flash of fire, where the bitter, wrathful life arises. The syllable CU signifies the extraction of the Anxious will of the mind from Nature, which seeks to rise and wants to be above. RI represents the understanding of the flash of fire, which gives MER a clear sound and melody. The flash creates the tune, and it is the Salt-Spirit that sings, with a form (or quality) that is gritty like sand. In this, sounds, noises, and voices emerge, and thus CU encompasses the flash; the pressure acts like a wind that pushes and energizes the flash, allowing it to live and burn. Therefore, the [322]syllable US is referred to as burning fire, which, with the spirit, constantly propels itself forward: and the syllable CU consistently presses upon the flash."
Shades of Tauler[598] and Paracelsus,[599] how strangely you do mix! Well may Hallam call Germany the native soil of Mysticism. Had Behmen been the least of a scholar, he would not have divided sulph-ur and merc-ur-i-us as he has done: and the inflexion us, that boy of all work, would have been rejected. I think it will be held that a writer from whom hundreds of pages like the above could be brought together, is fit for the Budget. If Sampson Arnold Mackay[600] had tied his etymologies to a mystical Christology, instead of a mystical infidelity, he might have had a school of followers. The nonsense about Newton borrowing gravitation from Behmen passes only with those who know neither what Newton did, nor what was done before him.
Shades of Tauler and Paracelsus, how strangely you mix! Hallam was right to call Germany the birthplace of Mysticism. If Behmen had been even a little scholarly, he wouldn’t have separated sulfur and mercury like he did; the inflection -us, that versatile helper, would have been discarded. I believe it's generally accepted that a writer from whom hundreds of pages like the above can be collected is suitable for the Budget. If Sampson Arnold Mackay had tied his word origins to a mystical Christology instead of a mystical disbelief, he might have gained a following. The claim that Newton borrowed the idea of gravitation from Behmen is only accepted by those who are unaware of what Newton accomplished or what had already been established before him.
The above reminds me of a class of paradoxers whom I wonder that I forgot; they are without exception the greatest bores of all, because they can put the small end of their paradox into any literary conversation whatever. I mean the people who have heard the local pronunciation of celebrated names, and attempt not only to imitate it, but to impose on others their broken German or Arabic, or what not. They also learn the vernacular names of those who are generally spoken of in their Latin forms; at least, they learn a few cases, and hawk them as evidences of erudition. They are miserably mistaken: scholarship, as a rule, [323]always accepts the vernacular form of a name which has vernacular celebrity. Hallam writes Behmen: his index-maker, rather superfluously, gives "Behmen or Boehm." And he retains Melanchthon,[601] the name given by Reuchlin[602] to his little kinsman Schwartzerd, because the world has adopted it: but he will none of Capnio, the name which Reuchlin fitted on to himself, because the world has not adopted it. He calls the old forms pedantry: but he sees that the rejection of well-established results of pedantry would be greater pedantry still. The paradoxers assume the question that it is more correct to sound a man by lame imitation of his own countrymen than as usual in the country in which the sound is to be made. Against them are, first, the world at large; next, an overpowering majority of those who know something about surnames and their history. Some thirty years ago—a fact—there appeared at the police-office a complainant who found his own law. In the course of his argument, he asked, "What does Kitty say?"—"Who's Kitty?" said the magistrate, "your wife, or your nurse?"—"Sir! I mean Kitty, the celebrated lawyer."—"Oh!" said the magistrate, "I suspect you mean Mr. Chitty,[603] the author of the great work on pleading."—"I do sir! But Chitty is an Italian name, and ought to be pronounced Kitty." This man was a full-blown flower: but there is many a modest bud; and all ought either to blush when seen or to waste their pronunciation on the desert air.
The above reminds me of a group of people who I can't believe I forgot; they are by far the most tedious of all, because they can inject their small pieces of paradox into any literary discussion imaginable. I'm talking about those who have heard the local way of pronouncing famous names and not only try to copy it but also force their broken German or Arabic, or whatever it is, on others. They also pick up the local names of people typically referred to by their Latin names; at least, they learn a few examples and flaunt them as proof of their knowledge. They are sadly mistaken: scholarship usually accepts the local form of a name that has local recognition. Hallam writes Behmen; his index-maker, rather unnecessarily, lists "Behmen or Boehm." He keeps Melanchthon, the name used by Reuchlin for his little cousin Schwartzerd, because the world has embraced it; but he ignores Capnio, the name Reuchlin gave himself, because it hasn’t caught on. He calls the old forms pedantic: but he realizes that rejecting established results of pedantry would be even worse pedantry. The paradoxers assume that it’s more correct to pronounce a name by awkwardly mimicking its native speakers rather than using the usual sounds of the country where the name is being pronounced. Against them are, firstly, the world at large; and secondly, a significant majority of those who know something about surnames and their origins. About thirty years ago—this is a fact—a complainant showed up at the police station declaring his own lawsuit. During his argument, he asked, "What does Kitty say?"—"Who's Kitty?" asked the magistrate, "your wife or your nurse?"—"Sir! I mean Kitty, the famous lawyer."—"Oh!" said the magistrate, "I think you mean Mr. Chitty, the author of the great work on pleading."—"That’s right sir! But Chitty is an Italian name and should be pronounced Kitty." This guy was a complete show-off: but there are many shy people out there; and all should either be embarrassed when they are noticed or keep their pronunciations to themselves.
A PLEA FOR KING CUSTOM.
A REQUEST FOR KING CUSTOM.
I stand up for King Custom, or Usus, as Horace called him, with whom is arbitrium the decision, and jus the right, and norma the way of deciding, simply because he has potestas the power. He may admit one and another principle to advise: but Custom is not a constitutional king; he may listen to his cabinet, but he decides for himself: and if the ministry should resign, he blesses his stars and does without them. We have a glorious liberty in England of owning neither dictionary, grammar, nor spelling-book: as many as choose write by either of the three, and decide all disputed points their own way, those following them who please.
I support King Custom, or Usus, as Horace referred to him, who holds arbitrium the decision, jus the right, and norma the method of deciding, simply because he has potestas the power. He may take advice from various principles, but Custom isn’t a constitutional king; he can listen to his advisors, but ultimately he makes the decisions himself. If the cabinet resigns, he just counts his blessings and carries on without them. In England, we enjoy the wonderful freedom of not having to adhere to any specific dictionary, grammar rules, or spelling books: anyone can choose to write however they like, and settle any disputes in their own way, with those who want to follow them doing so as they please.
Throughout this book I have called people by the names which denote them in their books, or by our vernacular names. This is the intelligible way of proceeding. I might, for instance (Vol. I, p. 44), have spoken of Charles de Bovelles,[604] of Lefèvre d'Étaples,[605] of Pèlerin,[606] and of Etienne.[607] But I prefer the old plan. Those who like another plan better, are welcome to substitute with a pen, when they know what to write; when they do not, it is clear that they would not have understood me if I had given modern names.
Throughout this book, I have referred to people by the names used in their works or by our common names. This is a clear and straightforward approach. For example (Vol. I, p. 44), I could have mentioned Charles de Bovelles, Lefèvre d'Étaples, Pèlerin, and Etienne. However, I stick to the original method. Those who prefer a different approach are welcome to make substitutions with a pen, when they know what to write; if they don't, it’s evident that they wouldn't have understood me even if I had used modern names.
The principal advisers of King Custom are as follows. First, there is Etymology, the chiffonnier, or general rag-merchant, who has made such a fortune of late years in his own business that he begins to be considered highly respectable. He gives advice which is more thought of than followed, partly on account of the fearful extremes into which he runs. He lately asked some boys of sixteen, at a matriculation examination in English, to what branch of [325]the Indo-Germanic family they felt inclined to refer the Pushto language, and what changes in the force of the letters took place in passing from Greek into Mœso-Gothic. Because all syllables were once words, he is a little inclined to insist that they shall be so still. He would gladly rule English with a Saxon rod, which might be permitted with a certain discretion which he has never attained: and when opposed, he defends himself with analogies of the Aryan family until those who hear him long for the discovery of an Athanasyus. He will transport a word beyond seas—he is recorder of Rhematopolis—on circumstantial evidence which looks like mystery gone mad; but, strange to say, something very often comes to light after sentence is passed which proves the soundness of the conviction.
The main advisers of King Custom are as follows. First, there’s Etymology, the chiffonnier, or general rag-merchant, who has made such a fortune in his business recently that he’s starting to be seen as quite respectable. He gives advice that’s more often considered than actually followed, partly because he tends to go to extremes. He recently asked a group of sixteen-year-olds at a matriculation exam in English what part of the Indo-Germanic family they thought the Pushto language belonged to, and what changes happened to the letters when moving from Greek to Mœso-Gothic. Since all syllables used to be words, he somewhat insists they should still be treated that way. He would love to govern English with a Saxon approach, which could work if given the right discretion that he’s never really mastered; and when challenged, he defends himself with comparisons from the Aryan family until his audience starts wishing for an Athanasyus. He’ll transport a word overseas—he is the recorder of Rhematopolis—based on circumstantial evidence that seems like madness, but strangely enough, something often comes to light after the verdict is delivered that proves his conviction was sound.
The next adviser is Logic, a swearing old justice of peace, quorum, and rotulorum, whose excesses brought on such a fit of the gout that for many years he was unable to move. He is now mending, and his friends say he has sown his wild oats. He has some influence with the educated subjects of Custom, and will have more, if he can learn the line at which interference ought to stop: with them he has succeeded in making an affirmative of two negatives; but the vulgar won't never have nothing to say to him. He has always railed at Milton for writing that Eve was the fairest of her daughters; but has never satisfactorily shown what Milton ought to have said instead.
The next adviser is Logic, a grumpy old justice of peace and official, whose excesses led to a severe gout attack that kept him immobile for many years. He is now improving, and his friends claim he has settled down. He holds some sway with the educated followers of Custom and will gain even more if he can figure out where to draw the line on interference. With them, he has managed to turn two negatives into an affirmative; however, the common folk refuse to listen to him. He has always criticized Milton for saying that Eve was the fairest of her daughters but has never effectively argued what Milton should have claimed instead.
The third adviser has more influence with the mass of the subjects of King Custom than the other two put together; his name is Fiddlefaddle, the toy-shop keeper; and the other two put him forward to do their worst work. In return, he often uses their names without authority. He took Etymology to witness that means to an end must be plural: and he would have any one method to be a mean. But Etymology proved him wrong, King Custom referred him to his Catechism, in which is "a means whereby we receive the same," and Analogy—a subordinate of [326]Etymology—asked whether he thought it a great new to hear that he was wrong. It was either this Fiddlefaddle, or Lindley Murray[608] his traveler, who persuaded the Miss Slipslops, of the Ladies Seminary, to put "The Misses Slipslop" over the gate. Sixty years ago, this bagman called at all the girls' schools, and got many of the teachers to insist on the pupils saying "Is it not" and "Can I not" for "Isn't it" and "Can't I": of which it came that the poor girls were dreadfully laughed at by their irreverent brothers when they went home for the holidays. Had this bad adviser not been severely checked, he might by this time have proposed our saying "The Queen's of England son," declaring, in the name of Logic, that the prince was the Queen's son, not England's.
The third adviser has more sway over the subjects of King Custom than the other two combined; his name is Fiddlefaddle, the toy store owner. The other two use him to carry out their dirty work. In exchange, he often invokes their names without permission. He insisted to Etymology that means to an end must be plural and believed that any one method should be referred to as a mean. But Etymology proved him wrong, King Custom pointed him to his Catechism, which states "a means whereby we receive the same," and Analogy—a subordinate of [326]Etymology—asked if he thought it was something new to learn that he was wrong. It was either this Fiddlefaddle or Lindley Murray[608] his associate, who convinced the Miss Slipslops at the Ladies Seminary to put "The Misses Slipslop" over the gate. Sixty years ago, this peddler visited many girls' schools and got many teachers to insist that students say "Is it not" and "Can I not" instead of "Isn't it" and "Can't I," which resulted in the poor girls being mockingly teased by their irreverent brothers when they returned home for the holidays. If this bad adviser hadn't been firmly stopped, he might have suggested that we say "The Queen's of England son," claiming, in the name of Logic, that the prince was the Queen's son, not England's.
Lastly, there is Typography the metallurgist, an executive officer who is always at work in secret, and whose lawless mode of advising is often done by carrying his notions into effect without leave given. He it is who never ceases suggesting that the same word is not to occur in a second place within sight of the first. When the Authorized Version was first printed, he began this trick at the passage, "Let there be light, and there was light;" he drew a line on the proof under the second light, and wrote "luminosity?" opposite. He is strongest in the punctuations and other signs; he has a pepper-box full of commas always by his side. He puts everything under marks of quotation which he has ever heard before. An earnest preacher, in a very moving sermon, used the phrase Alas! and alack a day! Typography stuck up the inverted commas because he had read the old Anglo-Indian toast, "A lass and a lac a day!" If any one should have the sense to leave out of his Greek [327]the unmeaning scratches which they call accents, he goes to a lexicon and puts them in. He is powerful in routine; but when two routines interlace or overlap, he frequently takes the wrong one.
Lastly, there’s Typography the metallurgist, an executive officer who is always working behind the scenes, and whose unconventional way of advising often involves implementing his ideas without permission. He never stops suggesting that the same word shouldn’t appear twice in view of the first instance. When the Authorized Version was first printed, he started this habit with the passage, "Let there be light, and there was light;" he drew a line on the proof under the second light and wrote "luminosity?" next to it. He is particularly focused on punctuation and other symbols; he always has a stash of commas by his side. He puts quotation marks around anything he’s ever heard before. An earnest preacher, during a very touching sermon, used the phrase Alas! and alack a day! Typography stuck up the quotation marks because he had read the old Anglo-Indian toast, "A lass and a lac a day!" If someone has the sense to leave out the meaningless marks they call accents from his Greek [327], he pulls out a dictionary and adds them back in. He’s good at following routines, but when two routines overlap, he often chooses the wrong one.
Subject to bad advice, and sometimes misled for a season, King Custom goes on his quiet way and is sure to be right at last.
Subject to bad advice and occasionally misled for a time, King Custom continues on his calm path and is bound to be right in the end.
"Treason does never prosper: what's the reason?
"Treason never succeeds: what's the reason?
Why, when it prospers, none dare call it treason."
Why, when it succeeds, no one dares call it treason."
Language is in constant fermentation, and all that is thrown in, so far as it is not fit to assimilate, is thrown off; and this without any obvious struggle. In the meanwhile every one who has read good authors, from Shakspeare downward, knows what is and what is not English; and knows, also, that our language is not one and indivisible. Two very different turns of phrase may both be equally good, and as good as can be: we may be relieved of the consequences of contempt of one court by habeas corpus issuing out of another.
Language is always evolving, and anything that doesn't fit in is discarded effortlessly. Meanwhile, anyone who has read quality authors, from Shakespeare onward, understands what is and isn't considered English; they also realize that our language isn't uniform. Two very different ways of phrasing something can both be equally valid and just as effective: we can avoid the repercussions of disregarding one court by getting a habeas corpus from another.
TEST OF LANGUAGE.
LANGUAGE TEST.
Hallam remarks that the Authorized Version of the Bible is not in the language of the time of James the First: that it is not the English of Raleigh or of Bacon. Here arises the question whether Raleigh and Bacon are the true expositors of the language of their time; and whether they were not rather the incipient promoters of a change which was successfully resisted by—among other things—the Authorized Version of the Testaments. I am not prepared to concede that I should have given to the English which would have been fashioned upon that of Bacon by imitators, such as they usually are, the admiration which is forced from me by Bacon's English from Bacon's pen. On this point we have a notable parallel. Samuel Johnson [328]commands our admiration, at least in his matured style: but we nauseate his followers. It is an opinion of mine that the works of the leading writers of an age are seldom the proper specimens of the language of their day, when that language is in its state of progression. I judge of a language by the colloquial idiom of educated men: that is, I take this to be the best medium between the extreme cases of one who is ignorant of grammar and one who is perched upon a style. Dialogue is what I want to judge by, and plain dialogue: so I choose Robert Recorde[609] and his pupil in the Castle of Knowledge, written before 1556. When Dr. Robert gets into his altitudes of instruction, he differs from his own common phraseology as much as probably did Bacon when he wrote morals and philosophy. But every now and then I come to a little plain talk about a common thing, of which I propose to show a specimen. Anything can be made to look old by such changes as makes into maketh, with a little old spelling. I shall invert these changes, using the newer form of inflexion, and the modern spelling: with no other variation whatever.
Hallam points out that the Authorized Version of the Bible isn't in the language of the time of James the First; it doesn't reflect the English of Raleigh or Bacon. This raises the question of whether Raleigh and Bacon truly represent the language of their time or if they were instead early advocates of a change that was largely resisted by, among other things, the Authorized Version of the Testaments. I'm not ready to say I would admire the English that would have been shaped by imitators of Bacon's style, as I do admire the English that came directly from Bacon himself. We can see a clear parallel here. Samuel Johnson commands our admiration, at least in his mature style, but we often find his followers distasteful. I believe that the works of the prominent writers of a time are seldom the best examples of the language of that era, especially when that language is evolving. I assess a language by the spoken idiom of educated people; this seems to me the best medium between the extremes of someone uneducated in grammar and someone overly stylized. I want to judge by dialogue, specifically straightforward dialogue; so I choose Robert Recorde and his pupil in the Castle of Knowledge, written before 1556. When Dr. Robert ventures into lofty instruction, he strays from his usual phrasing just as Bacon likely did when writing morals and philosophy. However, every now and then, I encounter some plain talk about common topics, and I intend to provide an example of that. Anything can be made to sound old with changes like makes to maketh, along with a bit of archaic spelling. I will reverse these changes, using the modern form of inflection and current spelling, without any other variations.
"Scholar. Yet the reason of that is easy enough to be conceived, for when the day is at the longest the Sun must needs shine the more time, and so must it needs shine the less time when the day is at the shortest: this reason I have heard many men declare.
Scholar. The reason for that is pretty straightforward—when the day is longest, the Sun has to shine for more time, so it has to shine for less time when the day is shortest. I've heard many people explain this.
Master. That may be called a crabbed reason, for it [329]goes backward like a crab. The day makes not the Sun to shine, but the Sun shining makes the day. And so the length of the day makes not the Sun to shine long, neither the shortness of the day causes not [sic] the Sun to shine the lesser time, but contrariwise the long shining of the Sun makes the long day, and the short shining of the Sun makes the lesser day: else answer me what makes the days long or short?
Master. That might be considered a stubborn reason because it points backward like a crab. The day doesn’t make the Sun shine; rather, it’s the Sun shining that makes the day. Similarly, the length of the day doesn’t cause the Sun to shine longer, and the shortness of the day doesn’t make the Sun shine for a shorter time. Instead, it’s the long shining of the Sun that creates a long day, and the short shining of the Sun that results in a shorter day. So tell me, what determines whether days are long or short?
Scholar. I have heard wise men say that Summer makes the long days, and Winter makes the long nights.
Scholar. I've heard wise people say that summer creates the long days, and winter creates the long nights.
Master. They might have said more wisely, that long days make summer and short days make winter.
Master. They could have said more wisely that long days create summer and short days create winter.
Scholar. Why, all that seems one thing to me.
Scholar. To me, it all seems like one thing.
Master. Is it all one to say, God made the earth, and the earth made God? Covetousness overcomes all men, and all men overcome covetousness?
Master. Is it the same to say, God created the earth, and the earth created God? Greed affects everyone, and everyone overcomes greed?
Scholar. No, not so; for here the effect is turned to be the cause, and the agent is made the patient.
Scholar. No, that's not right; here the effect is mistaken for the cause, and the doer is treated as the one being acted upon.
Master. So is it to say Summer makes long days, when you should say: Long days make summer.
Master. So are you saying that summer creates long days, when you really should say: Long days create summer.
Scholar. I perceive it now: but I was so blinded with the vulgar error, that if you had demanded of me further what did make the summer, I had been like to have answered that green leaves do make summer; and the sooner by remembrance of an old saying that a year should come in which the summer should not be known but by the green leaves.
Scholar. I see it now: but I was so caught up in a common misconception that if you had asked me what actually makes summer, I probably would have said that green leaves create summer; and I would have quickly recalled an old saying that there would come a year when summer would only be recognized by the green leaves.
Master. Yet this saying does not import that green leaves do make summer, but that they betoken summer; so are they the sign and not the cause of summer."
Master. However, this saying doesn't mean that green leaves actually create summer, but rather that they indicate summer; they are a sign, not the cause of summer.
I have taken a whole page of our author, without omission, that the reader may see that I do not pick out sentences convenient for my purpose. I have done nothing but alter the third person of the verb and the spelling: but great is the effect thereof. We say "the Sun shining makes the day"; Recorde, "the Sonne shynynge maketh the daye." [330]These points apart, we see a resemblance between our English and that of three hundred years ago, in the common talk of educated persons, which will allow us to affirm that the language of the authorized Bible must have been very close to that of its time. For I cannot admit that much change can have taken place in fifty years: and the language of the version represents both our common English and that of Recorde with very close approximation. Take sentences from Bacon and Raleigh, and it will be apparent that these writers will be held to differ from all three, Recorde, the version, and ourselves, by differences of the same character. But we speak of Recorde's conversation, and of our own. We conclude that it is the plain and almost colloquial character of the Authorized Version which distinguishes it from the English of Bacon and Raleigh, by approximating it to the common idiom of the time. If any one will cast an eye upon the letters of instruction written by Cecil[610] and the Bishop of London to the translators themselves, or to the general directions sent to them in the King's name, he will find that these plain business compositions differ from the English of Bacon and Raleigh by the same sort of differences which distinguish the version itself.
I’ve taken an entire page from our author, without skipping anything, so the reader can see that I’m not just picking sentences that suit my needs. I’ve only changed the third person of the verb and the spelling, but it makes a big difference. We say "the sun shining makes the day"; Recorde wrote, "the Sonne shynynge maketh the daye." [330] Aside from that, we can see a similarity between our English and that of three hundred years ago in the everyday language of educated people, which suggests that the language of the authorized Bible was very close to that of its time. I can't believe that much change could have happened in just fifty years: the language of the version closely resembles both our everyday English and Recorde's. If you take sentences from Bacon and Raleigh, it will be clear that these writers differ from all three—Recorde, the version, and us—by similar kinds of differences. But we’re talking about Recorde's conversation and our own. We conclude that it's the straightforward and almost conversational style of the Authorized Version that sets it apart from the English of Bacon and Raleigh, bringing it closer to the common idiom of the time. If anyone looks at the letters of instruction written by Cecil and the Bishop of London to the translators, or the general directions sent to them in the King's name, they will see that these straightforward business documents differ from the English of Bacon and Raleigh in the same way that the version itself does.
PRONUNCIATION.
Pronunciation.
The foreign word, or the word of a district, or class of people, passes into the general vernacular; but it is long before the specially learned will acknowledge the right of those with whom they come in contact to follow general usage. The rule is simple: so long as a word is technical or local, those who know its technical or local pronunciation may reasonably employ it. But when the word has become general, the specialist is not very wise if he refuse to follow [331]the mass, and perfectly foolish if he insist on others following him. There have been a few who demanded that Euler should be pronounced in the German fashion:[611] Euler has long been the property of the world at large; what does it matter how his own countrymen pronounce the letters? Shall we insist on the French pronouncing Newton without that final tong which they never fail to give him? They would be wise enough to laugh at us if we did. We remember that a pedant who was insisting on all the pronunciations being retained, was met by a maxim in contradiction, invented at the moment, and fathered upon Kaen-foo-tzee,[612] an authority which he was challenged to dispute. Whom did you speak of? said the bewildered man of accuracy. Learn your own system, was the answer, before you impose it on others; Confucius says that too.[613]
The foreign word, or the word from a specific region or group of people, slips into everyday language; however, it's a long time before the experts accept that those they interact with can use these words in common ways. The rule is straightforward: as long as a word is specialized or local, those who know how to say it correctly can use it. But once a word becomes widely used, it's not very smart for the specialist to refuse to adopt the general usage, and it's downright silly to insist others follow their lead. There have been a few who insisted that Euler be pronounced in the German way: Euler has long been recognized worldwide; what does it matter how his fellow countrymen pronounce it? Should we insist that the French pronounce Newton without that final "tong" that they always add? They would be wise enough to laugh at us if we did. We remember a time when a pedant, insisting on all the pronunciations being preserved, was confronted with a contradictory saying made up on the spot and attributed to Kaen-foo-tzee, an authority they were challenged to dispute. "Whom are you talking about?" asked the confused man focused on accuracy. "Learn your own system," was the reply, "before you try to impose it on others; Confucius says that too."
The old English has fote, fode, loke, coke, roke, etc., for foot, etc. And above rhymes in Chaucer to remove. Suspecting that the broader sounds are the older, we may surmise that remove and food have retained their old sounds, and that cook, once coke, would have rhymed to our Luke, the vowel being brought a little nearer, perhaps, to the o in our present coke, the fuel, probably so called as used by cooks. If this be so, the Chief Justice Cook[614] of our lawyers, and the Coke (pronounced like the fuel) of the greater part of the world, are equally wrong. The lawyer has no right whatever to fasten his pronunciation upon us: even leaving aside the general custom, he cannot prove himself right, and is probably wrong. Those who [332]know the village of Rokeby (pronounced Rookby) despise the world for not knowing how to name Walter Scott's poem: that same world never asked a question about the matter, and the reception of the parody of Jokeby, which soon appeared, was a sufficient indication of their notion. Those who would fasten the hodiernal sound upon us may be reminded that the question is, not what they call it now, but what it was called in Cromwell's time. Throw away general usage as a lawgiver, and this is the point which emerges. Probably Rūke-by would be right, with a little turning of the Italian ū towards ō of modern English.
The old English has fote, fode, loke, coke, roke, etc., for foot, etc. And above rhymes in Chaucer with remove. Assuming that the broader sounds are the older ones, we can guess that remove and food have kept their old sounds, and that cook, once coke, would have rhymed with our Luke, with the vowel perhaps getting a little closer to the o in our current coke, the fuel, likely named as it is used by cooks. If this is correct, the Chief Justice Cook[614] of our lawyers, and the Coke (pronounced like the fuel) of most of the world, are both mistaken. The lawyer has no right to enforce his pronunciation on us: even setting aside common usage, he can’t prove himself right and is probably wrong. Those who know the village of Rokeby (pronounced Rookby) look down on the world for not knowing how to say Walter Scott's poem: that same world never cared to ask about it, and the reception of the parody of Jokeby, which shortly came out, was a clear sign of their opinion. Those who want to impose the modern sound on us should remember that the question isn’t what they call it now, but what it was called in Cromwell's time. Disregard general usage as a law, and this is the key point. Probably Rūke-by would be correct, with a slight shift of the Italian ū towards the ō of modern English.
[Some of the above is from an old review. I do not always notice such insertions: I take nothing but my own writings. A friend once said to me, "Ah! you got that out of the Athenæum!" "Excuse me," said I. "the Athenæum got that out of me!"]
[Some of the above is from an old review. I don’t always catch such insertions: I only use my own writing. A friend once said to me, "Ah! You got that from the Athenæum!" "Excuse me," I replied. "The Athenæum got that from me!"]
APOLOGIES TO CLUVIER.
Sorry to Cluvier.
It is part of my function to do justice to any cyclometers whose methods have been wrongly described by any orthodox sneerers (myself included). In this character I must notice Dethlevus Cluverius,[615] as the Leipzig Acts call him (probably Dethleu Cluvier), grandson of the celebrated geographer, Philip Cluvier. The grandson was a Fellow of the Royal Society, elected on the same day as Halley,[616] November 30, 1678: I suppose he lived in England. This [333]man is quizzed in the Leipzig Acts for 1686; and, if Montucla insinuate rightly, by Leibnitz, who is further suspected of wanting to embroil Cluvier with his own opponent Nieuwentiit,[617] on the matter of infinitesimals. So far good: I have nothing against Leibnitz, who though he was ironical, told us what he laughed at. But Montucla has behaved very unfairly: he represents Cluvier as placing the essence of his method in the solution of the problem construere mundum divinæ menti analogum, to construct a world corresponding to the divine mind. Nothing to begin with: no way of proceeding. Now, it ought to have been ex data linea construere,[618] etc.: there is a given line, which is something to go on. Further, there is a way of proceeding: it is to find the product of 1, 2, 3, 4, etc. for ever. Moreover, Montucla charges Cluvier with unsquaring the parabola, which Archimedes had squared as tight as a glove. But he never mentions how very nearly Cluvier agrees with the Greek: they only differ by 1 divided by 3n2, where n is the infinite number of parts of which a parabola is composed. This must have been the conceit that tickled Leibnitz, and made him wish that Cluvier and Nieuwentiit should fight it out. Cluvier, was admitted, on terms of irony, into the Leipzig Acts: he appeared on a more serious footing in London. It is very rare for one cyclometer to refute another: les corsaires ne se battent pas.[619] The only instance I recall is that of M. Cluvier, who (Phil. Trans., 1686, No. 185) refuted M. Mallemont de Messange,[620] who [334]published at Paris in 1686. He does it in a very serious style, and shows himself a mathematician. And yet in the year in which, in the Phil. Trans., he was a geometer, and one who rebukes his squarer for quoting Matthew xi. 25, in that very year he was the visionary who, in the Leipzig Acts, professed to build a world resembling the divine mind by multiplying together 1, 2, 3, 4, etc. up to infinity.
It’s my job to give credit to any cyclometers whose techniques have been misunderstood by traditional critics (myself included). In this role, I need to mention Dethlevus Cluverius,[615] as the Leipzig Acts refer to him (likely Dethleu Cluvier), the grandson of the famous geographer, Philip Cluvier. The grandson was a Fellow of the Royal Society, elected on the same day as Halley,[616] November 30, 1678; I assume he lived in England. This [333]man is mocked in the Leipzig Acts for 1686, and if Montucla is correct, Leibnitz is implied as the one who suspected Cluvier of getting involved in a dispute with his own rival, Nieuwentiit,[617] regarding infinitesimals. So far, so good: I have nothing against Leibnitz, who, despite being ironic, showed us what he laughed at. But Montucla has been quite unfair: he portrays Cluvier as representing the essence of his method in solving the problem of construere mundum divinæ menti analogum, to create a world that reflects the divine mind. There’s nothing to start with: no method of approach. What it should have been is ex data linea construere,[618] etc.: there’s a given line, which is a starting point. Furthermore, there is an approach: it involves finding the product of 1, 2, 3, 4, etc. indefinitely. Also, Montucla accuses Cluvier of unsquaring the parabola, which Archimedes had squared perfectly. But he fails to mention how closely Cluvier's results align with the Greek: they only differ by 1 divided by 3n2, where n is the infinite number of parts that make up a parabola. This must have been the idea that amused Leibnitz and made him want Cluvier and Nieuwentiit to sort it out. Cluvier was admitted, ironically, into the Leipzig Acts: he appeared more seriously in London. It’s very uncommon for one cyclometer to contradict another: les corsaires ne se battent pas.[619] The only example I remember is that of M. Cluvier, who (Phil. Trans., 1686, No. 185) refuted M. Mallemont de Messange,[620] who [334]published in Paris in 1686. He did so in a very serious manner and proved himself to be a mathematician. Yet in the same year that, in the Phil. Trans., he was seen as a geometer and criticized his squarer for quoting Matthew xi. 25, he was also the dreamer who, in the Leipzig Acts, claimed he could create a world resembling the divine mind by multiplying 1, 2, 3, 4, etc. up to infinity.
THE RAINBOW PARADOX.
THE RAINBOW PARADOX.
There is a very pretty opening for a paradox which has never found its paradoxer in print. The philosophers teach that the rainbow is not material: it comes from rain-drops, but those rain-drops do not take color. They only give it, as lenses and mirrors; and each one drop gives all the colors, but throws them in different directions. Accordingly, the same drop which furnishes red light to one spectator will furnish violet to another, properly placed. Enter the paradoxer whom I have to invent. The philosopher has gulled you nicely. Look into the water, and you will see the reflected rainbow: take a looking-glass held sideways, and you see another reflection. How could this be, if there were nothing colored to reflect? The paradoxer's facts are true: and what are called the reflected rainbows are other rainbows, caused by those other drops which are placed so as to give the colors to the eye after reflection, at the water or the looking-glass. A few years ago an artist exhibited a picture with a rainbow and its apparent reflection: he simply copied what he had seen. When his picture was examined, some started the idea that there could be no reflection of a rainbow; they were right: they inferred that the artist had made a mistake; they were wrong. When it was explained, some agreed and some dissented. Wanted, [335]immediately, an able paradoxer: testimonials to be forwarded to either end of the rainbow, No. 1. No circle-squarer need apply, His Variegatedness having been pleased to adopt 3.14159... from Noah downwards.
There’s a fascinating paradox that has never been fully explored in writing. Philosophers say that a rainbow isn’t a material object: it originates from raindrops, but those raindrops don’t actually carry color. Instead, they just reflect it, like lenses and mirrors do; each drop provides all the colors but sends them off in different directions. So, the same drop that gives off red light to one person will give off violet light to another, depending on their position. Now, enter the paradox I need to create. The philosopher has led you astray. Look at the water, and you’ll see the reflected rainbow: hold a mirror sideways, and you’ll catch another reflection. How could this happen if there wasn’t anything colored to reflect? The paradoxer has valid points: what we call reflected rainbows are actually different rainbows created by those other drops positioned to provide colors to the eye after reflection, whether at the water or in the mirror. A few years back, an artist displayed a painting that featured a rainbow and its apparent reflection; he simply replicated what he saw. When people examined his work, some proposed that a rainbow couldn’t actually be reflected; they were correct, but they wrongly concluded that the artist had erred. When it was explained, some agreed, and others disagreed. An able paradoxer is needed immediately: testimonials to be sent to either end of the rainbow, No. 1. No circle-doublers need apply, as His Variegatedness has willingly embraced 3.14159... from Noah onward.
TYCHO BRAHE REVIVED.
TYCHO BRAHE RELOADED.
"How can one explain Copernically that the velocity of the Moon must be added to the velocity of the Earth on the one place in the Earth's orbit, to learn how far the Moon has advanced from one fixed star to another; but in another place in the orbit these velocities must be subtracted (the movements taking place in opposite directions) to attain the same result? In the Copernican and other systems, it is well known that the Moon, abstracting from the insignificant excentricity of the orbit, always in twenty-four hours performs an equally long distance. Why has Copernicus never been denominated Fundamentus or Fundator? Because he has never convinced anybody so thoroughly that this otherwise so natural epithet has occurred to the mind."
"How can we explain in Copernican terms that the Moon's speed needs to be added to the Earth's speed at one point in the Earth's orbit to figure out how far the Moon has moved from one fixed star to another, yet at another point in the orbit these speeds must be subtracted (since they move in opposite directions) to reach the same conclusion? In Copernican and other models, it's well known that the Moon, disregarding the minor eccentricity of its orbit, always travels the same distance over a twenty-four-hour period. Why has Copernicus never been called Fundamentus or Fundator? Because he hasn’t convinced anyone so thoroughly that this otherwise fitting title has come to mind."
Really the second question is more effective against Newton than against Copernicus; for it upsets gravity: the first is of great depth.
Really, the second question is more challenging for Newton than for Copernicus; it disrupts gravity: the first one is quite profound.
JAMES SMITH WILL NOT DOWN.
JAMES SMITH WILL NOT BACK DOWN.
The Correspondent journal makes a little episode in the history of my Budget (born May, 1865, died April, 1866). It consisted entirely of letters written by correspondents. In August, a correspondent who signed "Fair Play"—and who I was afterwards told was a lady—thought it would be a good joke to bring in the Cyclometers. Accordingly a letter was written, complaining that though Mr. Sylvester's[623] demonstration of Newton's theorem—then attracting public attention—was duly lauded, the possibly greater discovery of the quadrature seemed to be blushing unseen, and wasting etc. It went on as follows:
The Correspondent journal is a brief chapter in the story of my Budget (started in May 1865, ended in April 1866). It was made up entirely of letters from correspondents. In August, a correspondent who signed "Fair Play"—who I later learned was a woman—thought it would be funny to mention the Cyclometers. So, a letter was sent in, complaining that while Mr. Sylvester's[623] demonstration of Newton's theorem—which was getting a lot of attention—was praised, the possibly more significant discovery of the quadrature seemed to be overlooked and ignored, etc. The letter continued as follows:
"Prof. De Morgan, who, from his position in the scientific world, might fairly afford to look favourably on less practised efforts than his own, seems to delight in ridiculing the discoverer. Science is, of course, a very respectable person when he comes out and makes himself useful in the world [it must have been a lady; each sex gives science to the other]: but when, like a monk of the Middle Ages, he shuts himself up [it must have been a lady; they always snub the bachelors] in his cloistered cell, repeating his mumpsimus from day to day, and despising the labourers on the outside, we begin to think of Galileo,[624] Jenner,[625] Harvey,[626] and other glorious trios, who have been contemned ..."
"Prof. De Morgan, who, due to his standing in the scientific community, could reasonably appreciate less practiced efforts than his own, seems to enjoy mocking the discoverer. Science is, of course, a highly respected figure when he steps forward and proves his worth in the world [it must have been a lady; each sex gives science to the other]: but when, like a monk from the Middle Ages, he isolates himself [it must have been a lady; they always snub the bachelors] in his secluded cell, repeating his mumpsimus day after day and looking down on the workers outside, we start to think of Galileo,[624] Jenner,[625] Harvey,[626] and other remarkable trios who have been dismissed ..."
The writer then called upon Mr. James Smith[627] to come [337]forward. The irony was not seen; and that day fortnight appeared the first of more than thirty letters from his pen. Mr. Smith was followed by Mr. Reddie,[628] Zadkiel,[629] and others, on their several subjects. To some of the letters I have referred; to others I shall come. The Correspondent was to become a first-class scientific journal; the time had arrived at which truth had an organ: and I received formal notice that I could not stifle it by silence, nor convert it into falsehood by ridicule. When my reader sees my extracts, he will readily believe my declaration that I should have been the last to stifle a publication which was every week what James Mill[630] would call a dose of capital for my Budget. A few anti-paradoxers brought in common sense: but to the mass of the readers of the journal it all seemed to be the difference between Tweedledum and Tweedledee. Some said that the influx of scientific paradoxes killed the journal: but my belief is that they made it last longer than it otherwise would have done. Twenty years ago I recommended the paradoxers to combine and publish their views in a common journal: with a catholic editor, who had no pet theory, but a stern determination not to exclude anything merely for absurdity. I suspect it would answer very well. A strong title, or motto, would be wanted: not so coarse as was roared out in a Cambridge mob when I was an undergraduate—"No King! No Church! No House of Lords! No nothing, blast me!"—but something on that principle.
The writer then called upon Mr. James Smith[627] to come [337]forward. The irony wasn’t recognized; and that day in two weeks, the first of more than thirty letters from him appeared. Mr. Smith was followed by Mr. Reddie,[628] Zadkiel,[629] and others, addressing their various topics. I’ve referred to some of the letters; I’ll get to others later. The Correspondent was set to become a top-tier scientific journal; the time had come when truth had its voice: and I was formally informed that I couldn’t suppress it by silence, nor twist it into falsehood through mockery. When my reader sees my excerpts, they will easily believe my assertion that I would have been the last one to choke off a publication that was, week after week, what James Mill[630] would call a crucial part of my Budget. A few skeptics brought in common sense: but for most readers of the journal, it all seemed like the difference between Tweedledum and Tweedledee. Some claimed that the influx of scientific paradoxes killed the journal: but I believe they actually prolonged its existence. Twenty years ago, I suggested that the paradox proponents should come together and publish their views in a shared journal: with a broad-minded editor, who had no favorite theory but a firm resolve not to exclude anything just because it seemed absurd. I suspect it would do quite well. A strong title, or motto, would be needed: not as crude as what was shouted during a Cambridge protest when I was an undergraduate—“No King! No Church! No House of Lords! No nothing, damn it!”—but something on that principle.
At the end of 1867 I addressed the following letter to the Athenæum:
At the end of 1867, I wrote the following letter to the Athenæum:
Pseudomath, Philomath, and Graphomath.
Pseudomath, Philomath, and Graphomath.
Many thanks for the present of Mr. James Smith's letters [338]of Sept. 28 and of Oct. 10 and 12. He asks where you will be if you read and digest his letters: you probably will be somewhere first. He afterwards asks what the WE of the Athenæum will be if, finding it impossible to controvert, it should refuse to print. I answer for you, that We-We of the Athenæum, not being Wa-Wa the wild goose, so conspicuous in "Hiawatha," will leave what controverts itself to print itself, if it please.
Thank you for the gift of Mr. James Smith's letters [338]from September 28 and October 10 and 12. He inquires where you'll be if you read and understand his letters: you'll probably be somewhere else first. He then asks what the WE of the Athenæum will do if, finding it impossible to argue against, it decides not to print. I speak for you, that we of the Athenæum, not being Wa-Wa the wild goose, so prominent in "Hiawatha," will let what argues against itself print itself, if it wishes.
Philomath is a good old word, easier to write and speak than mathematician. It wants the words between which I have placed it. They are not well formed: pseudomathete and graphomathete would be better: but they will do. I give an instance of each.
Philomath is a nice old word, simpler to write and say than mathematician. It needs the words I've placed around it. They aren’t the best: pseudomathete and graphomathete would be better, but they’ll work. Here’s an example of each.
The pseudomath is a person who handles mathematics as the monkey handled the razor. The creature tried to shave himself as he had seen his master do; but, not having any notion of the angle at which the razor was to be held, he cut his own throat. He never tried a second time, poor animal! but the pseudomath keeps on at his work, proclaims himself clean-shaved, and all the rest of the world hairy. So great is the difference between moral and physical phenomena! Mr. James Smith is, beyond doubt, the great pseudomath of our time. His 3⅛ is the least of a wonderful chain of discoveries. His books, like Whitbread's barrels, will one day reach from Simpkin & Marshall's to Kew, placed upright, or to Windsor laid length-ways. The Queen will run away on their near approach, as Bishop Hatto did from the rats: but Mr. James Smith will follow her were it to John o' Groats.
The pseudomath is someone who handles math like a monkey with a razor. The monkey tried to shave himself as he had seen his owner do; but, without any idea of the angle to hold the razor, he ended up cutting his own throat. He never tried again, poor creature! But the pseudomath keeps at it, claims to be clean-shaven, while everyone else is hairy. The difference between moral and physical realities is that stark! Mr. James Smith is undoubtedly the greatest pseudomath of our time. His 3⅛ is just the start of an incredible series of discoveries. His books, like Whitbread's barrels, will someday stretch from Simpkin & Marshall to Kew, either standing upright or laid out to Windsor. The Queen will flee when they get close, just like Bishop Hatto did from the rats; but Mr. James Smith will chase after her even if it means going all the way to John o' Groats.
The philomath, for my present purpose, must be exhibited as giving a lesson to presumption. The following anecdote is found in Thiébault's[631] Souvenirs de vingt ans de séjours à Berlin, published in 1804. The book itself got a high character for truth. In 1807 Marshal Mollendorff[632] [339]answered an inquiry of the Duc de Bassano,[633] by saying that it was the most veracious of books, written by the most honest of men. Thiébault does not claim personal knowledge of the anecdote, but he vouches for its being received as true all over the north of Europe.[634]
The philomath, for my current purpose, should be shown as teaching a lesson to those who are overly confident. The following story is found in Thiébault's Souvenirs de vingt ans de séjours à Berlin, published in 1804. The book itself is known for its truthfulness. In 1807, Marshal Mollendorff answered a question from the Duc de Bassano, saying it was the most accurate book, written by the most honest man. Thiébault doesn’t claim to know the story personally, but he confirms it is widely accepted as true throughout northern Europe.
Diderot[635] paid a visit to Russia at the invitation of Catherine the Second. At that time he was an atheist, or at least talked atheism: it would be easy to prove him either one thing or the other from his writings. His lively sallies on this subject much amused the Empress, and all the younger part of her Court. But some of the older courtiers suggested that it was hardly prudent to allow such unreserved exhibitions. The Empress thought so too, but did not like to muzzle her guest by an express prohibition: so a plot was contrived. The scorner was informed that an eminent mathematician had an algebraical proof of the existence of God, which he would communicate before the whole Court, if agreeable. Diderot gladly consented. The mathematician, who is not named, was Euler.[636] He came to Diderot with the gravest air, and in a tone of perfect conviction said, "Monsieur!
Diderot[635] visited Russia at the invitation of Catherine the Second. At that time, he was an atheist, or at least talked like one: it would be easy to show he was either from his writings. His lively comments on this topic amused the Empress and all the younger members of her Court. However, some of the older courtiers suggested that it wasn't wise to allow such open displays. The Empress agreed, but didn't want to silence her guest with a direct ban, so a scheme was devised. The skeptic was told that a prominent mathematician had an algebraic proof of God’s existence, which he would share before the whole Court, if agreeable. Diderot eagerly agreed. The mathematician, whose name is not mentioned, was Euler.[636] He approached Diderot with the utmost seriousness and, in a tone of complete conviction, said, "Monsieur!
a + bn![]() n | = x |
donc Dieu existe; répondez!"[637] Diderot, to whom algebra was Hebrew, though this is expressed in a very roundabout way by Thiébault—and whom we may suppose to have expected some verbal argument of alleged algebraical closeness, was disconcerted; while peals of laughter sounded on all sides. Next day he asked permission to return to France, which was granted. An algebraist would have [340]turned the tables completely, by saying, "Monsieur! vous savez bien que votre raisonnement demande le développement de x suivant les puissances entières de n".[638] Goldsmith could not have seen the anecdote, or he might have been supposed to have drawn from it a hint as to the way in which the Squire demolished poor Moses.
So God exists; respond!"[637] Diderot, for whom algebra was like a foreign language, though Thiébault expressed this in a rather convoluted way—and who we can assume expected some kind of verbal argument related to the so-called closeness of algebra, was thrown off balance; while laughter erupted all around. The next day he asked for permission to return to France, which was granted. A mathematician would have completely flipped the conversation by saying, "Sir! you know very well that your reasoning requires the expansion of x in terms of the whole powers of n".[638] Goldsmith couldn't have seen the anecdote, or he might have inferred a clue about how the Squire took down poor Moses.
The graphomath is a person who, having no mathematics, attempts to describe a mathematician. Novelists perform in this way: even Walter Scott now and then burns his fingers. His dreaming calculator, Davy Ramsay, swears "by the bones of the immortal Napier." Scott thought that the the philomaths worshiped relics: so they do, in one sense. Look into Hutton's[639] Dictionary for Napier's Bones, and you shall learn all about the little knick-knacks by which he did multiplication and division. But never a bone of his own did he contribute; he preferred elephants' tusks. The author of Headlong Hall[640] makes a grand error, which is quite high science: he says that Laplace proved the precession of the equinoxes to be a periodical inequality. He should have said the variation of the obliquity. But the finest instance is the following: Mr. Warren,[641] in his well-wrought tale of the martyr-philosopher, was incautious enough to invent the symbols by which his savant satisfied himself Laplace[642] was right on a doubtful point. And this is what he put together—
The graphomath is someone who, lacking any knowledge of math, tries to describe a mathematician. This is how novelists operate: even Walter Scott occasionally gets it wrong. His imaginative calculator, Davy Ramsay, swears "by the bones of the immortal Napier." Scott believed that philomaths revered relics: they do, in a way. Check Hutton's [639] Dictionary for Napier's Bones, and you’ll discover all about the little gadgets he used for multiplication and division. But he never contributed any bones of his own; he preferred elephant tusks. The author of Headlong Hall [640] makes a significant mistake, which is quite scientific: he claims that Laplace proved the precession of the equinoxes to be a periodic inequality. He should have mentioned the variation of the obliquity. But the best example is this: Mr. Warren, [641] in his well-crafted story about the martyr-philosopher, was careless enough to create the symbols that his savant used to convince himself that Laplace [642] was correct on a questionable matter. And this is what he put together—
Now, to Diderot and the mass of mankind this might be Laplace all over: and, in a forged note of Pascal, would [341]prove him quite up to gravitation. But I know of nothing like it, except in the lately received story of the American orator, who was called on for some Latin, and perorated thus: "Committing the destiny of the country to your hands, Gentlemen, I may without fear declare, in the language of the noble Roman poet,
Now, to Diderot and the general public, this might seem like Laplace all over again: and, in a forged note from Pascal, would prove he was definitely into gravitation. But I haven't seen anything quite like it, except in the recently shared story of the American speaker, who was asked to say something in Latin, and concluded with: "Handing over the fate of the country to your care, Gentlemen, I can confidently say, in the words of the illustrious Roman poet,
E pluribus unum,
Out of many, one,
Multum in parvo,
Much in little,
Ultima Thule,
Ultima Thule,
Sine qua non."[643]
Essential condition."__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
But the American got nearer to Horace than the martyr-philosopher to
Laplace. For all the words are in Horace, except Thule, which
might have been there. But is not a symbol wanted by Laplace; nor can we see
how it could have been; in fact, it is not recognized in algebra. As to
the junctions, etc., Laplace and Horace are about equally well
imitated.
But the American got closer to Horace than the martyr-philosopher did to Laplace. All the words are in Horace, except Thule, which could have been included. But is not a symbol that Laplace needs; nor can we see how it could have been; actually, it isn't recognized in algebra. As for the junctions, etc., Laplace and Horace are about equally well reflected.
Further thanks for Mr. Smith's letters to you of Oct. 15, 18, 19, 28, and Nov. 4, 15. The last of these letters has two curious discoveries. First, Mr. Smith declares that he has seen the editor of the Athenæum: in several previous letters he mentions a name. If he knew a little of journalism he would be aware that editors are a peculiar race, obtained by natural selection. They are never seen, even by their officials; only heard down a pipe. Secondly, "an ellipse or oval" is composed of four arcs of circles. Mr. Smith has got hold of the construction I was taught, when a boy, for a pretty four-arc oval. But my teachers knew better than to call it an ellipse: Mr. Smith does not; but he produces from it such confirmation of 3⅛ as would convince any honest editor.
Further thanks for Mr. Smith's letters to you dated Oct. 15, 18, 19, 28, and Nov. 4, 15. The last of these letters contains two interesting discoveries. First, Mr. Smith claims that he has met the editor of the Athenæum: in several earlier letters, he mentions a name. If he knew a bit about journalism, he would realize that editors are a unique breed, selected through natural processes. They are rarely seen, even by their own staff; only heard through a phone call. Secondly, "an ellipse or oval" is made up of four arcs of circles. Mr. Smith has stumbled upon the design I was taught as a boy for a nice four-arc oval. But my teachers were smart enough not to call it an ellipse: Mr. Smith isn’t, but he draws from it such proof of 3⅛ as would convince any honest editor.
Surely the cyclometer is a Darwinite development of a spider, who is always at circles, and always begins again when his web is brushed away. He informs you that he [342]has been privileged to discover truths unknown to the scientific world. This we know; but he proceeds to show that he is equally fortunate in art. He goes on to say that he will make use of you to bring those truths to light, "just as an artist makes use of a dummy for the purpose of arranging his drapery." The painter's lay-figure is for flowing robes; the hairdresser's dummy is for curly locks. Mr. James Smith should read Sam Weller's pathetic story of the "four wax dummies." As to his use of a dummy, it is quite correct. When I was at University College, I walked one day into a room in which my Latin colleague was examining. One of the questions was, "Give the lives and fates of Sp. Mælius,[644] and Sp. Cassius."[645] Umph! said I, surely all know that Spurius Mælius was whipped for adulterating flour, and that Spurius Cassius was hanged for passing bad money. Now, a robe arranged on a dummy would look just like the toga of Cassius on the gallows. Accordingly, Mr. Smith is right in the drapery-hanger which he has chosen: he has been detected in the attempt to pass bad circles. He complains bitterly that his geometry, instead of being read and understood by you, is handed over to me to be treated after my scurrilous fashion. It is clear enough that he would rather be handled in this way than not handled at all, or why does he go on writing? He must know by this time that it is a part of the institution that his "untruthful and absurd trash" shall be distilled into mine at the rate of about 3⅛ pages of the first to one column of the second. Your readers will never know how much they gain by the process, until Mr. James Smith publishes it all in a big book, or until they get hold of what he has already published. I have six pounds avoirdupois of pamphlets and letters; and there is more than half a pound of letters [343]written to you in the last two months. Your compositor must feel aggrieved by the rejection of these clearly written documents, without erasures, and on one side only. Your correspondent has all the makings of a good contributor, except the knowledge of his subject and the sense to get it. He is, in fact, only a mask: of whom the fox
Surely the cyclometer is an evolution from a spider, who is always spinning webs and starts over whenever his web is disturbed. He tells you that he’s been lucky enough to discover truths that the scientific community hasn’t seen yet. We understand this; but he goes on to demonstrate that he is also lucky in the arts. He mentions that he will use you to reveal those truths, “just as an artist uses a mannequin to arrange drapery.” A painter’s mannequin is for flowing robes; a hairdresser’s dummy is for styled hair. Mr. James Smith should check out Sam Weller's touching tale of the "four wax dummies." As for his use of a dummy, that’s accurate. When I was at University College, I once walked into a room where my Latin colleague was giving an exam. One question asked, "Outline the lives and fates of Spurius Mælius and Spurius Cassius." Um, I thought, surely everyone knows that Spurius Mælius was punished for adulterating flour, and Spurius Cassius was executed for counterfeiting money. Now, a robe arranged on a mannequin would look just like Cassius’s toga on the gallows. So, Mr. Smith is correct in the drapery reference he chose: he’s been caught trying to pass off bad arguments. He bitterly complains that his geometry, instead of being read and understood by you, is sent to me to be handled in my usual mocking way. It’s pretty clear he’d rather be treated this way than not addressed at all, or else why would he keep writing? By now, he must know that it’s part of the process for his “false and ridiculous tripe” to be mixed into my work at about 3⅛ pages of his for every one of mine. Your readers will never realize how much they benefit from this process until Mr. James Smith publishes everything in a big book or until they see what he has already written. I have six pounds of pamphlets and letters; and over half a pound of letters written to you in the last two months. Your typesetter must feel frustrated by the dismissal of these clearly written documents, free of mistakes and written on one side only. Your correspondent has all the qualities of a good contributor, except for knowledge of his subject and the sense to acquire it. He is, in fact, merely a mask: of whom the fox
I do not despair of Mr. Smith on any question which does not involve that unfortunate two-stick wicket at which he persists in bowling. He has published many papers; he has forwarded them to mathematicians: and he cannot get answers; perhaps not even readers. Does he think that he would get more notice if you were to print him in your journal? Who would study his columns? Not the mathematician, we know; and he knows. Would others? His balls are aimed too wide to be blocked by any one who is near the wicket. He has long ceased to be worth the answer which a new invader may get. Rowan Hamilton,[647] years ago, completely knocked him over; and he has never attempted to point out any error in the short and easy method by which that powerful investigator condescended to show that, be right who may, he must be wrong. There are some persons who feel inclined to think that Mr. Smith should be argued with: let those persons understand that he has been argued with, refuted, and has never attempted to stick a pen into the refutation. He stated that it was a remarkable paradox, easily explicable; and that is all. After this evasion, Mr. James Smith is below the necessity of being told that he is unworthy of answer. His friends complain that I do nothing but chaff him. Absurd! I winnow him; and if nothing but chaff results, whose fault is that? I am usefully employed: for he is the type of a class which ought to be known, and which I have done much to make known.
I don’t lose hope for Mr. Smith on any topic that doesn’t involve that unfortunate two-stick wicket he keeps bowling at. He has published many papers; he has sent them to mathematicians, but he can't get any responses—maybe not even any readers. Does he think he would get more attention if you printed him in your journal? Who would read his articles? Not mathematicians, that’s for sure, and he knows it. Would anyone else? His ideas are aimed too far off to be addressed by anyone close to the wicket. He has long stopped being worth the response that a new challenger might receive. Rowan Hamilton, [647] years ago, completely dismantled him, and he has never tried to pinpoint any mistake in the straightforward method by which that brilliant researcher demonstrated that, no matter who is right, he must be wrong. Some people believe that Mr. Smith should be debated with: let those people realize that he has already been debated with, disproven, and has never made an effort to respond to the refutation. He claimed it was a remarkable paradox, easily explained; and that’s all. After dodging that, Mr. James Smith no longer needs to be told that he isn’t worth a response. His friends say I only chaff him. Nonsense! I sift through his arguments; and if all that comes out is chaff, whose fault is that? I am productively engaged because he represents a class that needs to be recognized, and I have done a lot to bring that to light.
Nothing came of this until July 1869, when I received a reprint of the above letter, with a comment, described as Appendix D of a work in course of publication on the geometry of the circle. The Athenæum journal received the same: but the Editor, in his private capacity, received the whole work, being The Geometry of the Circle and Mathematics as applied to Geometry by Mathematicians, shown to be a mockery, delusion, and a snare, Liverpool, 8vo, 1869. Mr. J. S. here appears in deep fight with Professor Whitworth,[648] and Mr. Wilson,[649] the author of the alleged amendment of Euclid. How these accomplished mathematicians could be inveigled into continued discussion is inexplicable. Mr. Whitworth began by complaining of Mr. Smith's attacks upon mathematicians, continued to correspond after he was convinced that J. S. proved an arc and its chord to be equal, and only retreated when J. S. charged him with believing in 3⅛, and refusing acknowledgment. Mr. Wilson was introduced to J. S. by a volunteer defense of his geometry from the assaults of the Athenæum. This the editor would not publish; so J. S. sent a copy to Mr. Wilson himself. Some correspondence ensued, but Mr. Wilson soon found out his man, and withdrew.
Nothing happened with this until July 1869, when I got a reprint of the letter above, along with a comment, labeled as Appendix D of a work being published on the geometry of the circle. The Athenæum journal also received it, but the Editor, in his personal capacity, received the entire work, titled The Geometry of the Circle and Mathematics as applied to Geometry by Mathematicians, shown to be a mockery, delusion, and a snare, Liverpool, 8vo, 1869. Mr. J. S. appears to be in a serious argument with Professor Whitworth,[648] and Mr. Wilson,[649] the author of the supposed amendment of Euclid. It's puzzling how these skilled mathematicians could be drawn into ongoing debate. Mr. Whitworth started by complaining about Mr. Smith's criticisms of mathematicians and kept corresponding even after he was convinced that J. S. had proven an arc and its chord to be equal, only backing off when J. S. accused him of believing in 3⅛ and refusing to acknowledge it. Mr. Wilson was introduced to J. S. through a voluntary defense of his geometry against the attacks from the Athenæum. The editor wouldn't publish this, so J. S. sent a copy directly to Mr. Wilson. Some correspondence followed, but Mr. Wilson soon realized who he was dealing with and withdrew.
There is a little derision of the Athenæum and a merited punishment for "that unscrupulous critic and contemptible mathematical twaddler, De Morgan."
There is a bit of mockery towards the Athenæum and a deserved punishment for "that unprincipled critic and despicable mathematical fool, De Morgan."
MR. REDDIE'S ASTRONOMY.
Mr. Reddie's Astronomy.
At p. 183 I mentioned Mr. Reddie,[650] the author of Vis Inertiæ Victa and of Victoria toto cœlo,[651] which last is not [345]an address to the whole heaven, either from a Roman Goddess or a British Queen, whatever a scholar may suppose. Between these Mr. Reddie has published The Mechanics of the Heavens, 8vo, 1862: this I never saw until he sent it to me, with an invitation to notice it, he very well knowing that it would catch. His speculations do battle with common notions of mathematics and of mechanics, which, to use a feminine idiom, he blasphemes so you can't think! and I suspect that if you do not blaspheme them too, you can't think. He appeals to the "truly scientific," and would be glad to have readers who have read what he controverts, i.e., Newton's Principia: I wish he may get them; I mean I hope he may obtain them. To none but these would an account of his speculations be intelligible: I accordingly disposed of him in a very short paragraph of description. Now many paradoxers desire notice, even though it be disparaging. I have letters from more than one—besides what have been sent to the Editor of the Athenæum—complaining that they are not laughed at; although they deserve it, they tell me, as much as some whom I have inserted. Mr. Reddie informs me that I have not said a single word against his books, though I have given nearly a column to sixteen-string arithmetic, and as much to animalcule universes. What need to say anything to readers of Newton against a book from which I quoted that revolution by gravitation is demonstrably impossible? It would be as useless as evidence against a man who has pleaded guilty. Mr. Reddie derisively thanks me for "small mercies"; he wrote me private letters; he published them, and more, in the Correspondent. He gave me, pro viribus suis,[652] such a dressing you can't think, both for my Budget non-notice, and for reviews which he assumed me to have written. He outlawed himself by declaring (Correspondent, Nov. 11, 1856) that I—in a review—had made a quotation which was "garbled, evidently on purpose [346]to make it appear that" he "was advocating solely a geocentric hypothesis, which is not true." In fact, he did his best to get larger "mercy." And he shall have it; and at a length which shall content him, unless his mecometer be an insatiable apparatus. But I fear that in other respects I shall no more satisfy him than the Irish drummer satisfied the poor culprit when, after several times changing the direction of the stroke at earnest entreaty, he was at last provoked to call out, "Bad cess to ye, ye spalpeen! strike where one will, there's no plasing ye!"
At page 183, I mentioned Mr. Reddie, the author of Vis Inertiæ Victa and Victoria toto cœlo, which isn’t really an address to all of heaven from a Roman goddess or a British queen, no matter what some scholars think. In between these works, Mr. Reddie published The Mechanics of the Heavens, 8vo, 1862: I hadn’t seen it until he sent it to me, hoping I would write about it because he knew it would attract attention. His ideas challenge common beliefs in mathematics and mechanics, which, to use a feminine expression, he criticizes in a way that's hard to believe! I suspect that if you don’t join in on criticizing them, you can't think either. He appeals to the "truly scientific" and would love to have readers who have engaged with the works he argues against, namely Newton's Principia: I hope he gets those readers. An account of his ideas would only make sense to them, so I summarized him in a brief descriptive paragraph. Many people who hold unusual views seek attention, even if it’s negative. I have received letters from more than one person—besides what’s been sent to the Editor of the Athenæum—complaining that they aren’t being ridiculed; they insist they deserve it just as much as others I have mentioned. Mr. Reddie tells me that I haven’t said a single negative word about his books, even though I've dedicated nearly a column to discussing sixteen-string arithmetic and just as much to tiny universes. What’s the point of saying anything to Newton’s readers about a book from which I quoted that revolution by gravitation is demonstrably impossible? It would be as pointless as providing evidence against someone who has already pleaded guilty. Mr. Reddie sarcastically thanks me for "small mercies"; he sent me private letters, published them, and more in the Correspondent. He gave me, pro viribus suis, such a dressing down that you can't imagine, both for not mentioning my Budget and for reviews he assumed I had written. He excluded himself from consideration by claiming in the Correspondent (Nov. 11, 1856) that I—in a review—made a quotation that was "garbled, evidently on purpose to make it seem" like he was only advocating for a geocentric theory, which isn’t true. In fact, he did everything he could to get more "mercy." And he will get it; and to an extent that should satisfy him, unless his demands are unquenchable. But I fear that, in other areas, I won’t satisfy him any more than the Irish drummer satisfied the unfortunate culprit when, after repeatedly changing the direction of the strike at the man's earnest pleading, he finally called out, "Bad cess to ye, ye spalpeen! strike where one will, there's no plasing ye!"
Mr. Reddie attaches much force to Berkeley's[653] old arguments against the doctrine of fluxions, and advances objections to Newton's second section, which he takes to be new. To me they appear "such as have been often made," to copy a description given in a review: though I have no doubt Mr. Reddie got them out of himself. But the whole matter comes to this: Mr. Reddie challenged answer, especially from the British Association, and got none. He presumes that this is because he is right, and cannot be answered: the Association is willing to risk itself upon the counter-notion that he is wrong, and need not be answered; because so wrong that none who could understand an answer would be likely to want one.
Mr. Reddie places a lot of emphasis on Berkeley's old arguments against calculus and presents what he believes are new objections to Newton's second section. To me, they seem "like ones that have been frequently made," as described in a review, although I'm sure Mr. Reddie came up with them on his own. But the main point is this: Mr. Reddie requested a response, especially from the British Association, and received none. He assumes this means he is right and can't be challenged; the Association seems willing to stand by the idea that he is wrong and doesn't need to respond because it’s so off-base that anyone who could understand the issue wouldn’t want an answer.
Mr. Reddie demands my attention to a point which had already particularly struck me, as giving the means of showing to all readers the kind of confusion into which paradoxers are apt to fall, in spite of the clearest instruction. It is a very honest blunder, and requires notice: it may otherwise mislead some, who may suppose that no one able to read could be mistaken about so simple a matter, [347]let him be ever so wrong about Newton. According to his own mis-statement, in less than five months he made the Astronomer Royal abandon the theory of the solar motion in space. The announcement is made in August, 1865, as follows: the italics are not mine:
Mr. Reddie draws my attention to a point that has already caught my eye, as it shows all readers the type of confusion that people who argue paradoxes often fall into, despite the clearest explanations. It’s a genuine mistake and deserves attention; otherwise, it might mislead some who might think that no one capable of reading could misunderstand something so straightforward, even if they’re completely wrong about Newton. According to his own incorrect statement, in less than five months he convinced the Astronomer Royal to abandon the theory of solar motion in space. This was announced in August 1865 as follows: the italics are not mine:
"The third (Victoria ...), although only published in September, 1863, has already had its triumph. It is the book that forced the Astronomer Royal of England, after publicly teaching the contrary for years, to come to the conclusion, "strange as it may appear," that "the whole question of solar motion in space is at the present time in doubt and abeyance." This admission is made in the Annual Report of the Council of the Royal Astronomical Society, published in the Society's Monthly Notices for February, 1864."
"The third (Victoria ...), published in September 1863, has already seen great success. It's the book that made the Astronomer Royal of England, after publicly asserting the opposite for years, conclude, "strange as it may seem," that "the entire question of solar motion in space is currently uncertain and unresolved." This statement appears in the Annual Report of the Council of the Royal Astronomical Society, published in the Society's Monthly Notices for February 1864."
It is added that solar motion is "full of self-contradiction, which "the astronomers" simply overlooked, but which they dare not now deny after being once pointed out."
It’s noted that solar motion is "full of self-contradiction, which 'the astronomers' simply overlooked, but which they can no longer deny now that it has been pointed out."
The following is another of his accounts of the matter, given in the Correspondent, No. 18, 1865:
The following is another one of his accounts about the situation, published in the Correspondent, No. 18, 1865:
"... You ought, when you came to put me in the 'Budget,' to have been aware of the Report of the Council of the Royal Astronomical Society, where it appears that Professor Airy,[654] with a better appreciation of my demonstrations, had admitted—'strange,' say the Council, 'as it may appear,'—that 'the whole question of solar motion in space [and here Mr. Reddie omits some words] is now in doubt and abeyance.' You were culpable as a public teacher of no little pretensions, if you were 'unaware' of this. If aware of it, you ought not to have suppressed such an important testimony to my really having been 'very successful' in drawing the teeth of the pegtops, though you thought them so firmly fixed. And if you still suppress [348]it, in your Appendix, or when you reprint your 'Budget,' you will then be guilty of a suppressio veri, also of further injury to me, who have never injured you...."
"... You should have known, when you decided to include me in the 'Budget,' about the Report from the Council of the Royal Astronomical Society. In it, Professor Airy, who better understood my demonstrations, acknowledged—'strange,' the Council says, 'as it may seem'—that 'the whole question of solar motion in space [and here Mr. Reddie omits some words] is now in doubt and abeyance.' As a public educator with notable credentials, you would be in the wrong if you were 'unaware' of this. If you did know about it, you should not have excluded such an important acknowledgment of my actual success in tackling the issues with the pegtops, which you believed were so secure. If you keep omitting it in your Appendix or when you reprint your 'Budget,' you will be guilty of suppressio veri, causing me further harm, even though I have never harmed you...."
Mr. Reddie must have been very well satisfied in his own mind before he ventured such a challenge, with an answer from me looming in the distance. The following is the passage of the Report of the Council, etc., from which he quotes:
Mr. Reddie must have felt quite confident in himself before he dared to make such a challenge, knowing my response was on the horizon. The following is the excerpt from the Report of the Council, etc., that he quotes:
"And yet, strange to say, notwithstanding the near coincidence of all the results of the before-mentioned independent methods of investigation, the inevitable logical inference deduced by Mr. Airy is, that the whole question of solar motion in space, so far at least as accounting for the proper motion of the stars is concerned, [I have put in italics the words omitted by Mr. Reddie] appears to remain at this moment in doubt and abeyance."
"It's odd to say that even though all the independent methods of investigation we discussed agree closely, the unavoidable logical conclusion drawn by Mr. Airy is that the whole question of solar motion in space, at least regarding the proper motion of the stars, [I have italicized the words omitted by Mr. Reddie] still appears to be uncertain and unresolved right now."
Mr. Reddie has forked me, as he thinks, on a dilemma: if unaware, culpable ignorance; if aware, suppressive intention. But the thing is a trilemma, and the third horn, on which I elect to be placed, is surmounted by a doubly-stuffed seat. First, Mr. Airy has not changed his opinion about the fact of solar motion in space, but only suspends it as to the sufficiency of present means to give the amount and direction of the motion. Secondly, all that is alluded to in the Astronomical Report was said and printed before the Victoria proclamation appeared. So that the author, instead of drawing the tooth of the Astronomer Royal's pegtop, has burnt his own doll's nose.
Mr. Reddie has put me in what he thinks is a tricky situation: if I'm unaware, it's guilty ignorance; if I'm aware, it's a suppressive intention. But the reality is a trilemma, and the third option, which I've chosen, comes with a cushioned seat. First, Mr. Airy hasn’t changed his mind about the fact of solar motion in space; he’s just holding off on concluding whether our current methods are enough to determine the amount and direction of that motion. Second, everything mentioned in the Astronomical Report was said and published before the Victoria proclamation came out. So rather than exposing the flaws in the Astronomer Royal's theories, the author has just ruined his own creation.
William Herschel,[655] and after him about six other astronomers, had aimed at determining, by the proper motions of the stars, the point of the heavens towards which the solar system is moving: their results were tolerably accordant. Mr. Airy, in 1859, proposed an improved method, and, applying it to stars of large proper motion, produced [349]much the same result as Herschel. Mr. E. Dunkin,[656] one of Mr. Airy's staff at Greenwich, applied Mr. Airy's method to a very large number of stars, and produced, again, nearly the same result as before. This paper was read to the Astronomical Society in March, 1863, was printed in abstract in the Notice of that month, was printed in full in the volume then current, and was referred to in the Annual Report of the Council in February, 1864, under the name of "the Astronomer Royal's elaborate investigation, as exhibited by Mr. Dunkin." Both Mr. Airy and Mr. Dunkin express grave doubts as to the sufficiency of the data: and, regarding the coincidence of all the results as highly curious, feel it necessary to wait for calculations made on better data. The report of the Council states these doubts. Mr. Reddie, who only published in September, 1863, happened to see the Report of February, 1864, assumes that the doubts were then first expressed, and declares that his book of September had the triumph of forcing the Astronomer Royal to abandon the fact of motion of the solar system by the February following. Had Mr. Reddie, when he saw that the Council were avowedly describing a memoir presented some time before, taken the precaution to find out when that memoir was presented, he would perhaps have seen that doubts of the results obtained, expressed by one astronomer in March, 1863, and by another in 1859, could not have been due to his publication of September, 1863. And any one else would have learnt that neither astronomer doubts the solar motion, though both doubt the sufficiency of present means to determine its amount and direction. This is implied in the omitted words, which Mr. Reddie—whose omission would have been dishonest if he had seen their meaning—no doubt took for pleonasm, superfluity, overmuchness. The rashness which pushed him headlong [350]into the quillet that his thunderbolt had stopped the chariot of the Sun and knocked the Greenwich Phaeton off the box, is the same which betrayed him into yet grander error—which deserves the full word, quidlibet—about the Principia of Newton. There has been no change of opinion at all. When a person undertakes a long investigation, his opinion is that, at a certain date, there is prima facie ground for thinking a sound result may be obtained. Should it happen that the investigation ends in doubt upon the sufficiency of the grounds, the investigator is not put in the wrong. He knew beforehand that there was an alternative: and he takes the horn of the alternative indicated by his calculations. The two sides of this case present an instructive contrast. Eight astronomers produce nearly the same result, and yet the last two doubt the sufficiency of their means: compare them with the what's-his-name who rushes in where thing-em-bobs fear to tread.
William Herschel, [655] and about six other astronomers after him, aimed to identify the direction in space toward which the solar system is moving by studying the proper motions of the stars. Their findings were fairly consistent. In 1859, Mr. Airy proposed a better method, and when he applied it to stars with significant proper motion, he reached a similar conclusion to Herschel's. Mr. E. Dunkin, [656] one of Mr. Airy's team at Greenwich, used Mr. Airy's method on a much larger set of stars and again found results similar to the earlier ones. This paper was presented to the Astronomical Society in March 1863, briefly published in the Notice that month, printed in full in the current volume, and mentioned in the Annual Report of the Council in February 1864, under the title of "the Astronomer Royal's detailed investigation, as shown by Mr. Dunkin." Both Mr. Airy and Mr. Dunkin expressed serious doubts about the adequacy of the data. They viewed the agreement of all these results as very interesting but felt it was essential to wait for calculations based on more reliable data. The Council's report notes these doubts. Mr. Reddie, who only published in September 1863, happened to read the February 1864 report, assumes that the doubts were expressed for the first time then and claims that his September book forced the Astronomer Royal to abandon the fact of the solar system's motion by the following February. If Mr. Reddie had checked when the Council was openly discussing a memoir submitted earlier, he might have realized that doubts about the results—voiced by one astronomer in March 1863 and another in 1859—could not have been caused by his September 1863 publication. Anyone else would have understood that neither astronomer questioned the solar motion, even though both were skeptical about the adequacy of current methods to determine its amount and direction. This is suggested in the omitted words, which Mr. Reddie—whose omission would have been dishonest if he understood their significance—likely dismissed as unnecessary. The recklessness that drove him to claim that his revelation had halted the Sun's chariot and knocked the Greenwich Phaeton off its box reflects a greater misjudgment regarding the Principia of Newton. There has been no change in opinion at all. When someone embarks on a lengthy investigation, their view is that, at a certain point, there are prima facie grounds to believe a valid outcome may be reached. If the investigation concludes with doubts about the adequacy of those grounds, the investigator is not at fault. They understood from the beginning that there was an alternative: they chose the path indicated by their calculations. The two sides of this scenario provide an insightful contrast. Eight astronomers arrive at nearly the same conclusion, yet the last two question the adequacy of their methods: compare them to someone who rushes into situations where others hesitate.
I was not aware, until I had written what precedes, that Mr. Airy had given a sufficient answer on the point. Mr. Reddie says (Correspondent, Jan. 20, 1866):
I didn’t realize, until I wrote what came before, that Mr. Airy had already provided a clear answer on the issue. Mr. Reddie states (Correspondent, Jan. 20, 1866):
"I claim to have forced Professor Airy to give up the notion of 'solar motion in space' altogether, for he admits it to be 'at present in doubt and abeyance.' I first made that claim in a letter addressed to the Astronomer Royal himself in June, 1864, and in replying, very courteously, to other portions of my letter, he did not gainsay that part of it."
"I claim that I have persuaded Professor Airy to completely drop the concept of 'solar motion in space,' as he admits it to be 'currently uncertain and on hold.' I initially stated this in a letter to the Astronomer Royal in June 1864, and while he replied very politely to other sections of my letter, he did not challenge this part."
Mr. Reddie is not ready at reading satire, or he never would have so missed the meaning of the courteous reply on one point, and the total silence upon another. Mr. Airy must be one of those peculiar persons who, when they do not think an assertion worth notice, let it alone, without noticing it by a notification of non-notice. He would never commit the bull of "Sir! I will not say a word on that subject." He would put it thus, "Sir! I will only say ten words on that subject,"—and, having thus said them, would [351]proceed to something else. He assumed, as a matter of form, that Mr. Reddie would draw the proper inference from his silence: and this because he did not care whether or no the assumption was correct.
Mr. Reddie doesn't understand satire, or he wouldn't have completely misunderstood the polite reply on one point and the total silence on another. Mr. Airy must be one of those unique people who, when they don’t find a statement worth mentioning, simply ignore it without acknowledging their silence. He would never make the mistake of saying, "Sir! I won’t say a word on that subject." Instead, he would say, "Sir! I will only say ten words on that subject," and after saying those words, he would move on to something else. He assumed, as a matter of form, that Mr. Reddie would get the right idea from his silence, and that was because he didn’t care whether the assumption was correct or not.
The Mechanics of the Heavens, which Mr. Reddie sends to be noticed, shall be noticed, so far as an extract goes:
The Mechanics of the Heavens, which Mr. Reddie has submitted for review, will be acknowledged, at least with an excerpt:
"My connection with this subject is, indeed, very simply explained. In endeavoring to understand the laws of physical astronomy as generally taught, I happened to entertain some doubt whether gravitating bodies could revolve, and having afterwards imbibed some vague idea that the laws of the universe were chemical and physical rather than mechanical, and somehow connected with electricity and magnetism as opposing correlative forces—most probably suggested to my mind, as to many others, by the transcendent discoveries made in electro-magnetism by Professor Faraday[657]—my former doubts about gravitation were revived, and I was led very naturally to try and discover whether a gravitating body really could revolve; and I became convinced it could not, before I had ever presumed to look into the demonstrations of the Principia."
"My connection to this topic is actually pretty straightforward. As I tried to grasp the laws of physical astronomy as they are usually taught, I started to doubt whether gravitating bodies could actually revolve. Then I picked up the idea that the laws of the universe might be more about chemical and physical interactions than mechanical ones, and somehow related to electricity and magnetism as opposing but connected forces—this idea was likely inspired by the groundbreaking work in electromagnetism by Professor Faraday. My previous doubts about gravitation resurfaced, and I began to explore whether a gravitating body could actually revolve. I became convinced it couldn't, even before I had the chance to look into the demonstrations in the Principia."
This is enough against the book, without a word from me: I insert it only to show those who know the subject what manner of writer Mr. Reddie is. It is clear that "presumed" is a slip of the pen; it should have been condescended.
This is enough against the book, without a word from me: I include it just to show those who know the subject what kind of writer Mr. Reddie is. It's clear that "presumed" is a typo; it should have been condescended.
Mr. Reddie represents me as dreaming over paltry paradoxes. He is right; many of my paradoxes are paltry: he is wrong; I am wide awake to them. A single moth, beetle, or butterfly, may be a paltry thing; but when a cabinet is arranged by genus and species, we then begin to admire the [352]infinite variety of a system constructed on a wonderful sameness of leading characteristics. And why should paradoxes be denied that collective importance, paltry as many of them may individually be, which is accorded to moths, beetles, or butterflies? Mr. Reddie himself sees that "there is a method in" my "mode of dealing with paradoxes." I hope I have atoned for the scantiness of my former article, and put the demonstrated impossibility of gravitation on that level with Hubongramillposanfy arithmetic and inhabited atoms which the demonstrator—not quite without reason—claims for it.
Mr. Reddie sees me as getting lost in trivial paradoxes. He’s right; many of my paradoxes are trivial, but he’s wrong; I am fully aware of them. A single moth, beetle, or butterfly might seem insignificant, but when you organize a collection by genus and species, you start to appreciate the endless variety of a system built on a remarkable consistency of key features. So why shouldn’t paradoxes be given that same collective significance, however trivial they might seem individually, just like moths, beetles, or butterflies? Mr. Reddie himself acknowledges that "there is a method in" my "way of approaching paradoxes." I hope I’ve made up for the lack of depth in my earlier article and placed the demonstrated impossibility of gravitation on the same level as Hubongramillposanfy arithmetic and inhabited atoms, which the demonstrator—not without some justification—claims for it.
In the Introduction to a collected edition of the three works, Mr. Reddie describes his Mechanism of the Heavens, from which I have just quoted, as—
In the Introduction to a collected edition of the three works, Mr. Reddie describes his Mechanism of the Heavens, from which I have just quoted, as—
"a public challenge offered to the British Association and the mathematicians at Cambridge, in August, 1862, calling upon them to point to a single demonstration in the Principia or elsewhere, which even attempts to prove that Universal Gravitation is possible, or to show that a gravitating body could possibly revolve about a center of attraction. The challenge was not accepted, and never will be. No such demonstration exists. And the public must judge for themselves as to the character of a so-called "certain science," which thus shrinks from rigid examination, and dares not defend itself when publicly attacked: also of the character of its teachers, who can be content to remain dumb under such circumstances."
"a public challenge made to the British Association and the mathematicians at Cambridge in August 1862, asking them to point to a single proof in the Principia or elsewhere that even attempts to show that Universal Gravitation is possible, or to demonstrate that a gravitating body could possibly revolve around a center of attraction. The challenge was not accepted, and it never will be. No proof exists. The public must evaluate for themselves the nature of a so-called 'certain science' that avoids rigorous examination and does not defend itself when publicly questioned, as well as the character of its educators, who can remain silent in such situations."
ON PARADOXERS IN GENERAL.
ABOUT PARADOXERS IN GENERAL.
The above is the commonplace talk of the class, of which I proceed to speak without more application to this paradoxer than to that. It reminds one of the funny young rascals who used, in times not yet quite forgotten, to abuse the passengers, as long as they could keep up with the [353]stage coach; dropping off at last with "Why don't you get down and thrash us? You're afraid, you're afraid!" They will allow the public to judge for themselves, but with somewhat of the feeling of the worthy uncle in Tom Jones, who, though he would let young people choose for themselves, would have them choose wisely. They try to be so awfully moral and so ghastly satirical that they must be answered: and they are best answered in their own division. We have all heard of the way in which sailors cat's-pawed the monkeys: they taunted the dwellers in the trees with stones, and the monkeys taunted them with cocoa-nuts in return. But these were silly dendrobats: had they belonged to the British Association they would have said—No! No! dear friends; it is not in the itinerary: if you want nuts, you must climb, as we do. The public has referred the question to Time: the procedure of this great king I venture to describe, from precedents, by an adaptation of some smart anapæstic tetrameters—your anapæst is the foot for satire to halt on, both in Greek and English—which I read about twenty years ago, and with the point of which I was much tickled. Poetasters were laughed at; but Mr. Slum, whom I employed—Mr. Charles Dickens obliged me with his address—converted the idea into that of a hit at mathematicasters, as easily as he turned the Warren acrostic into Jarley. As he observed, when I settled his little account, it is cheaper than any prose, though the broom was not stolen quite ready made:
The above is the usual talk of the class, and I’m about to discuss it without more focus on this paradox than that one. It brings to mind those mischievous young troublemakers who used, in days not too far gone, to tease the passengers as long as they could keep up with the [353]stagecoach; finally dropping off with "Why don’t you get down and beat us up? You’re scared, you’re scared!" They let the public judge for themselves, but with a bit of the attitude of the honorable uncle in Tom Jones, who, while he would let young people make their own choices, would still want them to choose wisely. They try to be super moral and extremely satirical, which demands a response: and they’re best responded to in their own style. We’ve all heard about how sailors teased the monkeys: they provoked the tree-dwellers with stones, and the monkeys retaliated with coconuts. But these were foolish tree dwellers: had they been part of the British Association, they would have said—No! No! dear friends; it’s not in the plan: if you want nuts, you’ll have to climb, just like we do. The public has left the decision to Time: I dare to describe the process of this great ruler, based on precedents, through an adaptation of some clever anapestic tetrameters—anapests being the rhythm for satire to settle on, both in Greek and English—that I read about twenty years ago and was quite amused by. Poetasters were ridiculed; however, Mr. Slum, whom I hired—Mr. Charles Dickens kindly provided his address—turned the idea into a jab at mathematicians, as effortlessly as he transformed the Warren acrostic into Jarley. As he pointed out when I settled his small bill, it’s cheaper than any prose, although the concept wasn’t stolen entirely ready-made:
Forty stripes save one for the smaller Paradoxers.
Forty stripes save one for the smaller Paradoxers.
Hark to the wisdom the sages preach
Listen to the wisdom the wise share
Who never have learnt what they try to teach.
Who has never learned what they try to teach.
We are the lights of the age, they say!
We are the lights of our time, they say!
We are the men, and the thinkers we!
We are the guys, and we are the thinkers!
So we build up guess-work the livelong day,
So we spend all day making guesses,
In a topsy-turvy sort of way,
In a mixed-up sort of way,
Some with and some wanting a plus b.
Some with and some wanting a + b.
Let the British Association fuss;
Let the British Association worry;
What are theirs to the feats to be wrought by us?
What do they have to do with the achievements we will accomplish?
Shall the earth stand still? Will the round come square?
Shall the earth stay still? Will the round become square?
Must Isaac's book be the nest of a mare?
Must Isaac's book be a mare's nest?
Ought the moon to be taught by the laws of space
Ought the moon to be guided by the rules of space
To turn half round without right-about-face?
To turn halfway around without doing a full turn?
Our whimsey crotchets will manage it all;
Our playful ideas will handle everything;
Deep! Deep! posterity will them call!
Deep! Deep! future generations will call them!
Though the world, for the present, lets them fall
Though the world, for now, lets them fall
Down! Down! to the twopenny box of the stall!
Down! Down! to the cheap box at the stall!
Thus they—But the marplot Time stands by,
Thus they—But the troublemaker Time stands by,
With a knowing wink in his funny old eye.
With a sly wink in his quirky old eye.
He grasps by the top an immense fool's cap,
He grabs the top of a giant fool's cap,
Which he calls a philosophaster-trap:
Which he calls a philosophaster trap:
And rightly enough, for while these little men
And rightly so, because while these little men
Croak loud as a concert of frogs in a fen,
Croak loudly like a chorus of frogs in a marsh,
He first singles out one, and then another,
He first picks out one, and then another,
Down goes the cap—lo! a moment's pother,
Down goes the cap—look! a moment's fuss,
A spirit like that which a rushlight utters
A spirit like the one a candle flickers
As just at the last it kicks and gutters:
As it kicks and sputters at the end:
When the cruel smotherer is raised again
When the harsh suppressor is brought up again
Only snuff, and but little of that, will remain.
Only a little snuff will be left.
But though uno avulso thus comes every day
But even though uno avulso still arrives every day
Non deficit alter is also in play:
Non deficit alter is also in play:
For the vacant parts are, one and all,
For the empty spaces are, all of them,
Soon taken by puppets just as small;
Soon taken by puppets just as small;
Who chirp, chirp, chirp, with a grasshopper's glee,
Who chirp, chirp, chirp, with a grasshopper's joy,
We're the lamps of the Universe, We! We! We!
We're the lights of the Universe, We! We! We!
But Time, whose speech is never long,—
But Time, whose words are never lengthy,—
He hasn't time for it—stops the song
He doesn't have time for it—stops the song.
And says—Lilliput lamps! leave the twopenny boxes,
And says—Lilliput lamps! leave the cheap boxes,
And shine in the Budget of Paradoxes!
And stand out in the Budget of Paradoxes!
When a paradoxer parades capital letters and diagrams which are as good as Newton's to all who know nothing about it, some persons wonder why science does not rise and triturate the whole thing. This is why: all who are fit to read the refutation are satisfied already, and can, if they please, detect the paradoxer for themselves. Those who are not fit to do this would not know the difference between the true answer and the new capitals and diagrams on which the delighted paradoxer would declare [355]that he had crumbled the philosophers, and not they him. Trust him for having the last word: and what matters it whether he crow the unanswerable sooner or later? There are but two courses to take. One is to wait until he has committed himself in something which all can understand, as Mr. Reddie has done in his fancy about the Astronomer Royal's change of opinion: he can then be put in his true place. The other is to construct a Budget of Paradoxes, that the world may see how the thing is always going on, and that the picture I have concocted by cribbing and spoiling a bit of poetry is drawn from life. He who wonders at there being no answer has seen one or two: he does not know that there are always fifty with equal claims, each of whom regards his being ranked with the rest as forty-nine distinct and several slanders upon himself, the great Mully Ully Gue. And the fifty would soon be five hundred if any notice were taken of them. They call mankind to witness that science will not defend itself, though publicly attacked in terms which might sting a pickpocket into standing up for his character: science, in return, allows mankind to witness or not, at pleasure, that it does not defend itself, and yet receives no injury from centuries of assault. Demonstrative reason never raises the cry of Church in Danger! and it cannot have any Dictionary of Heresies except a Budget of Paradoxes. Mistaken claimants are left to Time and his extinguisher, with the approbation of all thinking non-claimants: there is no need of a succession of exposures. Time gets through the job in his own workmanlike manner as already described.
When someone who loves paradoxes shows off capital letters and diagrams that look as impressive as Newton's to those who don't know any better, some people wonder why science doesn't step in and break it all down. Here's the thing: everyone who can understand the refutation is already satisfied and can figure out the paradox on their own if they want to. Those who can't do that wouldn't be able to tell the difference between the true answer and the flashy capitals and diagrams that the excited paradoxer would claim have crushed the philosophers, instead of the other way around. You can count on him to have the last word, and does it really matter whether he boasts about his unbeatable argument now or later? There are only two options. One is to wait until he says something that everyone can understand, like Mr. Reddie's take on the Astronomer Royal's shift in opinion; then he can be put in his proper place. The other is to create a collection of paradoxes so the world can see how this always happens, and that the picture I’ve come up with by borrowing and twisting some poetry comes from real life. Anyone who wonders why there's no answer has seen one or two; they don't realize there are always fifty with just as much merit, each thinking that being grouped together with the others is forty-nine separate slanders against themselves, the great Mully Ully Gue. And those fifty would quickly become five hundred if anyone paid attention to them. They call on humanity to see that science won't defend itself, even when publicly challenged in a way that might make a pickpocket stand up for his reputation: science, in turn, lets humanity choose to witness or not that it doesn't defend itself, yet remains unharmed by centuries of attacks. Demonstrative reasoning never cries out that the Church is in danger and doesn't have a Dictionary of Heresies, just a collection of paradoxes. Misguided claimants are left to Time and his extinguisher, with the approval of all thoughtful non-claimants: there’s no need for a series of exposés. Time handles the job in his own reliable way, as already mentioned.
On looking back more than twenty years, I find among my cuttings the following passage, relating to a person who had signalized himself by an effort to teach comets to the conductor of the Nautical Almanac:
On looking back over twenty years, I find among my clippings the following passage, about a person who stood out for trying to teach comets to the conductor of the Nautical Almanac:
"Our brethren of the literary class have not the least idea of the small amount of appearance of knowledge [356]which sets up the scientific charlatan. Their world is large, and there are many who have that moderate knowledge, and perception of what is knowledge, before which extreme ignorance is detected in its first prank. There is a public of moderate cultivation, for the most part sound in its judgment, always ready in its decisions. Accordingly, all their successful pretenders have some pretension. It is not so in science. Those who have a right to judge are fewer and farther between. The consequence is, that many scientific pretenders have nothing but pretension."
"Our peers in the literary world have no idea how little real knowledge it takes to create a scientific fraud. Their environment is vast, and there are plenty of people who have just enough knowledge and understanding of what knowledge really is, which makes extreme ignorance easy to spot. There exists an audience with moderate education, who usually have good judgment and are quick to make decisions. As a result, all their successful pretenders have some level of credibility. This isn't the case in science. The people qualified to judge are much fewer and harder to find. Because of this, many scientific pretenders have nothing but empty claims."
This is nearly as applicable now as then. It is impossible to make those who have not studied for themselves fully aware of the truth of what I have quoted. The best chance is collection of cases; in fact, a Budget of Paradoxes. Those who have no knowledge of the subject can thus argue from the seen to the unseen. All can feel the impracticability of the Hubongramillposanfy numeration, and the absurdity of the equality of contour of a regular pentagon and hexagon in one and the same circle. Many may accordingly be satisfied, on the assurance of those who have studied, that there is as much of impracticability, or as much of absurdity, in things which are hidden under
This is just as relevant today as it was then. It's impossible to fully convince people who haven't studied the subject for themselves of the truth behind what I've quoted. The best approach is to gather examples; essentially, a Collection of Paradoxes. Those who lack knowledge on the topic can argue from the visible to the invisible. Everyone can recognize the impracticality of the Hubongramillposanfy numbering system and the ridiculousness of a regular pentagon and hexagon having the same contour within the same circle. Many may therefore be content to trust the claims of those who have studied, believing that there is just as much impracticality or absurdity in things that remain hidden.
"Sines, tangents, secants, radius, cosines
"Sine, tangent, secant, radius, cosine"
Subtangents, segments and all those signs;
Subtangents, segments, and all those indicators;
Enough to prove that he who read 'em
Enough to prove that the person who read them
Was just as mad as he who made 'em."
Was just as mad as the person who created them."
Not that I mean to be disrespectful to mathematical terms: they are short and easily explained, and compete favorably with those of most other subjects: for instance, with
Not that I want to disrespect mathematical terms: they are brief and easy to explain, and they're just as good as the terms in most other subjects: for example, with
"Horse-pleas, traverses, demurrers,
"Horse pleas, defenses, objections,"
Jeofails, imparlances, and errors,
Jeofails, imparlances, and mistakes,
Averments, bars, and protestandos,
Averments, bars, and protestations,
And puis d'arreign continuandos."
And then keep going.
From which it appears that, taking the selections made by satirists for our samples, there are, one with another, four letters more in a law term than in one of mathematics. But pleading has been simplified of late years.
From this, it seems that, based on the choices made by satirists for our samples, there are, on average, four more letters in a legal term than in a mathematical one. However, legal pleading has been simplified in recent years.
All paradoxers can publish; and any one who likes may read. But this is not enough; they find that they cannot publish, or those who can find they are not read, and they lay their plans athwart the noses of those who, they think, ought to read. To recommend them to be content with publication, like other authors, is an affront: of this I will give the reader an amusing instance. My good nature, of which I keep a stock, though I do not use it all up in this Budget, prompts me to conceal the name.
All paradox writers can publish, and anyone who wants can read. But that's not enough; they discover they can’t publish, or those who can find they aren’t being read, and they make their plans right under the noses of those they believe should be reading. Suggesting they be satisfied with just publishing, like other authors, is an insult: I’ll share a funny example with the reader. My good nature, which I save a bit of even though I don’t use it all in this collection, makes me want to keep the name a secret.
I received the following letter, accompanied by a prospectus of a work on metaphysics, physics, astronomy, etc. The author is evidently one whom I should delight to honor:
I got the following letter, along with a prospectus for a work on metaphysics, physics, astronomy, and more. The author is clearly someone I would be happy to honor:
"Sir,—A friend of mine has mentioned your name in terms of panigeric [sic], as being of high standing in mathematics, and of greatly original thought. I send you the enclosed without comment; and, assuming that the bent of your mind is in free inquiry, shall feel a pleasure in showing you my portfolio, which, as a mathematician, you will acknowledge to be deeply interesting, even in an educational point of view. The work is complete, and the system so far perfected as to place it above criticism; and, so far as regards astronomy, as will Ptolemy beyond rivalry [sic: no doubt some words omitted]. Believe me to be, Sir, with the profoundest respect, etc. The work is the result of thirty-five years' travel and observation, labor, expense, and self-abnegation."
"Dear Sir, — A friend of mine has spoken highly of you, saying you are well-respected in mathematics and known for your original ideas. I'm sending you the enclosed document without any comments; assuming that you are open-minded and inquisitive, I would be pleased to share my portfolio with you. As a mathematician, I believe you will find it quite fascinating, even from an educational perspective. The work is complete, and the system has been refined enough to be beyond criticism; as far as astronomy is concerned, it stands as unmatched, much like Ptolemy [sic: likely some words are missing]. Please believe me, Sir, with the deepest respect, etc. This work is the culmination of thirty-five years of travel, observation, hard work, expense, and self-sacrifice."
I replied to the effect that my time was fully occupied, and that I was obliged to decline discussion with many persons who have views of their own; that the proper way is to publish, so that those who choose may read when they can find leisure. I added that I should advise a precursor in the shape of a small pamphlet, as two octavo volumes [358]would be too much for most persons. This was sound advice; but it is not the first, second, or third time that it has proved very unpalatable. I received the following answer, to which I take the liberty of prefixing a bit of leonine wisdom:
I responded by saying that my schedule was completely full, and that I had to refuse discussions with many people who have their own opinions; that the best approach is to publish, so that anyone interested can read it when they have the time. I also suggested creating a short pamphlet first, since two octavo volumes [358]would be too much for most people. This was solid advice; however, it’s not the first, second, or third time it has been very unwelcome. I received the following reply, to which I’ll add a bit of wise advice:
"Sir,—I pray you pardon the error I unintentionally have fallen into; deceived by the F.R.S. [I am not F.R.S.] I took you to be a man of science [omnis homo est animal, Sortes est homo, ergo Sortes est animal][659] instead of the mere mathematician, or human calculating-machine. Believe me, Sir, you also have mistaken your mission, as I have mine. I wrote to you as I would to any other man well up in mathematics, with the intent to call your attention to a singular fact of omission by Euclid, and other great mathematicians: and, in selecting you, I did you an honor which, from what I have just now heard, was entirely out of place. I think, considering the nature of the work set forth in the prospectus, you are guilty of both folly and presumption, in assuming the character of a patron; for your own sense ought to have assured you that was such my object I should not have sought him in a De Morgan, who exists only by patronage of others. On the other hand, I deem it to be an unpardonable piece of presumption in offering your advice upon a subject the magnitude, importance, and real utility of which you know nothing about: by doing so you have offered me a direct insult. The system is a manual of Philosophy, a one inseparable whole of metaphysics and physic; embracing points the most interesting, laws the most important, [359]doctrines the most essential to advance man in accordance with the spirit of the times. I may not live to see it in print; for, at ——, life at best is uncertain: but, live or die, be assured Sir, it is not my intention to debase the work by seeking patronage, or pandering to the public taste. Your advice was the less needed, seeing I am an old-established ——. I remain, etc.—P.S. You will oblige me by returning the prospectus of my work."
Sir, I ask you to forgive the mistake I unintentionally made; misled by the F.R.S. [I am not F.R.S.], I mistakenly thought you were a man of science [omnis homo est animal, Sortes est homo, ergo Sortes est animal][659] instead of just a mathematician or a human calculating machine. Believe me, Sir, you have also misunderstood your purpose, just as I have misunderstood mine. I wrote to you as I would to any other knowledgeable person in mathematics, intending to bring to your attention a peculiar oversight by Euclid and other great mathematicians. By choosing you, I honored you in a way that, from what I have just heard, was completely inappropriate. I think, given the nature of the work described in the prospectus, you are guilty of both foolishness and arrogance for assuming the role of a patron; your own judgment should have made it clear that if I had that objective, I wouldn't have sought someone like De Morgan, who exists solely through the support of others. On the other hand, I find it to be an unacceptable display of arrogance for you to offer your advice on a topic of such magnitude, importance, and real utility that you know nothing about; by doing so, you have insulted me directly. The system is a manual of Philosophy, an inseparable whole of metaphysics and physics; covering the most interesting points, the most significant laws, and the most essential doctrines to advance humanity in line with the spirit of the times. I might not live to see it published, because, at ——, life is, at best, uncertain. But whether I live or die, rest assured, Sir, I have no intention of degrading the work by seeking patronage or catering to public taste. Your advice was less necessary since I am an established ——. I remain, etc. — P.S. Please return the prospectus of my work.
My reader will, I am sure, not take this transition from the "profoundest respect" to the loftiest insolence for an apocraphical correspondence, to use a word I find in the Prospectus: on my honor it is genuine. He will be better employed in discovering whether I exist by patronizing others, or by being patronized by them. I make any one who can find it out a fair offer: I will give him my patronage if I turn out to be Bufo, on condition he gives me his, if I turn out to be Bavius.[660] I need hardly say that I considered the last letter to be one of those to which no answer is so good as no answer.
I'm sure my reader won't mistake this shift from "deepest respect" to the highest arrogance for a false claim, as mentioned in the Prospectus; I assure you it's real. It would be more useful for him to figure out whether I make my existence known by supporting others or by being supported by them. I'm making a fair offer to anyone who can figure it out: I’ll give my support if I turn out to be Bufo, on the condition that he supports me if I turn out to be Bavius.[660] I hardly need to mention that I thought the last letter was one of those cases where no response is better than a response.
These letters remind me in one respect of the correspondents of the newspapers. My other party wrote because a friend had pointed me out: but he would not have written if he had known what another friend told him just in time for the second letter. The man who sends his complaint to the newspaper very often says, in effect, "Don't imagine, Sir, that I read your columns; but a friend who sometimes does has told me ..." It is worded thus: "My attention [360]has been directed to an article in your paper of ..." Many thanks to my friend's friends for not mentioning the Budget: had my friend's attention been directed to it I might have lost a striking example of the paradoxer in search of a patron. That my Friend was on this scent in the first letter is revealed in the second. Language was given to man to conceal his thoughts; but it is not every one who can do it.
These letters remind me a bit of the people who write to newspapers. My other correspondent wrote because a friend pointed me out, but he probably wouldn’t have written if he had known what another friend told him right before the second letter. The person who submits a complaint to the newspaper often really means, “Don’t think, Sir, that I actually read your columns; it’s just that a friend who sometimes does has mentioned…” It goes like this: “My attention [360]has been drawn to an article in your paper about…” I’m grateful to my friend’s friends for not bringing up the Budget; if my friend had noticed it, I might have missed a great example of someone trying to impress a patron. The fact that my friend was chasing this clue in the first letter comes out in the second. Language was given to people to hide their thoughts, but not everyone is good at it.
Among the most valuable information which my readers will get from me is comparison of the reactions of paradoxers, when not admitted to argument, or when laughed at. Of course, they are misrepresented; and at this they are angry, or which is the same thing, take great pains to assure the reader that they are not. So far natural, and so far good; anything short of concession of a case which must be seriously met by counter-reasons is sure to be misrepresentation. My friend Mr. James Smith and my friend Mr. Reddie are both terribly misrepresented: they resent it by some insinuations in which it is not easy to detect whether I am a conscious smotherer of truth, or only muddle-headed and ignorant. [This was written before I received my last communication from Mr. James Smith. He tells me that I am wrong in saying that his work in which I stand in the pillory is all reprint: I have no doubt I confounded some of it with some of the manuscript or slips which I had received from my much not-agreed-with correspondent. He adds that my mistake was intentional, and that my reason is obvious to the reader. This is information, as the sea-serpent said when he read in the newspaper that he had a mane and tusks.]
Among the most valuable information that my readers will gain from me is a comparison of how paradoxers react when they are not allowed to argue or when they are laughed at. Naturally, they feel misrepresented, and this makes them angry, or, in other words, they go to great lengths to assure the reader that they are not. This is understandable and acceptable; anything less than acknowledging a case that must be seriously addressed with counter-arguments is bound to be a misrepresentation. My friend Mr. James Smith and my friend Mr. Reddie are both significantly misrepresented: they respond with insinuations that make it difficult to tell if I am a deliberate suppressor of truth or simply confused and unaware. [This was written before I received my last communication from Mr. James Smith. He informs me that I am incorrect in stating that his work, in which I am criticized, is entirely reprinted: I’m sure I mixed some of it up with some manuscript or drafts from my much-disagreed-with correspondent. He asserts that my error was intentional and that my reasoning is clear to the reader. This is information, as the sea-serpent said when he read in the newspaper that he had a mane and tusks.]
THE DOUBLE VAHU PROCESS.
THE DOUBLE VAHU PROCESS.
My friend Dr. Thorn[661] sees deeper into my mystery. By the way, he still sends an occasional touch at the old [361]subject; and he wants me particularly to tell my readers that the Latin numeral letters, if M be left out, give 666. And so they do: witness DCLXVI. A person who thinks of the origin of symbols will soon see that 666 is our number because we have five fingers on each hand: had we had but four, our mystic number would have been expressed by 555, and would have stood for our present 365. Had n been the number on each hand, the great number would have been
My friend Dr. Thorn[661] has a deeper understanding of my mystery. By the way, he still occasionally brings up the old [361]topic, and he specifically wants me to tell my readers that if you leave out the letter M from the Latin numeral letters, you end up with 666. And that's accurate: see DCLXVI. Anyone who considers the origins of symbols will quickly realize that 666 is our number because we have five fingers on each hand. If we had only four, our mystical number would have been shown by 555, which would represent our current 365. If n had been the number of fingers on each hand, the significant number would have been
(n + 1) (4n2 + 2n + 1)
(n + 1) (4n2 + 2n + 1)
With no finger on each hand, the number would have been 1: with one finger less than none at all on each hand, it would have been 0. But what does this mean? Here is a question for an algebraical paradoxer! So soon as we have found out how many fingers the inhabitants of any one planet have on each hand, we have the means of knowing their number of the Beast, and thence all about them. Very much struck with this hint of discovery, I turned my attention to the means of developing it. The first point was to clear my vision of all the old cataracts. I propose the following experiment, subject of course to the consent of parties. Let Dr. Thorn Double-Vahu Mr. James Smith, and Thau Mr. Reddie: if either be deparadoxed by the treatment, I will consent to undergo it myself. Provided always that the temperature required be not so high as the Doctor hints at: if the Turkish Baths will do for this world, I am content.
With no fingers on each hand, the count would be 1; with one finger less than none on each hand, it would be 0. But what does this mean? Here’s a question for someone who loves algebraic paradoxes! Once we figure out how many fingers the inhabitants of a planet have on each hand, we can identify their number of the Beast, and from there, learn everything about them. Intrigued by this idea of discovery, I focused on how to develop it. The first step was to clear my vision of all the old obstacles. I suggest the following experiment, with everyone’s consent, of course. Let Dr. Thorn Double-Vahu, Mr. James Smith, and Mr. Reddie join me: if any of them are deparadoxified by the treatment, I’ll agree to undergo it myself. Always provided that the required temperature isn't as high as the Doctor suggests: if Turkish Baths are sufficient for this world, I’m fine with that.
The three paradoxers last named and myself have a pentasyllable convention, under which, though we go far beyond civility, we keep within civilization. Though Mr. James Smith pronounced that I must be dishonest if I did not see his argument, which he knew I should not do [to say nothing of recent accusation]; though Dr. Thorn declared me a competitor for fire and brimstone—and my wife, too, which doubles the joke: though Mr. Reddie [362]was certain I had garbled him, evidently on purpose to make falsehood appear truth; yet all three profess respect for me as to everything but power to see truth, or candor to admit it. And on the other hand, though these were the modes of opening communication with me, and though I have no doubt that all three are proper persons of whom to inquire whether I should go up-stairs or down-stairs, etc., yet I am satisfied they are thoroughly respectable men, as to everything but reasoning. And I dare say our several professions are far more true in extent than in many which are made under more parliamentary form. We find excuses for each other: they make allowances for my being hoodwinked by Aristotle, by Newton, by the Devil; and I permit them to feel, for I know they cannot get on without it, that their reasons are such as none but a knave or a sinner can resist. But they are content with cutting a slice each out of my character: neither of them is more than an uncle, a Bone-a-part; I now come to a dreadful nephew, Bone-the-whole.
The three people I've mentioned and I have a five-syllable agreement, where we go beyond just being polite, but still stay within the bounds of civilization. Even though Mr. James Smith claimed that I must be dishonest if I didn’t understand his argument—which he knew I wouldn’t [not to mention recent accusations]; and even though Dr. Thorn labeled me a rival for hellfire—and even my wife, which makes it funnier: and although Mr. Reddie[362]was sure I twisted his words, clearly on purpose to make a lie seem like the truth; despite all this, all three of them claim to respect me regarding everything except my ability to see the truth, or my willingness to admit it. On the other hand, although these were their ways of communicating with me, and even though I believe that all three are appropriate people to ask whether I should go upstairs or downstairs, etc., I’m confident that they are all completely respectable men when it comes to everything except reasoning. I’m sure our various professions are likely much more truthful in scope than many that are made in a more formal manner. We make excuses for one another: they allow for my being misled by Aristotle, by Newton, by the Devil; and I let them feel, knowing they can’t manage without it, that their reasoning is such that only a scoundrel or a sinner could resist. But they are satisfied with taking a piece out of my character: none of them is more than an uncle, a Bonaparte; but now I face a terrifying nephew, Bone-the-whole.
I will not give the name of the poor fellow who has fallen so far below both the honestum and the utile, to say nothing of the decorum or the dulce.[662] He is the fourth who has taken elaborate notice of me; and my advice to him would be, Nec quarta loqui persona laboret.[663] According to him, I scorn humanity, scandalize learning, and disgrace the press; it admits of no manner of doubt that my object is to mislead the public and silence truth, at the expense of the interests of science, the wealth of the nation, and the lives of my fellow men. The only thing left to be settled is, whether this is due to ignorance, natural distaste for truth, personal malice, a wish to curry favor with the Astronomer Royal, or mere toadyism. The only accusation which has truth in it is, that I have made myself a "public scavenger of science": the assertion, which is the [363]most false of all is, that the results of my broom and spade are "shot right in between the columns of" the Athenæum. I declare I never in my life inserted a word between the columns of the Athenæum: I feel huffed and miffed at the very supposition. I have made myself a public scavenger; and why not? Is the mud never to be collected into a heap? I look down upon the other scavengers, of whom there have been a few—mere historical drudges; Montucla, Hutton, etc.—as not fit to compete with me. I say of them what one crossing-sweeper said of the rest: "They are well enough for the common thing; but put them to a bit of fancy-work, such as sweeping round a post, and see what a mess they make of it!" Who can touch me at sweeping round a paradoxer? If I complete my design of publishing a separate work, an old copy will be fished up from a stall two hundred years hence by the coming man, and will be described in an article which will end by his comparing our century with his own, and sighing out in the best New Zealand pronunciation—
I won’t reveal the name of the unfortunate guy who has sunk so far below both the honestum and the utile, not to mention the decorum or the dulce. [662] He’s the fourth person who has taken such an elaborate interest in me; my advice to him would be, Nec quarta loqui persona laboret. [663] According to him, I despise humanity, ruin the integrity of learning, and disgrace the press; there’s no doubt that my goal is to mislead the public and silence the truth, all while jeopardizing science, the nation's wealth, and people’s lives. The only thing left to figure out is whether this comes from ignorance, a natural dislike for the truth, personal spite, a desire to win favor with the Astronomer Royal, or simple sycophancy. The only accusation that has any truth to it is that I’ve made myself a "public scavenger of science": the claim that the results of my broom and spade are "interjected between the columns of" the Athenæum is the most false of all. I swear I’ve never inserted a single word between the columns of the Athenæum: I feel offended at such a suggestion. I have made myself a public scavenger; and why not? Shouldn’t the mess be gathered into a pile? I look down on the other scavengers, of whom there have been a few—just historical laborers; Montucla, Hutton, etc.—because they’re not fit to compete with me. I echo what one street cleaner said about the rest: "They’re good enough for the average job; but put them to something intricate, like sweeping around a post, and watch how poorly they do it!" Who can outdo me at sweeping around a paradoxer? If I fulfill my plan of publishing a separate work, a copy will be dug up from a stall two hundred years later by someone from the future, and it will be featured in an article that concludes with them comparing our century to theirs, sighing in the best New Zealand accent—
"Dans ces tems-là
"Back then"
C'était déjà comme ça!"[664]
"It was already like that!" __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
ORTHODOX PARADOXERS.
ORTHODOX PARADOXES.
And pray, Sir! I have been asked by more than one—do your orthodox never fall into mistake, nor rise into absurdity? They not only do both, but they admit it of each other very freely; individually, they are convinced of sin, but not of any particular sin. There is not a syndoxer among them all but draws his line in such a way as to include among paradoxers a great many whom I should exclude altogether from this work. My worst specimens are but exaggerations of what may be found, occasionally, in the thoughts of sagacious investigators. At the end of the [364]glorious dream, we learn that there is a way to Hell from the gates of Heaven, as well as from the City of Destruction: and that this is true of other things besides Christian pilgrimage is affirmed at the end of the Budget of Paradoxes. If D'Alembert[665] had produced enough of a quality to match his celebrated mistake on the chance of throwing head in two throws, he would have been in my list. If Newton had produced enough to match his reception of the story that Nausicaa, Homer's Phæacian princess, invented the celestial sphere, followed by his serious surmise that she got it from the Argonauts,—then Newton himself would have had an appearance entered for him, in spite of the Principia. In illustration, I may cite a few words from Tristram Shandy:
And I ask you, Sir! More than one person has asked me—do your orthodox never make mistakes or become ridiculous? They definitely do both, and they openly acknowledge it among themselves; each of them recognizes sin, but not any specific one. Not a single syndoxer among them draws the line in such a way that they don’t include many paradoxers whom I would completely exclude from this work. My worst examples are just exaggerations of what you might find, occasionally, in the thoughts of insightful researchers. In the end of the [364]glorious dream, we realize that there is a path to Hell from the gates of Heaven, just like there is from the City of Destruction: and that this applies to other matters beyond the Christian journey, as stated at the conclusion of the Budget of Paradoxes. If D'Alembert[665] had produced enough of a quality to match his famous mistake about tossing heads in two throws, he would have made my list. If Newton had produced enough to match his acceptance of the tale that Nausicaa, Homer's Phæacian princess, invented the celestial sphere, followed by his serious suggestion that she got it from the Argonauts,—then Newton himself would have had an entry for him, despite the Principia. As an example, I can quote a few lines from Tristram Shandy:
"'A soldier,' cried my uncle Toby, interrupting the Corporal, 'is no more exempt from saying a foolish thing, Trim, than a man of letters.'—'But not so often, an' please your honor,' replied the Corporal. My uncle Toby gave a nod."
"'A soldier,' my uncle Toby exclaimed, interrupting the Corporal, 'is just as likely to say something foolish, Trim, as a man of letters.'—'But not as often, if I may say so, sir,' replied the Corporal. My uncle Toby nodded."
I now proceed to die out. Some prefatory remarks will follow in time.[666] I shall have occasion to insist that all is not barren: I think I shall find, on casting up, that two out of five of my paradoxers are not to be utterly condemned. Among the better lot will be found all gradations of merit; at the same time, as was remarked on quite a different subject, there may be little to choose between the last of the saved and the first of the lost. The higher and better class is worthy of blame; the lower and worse class is worthy of praise. The higher men are to be reproved for not taking up things in which they could do some good: the lower men are to be commended for taking up things in which they can do no great harm. The circle problem is like Peter Peebles's lawsuit:
I’m now starting to fade away. Some introductory comments will come later. I’ll need to emphasize that not everything is useless: I think when I look back, I’ll see that two out of five of my paradoxes aren’t completely worthless. Among the better examples, there will be different levels of worth; at the same time, as was noted in a totally different context, there might not be much difference between the last saved and the first lost. The higher group deserves criticism; the lower group deserves some praise. The higher individuals should be called out for not getting involved in things where they could actually make a difference, while the lower individuals should be recognized for engaging in things where they won’t cause much harm. The circle problem is similar to Peter Peebles's lawsuit:
"'But, Sir, I should really spoil any cause thrust on me so hastily.'—'Ye cannot spoil it, Alan,' said my father, 'that is the very cream of the business, man,—... the case is come to that pass that Stair or Arniston could not mend it, and I don't think even you, Alan, can do it much harm.'"
"'But, Sir, I’d really mess up any case thrown at me so quickly.'—'You can't mess it up, Alan,' my father said, 'that's the most important part of the matter, man,—... the situation has gotten to the point that Stair or Arniston couldn't fix it, and I don't think even you, Alan, can do it much damage.'"
I am strongly reminded of the monks in the darker part of the Middle Ages. To a certain proportion of them, perhaps two out of five, we are indebted for the preservation of literature, and their contemporaries for good teaching and mitigation of socials evils. But the remaining three were the fleas and flies and thistles and briars with whom the satirist lumps them, about a century before the Reformation:
I am strongly reminded of the monks in the darker part of the Middle Ages. To a certain extent, maybe two out of five of them, we owe a lot to for preserving literature, while their contemporaries contributed to good teaching and reducing social issues. But the other three were the nuisances, like fleas, flies, thistles, and briars that the satirist grouped them with, about a century before the Reformation:
"Flen, flyys, and freris, populum domini male cædunt;
"Flen, flies, and freris harm the people of the Lord."
Thystlis and breris crescentia gramina lædunt.
Thystlis and breris crescentia gramina lædunt.
Christe nolens guerras qui cuncta pace tueris,
Christe, unwilling to bring wars, who guards everything in peace,
Destrue per terras breris, flen, flyys, and freris.
Destrue per terras breris, flen, flyys, and freris.
Flen, flyys, and freris, foul falle hem thys fyften yeris,
Flen, flies, and brothers, may they fall foul this fifteenth year,
I should not be quite so savage with my second class. Taken together, they may be made to give useful warning to those who are engaged in learning under better auspices: aye, even useful hints; for bad things are very often only good things spoiled or misused. My plan is that of a predecessor in the time of Edward the Second:
I shouldn't be so harsh with my second class. Overall, they can provide valuable warnings to those who are learning in better situations: yes, even helpful tips; because bad things are often just good things that have been ruined or misused. My approach is similar to that of someone from the time of Edward the Second:
"Meum est propositum genti imperitæ
"Mine is the purpose of an ignorant people"
Artes frugi reddere melioris vitæ."[668]
"Arts bring a better life." __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
To this end I have spoken with freedom of books as books, of opinions as opinions, of ignorance as ignorance, of [366]presumption as presumption; and of writers as I judge may be fairly inferred from what they have written. Some—to whom I am therefore under great obligation—have permitted me to enlarge my plan by assaults to which I have alluded; assaults which allow a privilege of retort, of which I have often availed myself; assaults which give my readers a right of partnership in the amusement which I myself have received.
To achieve this, I have discussed books as they are, opinions as opinions, ignorance as ignorance, and assumptions as assumptions; and I have spoken about authors based on what I believe can be fairly understood from their writings. Some people—whom I owe a lot to—have allowed me to broaden my approach to the criticisms I’ve mentioned; criticisms that open the door for responses, which I have often taken advantage of; criticisms that give my readers the chance to share in the enjoyment that I have experienced.
For the present I cut and run: a Catiline, pursued by a chorus of Ciceros, with Quousque tandem? Quamdiu nos? Nihil ne te?[669] ending with, In te conferri pestem istam jam pridem oportebat, quam tu in nos omnes jamdiu machinaris! I carry with me the reflection that I have furnished to those who need it such a magazine of warnings as they will not find elsewhere; a signatis cavetote:[670] and I throw back at my pursuers—Valete, doctores sine doctrina; facite ut proxima congressu vos salvos corporibus et sanos mentibus videamus.[671] Here ends the Budget of Paradoxes.
For now, I’m out of here: like Catiline, chased by a chorus of Ciceros, with How long will you go on? How long will we endure? Is there nothing you can do?[669] ending with, It was about time you brought that plague upon yourself, the one you’ve been plotting against all of us for so long! I take with me the awareness that I’ve provided those who need it with a stash of warnings they won’t find anywhere else; heed our warnings![670] and I shout back at my pursuers—Farewell, teachers without knowledge; may we meet again in good health and clear minds.[671] Here ends the Budget of Paradoxes.
APPENDIX.
I think it right to give the proof that the ratio of the circumference to the diameter is incommensurable. This method of proof was given by Lambert,[672] in the Berlin Memoirs for 1761, and has been also given in the notes to Legendre's[673] Geometry, and to the English translation of the same. Though not elementary algebra, it is within the reach of a student of ordinary books.[674]
I believe it's important to provide evidence that the ratio of the circumference to the diameter is incommensurable. Lambert introduced this proof in the Berlin Memoirs in 1761, and it has also been included in the notes to Legendre's[673] Geometry, as well as in the English translation of the same work. Although it isn't basic algebra, it's accessible to a student familiar with standard textbooks.[674]
Let a continued fraction, such as
Let a continued fraction, such as
a
a
——
Understood. Please provide the text.
b + c
b + c
——
Please provide the text for modernizing.
d + e
d + e
-
-
f + etc.,
f + etc.
be abbreviated into a/b+ c/d+ e/f+ etc.: each fraction being understood as falling down to the side of the preceding sign +. In every such fraction we may suppose b, d, f, etc. [368]positive; a, c, e, &c. being as required: and all are supposed integers. If this succession be continued ad infinitum, and if a/b, c/d, e/f, etc. all lie between -1 and +1, exclusive, the limit of the fraction must be incommensurable with unity; that is, cannot be A/B, where A and B are integers.
be shortened to a/b + c/d + e/f + etc.: each fraction understood as positioned next to the preceding + sign. In each fraction, we can assume b, d, f, etc. [368]are positive; a, c, e, etc. are as needed: and all are assumed to be integers. If this sequence continues ad infinitum, and if a/b, c/d, e/f, etc. all fall between -1 and +1, exclusive, the limit of the fraction must be incommensurable with one; that is, it cannot be A/B, where A and B are integers.
First, whatever this limit may be, it lies between -1 and +1. This is obviously the case with any fraction p/(q + ω), where ω is between ±1: for, p/q, being < 1, and p and q integer, cannot be brought up to 1, by the value of ω. Hence, if we take any of the fractions
First, no matter what this limit is, it falls between -1 and +1. This is clearly true for any fraction p/(q + ω), where ω is between ±1: because, p/q, being < 1, with p and q as integers, cannot reach 1 by adjusting the value of ω. Therefore, if we take any of the fractions
say a/b+ c/d+ e/f+ g/h we have, g/h being between ±1, so is e/f+ g/h, so therefore is c/d+ e/f+ g/h; and so therefore is a/b+ c/d+ e/f+ g/h.
say a/b + c/d + e/f + g/h we have, g/h being between ±1, so is e/f + g/h, so therefore is c/d + e/f + g/h; and so therefore is a/b + c/d + e/f + g/h.
Now, if possible, let a/b+ c/d+ etc. be A/B at the limit; A and B being integers. Let
Now, if possible, let a/b + c/d + etc. be A/B at the limit; A and B being integers. Let
P = A c/d+ e/f+ etc., Q = P e/f+ g/h+ etc., R = Q g/h + i/k + etc.
P = A c/d + e/f + etc., Q = P e/f + g/h + etc., R = Q g/h + i/k + etc.
P, Q, R, etc. being integer or fractional, as may be. It is easily shown that all must be integer: for
P, Q, R, etc., can be either whole numbers or fractions, as needed. It's easy to demonstrate that all must be whole numbers: for
A/B = a/b+ P/A, or, P = aB - bA
A/B = a/b + P/A, or, P = aB - bA
P/A = c/d+ Q/P, or, Q = cA - dP
P/A = c/d + Q/P, or, Q = cA - dP
Q/P = e/f+ R/Q, or, R = eP - fQ
Q/P = e/f + R/Q, or, R = eP - fQ
etc., etc. Now, since a, B, b, A, are integers, so also is P; and thence Q; and thence R, etc. But since A/B, P/A, Q/P, R/Q, etc. are all between -1 and +1, it follows that the unlimited succession of integers P, Q, R, are each less in numerical value than the preceding. Now there can be no such unlimited succession of descending integers: consequently, it is impossible that a/b+ c/d+, etc. can have a commensurable limit.
etc., etc. Now, since a, B, b, A are whole numbers, so is P; and then Q; and then R, etc. But since A/B, P/A, Q/P, R/Q, etc. are all between -1 and +1, it follows that the endless series of whole numbers P, Q, R are each smaller in value than the one before. Now there cannot be such an endless series of descending whole numbers: therefore, it’s impossible for a/b + c/d + etc. to have a common limit.
It easily follows that the continued fraction is incommensurable if a/b, c/d, etc., being at first greater than unity, become and continue less than unity after some one point. Say that i/k, l/m,... are all less than unity. Then the fraction i/k+ l/m+ ... is incommensurable, as proved: let it be κ. Then g/(h + κ) is incommensurable, say λ; e/(f + λ) is the same, say μ; also c/(d + μ), say ν, and a/(b + ν), say ρ. But ρ is the fraction a/b+ c/d+ ... itself; which is therefore incommensurable.
It follows that the continued fraction is incommensurable if a/b, c/d, etc., which are initially greater than one, become and remain less than one after a certain point. Let’s say that i/k, l/m,... are all less than one. Then the fraction i/k + l/m + ... is incommensurable, as shown: let’s call it κ. Then g/(h + κ) is incommensurable, which we’ll denote as λ; e/(f + λ) is also incommensurable, which we’ll call μ; likewise, c/(d + μ), let’s denote this as ν, and a/(b + ν), which we will refer to as ρ. However, ρ is the fraction a/b + c/d + ... itself; thus, it is incommensurable.
Let φz represent
Let φz stand for
1 + | a![]() z | + | a2 ![]() 2z(z+1) | + | a3 ![]() 2·3·z(z+1)(z+2) | + ... |
Let z be positive: this series is convergent for all values of a, and approaches without limit to unity as z increases without limit. Change z into z + 1, and form φz - φ(z+1): the following equation will result—
Let z be positive: this series converges for all values of a and approaches 1 as z increases without bound. Change z to z + 1, and form φz - φ(z + 1): the following equation will result—
φz - φ(z+1) = | a![]() z(z+1) | φ(z+2) |
or a = | a![]() z | φ(z+1)![]() φz | · z + | a![]() z | φ(z+1)![]() φz | · | a![]() z+1 | φ(z+2)![]() φ(z+1) |
or a = ψz | ![]() | z + ψ(z+1) | ![]() |
ψz being (a/z)(φ(z+1)/φz); of which observe that it diminishes without limit as z increases without limit. Accordingly, we have
ψz being (a/z)(φ(z+1)/φz); note that it decreases indefinitely as z increases indefinitely. Therefore, we have
ψz = | a![]() z+ | ψ(z+1) = | a![]() z+ | a![]() (z+1)+ | ψ(z+2) = | a![]() z+ | a![]() (z+1)+ | a![]() (z+2)+ | ψ(z+3) |
And, ψ(z + n) diminishing without limit, we have
And, ψ(z + n) decreasing without end, we have
a![]() z | · | φ(z+1)![]() φz | = a![]() z+ | a![]() (z+1)+ | a![]() (z+2)+ | a![]() (z+3)+ ... |
Let z = ½; and let 4a = -x2. Then
Let z = ½; and let 4a = -x2. Then
a![]() z | φ(z+1) | is - | x2![]() 2 | ![]() | 1 - | x2![]() 2·3 | + | x4![]() 2·3·4·5... | ![]() | or - | x![]() 2 | sin x. |
Again
Again
φz is 1 - | x2![]() 2 | + | x4![]() 2·3·4 | or cos x: |
and the continued fraction is
and the continued fraction is
- ¼x2![]() ½+ | - ¼x2![]() (3/2)+ | - ¼x2![]() (5/2)+ ... | or - | x![]() 2 | x![]() 1+ | - x2![]() 3+ | - x2![]() 5+ ... |
whence
where from
tan x = | x![]() 1+ | - x2![]() 3+ | - x2![]() 5+ | - x2![]() 7+ ... |
Or, as written in the usual way,
Or, as written in the usual way,
tan x = x
tan x = x
——
Understood! Please provide the text you’d like me to modernize.
1 - x2
x2
——
Understood. Please provide the text you would like modernized.
3 - x2
3 - x²
——
I'm ready to assist. Please provide the text you would like me to modernize.
5 - x2
5 - x²
——
Understood. Please provide the text you'd like me to modernize.
7 - ...
7 - ...
This result may be proved in various ways: it may also be verified by calculation. To do this, remember that if
This result can be proven in different ways, and it can also be confirmed through calculations. To do this, keep in mind that if
a1![]() b1+ | a2![]() b2+ | a3![]() b3+ ... | an![]() bn | = | Pn![]() Qn | ; then |
P1=a1, | P2=b2 P1, | P3=b3 P2+a3 P1, | P4=b4 P3+a4 P2, etc. |
Q1=b1, | Q2=b2 Q1Understood. Please provide the text you would like me to modernize.a2, | Q3=b3 Q2+a3 Q1, | Q4=b4 Q3+a4 Q2, etc. |
in the case before us we have
in the case before us we have
a1=x, | a2=-x2, | a3=-x2, | a4=-x2, | a5=-x2, etc. |
b1=1, | b2=3, | b3=5, | b4=7, | b5=9, etc. |
P1=x | Q1=1 |
P2=3x | Q2=3-x2 |
P3=15x-x3 | Q3=15-6x2 |
P4=105x-10x3 | Q4=105-45x2+x4 |
P5=945x-105x3+x5 | Q5=945-420x2+15x4 |
P6=10395x-1260x3+21x5 | Q6=10395-4725x2+210x4-x6 |
We can use this algebraically, or arithmetically. If we divide Pn by Qn, we shall find a series agreeing with the known series for tan x, as far as n terms. That series is
We can use this either algebraically or arithmetically. If we divide Pn by Qn, we'll find a series that matches the known series for tan x, up to n terms. That series is
x + | x3![]() 3 | + | 2x5![]() 15 | + | 17x7![]() 315 | + | 62x9![]() 2835 | + ... |
Take P5, and divide it by Q5 in the common way, and the first five terms will be as here written. Now take x = .1, which means that the angle is to be one tenth of the actual unit, or, in degrees 5°.729578. We find that when x = .1, P6 = 1038.24021, Q6 = 10347.770999; whence P6 divided by Q6 gives .1003346711. Now 5°.729578 is 5°43′46½″; and from the old tables of Rheticus[675]—no modern tables carry the tangents so far—the tangent of this angle is .1003347670.
Take P5 and divide it by Q5 in the usual way, and the first five terms will be as shown here. Now take x = .1, which means that the angle will be one-tenth of the actual unit, or, in degrees, 5°.729578. We find that when x = .1, P6 = 1038.24021, Q6 = 10347.770999; therefore, P6 divided by Q6 gives .1003346711. Now 5°.729578 is 5°43′46½″; and from the old tables of Rheticus[675]—no modern tables carry the tangents this far—the tangent of this angle is .1003347670.
Now let x = ¼π; in which case tan x = 1. If ¼π be commensurable with the unit, let it be (m/n), m and n being integers: we know that ¼π < 1. We have then
Now let x = ¼π; in which case tan x = 1. If ¼π can be expressed as a fraction of the unit, let it be represented as (m/n), where m and n are integers: we know that ¼π < 1. We have then
1= | (m/n)![]() 1- | (m2/n2)![]() 3- | (m2/n2)![]() 5- ... | = | m![]() n- | m2![]() 3n- | m2![]() 5n- | m2![]() 7n- ... |
Now it is clear that m2/3n, m2/5n, m2/7n, etc. must at last become and continue severally less than unity. The continued fraction is therefore incommensurable, and cannot be unity. Consequently π2 cannot be commensurable: that is, π is an incommensurable quantity, and so also is π2.
Now it is clear that m2/3n, m2/5n, m2/7n, etc. must ultimately become and continue to be less than one. The continued fraction is therefore incommensurable and cannot equal one. Consequently, π2 cannot be commensurable; that is, π is an incommensurable quantity, and so is π2.
I thought I should end with a grave bit of appendix, deeply mathematical: but paradox follows me wherever I go. The foregoing is—in my own language—from Dr. (now Sir David) Brewster's[676] English edition of Legendre's Geometry, (Edinburgh, 1824, 8vo.) translated by some one who is not named. I picked up a notion, which others had at Cambridge in 1825, that the translator was the late Mr. Galbraith,[677] then known at Edinburgh as a writer and teacher.
I thought I should wrap up with a serious appendix, full of math: but paradox seems to follow me everywhere. What I've written above is—in my own words—taken from Dr. (now Sir David) Brewster's[676] English edition of Legendre's Geometry, (Edinburgh, 1824, 8vo.) translated by someone whose name isn't mentioned. I picked up an idea, which others had at Cambridge in 1825, that the translator was the late Mr. Galbraith,[677] who was then known in Edinburgh as a writer and teacher.
But it turns out that it was by a very different person, and one destined to shine in quite another walk; it was a young man named Thomas Carlyle.[678] He prefixed, from his own pen, a thoughtful and ingenious essay on Proportion, as good a substitute for the fifth Book of Euclid as could have been given in the space; and quite enough to show that he would have been a distinguished teacher and thinker on first principles. But he left the field immediately.
But it turns out that it was by a completely different person, someone who was meant to excel in a totally different area; it was a young man named Thomas Carlyle. [678] He included a thoughtful and clever essay on Proportion, which was as good a replacement for the fifth Book of Euclid as could fit in the space, and it clearly demonstrated that he would have been an outstanding teacher and thinker on fundamental principles. But he quickly moved on.
(The following is the passage referred to at Vol. II, page 54.)
(The following is the passage referred to at Vol. II, page 54.)
Stifelius was a queer man. He has introduced into this very work of Rudolff his own interpretation of the number of the Beast. He determined to fix the character of Pope Leo: so he picked the numeral letters from LEODECIMVS, and by taking in X from LEO X. and striking out M as standing for mysterium, he hit the number exactly. This discovery completed his conversion to Luther, and his determination to throw off his monastic vows. Luther dealt with him as straight-forwardly as with Melanchthon about his astrology: he accepted the conclusions, but told him to clear his mind of all the premises about the Beast. Stifelius [374]did not take the advice, and proceeded to settle the end of the world out of the prophet Daniel: he fixed on October, 1533. The parishioners of some cure which he held, having full faith, began to spend their savings in all kinds of good eating and drinking; we may charitably hope this was not the way of preparing for the event which their pastor pointed out. They succeeded in making themselves as fit for Heaven as Lazarus, so far as beggary went: but when the time came, and the world lasted on, they wanted to kill their deceiver, and would have done so but for the interference of Luther. [375]
Stifelius was an eccentric man. He brought his own interpretation of the number of the Beast into this very work of Rudolff. He aimed to identify the character of Pope Leo: he took the numeral letters from LEODECIMVS, included the X from LEO X, and removed M as it stood for mysterium, arriving at the number perfectly. This finding completed his conversion to Luther and his decision to abandon his monastic vows. Luther addressed him as straightforwardly as he did with Melanchthon regarding his astrology: he accepted the conclusions but advised him to discard all the premises about the Beast. Stifelius [374]did not follow the advice and went on to predict the end of the world based on the prophet Daniel, settling on October 1533. The parishioners from a church he led, believing wholeheartedly, began to spend their savings on all sorts of indulgent food and drink; we can kindly hope this wasn’t their way of preparing for the event their pastor highlighted. They managed to make themselves as unfit for Heaven as Lazarus regarding their destitution: but when the time came and the world continued, they wanted to kill their deceiver, and would have done so if not for Luther's intervention. [375]
INDEX.
Pages denoted by numerals of this kind (287) refer to biographical notes, chiefly by the editor. Numerals like 426 refer to books discussed by De Morgan, or to leading topics in the text. Numerals like 126 indicate minor references.
Pages marked by numbers like this (287) refer to biographical notes, mainly by the editor. Numbers such as 426 refer to books talked about by De Morgan, or to main topics in the text. Numbers like 126 indicate minor references.
Abbott, Justice, I, 181.
Abbott, Justice, I, 181.
Aboriginal Britons, a poem, II, 270.
Aboriginal Britons, a poem, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Academy of Sciences, French, I, 163.
Academy of Sciences, French, I, 163.
Adair, J., I, 223.
Adair, J., I, 223.
Adam, M., I, 65.
Adam, M., I, 65.
Agnew, H. C., I, 328.
Agnew, H. C., I, 328.
Agricola, J., I, 394.
Agricola, J., I, 394.
Agricultural Laborer's letter, II, 16.
Agricultural Laborer's letter, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Agrippa, H. C., I, 48, 48.
Agrippa, H. C., I, 48, 48.
Alchemy, I, 125.
Alchemy, I, 125.
Alfred, King, Ballad of, II, 22.
Alfred, King, Ballad II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Algebra, I, 121.
Algebra I, 121.
Algebraic symbols, I, 121.
Algebra symbols, I, 121.
(See Easter.)
(See Easter.)
Aloysius Lilius, I, 362.
Aloysius Lilius, I, 362.
Ameen Bey, II, 15.
Ameen Bey II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Amicable Society, I, 347.
Friendly Society, I, 347.
Ampère, I, 86.
Ampère, I, 86.
Amphisbæna serpent, I, 31.
Amphisbæna snake, I, 31.
Anagrams, De Morgan, I, 138.
Anagrams, De Morgan, me, 138.
Annuities, Fallacies of, I, 157.
Annuities, Fallacies of, I, 157.
Antichrist, I, 130.
Antichrist, I, 130.
Antimony, I, 125.
Antimony, I, 125.
Antinewtonism, I, 162.
Antinewtonism, I, 162.
Antinomians, I, 394.
Antinomians, I, 394.
Antonie, F., I, 126, 126.
Antonie, F., I, 126, 126.
Apollonius, I, 41, 107.
Apollonius, I, 41, 107.
Apparitions, II, 47.
Apparitions, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Arago, I, 243, 390.
Arago, I, 243, 390.
Arbuthnot, I, 133, 134.
Arbuthnot, I, 133, 134.
Archer, H., II, 90.
Archer, H., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Archimedes, I, 5, 11, 42, 83, 107.
Archimedes, I, 5, 11, 42, 83, 107.
Archytas, I, 53.
Archytas, I, 53.
Argoli, I, 104.
Argoli, I, 104.
Aristocrat, as a scientist, I, 131.
Aristocrat scientist, I, 131.
Aristotle, I, 5, 331.
Aristotle, Book I, 5, 331.
Astronomer's Drinking Song, I, 380.
Astronomer's Drinking Song, I, 380.
Astronomical Aphorisms, I, 398.
Astronomical Aphorisms, I, 398.
Paradox, I, 394.
Paradox, I, 394.
Police Report, I, 390.
Police Report, I, 390.
Society. (See Royal Astronomical Society.)
Society. (See Royal Astronomical Society.)
Astronomy, Bailly's exaggerated view of, I, 166.
Astronomy, Bailly's inflated perspective on, I, 166.
Astunica, Didacas, I, 90.
Astunica, Didacas, I, 90.
Athanasian Creed, I, 371.
Athanasian Creed, I, 371.
Atheists, Philosophical, I, 1.
Atheists, Philosophy, I, 1.
Attraction, I, 136, 151, 155.
Attraction, I, 136, 151, 155.
Aurora borealis, I, 134.
Northern lights, I, 134.
Austen, Jane, I, 191.
Austen, Jane, I, 191.
Bachet, de Méziriac, I, 161.
Bachet, de Méziriac, I, 161.
Bacon, F., I, 5, 75, 75, 76, 79, 89, 145, 331.
Bacon, F., I, 5, 75, 75, 76, 79, 89, 145, 331.
Baconian controversy, I, 141.
Baconian controversy, I, 141.
Bailly, J. S., I, 166, 166, 308.
Bailly, J. S., I, 166, 166, 308.
Baily, F., I, 308, 309; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Baily, R., II, 16.
Baily, R., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Banks, J., I, 28.
Banks, J., I, 28.
Baronius, I, 33, 35; II, 62.
Baronius, I, 33, 35; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Barrême, I, 42.
Barrême, I, 42.
Barrow, I., I, 160; II, 302.
Barrow, I., I, 160; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Baruel, de, I, 165.
Baruel, from, I, 165.
Baxter, T., I, 146.
Baxter, T., I, 146.
Beaugrand, I, 119, 121.
Beaugrand, I, 119, 121.
Beaulieu, I, 119, 119, 121.
Beaulieu, I, 119, 119, 121.
Bécourt, R., II, 277.
Bécourt, R., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bedford, Duke of, (6th), I, 182.
Bedford, Duke of, (6th), I, 182.
Bellenden, W., I, 175.
Bellenden, W., I, 175.
Bentley, I, 110.
Bentley, me, 110.
Berkeley, G., II, 346.
Berkeley, G., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bernardus Trevisanus, I, 126, 126.
Bernardus Trevisanus, I, 126, 126.
Bernoullis, I, 130, 150, 335, 336.
Bernoullis, I, 130, 150, 335, 336.
Bèse, I, 66.
Bèse, I, 66.
Bessel, I, 384; II, 2.
Bessel, I, 384; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bethune, I, 99, 279, 291.
Bethune, I, 99, 279, 291.
Bettesworth, I, 19.
Bettesworth, I, 19 years old.
Beza. (See Bèse.)
Beza. (See Bèse.)
Bickersteth, E. H., I, 238.
Bickersteth, E. H., I, 238.
Bidder, I, 86.
Bidder, me, 86.
Bidle, (Biddle), I, 239.
Bidle, (Biddle), I, 239.
Biot, I, 85.
Biot, I, 85.
Birch, T., I, 108; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Bishop, G., I, 386.
Bishop G., I, 386.
Bishops as Paradoxers, I, 226.
Bishops as Paradox Makers, I, 226.
Boccaccio, I, 38.
Boccaccio, I, 38.
Boethius, I, 42, 45.
Boethius, I, 42, 45.
Böhme. (See Behmen.)
Böhme. (See Behmen.)
Boncompagni, I, 298.
Boncompagni, I, 298.
Boniface, St., I, 32.
Boniface St. I, 32.
Booker, I, 115.
Booker, I, 115.
Borello, I, 69.
Borello, I, 69.
Boreman, I, 113.
Boreman, I, 113.
Boscovich, I, 156, 164.
Boscovich, I, 156, 164.
Bouillaud, I, 87; II, 295.
Bouillaud, I, 87; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bouvard, A., I, 327.
Bouvard, A., I, 327.
Bovillus, I, 44; II, 324.
Bovillus, I, 44; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
—Epitome of, I, 44.
—Epitome of, I, 44.
Bowdler, H. M., I, 194.
Bowdler, H. M., I, 194.
Bowring, J., I, 352; II, 256.
Bowring, J., I, 352; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Boyle, R., I, 24, 125; II, 300.
Boyle, R., I, 24, 125; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bradley, I, 24.
Bradley, me, 24.
Bradwardine, I, 227, 228, 229.
Bradwardine, I, 227, 228, 229.
Brahe. (See Tycho B.)
Brahe. (See Tycho B.)
Brenan, J., I, 330, 330.
Brenan, J., I, 330, 330.
Brinkley, J., I, 311.
Brinkley, J., I, 311.
British Museum library, I, 151.
British Museum Library, I, 151.
Brothers, R., I, 315; II, 97.
Brothers, R., I, 315; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Brougham, Henry, Lord, I, 191.
Brougham, Henry, Lord, I, 191.
Brouncker (Brounker), I, 132; II, 302.
Brouncker (Brounker), I, 132; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Browne, T., I, 31.
Browne, T., I, 31.
Brucker, I, 61.
Brucker, I, 61.
Brunet, I, 402.
Brunet, I, 402.
Brünnow, I, 386.
Brünnow, I, 386.
Bruno, I, 59, 59.
Bruno, me, 59, 59.
Bürgi, I, 52.
Bürgi, I, 52.
Buffon, I, 282.
Buffon, I, 282.
Bulstrode, II, 84.
Bulstrode II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Bungus, I, 55, 55, 57.
Bungus, I, 55, 55, 57.
Buoncompagno, U., I, 362.
Buoncompagno, U., I, 362.
Buridan, I, 37.
Buridan, I, 37.
—Questiones morales, I, 37.
—Moral questions, I, 37.
Buridan's Ass, I, 37.
Buridan's Ass, I, 37.
Burke, E., I, 173.
Burke, E., I, 173.
Burlesque, Frend's, I, 208.
Burlesque, Frend's, I, 208.
Burnet, G., I, 107.
Burnet, G., I, 107.
Burney, Frances, I, 190.
Burney, Frances, I, 190.
Burton, Frances B., I, 374.
Burton, Frances B., I, 374.
Buteo, I, 51.
Buteo, I, 51.
Butler, G., I, 199.
Butler, G., I, 199.
Buxton, J., I, 86.
Buxton, J., I, 86.
Byrgius. (See Bürgi.)
Byrgius. (See Bürgi.)
Cabbala, I, 272.
Cabbala, I, 272.
Calculating Boys, I, 86.
Calculating Boys, I, 86.
Calculus, I, 129.
Calculus I, 129.
Calendar. (See Easter.)
Calendar. (See Easter.)
Campanus, I, 42, 43.
Campanus, I, 42, 43.
Canning, Geo., II, 145.
Canning, Geo., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Carcavi, I, 106.
Carcavi, me, 106.
Carlile, R., I, 271.
Carlile, R., I, 271.
Carnot, I, 107.
Carnot, I, 107.
Caroline tables, I, 124.
Caroline tables, I, 124.
Casaubon, I, 111.
Casaubon, I, 111.
Case, J., I, 128, 128.
Case, J., I, 128, 128.
Cassini, J., I, 172.
Cassini, J., I, 172.
Castel, I, 148, 148.
Castel, I, 148, 148.
Castiglioni, I, 139.
Castiglioni, I, 139.
Castlereagh, I, 185, 186.
Castlereagh, I, 185, 186.
Cataldi, I, 69, 69.
Cataldi, I, 69, 69.
Catcott, A., I, 237.
Catcott, A., I, 237.
Causans, de, I, 298.
Causans, de, I, 298.
Cavalieri, I, 106.
Cavalieri, I, 106.
Cavendish, C., I, 106; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Cavendish, W., I, 290.
Cavendish, W., I, 290.
Ceulen. (See Van Ceulen.)
Ceulen. (See Van Ceulen.)
Challis, J., I, 390; II, 141.
Challis, J., I, 390; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chalmers, I, 102; II, 219.
Chalmers, I, 102; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chambers, R., I, 344, 344.
Chambers, R., I, 344, 344.
Charles IX, II, 94.
Charles IX, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Charles X, II, 1.
Charles X, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chasles, I, 39, 229.
Chasles, I, 39, 229.
Ch'in Chiu-shang, II, 66.
Ch'in Chiu-shang, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Chiu-chang, Suan-shu, II, 67.
Chiu-chang, Suan-shu, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Christian Evidence Society, I, 270.
Christian Evidence Society, I, 270.
Christie, I, 27.
Christie, I'm 27.
Christmann, I, 272, 272.
Christmann, I, 272, 272.
Church question, I, 62.
Church question, I, 62.
Circle squarers. (See Squaring the Circle.)
Circle squarers. (See Squaring the Circle.)
Circulating media of mathematics, I, 107.
Circulating math media, I, 107.
Ciruelo. (See Sanchez.)
Ciruelo. (See Sanchez.)
Clairaut, I, 219, 382.
Clairaut, I, 219, 382.
Clarence, Duke of, I, 179.
Clarence, Duke of, I, 179.
Clarke, R., I, 255.
Clarke, R., I, 255.
Clavius, I, 11, 69, 111, 112, 335, 362, 363, 372; II, 59.
Clavius, I, 11, 69, 111, 112, 335, 362, 363, 372; II, 59.
Cobb, Mary, II, 117.
Cobb, Mary, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cobbett, W., I, 177, 200, 399.
Cobbett, W., I, 177, 200, 399.
Cobden, R., II, 217.
Cobden, R., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cocker, I, 42; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.
Cody, P., II, 208.
Cody, P., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Colburn, Z., I, 86.
Colburn, Z., I, 86.
Colenso, I, 63, 247; II, 191.
Colenso, I, 63, 247; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Collins, J., I, 107; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.
Colvill, W. H., II, 68.
Colvill, W. H., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Cometic astrology, I, 128.
Cometic astrology, I, 128.
Cominale, C., I, 162, 162.
Cominale, C., I, 162, 162.
Conduitt, John, I, 397.
Conduitt, John, I, 397.
Conduitt, Mrs., I, 136.
Conduitt, Mrs., I, 136.
Congregation of the Index, I, 90.
Index Congregation, I, 90.
Converse propositions, I, 295.
Converse propositions, I, 295.
Convocation at Oxford, I, 96.
Convocation at Oxford, I, 96.
Cooke, Margaret, I, 310.
Cooke, Margaret, I, 310.
Copley, J. S., I, 198.
Copley, J. S., I, 198.
Cormouls, I, 225.
Cormouls, I, 225.
Cosmology, I, 172.
Cosmology, I, 172.
Craig, J., I, 129, 129.
Craig, J., I, 129, 129.
Creed, Mathematics of a, I, 329.
Creed, Mathematics of a, I, 329.
Cribb, T., I, 314.
Cribb, T., I, 314.
Crotus, J., I, 318.
Crotus, J., I, 318.
Cruickshank, G., I, 186.
Cruickshank, G., I, 186.
Cube, Duplication of, I, 349.
Cube, Duplicate of, I, 349.
Cumyns, Eliza, I, 299.
Cumyns, Eliza, I, 299.
Cunningham, I, 172, 172.
Cunningham, I, 172, 172.
Curabelle, I, 221.
Curabelle, I, 221.
Cusa, I, 44, 47, 360.
Cusa, I, 44, 47, 360.
D'Alembert, I, 382; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Dalgarno, I, 116, 117.
Dalgarno, I, 116, 117.
Dalton, J., I, 255.
Dalton, J., I, 255.
D'Arblay, Mme., I, 190.
D'Arblay, Mme., I, 190.
Darwinism, Primitive, I, 344.
Darwinism, Primitive, I, 344.
Day, A., I, 295, 295.
Day, A., I, 295, 295.
De Baruel, I, 165.
De Baruel, I, 165.
De Beaune. (See Beaune.)
De Beaune. (See Beaune.)
Debenham, J., I, 393.
Debenham, J., I, 393.
De Causans. (See Causans.)
De Causans. (See Causans.)
Dechales. (See de Challes.)
Dechales. (See de Challes.)
De Challes, I, 45.
De Challes, I, 45.
Decimal currency, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, 169.
De Fauré, I, 149.
De Fauré, I, 149.
De la Leu, I, 297.
De la Leu, I, 297.
Delambre, I, 160, 167, 354; II, 165.
Delambre, I, 160, 167, 354; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
De Moivre, I, 24, 376; II, 298.
De Moivre, I, 24, 376; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
De Molières, I, 220.
De Molières, I, 220.
De Molina, I, 297.
De Molina, I, 297.
Demonville, I, 291, 293.
Demonville, I, 291, 293.
—Refusal of LL. D., I, 191.
—Refusal of LL. D., I, 191.
De Morgan, G. C., I, 383.
De Morgan, G. C., I, 383.
De Morgan, Mrs., I, 196; II, 194.
De Morgan, Mrs., I, 196; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Denison, J., I, 348, 353.
Denison, J., I, 348, 353.
Desaguliers, I, 153, 156, 157.
Desaguliers, I, 153, 156, 157.
Desargues, I, 119, 221.
Desargues, I, 119, 221.
Descartes, I, 5, 59, 105, 132, 165, 204, 220; II, 94.
Descartes, I, 5, 59, 105, 132, 165, 204, 220; II, 94.
De Sluse. (See Sluse.)
De Sluse. (See Sluse.)
De Vausenville, I, 12.
De Vausenville, I, 12.
Devonshire, Duke of (7th), I, 290.
Devonshire, Duke of (7th), I, 290.
Diamandi, I, 86.
Diamandi, I, 86.
Didacus Astunica, I, 90.
Didacus Astunica, I, 90.
Digby, K., I, 108.
Digby, K., I, 108.
Dionysius Exiguus, I, 360.
Dionysius Exiguus, I, 360.
Discovery, Basis of, I, 85.
Discovery, Basis of, I, 85.
D'Israeli, I., I, 115, 118, 136, 188, 227.
D'Israeli, I., I, 115, 118, 136, 188, 227.
Ditton, I, 133, 133.
Ditton, I, 133, 133.
Division, Nature of, II, 248.
Division, Nature of, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Dobson, J., I, 234, 234.
Dobson, J., I, 234, 234.
Dodt, I, 52.
Dodt, I, 52.
Doggerel verse, I, 341.
Doggerel poem, I, 341.
Dolland, I, 377.
Dolland, I, 377.
Douglas, G., I, 232.
Douglas, G., I, 232.
Duchesne, I, 52.
Duchesne, I, 52.
Dumortier, I, 313.
Dumortier, I, 313.
Duncan, A., I, 179.
Duncan, A., I, 179.
Duodecimal scale, II, 68.
Duodecimal scale, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Duplication Problem, I, 349.
Duplication Issue, I, 349.
Dyer, G., I, 178.
Dyer, G., I, 178.
Easter, I, 359.
Easter, I, 359.
Easter Day Paradoxes, I, 353.
Easter Day Paradoxes, I, 353.
Ebrington, Thos., I, 247.
Ebrington, Thos., I, 247.
Edgeworth, Maria, I, 191.
Edgeworth, Maria, I, 191.
Editorial System, I, 15.
Editorial System, I, 15.
Edleston, I, 140; II, 296.
Edleston, I, 140; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Edwards, J., I, 144.
Edwards, J., I, 144.
Edwards, T., I, 112.
Edwards, T., I, 112.
Eirenæus Philalethes, I, 125, 125, 126.
Eirenæus Philalethes, I, 125, 125, 126.
Elephant story, I, 58.
Elephant story, I, 58.
Elizabeth, Queen, I, 128.
Elizabeth II, Queen, I, 128.
Ellenborough, Baron, I, 181.
Ellenborough, Baron, I, 181.
Ellicot, I, 24.
Ellicot, me, 24.
Ellis, I, 76, 82.
Ellis, I, 76, 82.
Engel, I, 230.
Engel, I, 230.
English language, Origin of, I, 215.
English language, Origin of, I, 215.
Epps, J., I, 153; II, 143.
Epps, J., I, 153; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Equation of fifth degree, I, 250, 373.
Equation of fifth degree, I, 250, 373.
Erasmus, I, 110.
Erasmus, I, 110.
Erastus, I, 65.
Erastus, I, 65.
Erichsen, I, 163.
Erichsen, I, 163.
Esperanto, Forerunner of, I, 116.
Esperanto, Forerunner of, I, 116.
—Without Axioms, I, 287.
—Without Axioms, I, 287.
Euler, I, 221, 382; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_4__.
Eutocius, I, 41; II, 60.
Eutocius, I, 41; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Evelyn, J., I, 108.
Evelyn, J., I, 108.
Everett, J., I, 346.
Everett, J., I, 346.
Evidence, I, 57, 58.
Evidence, I, 57, 58.
Faber. (See Stapulensis.)
Faber. (See Stapulensis.)
Fairfax, Mary, I, 242.
Fairfax, Mary, I, 242.
Falco, I, 53.
Falco, me, 53.
Fauré, de, I, 149; II, 238.
Fauré, de, I, 149; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Fiction, New era in, I, 189.
Fiction, New Era in, I, 189.
Fienus, I, 74, 74.
Fienus, I, 74, 74.
Finæus, I, 50, 50, 113.
Finæus, I, 50, 50, 113.
Finleyson, J., I, 314, 314.
Finleyson, J., I, 314, 314.
Flamsteed, I, 87, 309; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.
Fletcher, I, 378.
Fletcher, I, 378.
Folkes, M., I, 136; II, 301.
Folkes, M., I, 136; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Fontenelle, I, 103.
Fontenelle, I, 103.
Forbes, D., I, 237.
Forbes, D., I, 237.
Forman, W., I, 296, 296, 306.
Forman, W., I, 296, 296, 306.
Forster, T. I. M., I, 320, 320.
Forster, T. I. M., I, 320, 320.
Foscarini, I, 90.
Foscarini, I, 90.
Fox, G., I, 397.
Fox, G., I, 397.
Francœur, I, 365.
Francœur, I, 365.
Frankland, W. B., I, 230, 287.
Frankland, W. B., I, 230, 287.
Freedom of opinion, Growth of, I, 265.
Freedom of opinion, Growth of, I, 265.
Freher, A., II, 319.
Freher, A. II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
French academy on circle squaring, I, 163.
French academy on circle squaring, I, 163.
Frend, W., I, 196, 196, 206, 208, 252.
Frend, W., I, 196, 196, 206, 208, 252.
Fromondus, I, 74, 74, 99.
Fromondus, I, 74, 74, 99.
Frost, I. and J., I, 394.
Frost, I. and J., I, 394.
Fry, Elizabeth, I, 224.
Fry, Elizabeth, I, 224.
Fuller, T., I, 86.
Fuller, T., I, 86.
Fulton, R., I, 148.
Fulton, R., I, 148.
Gadbury, J., I, 115, 115.
Gadbury, J., I, 115, 115.
Galbraith, J. A., II, 372.
Galbraith, J. A., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Galileo, I, 5, 6, 32, 76, 82, 83, 96, 122, 381.
Galileo, I, 5, 6, 32, 76, 82, 83, 96, 122, 381.
Galle, J. G., I, 386; II, 7.
Galle, J. G., I, 386; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Galloway, I, 56, 57; II, 143.
Galloway, I, 56, 57; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gamblers, I, 280.
Gamblers, me, 280.
Garrick, I, 21.
Garrick, I, 21 years old.
Gassendi, I, 107.
Gassendi, I, 107.
Gauss, I, 86, 107, 310.
Gauss, I, 86, 107, 310.
Gemistus, G., I, 188.
Gemistus, G., I, 188.
Gentleman's Monthly, Miscellany, I, 208.
Gentleman's Monthly Miscellany, I, 208.
Gephryander. (See Salicetus.)
Gephryander. (See Salicetus.)
Gergonne, I, 336.
Gergonne, I, 336.
Ghetaldi, I, 83; II, 59.
Ghetaldi, I, 83; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ghost paradox, II, 47.
Ghost paradox, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Giddy (Gilbert), II, 174.
Giddy (Gilbert), II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gilbert, William, I, 6, 68, 68, 76.
Gilbert, William, I, 6, 68, 68, 76.
Glazier (Glazion), II, 7.
Glazier (Glazion), II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Godwin, F., I, 103.
Godwin, F., I, 103.
Godwin, W., I, 174.
Godwin, W., I, 174.
Golius, I, 106.
Golius, I, 106.
Gompertz, B., I, 378.
Gompertz, B., I, 378.
Goulburn, I, 288.
Goulburn, I, 288.
Goulden, S., II, 88.
Goulden, S., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Graham, I, 24.
Graham, I'm 24.
Grandamicus, I, 104, 104.
Grandamicus, I, 104, 104.
Granger, J., I, 156.
Granger, J., I, 156.
Grant, A. R., II, 131.
Grant, A. R., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Grant, R., I, 392; II, 131.
Grant, R., I, 392; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Grassi, O., I, 262.
Grassi, O., I, 262.
Grassini, I, 231.
Grassini, I, 231.
Graunt, J., I, 113, 114, 154.
Graunt, J., I, 113, 114, 154.
Gravity, I, 151, 244, 348, 353.
Gravity, I, 151, 244, 348, 353.
—Newton's apple, I, 136.
—Newton's apple, I, 136.
Greene, R., I, 135, 135.
Greene, R., I, 135, 135.
Greenhill, Sir G., I, 136.
Greenhill, Sir G., I, 136.
Greenwich observatory, I, 87.
Greenwich Observatory, I, 87.
Gregorian Calendar, I, 363.
Gregorian Calendar, I, 363.
Gregory, D., I, 66; II, 301.
Gregory, D., I, 66; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gregory, J., I, 118, 118, 207; II, 302.
Gregory, J., I, 118, 118, 207; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Gregory, Pope, I, 362.
Gregory I, Pope, 362.
Grevil, I, 202.
Grevil, I, 202.
Grosart, I, 141, 141, 145.
Grosart, I, 141, 141, 145.
Gruenberger, I, 70.
Gruenberger, I, 70.
Grynaeus, I, 66.
Grynaeus, I, 66.
Guaricus, I, 43.
Guaricus, I, 43.
Guldin, I, 83.
Guldin, I, 83.
Gunning, H., I, 198.
Gunning, H., I, 198.
Gurney. (See Fry, E.)
Gurney. (See Fry, E.)
Guthrie, W., I, 395.
Guthrie, W., I, 395.
Hailesean system of astronomy, II, 135.
Hailesean astronomy system, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hale, M., I, 123, 123.
Hale, M., I, 123, 123.
Hales, S., I, 123.
Hales, S., I, 123.
Hallam, I, 159.
Hallam, me, 159.
Halley, I, 24, 124, 311; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Hamilton, W. Rowan, I, 332; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Hanover, King of, I, 201.
Hanover, King of, I, 201.
Hardy, C., I, 298.
Hardy, C., I, 298.
Hardy, T., I, 178.
Hardy, T., I, 178.
Harvey, I, 76, 78; II, 201.
Harvey, I, 76, 78; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hauff, I, 230.
Hauff, I, 230.
Haughton, S., II, 372.
Haughton, S., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hauksbee, F., I, 156.
Hauksbee, F., I, 156.
Hayes, C., I, 132, 132.
Hayes, C., I, 132, 132.
Heath, D. D., I, 76.
Heath, D. D., I, 76.
Helmont, J. B. van, I, 125.
Helmont, J. B. van, I, 125.
Henson, II, 8.
Henson II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Herbart, J. F., I, 253, 253; II, 78.
Herbart, J. F., I, 253, 253; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Higgins, G., I, 257, 274.
Higgins, G., I, 257, 274.
Hilarius, Pope, I, 359.
Hilarius, Pope I, 359.
Hill, J., I, 21, 22, 23, 24.
Hill, J., I, 21, 22, 23, 24.
Hill, Rev. R., I, 192.
Hill, Rev. R., I, 192.
Hill, Sir R., I, 165, 232.
Hill, Sir R., I, 165, 232.
Hind, J. R., I, 384.
Hind, J. R., I, 384.
Hoax, An interesting, I, 163.
Hoax, an interesting I, 163.
—Lunar Caustic, I, 288.
—Lunar Caustic, I, 288.
Hobbes, I, 105, 109, 143, 144; II, 80.
Hobbes, I, 105, 109, 143, 144; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hodge, C. B., I, 114.
Hodge, C. B., I, 114.
Hodges, W., I, 237.
Hodges, W., I, 237.
Hoffmann, J. J. I. von, I, 230.
Hoffmann, J. J. I. von, I, 230.
Holloway, B., I, 237.
Holloway, B., I, 237.
Holmes, O. W., I, 109.
Holmes, O. W., I, 109.
Holyoake, G. J., I, 399, 399.
Holyoake, G. J., I, 399, 399.
Hone, W., I, 124, 180, 184, 185.
Hone, W., I, 124, 180, 184, 185.
Hooke, I, 77; II, 300.
Hooke, I, 77; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Horace, I, 40.
Horace, I, 40 years old.
Horne, G., I, 152, 152, 154, 155, 236.
Horne, G., I, 152, 152, 154, 155, 236.
Horne, J., I, 178.
Horne, J., I, 178.
Horner, L., I, 176.
Horner, L., I, 176.
Howard, E., I, 131.
Howard, E., I, 131.
Howison, W., I, 256, 256.
Howison, W., I, 256, 256.
Howley, I, 63.
Howley, me, 63.
Hulls, I, 147, 147; II, 8.
Hulls, I, 147, 147; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hume, J., I, 352; II, 174.
Hume, J., I, 352; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Husaín Rifki, II, 16.
Husaín Rifki II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hussein Effendi, II, 15.
Hussein Effendi II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Hutchinson, J., I, 154, 154.
Hutchinson, J., I, 154, 154.
Hutton, C., I, 153, 161; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Huyghens, I, 100, 133; II, 300.
Huyghens, I, 100, 133; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Imaginary numbers, II, 186.
Imaginary numbers, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Inaudi, I, 86.
Inaudi, I, 86.
Index Expurgatorius, I, 90.
Index Expurgatorius, I, 90.
Infant prodigies, I, 86.
Infant prodigies, I, 86.
Inglis, R. H., I, 352.
Inglis, R. H., I, 352.
Ingliz Selim Effendi, II, 15.
Ingliz Selim Effendi, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Innocent I., I, 359.
Innocent I, I, 359.
Jack, R., I, 149.
Jack, R., I, 149.
Jacotot, J., I, 278, 278.
Jacotot, J., I, 278, 278.
Jeffreys, G., I, 183.
Jeffreys, G., I, 183.
Jesuit contributions, I, 164.
Jesuit contributions, I, 164.
Johnson, H. C., I, 350.
Johnson, H. C., I, 350.
Johnston, W. H., II, 67.
Johnston, W. H., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Jombert, I, 161.
Jombert, I, 161.
Jonchère, I, 146, 146.
Jonchère, I, 146, 146.
Jones, W., I, 135; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Jones, Rev. W., I, 237.
Jones, Rev. W., I, 237.
Jonson, B., I, 13.
Jonson, B., I, 13.
Kantesian Jeweler, I, 258.
Kantian Jeweler, I, 258.
Karsten, I, 230.
Karsten, me, 230.
Kästner, I, 43, 110, 112.
Kästner, I, 43, 110, 112.
Kater, I, 11.
Kater, I, 11.
Keckermann, I, 3.
Keckermann, I, 3.
Kerigan, T., I, 308, 353.
Kerigan, T., I, 308, 353.
Keroualle, De, II, 50.
Keroualle, De, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Kersey, I, 107.
Kersey, I, 107.
King, Wm., I, 246.
King, Wm., I, 246.
Kircher, Adolphe, I, 229.
Kircher, Adolphe, I, 229.
Kircher, Athanasius, I, 103.
Kircher, Athanasius, I, 103.
Kirkringius, T., I, 125, 125.
Kirkringius, T., I, 125, 125.
Kittle, I, 236.
Kittle, I, 236.
Klein, F., II, 367.
Klein, F., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Knight, C., II, 109, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Knight, G., I, 151, 151.
Knight, G., I, 151, 151.
Knight, Wm., I, 97.
Knight, Wm., I, 97.
Koenig, S., I, 150.
Koenig, S., I, 150.
Lacomme, I, 46.
Lacomme, I, 46.
Lacroix, I, 41, 159, 207.
Lacroix, I, 41, 159, 207.
Lactantius, I, 33, 96.
Lactantius, I, 33, 96.
Lalande, I, 159.
Lalande, I, 159.
Lamb, C., I, 178; II, 270.
Lamb, C., I, 178; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lambert, J. H., I, 336; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Lansbergius, I, 70, 70.
Lansbergius, I, 70, 70.
Laplace, I, 24, 255, 382; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Laud, I, 145.
Laud, I, 145.
Lauder, W., I, 297.
Lauder, W., I, 297.
Laurent, P., I, 309, 309.
Laurent, P., I, 309, 309.
Laurus, I, 381.
Laurus, I, 381.
Law, Edmund, I, 181.
Law, Edmund, I, 181.
Law, Edward, I, 181.
Law, Edward, I, 181.
Law, W., I, 168, 254; II, 317.
Law, W., I, 168, 254; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Le Coq, I, 86.
Le Coq, I, 86.
Lee, R., I, 66.
Lee, R., I, 66.
Lee, S., I, 131.
Lee, S., I, 131.
Lee, W., I, 157.
Lee, W., I, 157.
Legate, I, 59.
Legate, I, 59.
Legendre, I, 229; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Leibnitz, I, 5, 7; II, 46.
Leibniz, I, 5, 7; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Leo, St., I, 359.
Leo, St., I, 359.
Libri, I, 40, 62; II, 295.
Libri, I, 40, 62; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lilius, Aloysius, I, 362.
Lilius, Aloysius, I, 362.
Lilly, I, 115; II, 302.
Lilly, I, 115; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lipen, M., I, 298.
Lipen, M., I, 298.
Little, J., I, 206.
Little, J., I, 206.
Livingston, R., I, 148.
Livingston, R., I, 148.
Locke, J., I, 142, 142, 144;
Locke, J., I, 142, 142, 144;
—and Socinianism, I, 142.
—and Socinianism, I, 142.
Locke, R., I, 146.
Locke, R., I, 146.
Logan, W. E., I, 337.
Logan, W. E., I, 337.
Logic, Formal, I, 158; II, 75.
Logic, Formal, I, 158; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
—Has no paradoxes, I, 330.
—No paradoxes, I, 330.
London Mathematical Society, I, 383.
London Math Society, I, 383.
Longitude problems, I, 132, 146, 249.
Longitude issues, I, 132, 146, 249.
Longley, C. T., I, 325.
Longley, C. T., I, 325.
Longomontanus, I, 105, 105.
Longomontanus, I, 105, 105.
Lottery, I. 281.
Lottery, I. 281.
Lovett, R., I, 165, 166.
Lovett, R., I, 165, 166.
Lowndes, W. T., I. 402.
Lowndes, W. T., I. 402.
Lubbock, J., I, 279; II, 148.
Lubbock, J., I, 279; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lucian, I, 102.
Lucian, me, 102.
Lunar Caustic Joke, I, 288.
Lunar Caustic Joke, I, 288.
Lyndhurst, I, 198.
Lyndhurst, I, 198.
Mackey, John, I, 349.
Mackey, John, me, 349.
Mackey, S. A., I, 256.
Mackey, S. A., I, 256.
Magic, I, 118.
Magic, I, 118.
Magna Charta, I, 25.
Magna Carta, I, 25.
Magnus, I, 42.
Magnus, I'm 42.
Maitland, S., I, 63, 163.
Maitland, S., I, 63, 163.
Malacarne, I, 119.
Malacarne, I, 119.
Mallemens, II, 333.
Mallemens, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Mankind gullible, I, 115.
Humans are gullible, I, 115.
Marcelis, J., I, 129, 129.
Marcelis, J., I, 129, 129.
Margarita Philosophica. (See Reisch.)
Margarita Philosophica. (See Reisch.)
Marsh, H., I, 199, 271.
Marsh, H., I, 199, 271.
Martin, B., I, 152, 153.
Martin, B., I, 152, 153.
Maseres, F., I, 197, 203.
Maseres, F., I, 197, 203.
—Psychology, I, 253;
—Psychology, I, 253;
—Society, I, 374, 376, 382;
—Society, I, 374, 376, 382;
—Theology, I, 149.
—Theology, I, 149.
Maty, I, 23.
Maty, I’m 23.
Maurolycus, I, 121.
Maurolycus, I, 121.
Maxwell, A., I, 102.
Maxwell, A., I, 102.
Meadley, G. W., I, 223.
Meadley, G. W., I, 223.
Medicine, Status of, I, 266.
Medicine, Status of, I, 266.
Menestrier, I, 127, 127.
Menestrier, I, 127, 127.
Mercator's projection, I, 84.
Mercator projection, I, 84.
Mersenne, I, 106, 107; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Meteorologist, An early, I, 320.
Meteorologist, early, I, 320.
Meteorology, I, 327.
Meteorology, I, 327.
Metius, A. and P., I, 52, 99, 99.
Metius, A. and P., I, 52, 99, 99.
Meton, II, 167.
Meton, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Metric System, Forerunner of, I, 171.
Metric System, Forerunner of, I, 171.
Méziriac, I, 161.
Méziriac, I, 161.
Milbanke, A. I., I, 225.
Milbanke, A. I., I, 225.
Mill, Jas., I, 260.
Mill, Jas., I, 260.
Miller, Joe, I, 182.
Miller, Joe, I, 182.
Miller, S., I, 167.
Miller, S., I, 167.
Milne, J., I, 286.
Milne, J., I, 286.
Milner, I., I, 251, 251.
Milner, I., I, 251, 251.
Milner's lamp, I, 252.
Milner's lamp, I, 252.
Mitchell, J., I, 242.
Mitchell, J., I, 242.
Molière, I, 232.
Molière, I, 232.
Molina, A. C. de, I, 297.
Molina, A. C. de, I, 297.
Mondeux, I, 86.
Mondeux, I, 86.
Montucla, I, 40, 45, 54, 65, 117, 120, 159, 163; II, 60.
Montucla, I, 40, 45, 54, 65, 117, 120, 159, 163; II, 60.
Moon, Nature of, II, 84;
Moon, Nature of, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__;
More, Hannah, I, 189, 192.
More, Hannah, I, 189, 192.
More, Henry, I, 123.
More, Henry, I, 123.
Moore, Dr. John, I, 190.
Moore, Dr. John, I, 190.
Moore, Sir John, I, 190.
Moore, Sir John, I, 190.
Morgan, S., I, 6.
Morgan, S., I, 6.
Morgan, T., I, 191.
Morgan, T., I, 191.
Morgan, W., I, 223, 224.
Morgan, W., I, 223, 224.
Morhof, I, 61.
Morhof, I, 61.
Morin, I, 99, 99.
Morin, I, 99, 99.
Morinus, J. B., I, 149.
Morinus, J. B., I, 149.
Mottelay, I, 68.
Mottelay, I, 68.
Motti, II, 60.
Motti, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Mouton, I, 172; II, 300.
Mouton, I, 172; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Muggleton, I, 394, 395.
Muggleton, I, 394, 395.
Multiplication, Nature of, II, 251.
Multiplication, Nature of, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Murchison, R. I., I, 384.
Murchison, R. I., I, 384.
Murhard, I, 43, 298.
Murhard, I, 43, 298.
Murphy, P., I, 327, 398.
Murphy, P., I, 327, 398.
Murphy, R., I, 349, 349.
Murphy, R., I, 349, 349.
Murray, J., I, 186; II, 145.
Murray, J., I, 186; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Murray, Mungo, II, 310.
Murray, Mungo II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Musgrave, T., I, 324.
Musgrave, T., I, 324.
Mydorge, I, 298.
Mydorge, I, 298.
Mythological paradoxes, I, 256.
Mythical paradoxes, I, 256.
Names of Religious Bodies, II, 22.
Names of Religious Groups, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Napier, J., I, 5, 66, 67, 82.
Napier, J., I, 5, 66, 67, 82.
Napoleon, Doubts as to, I, 246.
Napoleon, Doubts about, I, 246.
Nautical Almanac, I, 300; II, 147.
Nautical Almanac, I, 300; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Neal, I, 98.
Neal, me, 98.
Negative numbers, I, 196, 203.
Negative numbers, me, 196, 203.
Neptune, Discovery of, I, 387; II, 140. (See Adams, Leverrier.)
Neptune, Discovery of, I, 387; II, 140. (See Adams, Leverrier.)
Nesse, C, I, 128, 128.
Nesse, C, I, 128, 128.
Newcomb, S., I, 162.
Newcomb, S., vol. I, p. 162.
Newcomen, T., I, 147.
Newcomen, T., I, 147.
Nicene Creed, I, 371.
Nicene Creed, I, 371.
Nicholas. (See Cusa.)
Nicholas. (See Cusa.)
Nichols, J., I, 175.
Nichols, J., I, 175.
Nicolas, N. H., I, 354.
Nicolas, N. H., I, 354.
Nicolson, W., I, 201.
Nicolson, W., I, 201.
Nizzoli, M., II, 275.
Nizzoli, M., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Non-Euclidean geometry, II, 83.
Non-Euclidean geometry, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Number, Mystery of, I, 55, 56, 169.
Number, Mystery of, I, 55, 56, 169.
Numeral system, II, 68.
Numeral system, 2, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Nursery rhymes, II, 150.
Nursery rhymes, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Orthodox Paradoxes, II, 363.
Orthodox Paradoxes, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ortwinus, I, 319.
Ortwinus, I, 319.
Owenson, I, 191.
Owenson, I, 191.
Ozanam, I, 161, 312.
Ozanam, I, 161, 312.
Pagi, I, 32.
Morning, I, 32.
Paine, T., I, 173, 173, 271.
Paine, T., I, 173, 173, 271.
Paley, W., I, 222; II, 226.
Paley, W., I, 222; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Palmer, C., I, 225.
Palmer, C., I, 225.
Palmer, H., I, 141, 141, 145.
Palmer, H., I, 141, 141, 145.
Palmerston, Viscount (3d), I, 290, 352.
Palmerston, Viscount (3rd), I, 290, 352.
Palmézeaux, I, 167.
Palmézeaux, I, 167.
Panizzi, A., I, 151.
Panizzi, A., I, 151.
Paracelsus, II, 322.
Paracelsus, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Paradox defined, I, 2, 31.
Paradox defined, I, 2, 31.
Paradox, religious, I, 236.
Paradox, religious, me, 236.
Parallels, Theory of, I, 229, 344.
Parallels, Theory of, I, 229, 344.
Parr, S., I, 173, 173, 175, 176, 184.
Parr, S., I, 173, 173, 175, 176, 184.
Parsey, I, 293, 293.
Parsey, I, 293, 293.
Partridge, J., I, 305.
Partridge, J., I, 305.
Pasbergius, I, 381.
Pasbergius, I, 381.
Pascal's Hexagram, I, 221.
Pascal's Hexagram, I, 221.
Passot, I, 279, 279.
Passot, I, 279, 279.
Passover, I, 358, 372.
Passover, I, 358, 372.
Patriotic paradox, I, 231.
Patriotic contradiction, I, 231.
Paucton, I, 172.
Paucton, I, 172.
Paulian, I, 165, 165.
Paulian, I, 165, 165.
Peacock, Geo., I, 196, 350.
Peacock, Geo., I, 196, 350.
Peacock, T. L., I, 190, 340.
Peacock, T. L., I, 190, 340.
Pearce, A. J., II, 43.
Pearce, A. J., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pearne, T., I, 239.
Pearne, T., I, 239.
Peel, Sir R., I, 290, 352.
Peel, Sir R., I, 290, 352.
Peel, W. Y., I, 290.
Peel, W. Y., I, 290.
Pell, J., I, 105, 105, 107; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Pepys, I, 113, 114.
Pepys, I, 113, 114.
Perspective, New theory of, I, 293.
Perspective, New theory of, I, 293.
Petitioning Comet, I, 127.
Petitioning Comet, I, 127.
Petrie, W. M. F., I, 328.
Petrie, W. M. F., I, 328.
Petty, I, 114; II, 300.
Petty, I, 114; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Philalethes, Eirenaeus, I, 125, 125, 126.
Philalethes, Eirenaeus, I, 125, 125, 126.
Philalethes, Eugenius, I, 255.
Philalethes, Eugenius, I, 255.
Phillips, R., I, 242, 242, 245.
Phillips, R., I, 242, 242, 245.
Philo of Gadara, I, 40, 40.
Philo of Gadara, I, 40, 40.
Philosopher's stone, I, 118, 125.
Philosopher's Stone, I, 118, 125.
Pighius, I, 372.
Pighius, I, 372.
Pike, S., I, 236, 236.
Pike, S., I, 236, 236.
Piozzi, Mrs., I, 235; II, 272.
Piozzi, Mrs., I, 235; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Piscator, B., II, 25.
Piscator, B., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Place, F., I, 199.
Place, F., I, 199.
Planets inhabitable, I, 100, 102.
Planets habitable, I, 100, 102.
Plato, I, 5.
Plato, I, 5.
Platt, H., I, 126, 126.
Platt, H., I, 126, 126.
Playfair, J., I, 233.
Playfair, J., I, 233.
Pletho, G., I, 188.
Pletho, G., I, 188.
Pliny, II, 280.
Pliny, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ploucquet, I, 336, 337.
Ploucquet, I, 336, 337.
Poe, E. A., II, 132.
Poe, E. A., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Poincaré, I, 136.
Poincaré, I, 136.
Poisson, I, 292; II, 2.
Poisson, I, 292; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Pope, Wm., I, 277, 277.
Pope, Wm., I, 277, 277.
Porta, I, 68, 68, 83.
Porta, I, 68, 68, 83.
Porteus, B., I, 193, 203.
Porteus, B., I, 193, 203.
Porus, I, 44.
Porus, me, 44.
Powell, W. S., I, 222.
Powell, W. S., I, 222.
Predaval, Count de, I, 348.
Predaval, Count de, I, 348.
Prescot, B., I, 270, 270, 278.
Prescot, B., I, 270, 270, 278.
Prester John, I, 70, 71, 152.
Prester John, I, 70, 71, 152.
Price, R., I, 223.
Price, R., I, 223.
Probability, Discourse on, I, 279.
Probability, Discussion on, I, 279.
Proclus, I, 188, 188.
Proclus, I, 188, 188.
Prodigies, Youthful, I, 219, 332.
Prodigies, Young, I, 219, 332.
Ptolemy, I, 5, 33, 380.
Ptolemy, I, 5, 33, 380.
Pusey, I, 64.
Pusey, I, 64.
Pyramids, The, I, 328; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Pythagoras, II, 59.
Pythagoras, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Quadrature problem. (See Squaring the circle.)
Quadrature problem. (See Squaring the circle.)
Quintilian, II, 280.
Quintilian, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Quotem, C., I, 399.
Quotem, C., I, 399.
Rabelais, I, 102.
Rabelais, I, 102.
Ramachandra, Y., I, 374.
Ramachandra, Y., I, 374.
Ramchundra, I, 374.
Ramchundra, I, 374.
Ramus, I, 5.
Ramus, I, 5.
Reeve, J., I, 395.
Reeve, J., I, 395.
Regiomontanus, I, 48, 360.
Regiomontanus, I, 48, 360.
Reisch, I, 45; II, 281.
Reisch, I, 45; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
—customs, Attacks on, I, 177;
—customs, Attacks on, I, 177;
—Insurance, I, 345;
—Insurance, I, 345;
—Paradox, I, 236;
—Paradox, I, 236;
—Tract society, I, 192.
—Tract society, I, 192.
Remigius, I, 50.
Remigius, I, 50.
Revelations, Napier on, I, 66.
Revelations, Napier on, I, 66.
Revilo, (O. Byrne), I, 241, 329, 329.
Revilo, (O. Byrne), I, 241, 329, 329.
Rheticus, I, 69; II, 372.
Rheticus, I, 69; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Rhonius, II, 300.
Rhonius II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Riccioli, I, 96.
Riccioli, I, 96.
Rigaud, S. P., I, 140; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Ripley, G., I, 126, 126.
Ripley, G., I, 126, 126.
Ritchie, W., I, 295, 295.
Ritchie, W., I, 295, 295.
Ritterhusius, I, 60.
Ritterhusius, I, 60.
Rive, J.-J., I, 160.
Rive, J.-J., I, 160.
Robertson, Jas., I, 237.
Robertson, Jas., I, 237.
Roberval, I, 105, 122.
Roberval, I, 105, 122.
Robinson, B., I, 148, 148.
Robinson, B., I, 148, 148.
Robinson, H. C., I, 314; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Robinson, R., I, 177.
Robinson, R., I, 177.
Roget, P. M., I, 398.
Roget, P. M., I, 398.
Roomen, A. van, I, 110.
Roomen, A. van, I, 110.
Ross, J. C., I, 303.
Ross, J. C., I, 303.
Rosse, I, 26.
Rosse, I, 26 years old.
Rossi, G., I, 231, 231.
Rossi, G., I, 231, 231.
Rough, W., I, 198.
Rough, W., I, 198.
Rowning, J., I, 155.
Rowning, J., I, 155.
Royal Astronomical Society, I, 27;
Royal Astronomical Society, I, 27;
—Forerunner of, I, 374.
—Forerunner of me, 374.
Royal Society, I, 21, 22, 24-30, 56, 57, 136, 153, 163, 164, 165.
Royal Society, I, 21, 22, 24-30, 56, 57, 136, 153, 163, 164, 165.
Rudio, I, 159; II, 367.
Rudio, I, 159; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Rudolff, C., II, 373.
Rudolff, C., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Russell, Earl (1st), I, 296.
Russell, 1st Earl, I, 296.
Sabellius, I, 241.
Sabellius, I, 241.
Sacrobosco, I, 360.
Sacrobosco, I, 360.
Sadler, T., I, 238, 241.
Sadler, T., I, 238, 241.
Saint-Martin, I, 167, 168, 206.
Saint-Martin, I, 167, 168, 206.
St.-Mesmin, M. de., I, 280.
St.-Mesmin, M. de., I, 280.
St. Vincent, G. de., I, 110, 117.
St. Vincent, G. de., I, 110, 117.
Sales, de, I, 167.
Sales, de, I, 167.
Salicetus, I, 64.
Salicetus, I, 64.
Salusbury, Hester, I, 235.
Salusbury, Hester, I, 235.
Sanchez, Petro, I, 229, 229.
Sanchez, Petro, I, 229, 229.
Sanders, W., I, 207.
Sanders, W., I, 207.
Sanderson, R., I, 135.
Sanderson, R., I, 135.
Sara, R., I, 297.
Sara, R., I, 297.
Saunderson, N., I, 377; II, 301.
Saunderson, N., I, 377; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Scévole de St. Marthe, I, 113.
Scévole de St. Marthe, I, 113.
Schopp, I, 60.
Schopp, I, 60.
Schott, I, 64; II, 64.
Schott, I, 64; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Schumacher, H. C., I, 107; II, 297.
Schumacher, H. C., I, 107; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Schwab, I, 230.
Schwab, I, 230.
Scientific paradoxes, I, 232.
Scientific paradoxes, I, 232.
Scott, Michael, I, 38.
Scott, Michael, me, 38.
Scott's Devils, I, 38.
Scott's Devils, I, 38.
Scott, W., I, 20, 27, 38, 39, 155, 191.
Scott, W., I, 20, 27, 38, 39, 155, 191.
Search, John, I, 247.
Search, John, I, 247.
Shakespeare, I, 13.
Shakespeare, I, 13.
Shaw, P., I, 142.
Shaw, P., I, 142.
Sheepshanks, J., I, 147.
Sheepshanks, J., I, 147.
Sheepshanks, R., I, 290.
Sheepshanks, R., I, 290.
Shelley, I, 174.
Shelley, I, 174.
Shepherd, S., I, 124.
Shepherd, S., I, 124.
Sheridan, R. B., I, 175.
Sheridan, R. B., I, 175.
Sheridan, T., I, 175.
Sheridan, T., I, 175.
Shrewsbury, I, 108.
Shrewsbury, I, 108.
Siddons, Mrs., I, 189.
Siddons, Mrs., me, 189.
Simms, W., I, 152.
Simms, W., I, 152.
Simpson, T., I, 377; II, 304.
Simpson, T., I, 377; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Simson, R., I, 197, 202, 233.
Simson, R., I, 197, 202, 233.
Sinclair, G., I, 207.
Sinclair, G., I, 207.
Sloane, I, 24.
Sloane, I'm 24.
Sluse, R. de, I, 118, 118; II, 300.
Sluse, R. de, I, 118, 118; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Smith, Richarda, I, 242.
Smith, Richarda, I, 242.
Smith, Thomas, I, 346, 346.
Smith, Thomas, I, 346, 346.
Smyth, C. P., I, 328; II, 65.
Smyth, C. P., I, 328; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Snell, I, 75, 75.
Snell, I, 75, 75.
Socinianism, I, 142, 143.
Socinianism, I, 142, 143.
Socinus, I, 3, 143.
Socinus, I, 3, 143.
Socrates Scholasticus, I, 358.
Socrates Scholasticus, I, 358.
Somerville, Mrs., I, 242.
Somerville, Mrs., I, 242.
Southcott, Joanna, II, 58, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Spearman, R., I, 237.
Spearman, R., I, 237.
Speculative thought in England, I, 374.
Speculative thinking in England, I, 374.
Spedding, I, 76, 82, 142.
Spedding, I, 76, 82, 142.
Speed, J., I, 201.
Speed, J., I, 201.
Speke, I, 70.
Speke, I, 70.
Spence, W., I, 231, 231.
Spence, W., I, 231, 231.
Spinoza, I, 3, 37.
Spinoza, I, 3, 37.
Spiritualism, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, 55, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Stäckel, I, 230.
Stäckel, I, 230.
Stapulensis, I, 44; II, 324.
Stapulensis, I, 44; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Star polygons, I, 229.
Star polygons, I, 229.
Starkie, G., I, 126, 126.
Starkie, G., I, 126, 126.
Steamship suggested, I, 147.
Steamship suggested, I, 147.
Steel, Jas., II, 68.
Steel, Jas., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Stenography, II, 81.
Stenography, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Stephens, I, 44; II, 324.
Stephens, I, 44; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Stevin, I, 83, 313; II, 59.
Stevin, I, 83, 313; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Stewart, R., I, 186.
Stewart, R., I, 186.
Strafford, Earl of, I, 240.
Strafford, Earl of, I, 240.
Stratford, W. S., I, 300.
Stratford, W. S., I, 300.
Street, T., I, 124.
Street, T., I, 124.
Stukely, W., I, 236.
Stukely, W., I, 236.
Suidas, II, 29.
Suidas, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Sumner, C. R., I, 324.
Sumner, C. R., I, 324.
Sumner, J. B., I, 324.
Sumner, J. B., I, 324.
Swastika, II, 231.
Swastika, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Swedenborg, E., I, 255.
Swedenborg, E., I, 255.
Swift, I, 19, 133.
Swift, I'm 19, 133.
Symington, W., I, 148.
Symington, W., I, 148.
Symons II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__, 85.
Sympathetic powder, I, 108.
Sympathetic powder, I, 108.
Synesius, I, 125.
Synesius, I, 125.
Talbot, G., I, 22, 108.
Talbot, G., I, 22, 108.
Talbot's powder, I, 108.
Talbot's powder, I, 108.
Tartaglia, II, 59.
Tartaglia II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Tasse, I, 106.
Tasse, I, 106.
Tate, J., I, 199.
Tate, J., I, 199.
Taylor, Robt., I, 270.
Taylor, Robt., I, 270.
Taylor, T., I, 188, 188.
Taylor, T., I, 188, 188.
Teissier, I, 113.
Teissier, I, 113.
Temple, H. J., I, 290.
Temple, H. J., I, 290.
Tenterden, Chief Justice, I, 181.
Tenterden, Chief Justice, I, 181.
Theism independent of Revelation, I, 399.
Theism apart from Revelation, I, 399.
Thelwall, J., I, 178.
Thelwall, J., I, 178.
Theodoretus, I, 358.
Theodoretus, I, 358.
Theological Paradoxes, I, 316.
Theological Paradoxes, I, 316.
Theology, Mathematical, I, 129, 149.
Theology, Math, I, 129, 149.
Thompson, P., I, 7.
Thompson, P., I, 7.
Thompson, T. P., I, 252, 287, 344; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, 185.
Thomson, Dr., I, 21.
Dr. Thomson, I, 21.
Thomson, W., I, 325.
Thomson, W., I, 325.
Thrale, Mrs., I, 235.
Thrale, Mrs., I, 235.
Thurlow, Baron, I, 222.
Thurlow, Baron, I, 222.
Thyræus, I, 50.
Thyræus, I, 50.
Tides, New theory of, I, 393.
Tides, New Theory of, I, 393.
Tombstones of mathematicians, I, 106.
Tombstones of mathematicians, I, 106.
Tooke, H., I, 178.
Tooke, H., I, 178.
Torriano, E., I, 250.
Torriano, E., I, 250.
Towneley, II, 300.
Towneley, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Townley, C., II, 300.
Townley, C., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Troughton, I, 152.
Troughton, I, 152.
Turnor, E., I, 137.
Turnor, E., I, 137.
Ursus, I, 52.
Ursus, I, 52.
Valentine, B., I, 125, 125.
Valentine, B., I, 125, 125.
Van Ceulen, I, 52, 70, 100.
Van Ceulen, I, 52, 70, 100.
Van de Weyer, I, 313.
Van de Weyer, I, 313.
Van Etten, I, 161.
Van Etten, I, 161.
Van Helmont, I, 125, 125.
Van Helmont, I, 125, 125.
Van Roomen, I, 110.
Van Roomen, I, 110.
Vaughan, T., I, 255.
Vaughan, T., I, 255.
Victorinus, I, 359.
Victorinus, I, 359.
Virgil, St., I, 32, 33, 34, 99.
Virgil, St., I, 32, 33, 34, 99.
Virginia, University of, I, 233.
University of Virginia, I, 233.
Vivian, T., I, 172, 172.
Vivian, T., I, 172, 172.
Vogel, A. F., I, 373.
Vogel, A. F., I, 373.
Voltaire, I, 103, 165, 166, 167, 168, 248; II, 268.
Voltaire, I, 103, 165, 166, 167, 168, 248; II, 268.
Von Hutten, I, 318.
Von Hutten, I, 318.
Von Wolzogen. (See Wolzogen.)
Von Wolzogen. (See Wolzogen.)
Vyse, R. W. H., I, 328.
Vyse, R. W. H., I, 328.
Walpole, I, 23, 131.
Walpole, I, 23, 131.
Walsh, John, I, 260, 260; II, 157.
Walsh, John, I, 260, 260; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Warburton, H., I, 349.
Warburton, H., I, 349.
Warburton, Wm., I, 55, 112; II, 174.
Warburton, Wm., I, 55, 112; II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Waring, E., I, 203, 222.
Waring, E., I, 203, 222.
Watson, Bp., I, 223.
Watson, Bp., I, 223.
Watt, R., I, 102, 402.
Watt, R., I, 102, 402.
Watts, I., II, 18.
Watts, I., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Wentworth, Thos., I, 240.
Wentworth, Thomas, I, 240.
Wharton, I, 115.
Wharton, I, 115.
Whately, R., I, 246, 246, 324.
Whately, R., I, 246, 246, 324.
Whately's Paradox, I, 246.
Whately's Paradox, I, 246.
Whigs, II, 22.
Whigs, II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Whiston, J., I, 147.
Whiston, J., I, 147.
Whiston, W., I, 133, 133, 146, 156, 311.
Whiston, W., I, 133, 133, 146, 156, 311.
White, J. B., I, 248.
White, J. B., I, 248.
White, R., I, 11.
White, R., I, 11.
Whitford, I, 105.
Whitford, I, 105.
Whizgig, On the, I, 254.
Whizgig, On the, I, 254.
Wightman, I, 59.
Wightman, I, 59.
Wilkins, J., I, 96, 100, 116, 226.
Wilkins, J., I, 96, 100, 116, 226.
Williams, J. B., I, 378.
Williams, J. B., I, 378.
Williams, T., I, 171, 171.
Williams, T., I, 171, 171.
Wilson, Sir J., I, 221.
Wilson, Sir J., I, 221.
Wilson's Theorem, I, 222.
Wilson's Theorem, I, 222.
Winter, I, 46.
Winter, I, 46.
Wirgman, T., I, 258, 258.
Wirgman, T., I, 258, 258.
Wiseman, N. P. S., II, 26, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Wollstonecraft, I, 173, 173.
Wollstonecraft, I, 173, 173.
Wolzogen, I, 106.
Wolzogen, I, 106.
Wood, A., I, 98.
Wood, A., I, 98.
Wood, John, I, 233.
Wood, John, I, 233.
Wood, Wm., I, 246, 246.
Wood, Wm., I, 246, 246.
Woodley, W., I, 307, 307.
Woodley, W., I, 307, 307.
Wright, E., I, 84.
Wright, E., I, 84.
Wright, T., I, 151, 151, 152, 153.
Wright, T., I, 151, 151, 152, 153.
Wright, W., II, 9.
Wright, W. II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Wronski, I, 249, 250.
Wronski, I, 249, 250.
Young, J. W. A., II, 367.
Young, J. W. A., II, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Young, T., I, 24, 30, 250.
Young, T., I, 24, 30, 250.
Youthful Prodigies, I, 219.
Youth Prodigies, I, 219.
Yvon, I, 297.
Yvon, me, 297.
Notes
[2] "I have no need for this hypothesis."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "I don't need this theory."
[3] "Ah, it is a beautiful hypothesis; it explains many things."
[3] "Ah, it's a beautiful theory; it explains a lot."
[4] "What we know is very slight; what we don't know is immense."
[4] "What we know is very little; what we don't know is vast."
[5] Brewster relates (Life of Sir Isaac Newton, Vol. II, p. 407) that, a short time before his death, Newton remarked: "I do not know what I may appear to the world, but to myself I seem to have been only like a boy playing on the seashore, and diverting myself in now and then finding a smoother pebble or a prettier shell than ordinary, whilst the great ocean of truth lay all undiscovered before me."
[5] Brewster shares (Life of Sir Isaac Newton, Vol. II, p. 407) that, shortly before his death, Newton said: "I don’t know how I might seem to the world, but to myself, I feel like a boy playing by the sea, having fun by occasionally finding a smoother pebble or a prettier shell than usual, while the vast ocean of truth remains completely undiscovered in front of me."
[7] "What is all that!"
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "What's all that!"
[8] "I have some good news to tell you: at the Bureau of Longitudes they have just received a letter from Germany announcing that M. Bessel has verified by observation your theoretical discoveries on the satellites of Jupiter."
[8] "I have some great news to share with you: at the Bureau of Longitudes, they just got a letter from Germany saying that M. Bessel has confirmed your theoretical findings about the satellites of Jupiter through observation."
[9] "Man follows only phantoms."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "A man chases shadows."
[11] Dieudonné Thiébault (1733-1807) was a Jesuit in his early life, but he left the order and took up the study of law. In 1765 he went to Prussia and became a favorite of Frederick the Great. He returned to France in 1785 and became head of the Lycée at Versailles.
[11] Dieudonné Thiébault (1733-1807) started his career as a Jesuit but left the order to study law. In 1765, he moved to Prussia and quickly became a favorite of Frederick the Great. He returned to France in 1785 and became the head of the Lycée at Versailles.
[12] Memories of Twenty Years of Residence in Berlin. There was a second French and an English edition in 1805.
[12] Memories of Twenty Years of Residence in Berlin. There was a second French and an English edition in 1805.
[13] Richard Joachim Heinrich von Mollendorff (1724-1816) began his career as a page of Frederick the Great (1740) and became field marshal (1793) and commander of the Prussian army on the Rhine (1794).
[13] Richard Joachim Heinrich von Mollendorff (1724-1816) started his career as a page for Frederick the Great in 1740 and later became a field marshal in 1793 and the commander of the Prussian army on the Rhine in 1794.
[14] Hugues Bernard Maret (1763-1839) was not Duc de Bassano in 1807, this title not being conferred upon him until 1809. He was ambassador to England in 1792 and to Naples in 1793. Napoleon made him head of the cabinet and his special confidant. The Bourbons exiled him in 1816.
[14] Hugues Bernard Maret (1763-1839) was not the Duc de Bassano in 1807, as he didn't receive that title until 1809. He served as the ambassador to England in 1792 and to Naples in 1793. Napoleon appointed him as head of the cabinet and his close confidant. The Bourbons exiled him in 1816.
[15] Denis Diderot (1713-1784), whose Lettre sur les aveugles (1749) introduced him to the world as a philosopher, and whose work on the Encyclopédie is so well known.
[15] Denis Diderot (1713-1784), whose Letter on the Blind (1749) brought him into the spotlight as a philosopher, and whose work on the Encyclopedia is widely recognized.
[16] "Sir, (a + bn) / n = x, whence God exists; answer!"
[16] "Sir, (a + bn) / n = x, therefore God exists; respond!"
[18] Jelinger Cookson Symons (1809-1860) was an office-holder with a decided leaning towards the improvement of education and social conditions. He wrote A Plea for Schools (1847), The Industrial Capacities of South Wales (1855), and Lunar Motion (1856), to which last work the critic probably refers.
[18] Jelinger Cookson Symons (1809-1860) was a public official who was strongly committed to enhancing education and social conditions. He wrote A Plea for Schools (1847), The Industrial Capacities of South Wales (1855), and Lunar Motion (1856), which is likely the work the critic is referring to.
[19] "Protimalethes" followed this by another work along the same line the following year, The Independence of the Testimony of St. Matthew and St. John tested and vindicated by the theory of chances.
[19] "Protimalethes" was followed by another work in the same vein the next year, The Independence of the Testimony of St. Matthew and St. John tested and vindicated by the theory of chances.
[20] Wilson had already taken up the lance against science in his Strictures on Geology and Astronomy, in reference to a supposed want of harmony between these sciences and some parts of Divine Revelation, Glasgow, 1843. He had also ventured upon poetry in his Pleasures of Piety, Glasgow, 1837.
[20] Wilson had already taken a stand against science in his Strictures on Geology and Astronomy, regarding a supposed lack of harmony between these fields and certain aspects of Divine Revelation, Glasgow, 1843. He had also explored poetry in his Pleasures of Piety, Glasgow, 1837.
[21] Mrs. Borron was Elizabeth Willesford Mills before her marriage. She made an attempt at literature in her Sibyl's Leaves, London (printed at Devonport), 1826.
[21] Mrs. Borron was Elizabeth Willesford Mills before she got married. She tried her hand at writing with her book Sibyl's Leaves, published in London (printed at Devonport), 1826.
[23] See Vol. I, page 43, notes 7 {32} and 8 {33}.
[23] See Vol. I, page 43, notes 7 {32} and 8 {33}.
[24] His flying machine, designed in 1843, was one of the earliest attempts at aviation on any extensive scale.
[24] His flying machine, created in 1843, was one of the first serious efforts at aviation on a large scale.
[25] Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802) was the grandfather of Charles Darwin. The work here mentioned had great influence, being translated into French, Portuguese, and Italian. Canning parodied it in his Loves of the Triangles.
[25] Erasmus Darwin (1731-1802) was the grandfather of Charles Darwin. The work mentioned here had a significant impact, being translated into French, Portuguese, and Italian. Canning parodied it in his Loves of the Triangles.
[27] The notes on this page were written on the day of the funeral of Wilbur Wright, June 1, 1912, the man who realized all of these prophecies, and then died a victim of municipal crime,—of typhoid fever.
[27] These notes were written on the day of Wilbur Wright's funeral, June 1, 1912, the man who fulfilled all these predictions, and then died as a result of municipal neglect—typhoid fever.
[28] John Charles, third Earl Spencer (1782-1845), to whose efforts the Reform Bill was greatly indebted for its final success.
[28] John Charles, the third Earl Spencer (1782-1845), whose efforts significantly contributed to the ultimate success of the Reform Bill.
[29] This was published in London in 1851 instead of 1848.
[29] This was published in London in 1851 instead of 1848.
[30] This appeared in 1846.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ This was published in 1846.
[31] This was done in The Circle Squared, published at Brighton in 1865.
[31] This was done in The Circle Squared, published in Brighton in 1865.
[32] It first appeared in 1847, under the title, The Scriptural Calendar and Chronological Reformer, 1848. Including a review of tracts by Dr. Wardlaw and others on the Sabbath question. By W. H. Black. The one above mentioned, for 1849, was printed in 1848, and was also by Black (1808-1872). He was pastor of the Seventh Day Baptists and was interested in archeology and in books. He catalogued the manuscripts of the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.
[32] It was first published in 1847, under the title, The Scriptural Calendar and Chronological Reformer, 1848. Including a review of tracts by Dr. Wardlaw and others on the Sabbath question. By W. H. Black. The one mentioned above, for 1849, was printed in 1848 and was also by Black (1808-1872). He was the pastor of the Seventh Day Baptists and had a keen interest in archaeology and literature. He cataloged the manuscripts of the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.
[33] William Upton, a Trinity College man, Dublin. He also wrote Upton's Physioglyphics, London, 1844; Pars prima. Geometria vindicata; antiquorumque Problematum, ad hoc tempus desperatorum, Trisectionis Anguli, Circulique Quadraturae, Solutio, per Eucliden effecta, London (printed at Southampton), 1847; The Uptonian Trisection, London, 1866; and The Circle Squared, London, 1872.
[33] William Upton, a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin. He also wrote Upton's Physioglyphics, London, 1844; Pars prima. Geometria vindicata; antiquorumque Problematum, ad hoc tempus desperatorum, Trisectionis Anguli, Circulique Quadraturae, Solutio, per Eucliden effecta, London (printed at Southampton), 1847; The Uptonian Trisection, London, 1866; and The Circle Squared, London, 1872.
[34] For example, if θ = 90° we should have 3 cos 30° = 1 + √(4 - sin2 90°), or 3.½ √3 = 1 + √3, or ½ √3 = 1.
[34] For example, if θ = 90° we should have 3 cos 30° = 1 + √(4 - sin2 90°), or 3.½ √3 = 1 + √3, or ½ √3 = 1.
[35] Nathaniel Wallich (1786-1854) was surgeon at the Danish settlement at Serampore when the East India Company took over the control in 1807. He entered the British medical service and was invalided to England in 1828. His Plantae Asiaticae Rariores (3 vols., London, 1830-1832) was recognized as a standard. He became vice-president of the Linnean Society, F. R. S., and fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society.
[35] Nathaniel Wallich (1786-1854) was a surgeon at the Danish settlement in Serampore when the East India Company took control in 1807. He joined the British medical service and was sent back to England for health reasons in 1828. His Plantae Asiaticae Rariores (3 vols., London, 1830-1832) was acknowledged as a standard work. He became vice-president of the Linnean Society, F. R. S., and a fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society.
cos 30° = | (sin 270° . cos 225° + sin2 90° . sin 225°) ![]() √(sin2 270° . cos2 225° + sin4 90° + sin 270° . sin 450° . sin2 90°) | , |
or that
or that
½ √3 = | -1 . (-1 /√2) + 1 . (-1/√2)![]() √(1 . ½ + 1 - 1 . 1 . 1) | = 0 / √½, |
so that De Morgan must have made some error in copying.
so De Morgan must have made some mistake when copying.
[37] John Bonnycastle (died in 1821) was professor of mathematics at Woolwich. His edition of Bossut's History of Mathematics (1803), and his works on elementary mathematics were well known.
[37] John Bonnycastle (died in 1821) was a math professor at Woolwich. His version of Bossut's History of Mathematics (1803) and his writings on basic math were quite well known.
[38] The bibliographies give Husaín Rifki as the translator, a practical geometry as the work, and 1802 as the date.
[38] The bibliographies list Husaín Rifki as the translator, a practical geometry as the work, and 1802 as the publication date.
[40] Probably in The Improvement of the Mind which Isaac Watts (1674-1748) published in 1741. His Horae Lyricae appeared in 1706, and the Hymns, by which he is still well known, in 1707.
[40] Probably in The Improvement of the Mind which Isaac Watts (1674-1748) published in 1741. His Horae Lyricae came out in 1706, and the Hymns, through which he is still famous, were published in 1707.
[41] Spencer Joshua Alwyne Compton, second Marquis of Northampton (1790-1851), was a poet, a scientist, and a statesman. He was president of the Royal Society from 1838 to 1849.
[41] Spencer Joshua Alwyne Compton, second Marquis of Northampton (1790-1851), was a poet, a scientist, and a politician. He served as president of the Royal Society from 1838 to 1849.
[42] Besides the writings here mentioned Perigal published a work on Geometric Maps (London, 1853), and Graphic Demonstrations of Geometric Problems (1891).
[42] In addition to the writings mentioned here, Perigal published a work on Geometric Maps (London, 1853), and Graphic Demonstrations of Geometric Problems (1891).
[44] James Ferguson (1710-1776) was a portrait painter, an astronomer, and a popular writer and lecturer on various subjects.
[44] James Ferguson (1710-1776) was a portrait artist, an astronomer, and a well-known writer and speaker on different topics.
[45] In the old ballad of King Alfred and the Shepherd, when the latter is tempting the disguised king into his service, he says:
[45] In the old ballad of King Alfred and the Shepherd, when the shepherd is trying to convince the disguised king to work for him, he says:
"Of whig and whey we have good store,
"Of whig and whey we have plenty,"
And keep good pease-straw fire."
And keep a good peat fire.
Whig is then a preparation of milk. But another commonly cited derivation may be suspected from the word whiggamor being used before whig, as applied to the political party; whig may be a contraction. Perhaps both derivations conspired: the word whiggamor, said to be a word of command to the horses, might contract into whig, and the contraction might be welcomed for its own native meaning.—A. De M.
Whig is a preparation made from milk. However, another often mentioned origin might be the word whiggamor, which was used before whig to refer to the political party; whig could be a shortened form. It’s possible that both origins contributed: the term whiggamor, said to be a command for the horses, might have been shortened to whig, and this abbreviation might have been embraced for its original meaning.—A. De M.
[47] St. Augustine (354-430) was bishop of Hippo. His Confessiones, in 13 books, was written in 397, and his De Civitate Dei in 426.
[47] St. Augustine (354-430) was the bishop of Hippo. His Confessions, consisting of 13 books, was written in 397, and his The City of God was completed in 426.
[48] "He was wont to indulge in certain Punic subtleties lest he should weary the reader by much speaking."
[48] "He used to indulge in certain clever tricks to avoid boring the reader with too much talk."
[49] John Milner (1751-1826), bishop of Castabala, a well-known antiquarian.
[49] John Milner (1751-1826), bishop of Castabala, a notable expert in antiques.
[50] It will be said that when the final happiness is spoken of in "sure and certain hope," it is the Resurrection, generally; but when afterwards application is made to the individual, simple "hope" is all that is predicated which merely means "wish?" I know it: but just before the general declaration, it is declared that it has pleased God of his great mercy to take unto Himself, the soul of our dear brother: and between the "hopes" hearty thanks are given that it has pleased God to deliver our dear brother out of the miseries of this wicked world, with an additional prayer that the number of the elect may shortly be accomplished. All which means, that our dear brother is declared to be taken to God, to be in a place not so miserable as this world—a description which excludes the "wicked place"—and to be of the elect. Yes, but it will be said again! do you not know that when this Liturgy was framed, all who were not in the road to Heaven were excommunicated burial service read over them. Supposing the fact to have been true in old time, which is a very spicy supposition, how does that excuse the present practice? Have you a right always to say what you believe cannot always be true, because you think it was once always true? Yes, but, choose whom you please, you cannot be certain He is not gone to Heaven. True, and choose which Bishop you please, you cannot be demonstratively certain, he is not a concealed unbeliever: may I therefore say of the whole bench, singulatim et seriatim, that they are unbelievers? No! No! The voice of common sense, of which common logic is a part, is slowly opening the eyes of the multitude to the unprincipled reasoning of theologians. Remember 1819. What chance had Parliamentary Reform when the House of Commons thanked the Manchester sabre-men? If you do not reform your Liturgy, it will be reformed for you, and sooner than you think! The dishonest interpretations, by defence of which even the minds of children are corrupted, and which throw their shoots into literature and commerce, will be sent to the place whence they came: and over the door of the established organization for teaching religion will be posted the following notice:
[50] People often say that when we talk about final happiness in "sure and certain hope," we mean the Resurrection in general; but when we focus on the individual, what we really mean is simple "hope," which just translates to "wish?" I understand that. However, right before the general statement, it’s noted that it has pleased God, in His great mercy, to take the soul of our dear brother to Himself. And in between the expressions of "hope," we genuinely thank God that He has chosen to free our dear brother from the hardships of this wicked world, along with an extra prayer that the number of the elect may soon be complete. All of this indicates that our dear brother is confirmed to be taken by God, in a place that isn't as miserable as this world—a description that excludes the "wicked place"—and that he is one of the elect. Yes, but it will be argued again! Don’t you know that when this Liturgy was created, anyone not heading toward Heaven was denied a burial service? Assuming that was true in the past—which is quite a spicy assumption—how does that justify the current practice? Do you have the right to always express what you believe cannot always be true just because you think it once was? Yes, but, no matter who you choose, you cannot be certain He is not in Heaven. True, and no matter which Bishop you choose, you cannot be definitively certain he is not a hidden unbeliever: can I then claim for the whole bench, one by one, that they are unbelievers? No! The voice of common sense, which includes common logic, is gradually helping people see through the unprincipled reasoning of theologians. Remember 1819. What chance did Parliamentary Reform have when the House of Commons thanked the Manchester sabre-men? If you don’t reform your Liturgy, it will be reformed for you, sooner than you think! The dishonest interpretations, which even corrupt the minds of children and spread into literature and commerce, will be sent back to where they came from, and there will be a notice posted at the entrance of the established organization for teaching religion:
"Shift and Subterfuge, Shuffle and Dodge,
"Shift and Subterfuge, Shuffle and Dodge,
No longer here allowed to lodge!"
No longer allowed to stay here!"
All this ought to be written by some one who belongs to the Establishment: in him, it would be quite prudent and proper; in me, it is kind and charitable.—A. De M.
All this should be written by someone who is part of the Establishment: for them, it would be entirely wise and appropriate; for me, it is kind and generous.—A. De M.
[51] But few do have access to it, for the work is not at all common, and this Piscator is rarely mentioned.
[51] But not many have access to it, because the work is quite rare, and this Piscator is seldom referenced.
[52] This derivation has been omitted.—S. E. De M.
[52] This derivation has been omitted.—S. E. De M.
[53] A blow for a blow. Roland and Oliver were two of the paladins of Charlemagne whose exploits were so alike that each was constantly receiving credit for what the other did. Finally they met and fought for five days on an island in the Rhine, but even at the end of that period it was merely a drawn battle.
[53] An eye for an eye. Roland and Oliver were two of Charlemagne's knights whose adventures were so similar that they constantly received credit for each other's deeds. Eventually, they faced off and fought for five days on an island in the Rhine, but even after all that time, it ended in a stalemate.
[55] "From the chair," officially.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "From the chair," officially.
[56] Nicholas Patrick Stephen Wiseman (1802-1865), whose elevation to the archbishopric of Westminster and the cardinalate (1850) led to the act prohibiting Roman Catholics from assuming episcopal titles in England, a law that was never enforced.
[56] Nicholas Patrick Stephen Wiseman (1802-1865), whose appointment as the Archbishop of Westminster and as a cardinal (1850) resulted in the law preventing Roman Catholics from using episcopal titles in England, a rule that was never enforced.
[57] He was born in 1812 and was converted to Catholicism in 1839. He founded the Tablet in London in 1840, removing its office to Dublin in 1849. He became M. P. in 1852, and at the time of his death (1855) he was preparing a memorial to the Pope asking him to annul the proclamation of an Irish bishop prohibiting his priests from taking part in politics.
[57] He was born in 1812 and converted to Catholicism in 1839. He founded the Tablet in London in 1840, moving its office to Dublin in 1849. He became an M.P. in 1852, and at the time of his death in 1855, he was preparing a memorial to the Pope asking him to cancel the proclamation of an Irish bishop that prohibited his priests from participating in politics.
[58] John Guillim (1565-1621) was the first to systematize and illustrate the whole science of heraldry. He published A display of Heraldrie: manifesting a more easie accesse to the knowledge thereof in 1610.
[58] John Guillim (1565-1621) was the first to organize and illustrate the entire field of heraldry. He published A Display of Heraldrie: Manifesting a More Easie Accesse to the Knowledge Thereof in 1610.
[59] "Faith."
"Believe."
[60] "Faithful."
"Faithful."
[61] "For the faith vindicated."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "For the faith justified."
[62] The words are of the same root, and hence our word fiddle. Some suppose this root means a rope, which, as that to which you trust, becomes, in one divergence, confidence itself—just as a rock, and other words, come to mean reliance—and in another, a little string.—A. De M.
[62] The words come from the same root, which is why we have the word fiddle. Some believe this root means a rope, which, as something you trust, evolves in one direction to mean confidence itself—similar to how rock and other words come to signify reliance—and in another direction, it signifies a small string.—A. De M.
[63] The Greek lexicographer, a Christian, living after 1000 A. D. His lexicon was first printed at Milan in 1499.
[63] The Greek dictionary maker, a Christian, who lived after 1000 A.D. His dictionary was first printed in Milan in 1499.
[64] Skindapsos.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Skindapsos.
[65] This was John William Burgon (1813-1888), Gresham professor of theology (1867) and dean of Chichester. He was an ultra-conservative, opposing the revised version of the New Testament, and saying of the admission of women to the university examinations that it was "a thing inexpedient and immodest."
[65] This was John William Burgon (1813-1888), Gresham professor of theology (1867) and dean of Chichester. He was very conservative, opposing the revised version of the New Testament, and stated that admitting women to the university examinations was "a thing inexpedient and immodest."
[66] Ekklesia, or ecclesia.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ekklesia, or ecclesia.
[67] Ennomos ekklesia.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ennomos church.
[69] "Every man is an animal." "Sortes is a man." "Sortes is an animal."
[69] "Every person is an animal." "Sortes is a person." "Sortes is an animal."
[70] "For a special purpose."
"For a specific purpose."
[71] Heraclitus of Ephesus, the weeping philosopher, 6th century B. C.
[71] Heraclitus of Ephesus, the weeping philosopher, 6th century B.C.
[72] Democritus, the laughing philosopher, founder of the atomistic theory, 5th century B. C.
[72] Democritus, the cheerful philosopher, founder of the atomic theory, 5th century B.C.
[73] "Ends to which."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Purposes served."
[74] "Ends from which."
"Ends from which."
[75] "In just as many syllables," "With just as many letters," "In just as many words."
[75] "In just as many syllables," "With just as many letters," "In just as many words."
[77] The notion that the Evil Spirit is a functionary liable to be dismissed for not attending to his duty, is, so far as my reading goes, utterly unknown in theology. My first wrinkle on the subject was the remark of the Somersetshire farmer upon Palmer the poisoner— "Well! if the Devil don't take he, he didn't ought to be allowed to be devil no longer."—A. De M.
[77] The idea that the Evil Spirit is an employee who can be fired for not doing his job is, as far as I know, completely absent in theology. My first insight on this topic came from a comment made by a farmer in Somerset about Palmer, the poisoner— "Well! if the Devil doesn't take him, he shouldn't be allowed to be a devil any longer."—A. De M.
William Palmer (1824-1856) was a member of the Royal College of Surgeons and practised medicine at London. He was hanged in 1856 for having poisoned a friend and was also suspected of having poisoned his wife and brother for their insurance money, besides being guilty of numerous other murders. His trial was very much in the public attention at the time.
William Palmer (1824-1856) was a member of the Royal College of Surgeons and practiced medicine in London. He was executed in 1856 for poisoning a friend and was also suspected of poisoning his wife and brother for their insurance money, in addition to being implicated in several other murders. His trial received significant public attention at the time.
[78] Advantages and dangers.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pros and cons.
[79] The old priory of St. Mary of Bethlehem in London, was used as an asylum for the insane. The name was corrupted to Bedlam.
[79] The old priory of St. Mary of Bethlehem in London was used as an asylum for the insane. The name was shortened to Bedlam.
[80] Referring to the common English pronunciation of St. John, almost Sinjin. John St. John Long (1798-1834), an Irishman by birth, practised medicine in London. He claimed to have found a specific for rheumatism and tuberculosis, but upon the death of one of his patients in 1830 he was tried for manslaughter. He died of tuberculosis four years later, refusing to take his own treatment.
[80] Referring to the common English pronunciation of St. John, which sounds almost like Sinjin. John St. John Long (1798-1834), an Irishman by birth, practiced medicine in London. He claimed to have found a cure for rheumatism and tuberculosis, but after one of his patients died in 1830, he was tried for manslaughter. He died of tuberculosis four years later, refusing to use his own treatment.
[81] William of Occam (d. 1349), so called from his birthplace, Ockham, in Surrey. He was a Franciscan, and lectured on philosophy in the Sorbonne.
[81] William of Occam (d. 1349), named after his hometown, Ockham, in Surrey. He was a Franciscan and taught philosophy at the Sorbonne.
[82] He signs himself "James Hopkins, schoolmaster," and this seems to have been his only published effort.
[82] He signs his name as "James Hopkins, schoolmaster," and this appears to be his only published work.
[83] Joseph Ady (1770-1852) was a famous swindler. One of his best-known schemes was to send out letters informing the recipients that they would learn something to their advantage on payment of a certain sum. He spent some time in prison.
[83] Joseph Ady (1770-1852) was a notorious con artist. One of his most famous tricks was sending out letters telling people they could learn something beneficial by paying a specific amount. He spent some time behind bars.
[84] Sir Peter Laurie (c. 1779-1861) was worth referring to, for he was prominent as a magistrate and was honored because of his interest in all social reforms. He made a fortune as a contractor, became sheriff of London in 1823, and was knighted in the following year. He became Lord Mayor of London in 1832.
[84] Sir Peter Laurie (c. 1779-1861) is worth mentioning because he was a notable magistrate and was recognized for his involvement in social reforms. He made a fortune as a contractor, became the sheriff of London in 1823, and was knighted the next year. He served as Lord Mayor of London in 1832.
[85] See Vol. I, page 321, note 2 {691}. The Astronomy in a nutshell appeared in 1860. The Herald of Astrology was first published in London in 1831, "by Zadkiel the Seer." It was continued as The Astrological Almanac (London, 1834), as Zadkiel's Almanac and Herald of Astrology (ibid., 1835, edited by R. J. Morrison, and subsequently by A. J. Pearce), and as Raphael's Prophetic Almanac (1840-1855).
[85] See Vol. I, page 321, note 2 {691}. The Astronomy in a nutshell was published in 1860. The Herald of Astrology first came out in London in 1831, "by Zadkiel the Seer." It continued as The Astrological Almanac (London, 1834), then as Zadkiel's Almanac and Herald of Astrology (ibid., 1835, edited by R. J. Morrison, and later by A. J. Pearce), and as Raphael's Prophetic Almanac (1840-1855).
[88] Franz Xaver, Freiherr von Zach (1754-1832) was director of the observatory at Seeberge near Gotha. He wrote the Tabulae speciales aberrationis et mutationis (1806-7), Novae et correctae tabulae solis (1792), and L'attraction des montagnes et ses effets sur le fil à plomb (1814).
[88] Franz Xaver, Baron von Zach (1754-1832) was the director of the observatory at Seeberge near Gotha. He wrote the Tabulae speciales aberrationis et mutationis (1806-7), Novae et correctae tabulae solis (1792), and L'attraction des montagnes et ses effets sur le fil à plomb (1814).
[89] Jean Louis Pons (1761-1831) was connected with the observatory at Marseilles for thirty years (1789-1819). He later became director of the observatory at Marlia, near Lucca, and subsequently filled the same office at Florence. He was an indefatigable searcher for comets, discovering 37 between 1801 and 1827, among them being the one that bears Encke's name.
[89] Jean Louis Pons (1761-1831) was associated with the observatory in Marseille for thirty years (1789-1819). He later became the director of the observatory in Marlia, near Lucca, and then took on the same role in Florence. He was a tireless seeker of comets, discovering 37 between 1801 and 1827, including the one named after Encke.
[91] John Chetwode Eustace (c. 1762-1815) was born in Ireland. Although a Roman Catholic priest he lived for a time at Cambridge where he did some tutoring. His Classical Tour appeared in 1813 and went through several editions.
[91] John Chetwode Eustace (c. 1762-1815) was born in Ireland. Even though he was a Roman Catholic priest, he spent some time living in Cambridge, where he worked as a tutor. His Classical Tour was published in 1813 and went through several editions.
[92] "Crimes should be exposed when they are punished, but disgraceful acts should be hidden."
[92] "Crimes should be revealed when they are punished, but shameful actions should be kept hidden."
[93] Henri Hureau de Sénarmont (1808-1862) was professor of mineralogy at the Ecole des mines and examiner at the Ecole polytechnique at Paris.
[93] Henri Hureau de Sénarmont (1808-1862) was a professor of mineralogy at the Ecole des mines and an examiner at the Ecole polytechnique in Paris.
[94] Augustin Jean Fresnel (1788-1827), "Ingenieur des ponts et chaussées," gave the first experimental proofs of the wave theory of light. He studied the questions of interference and polarization, and determined the approximate velocity of light.
[94] Augustin Jean Fresnel (1788-1827), "Engineer of bridges and roads," provided the first experimental evidence for the wave theory of light. He explored the issues of interference and polarization, and calculated the approximate speed of light.
[95] "As is my custom."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Like I always do."
[96] Francis Heywood (1796-1858) made the first English translation of Kant's Critick of Pure Reason (1838, reprinted in 1848). The Analysis came out, as here stated, in 1844.
[96] Francis Heywood (1796-1858) made the first English translation of Kant's Critique of Pure Reason (1838, reprinted in 1848). The Analysis was published, as noted here, in 1844.
[97] Louise Renée de Keroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth and Aubigny (1649-1734), was a favorite of Charles II. She used her influence to keep him under the control of Louis XIV.
[97] Louise Renée de Keroualle, Duchess of Portsmouth and Aubigny (1649-1734), was a favorite of Charles II. She used her influence to keep him under the control of Louis XIV.
[98] William Chiffinch (c. 1602-1688) was page of the king's bed-chamber and keeper of the private closet to Charles II. He was one of the king's intimates and was an unscrupulous henchman.
[98] William Chiffinch (c. 1602-1688) was a page in the king's bedchamber and the keeper of the private closet for Charles II. He was one of the king's close associates and a ruthless right-hand man.
[99] "Well devised."
"Well planned."
[100] "John Bellingham Inglis. His Philobiblion "translated from the first edition (of Ricardus d'Aungervile, Bishop of Durham), 1473," appeared at London in 1832. It was republished in America (Albany, N. Y.) in 1864.
[100] "John Bellingham Inglis. His Philobiblion "translated from the first edition (of Ricardus d'Aungervile, Bishop of Durham), 1473," was published in London in 1832. It was reissued in America (Albany, N. Y.) in 1864.
[101] "What are you laughing at?"
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "What's so funny?"
[104] Referring to Hamilton's edition of the Collected Works of Dugald Stewart, 10 volumes, Edinburgh, 1854-58. It is not commonly remembered that Stewart (1753-1828) taught mathematics at the University of Edinburgh before he took up philosophy.
[104] Referring to Hamilton's edition of the Collected Works of Dugald Stewart, 10 volumes, Edinburgh, 1854-58. It's not widely known that Stewart (1753-1828) taught mathematics at the University of Edinburgh before moving into philosophy.
[105] This was Hamilton's edition of the Works of Thomas Reid (2 vols., Edinburgh, 1846-1863). Reid (1710-1796) included mathematics in his work in philosophy at Aberdeen. In 1764 he succeeded Adam Smith at Glasgow.
[105] This was Hamilton's edition of the Works of Thomas Reid (2 vols., Edinburgh, 1846-1863). Reid (1710-1796) incorporated mathematics into his philosophical work in Aberdeen. In 1764, he took over Adam Smith's position at Glasgow.
[106] Edward Irving (1792-1834), the famous preacher. At first he assisted Dr. Chalmers at Glasgow, but in 1822 he went to London where he met with great success. A few years later he became mentally unbalanced and was finally expelled from his church (1832) for heresy. He was a great friend of Carlyle.
[106] Edward Irving (1792-1834), the famous preacher. He initially helped Dr. Chalmers in Glasgow, but in 1822 he moved to London, where he achieved significant success. A few years later, he experienced mental instability and was ultimately expelled from his church (1832) for heresy. He was a close friend of Carlyle.
[107] He also wrote a number of other paradoxes, including An Essay towards a Science of Consciousness (1838), Instinctive Natural Religion (1858), Popular Treatise on the structure, diseases, and treatment of the human teeth (1837), and On Headache (1859).
[107] He also wrote several other paradoxes, including An Essay towards a Science of Consciousness (1838), Instinctive Natural Religion (1858), Popular Treatise on the Structure, Diseases, and Treatment of the Human Teeth (1837), and On Headache (1859).
[108] James Smith (1801-1857), known as Shepherd Smith, was a socialist and a mystic, with a philosophy that was wittily described as "Oriental pantheism translated into Scotch." He was editor of several journals.
[108] James Smith (1801-1857), known as Shepherd Smith, was a socialist and a mystic, with a philosophy that was humorously described as "Oriental pantheism translated into Scotch." He was the editor of several journals.
[109] Joanna Southcott (1750-1814) was known for her rhyming prophecies in which she announced herself as the woman spoken of in Revelations xii. She had at one time as many as 100,000 disciples, and she established a sect that long survived her.
[109] Joanna Southcott (1750-1814) was known for her rhyming prophecies in which she claimed to be the woman mentioned in Revelations xii. At one point, she had as many as 100,000 followers, and she created a sect that continued to exist long after her death.
[110] Thales, c. 640-548 B. C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Thales, around 640-548 B.C.
[111] Pythagoras, 580-501 B. C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Pythagoras, 580-501 B.C.
[112] Anaxagoras, 499-428 B. C., the last of the Ionian school, teacher of Euripides and Pericles. Plutarch speaks of him as having squared the circle.
[112] Anaxagoras, 499-428 B.C., the last of the Ionian school, teacher of Euripides and Pericles. Plutarch describes him as having squared the circle.
[113] Oinopides of Chios, contemporary of Anaxagoras. Proclus tells us that Oinopides was the first to show how to let fall a perpendicular to a line from an external point.
[113] Oinopides of Chios, a contemporary of Anaxagoras. Proclus tells us that Oinopides was the first to demonstrate how to drop a perpendicular line from an external point.
[114] Bryson and Antiphon, contemporaries of Socrates, invented the so-called method of exhaustions, one of the forerunners of the calculus.
[114] Bryson and Antiphon, contemporaries of Socrates, developed what is known as the method of exhaustion, which was an early form of calculus.
[115] He wrote, c. 440 B. C., the first elementary textbook on mathematics in the Greek language. The "lunes of Hippocrates" are well known in geometry.
[115] He wrote, around 440 B.C., the first basic textbook on mathematics in Greek. The "lunes of Hippocrates" are well-known in geometry.
[116] Jabir ben Aflah. He lived c. 1085, at Seville, and wrote on astronomy and spherical trigonometry. The Gebri filii Affla Hispalensis de astronomia libri IX was published at Nuremberg in 1533.
[116] Jabir ben Aflah. He lived around 1085 in Seville and wrote about astronomy and spherical trigonometry. The Gebri filii Affla Hispalensis de astronomia libri IX was published in Nuremberg in 1533.
[117] Hieronymus Cardanus, or Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), the great algebraist. His Artis magnae sive de regulis Algebrae was published at Nuremberg in 1545.
[117] Hieronymus Cardanus, or Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), the great algebraist. His Artis magnae sive de regulis Algebrae was published in Nuremberg in 1545.
[118] Nicolo Tartaglia (c. 1500-1557), the great rival of Cardan.
[118] Nicolo Tartaglia (c. 1500-1557), the major opponent of Cardan.
[122] Pierre Hérigone lived in Paris the first half of the 17th century. His Cours mathématique (6 vols., 1634-1644) had some standing but was not at all original.
[122] Pierre Hérigone lived in Paris during the first half of the 17th century. His Cours mathématique (6 vols., 1634-1644) had some recognition but was not particularly original.
[123] Franciscus van Schooten (died in 1661) was professor of mathematics at Leyden. He edited Descartes's La Géométrie.
[123] Franciscus van Schooten (died in 1661) was a math professor at Leyden. He edited Descartes's La Géométrie.
[124] Florimond de Beaune (1601-1652) was the first Frenchman to write a commentary on Descartes's La Géométrie. He did some noteworthy work in the theory of curves.
[124] Florimond de Beaune (1601-1652) was the first Frenchman to write a commentary on Descartes's La Géométrie. He did some impressive work in the theory of curves.
[126] Olivier de Serres (b. in 1539) was a writer on agriculture. Montucla speaks of him in his Quadrature du cercle (page 227) as having asserted that the circle is twice the inscribed equilateral triangle, although, as De Morgan points out, this did not fairly interpret his position.
[126] Olivier de Serres (born in 1539) was an agriculture writer. Montucla mentions him in his Quadrature du cercle (page 227) as having claimed that the circle is twice the area of the inscribed equilateral triangle, although, as De Morgan notes, this was not an accurate representation of his view.
[127] Angherà wrote not only the three works here mentioned, but also the Problemi del più alto interesse scientifico, geometricamente risoluti e dimostrati, Naples, 1861. His quadrature was defended by Giovanni Motti in a work entitled Matematica Vera. Falsità del sistema ciclometrico d'Archimede, quadratura del cerchio d'Angherà, ricerca algebraica dei lati di qualunque poligono regolare inscritto in un circolo, Voghera, 1877. The Problemi of 1861 contains Angherà's portrait, and states that he lived at Malta from 1849 to 1861. It further states that the Malta publications are in part reproduced in this work.
[127] Angherà wrote not only the three works mentioned here but also the Problemi del più alto interesse scientifico, geometricamente risoluti e dimostrati, Naples, 1861. His quadrature was defended by Giovanni Motti in a work titled Matematica Vera. Falsità del sistema ciclometrico d'Archimede, quadratura del cerchio d'Angherà, ricerca algebraica dei lati di qualunque poligono regolare inscritto in un circolo, Voghera, 1877. The Problemi of 1861 includes Angherà's portrait and mentions that he lived in Malta from 1849 to 1861. It also indicates that some of the Malta publications are partially reproduced in this work.
[128] This was his friend Paolo Pullicino whose Elogio was pronounced by L. Farrugia at Malta in 1890. He wrote a work La Santa Effegie della Blata Vergine Maria, published at Valetta in 1868.
[128] This was his friend Paolo Pullicino whose Elogio was delivered by L. Farrugia in Malta in 1890. He wrote a work La Santa Effegie della Blata Vergine Maria, published in Valletta in 1868.
[129] St. Vitus, St. Modestus, and St. Crescentia were all martyred the same day, being torn limb from limb after lions and molten lead had proved of no avail. At least so the story runs.
[129] St. Vitus, St. Modestus, and St. Crescentia were all martyred on the same day, being torn apart after lions and molten lead had failed to do the job. At least that’s how the story goes.
[131] "Worthy of esteem."
"Deserving of respect."
[132] Pedro de Ribadeneira (Ribadeneyra, Rivadeneira), was born at Toledo in 1526 and died in 1611. He held high position in the Jesuit order. The work referred to is the Flos Sanctorum o libro de las vidas de los santos, of which there was an edition at Barcelona in 1643. His life of Loyola (1572) and Historia ecclesiástica del Cisma del reino de Inglaterra were well known.
[132] Pedro de Ribadeneira (Ribadeneyra, Rivadeneira) was born in Toledo in 1526 and died in 1611. He held a high position in the Jesuit order. The work referred to is the Flos Sanctorum o libro de las vidas de los santos, which had an edition published in Barcelona in 1643. His biography of Loyola (1572) and Historia ecclesiástica del Cisma del reino de Inglaterra were well-known.
[133] Cæsar Baronius (1538-1607) was made a cardinal in 1595 and became librarian at the Vatican in 1597. The work referred to appeared at Rome in 1589.
[133] Cæsar Baronius (1538-1607) was appointed a cardinal in 1595 and became the librarian at the Vatican in 1597. The work mentioned was published in Rome in 1589.
[134] Mrs. Jameson's (1794-1860) works were very popular half a century ago, and still have some circulation among art lovers. The first edition of the work mentioned appeared in 1848.
[134] Mrs. Jameson's (1794-1860) works were really popular fifty years ago and continue to be appreciated by art lovers today. The first edition of the mentioned work came out in 1848.
[135] The barnyard cock.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ The farm rooster.
[136] Shanks did nothing but computing. The title should, of course, read "to 607 Places of Decimals." He later carried the computation to 707 decimal places. (Proc. Roy. Society, XXI, p. 319.) He also prepared a table of prime numbers up to 60,000. (Proc. Roy. Society, XXII, p. 200.)
[136] Shanks focused solely on calculations. The title should actually read "to 607 Places of Decimals." He later extended the calculation to 707 decimal places. (Proc. Roy. Society, XXI, p. 319.) He also created a table of prime numbers up to 60,000. (Proc. Roy. Society, XXII, p. 200.)
[140] George Suffield published Synthetic Division in Arithmetic, to which reference is made, in 1863.
[140] George Suffield published Synthetic Division in Arithmetic, which is referenced, in 1863.
[141] John Robert Lunn wrote chiefly on Church matters, although he published a work on motion in 1859.
[141] John Robert Lunn primarily wrote about Church topics, although he also published a work on motion in 1859.
[142] Jean Baptiste Joseph, Baron Fourier (1768-1830), sometime professor in the Military School at Paris, and later at the Ecole polytechnique. He is best known by his Théorie analytique de la chaleur (Paris, 1822), in which the Fourier series is used. The work here referred to is the Analyse des équations déterminées (Paris, 1831).
[142] Jean Baptiste Joseph, Baron Fourier (1768-1830), was a professor at the Military School in Paris and later at the Ecole polytechnique. He is most famous for his Théorie analytique de la chaleur (Paris, 1822), which introduced the Fourier series. The work mentioned here is the Analyse des équations déterminées (Paris, 1831).
[143] William George Horner (1786-1837) acquired a name for himself in mathematics in a curious manner. He was not a university man nor was he a mathematician of any standing. He taught school near Bristol and at Bath, and seems to have stumbled upon his ingenious method for finding the approximate roots of numerical higher equations, including as a special case the extracting of the various roots of numbers. Davies Gilbert presented the method to the Royal Society in 1819, and it was reprinted in the Ladies' Diary for 1838, and in the Mathematician in 1843. The method was original as far as Horner was concerned, but it is practically identical with the one used by the Chinese algebraist Ch'in Chiu-shang, in his Su-shu Chiu-chang of 1247. But even Ch'in Chiu-shang can hardly be called the discoverer of the method since it is merely the extension of a process for root extracting that appeared in the Chiu-chang Suan-shu of the second century B. C.
[143] William George Horner (1786-1837) made a name for himself in mathematics in a unique way. He wasn't affiliated with a university nor was he a well-known mathematician. He taught school near Bristol and in Bath, and seems to have accidentally developed his clever method for finding approximate solutions to higher numerical equations, which also included extracting various roots of numbers as a specific case. Davies Gilbert introduced the method to the Royal Society in 1819, and it was reprinted in the Ladies' Diary for 1838, and in the Mathematician in 1843. The method was original to Horner, but it's almost identical to the one used by the Chinese mathematician Ch'in Chiu-shang in his Su-shu Chiu-chang from 1247. However, even Ch'in Chiu-shang can't really be called the discoverer of the method since it's just an extension of a root-extracting process that appeared in the Chiu-chang Suan-shu from the second century B.C.
[144] He afterwards edited Loftus's Inland Revenue Officers' Manual (London, 1865). The two equations mentioned were x3 - 2x = 5 and y3 - 90y2 + 2500y - 16,000 = 0, in which y = 30 - 10x. Hence each place of y is the complement of the following place of x with respect to 9.
[144] He later edited Loftus's Inland Revenue Officers' Manual (London, 1865). The two equations mentioned were x3 - 2x = 5 and y3 - 90y2 + 2500y - 16,000 = 0, where y = 30 - 10x. Thus, each digit of y is the complement of the following digit of x with respect to 9.
[145] Probably the John Power Hicks who wrote a memoir on T. H. Key, London, 1893.
[145] Probably the John Power Hicks who wrote a memoir about T. H. Key, London, 1893.
[146] Possibly the one who wrote on the quadrature of the circle in 1881.
[146] Maybe the one who wrote about the quadrature of the circle in 1881.
[147] As it is. But what a pity that we have not 12 fingers, with duodecimal fractions instead of decimals! We should then have 0.6 for ½, 0.4 for ⅓, 0.8 for ⅔, 0.3 for ¼, 0.9 for ¾, and 0.16 for ⅛, instead of 0.5, 0.333+, 0.666+, 0.25, 0.75, and 0.125 as we now have with our decimal system. In other words, the most frequently used fractions in business would be much more easily represented on the duodecimal scale than on the decimal scale that we now use.
[147] As it is. But it's such a shame that we don't have 12 fingers, with duodecimal fractions instead of decimals! Then we would have 0.6 for ½, 0.4 for ⅓, 0.8 for ⅔, 0.3 for ¼, 0.9 for ¾, and 0.16 for ⅛, instead of 0.5, 0.333+, 0.666+, 0.25, 0.75, and 0.125 like we do with our current decimal system. In other words, the most commonly used fractions in business would be much easier to represent on the duodecimal scale than on the decimal scale we use now.
[148] He wrote Hints for an Essay on Anemology and Ombrology (London, 1839-40) and The Music of the Eye (London, 1831).
[148] He wrote Hints for an Essay on Anemology and Ombrology (London, 1839-40) and The Music of the Eye (London, 1831).
[149] Brigham Young (1801-1877) was born at Whitingham, Vermont, and entered the Mormon church in 1832. In 1840 he was sent as a missionary to England. After the death of Joseph Smith he became president of the Mormons (1847), leading the church to Salt Lake City (1848).
[149] Brigham Young (1801-1877) was born in Whitingham, Vermont, and joined the Mormon church in 1832. In 1840, he was sent as a missionary to England. After Joseph Smith's death, he became the president of the Mormons in 1847, guiding the church to Salt Lake City in 1848.
[150] Joseph Smith (1805-1844) was also born in Vermont, and was four years the junior of Brigham Young. The Book of Mormon appeared in 1827, and the church was founded in 1830. He was murdered in 1844.
[150] Joseph Smith (1805-1844) was born in Vermont and was four years younger than Brigham Young. The Book of Mormon was published in 1827, and the church was established in 1830. He was killed in 1844.
[151] Orson Pratt (1811-1881) was one of the twelve apostles of the Mormon Church (1835), and made several missionary journeys to England. He was professor of mathematics in the University of Deseret (the Mormon name for Utah). Besides the paper mentioned Pratt wrote the Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon (1849), Cubic and Biquadratic Equations (1866), and a Key to the Universe (1866).
[151] Orson Pratt (1811-1881) was one of the twelve apostles of the Mormon Church (1835) and took several missionary trips to England. He was a math professor at the University of Deseret (the Mormon name for Utah). In addition to the previously mentioned paper, Pratt wrote the Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon (1849), Cubic and Biquadratic Equations (1866), and a Key to the Universe (1866).
[152] "It does not follow."
"It doesn't follow."
[153] Dryden (1631-1700) published his Religio Laici in 1682. The use of the word "proportion" in the sense of ratio was common before his time, but he uses it in the sense of having four terms; that is, that price is to price as offence is to offence.
[153] Dryden (1631-1700) published his Religio Laici in 1682. The term "proportion" in the context of ratio was widely used before his time, but he employs it to mean having four parts; specifically, that price relates to price as offense relates to offense.
[154] Olinthus Gilbert Gregory (1774-1841) succeeded Hutton as professor of mathematics at Woolwich. He was, with De Morgan, much interested in founding the University of London. He wrote on astronomy (1793), mechanics (1806), practical mathematics (1825), and Christian evidences (1811).
[154] Olinthus Gilbert Gregory (1774-1841) took over from Hutton as the math professor at Woolwich. He, along with De Morgan, was very interested in establishing the University of London. He authored works on astronomy (1793), mechanics (1806), practical mathematics (1825), and Christian evidence (1811).
[155] See Vol. I, page 220, note 6 {482}. The Pensées appeared posthumously in 1670.
[155] See Vol. I, page 220, note 6 {482}. The Pensées was published after his death in 1670.
[156] "The right thing to do is not to wager at all." "Yes, but you ought to wager; you have started out; and not to wager at all that God exists is to wager that he does not exist."
[156] "The right thing to do is not to bet at all." "Yeah, but you should bet; you've already begun; and not to bet that God exists is to bet that he doesn't exist."
[157] He lived about 300 A.D., in Africa, and wrote Libri septem adversus Gentes. This was printed at Rome in 1542-3.
[157] He lived around 300 A.D. in Africa and wrote Seven Books Against the Gentiles. This was printed in Rome in 1542-3.
[158] Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) was professor of philosophy at the Prostestant University at Sedan from 1675 until its dissolution in 1681. He then became professor at Rotterdam (1681-1693). In 1684 he began the publication of his journal of literary criticism Nouvelles de la République des Lettres. He is best known for his erudite Dictionnaire historique et critique (1697).
[158] Pierre Bayle (1647-1706) was a philosophy professor at the Protestant University in Sedan from 1675 until it closed in 1681. He then became a professor in Rotterdam (1681-1693). In 1684, he started publishing his literary criticism journal Nouvelles de la République des Lettres. He is most well-known for his scholarly work Dictionnaire historique et critique (1697).
[159] "But Christ himself does not prove what he promises. It is true. For, as I have said, there cannot be any absolute proof of future events. Therefore since it is a condition of future events that they cannot be grasped or comprehended by any efforts of anticipation, is it not more reasonable, out of two alternatives that are uncertain and that are hanging in doubtful expectation, to give credence to the one that gives some hope rather than to the one that offers none at all? For in the former case there is no danger if, as is said to threaten, it becomes empty and void; while in the latter case the danger is greatest, that is, the loss of salvation, if when the time comes it is found that it was not a falsehood."
[159] "But Christ himself doesn’t provide proof for what he promises. That’s true. As I’ve said, there can’t be any absolute proof of future events. Since it’s a condition of future events that they can’t be understood or anticipated, isn’t it more reasonable, among two uncertain options that are filled with doubt, to believe the one that offers some hope rather than the one that gives none? In the first case, there’s no risk if, as is claimed, it turns out to be empty or false; while in the second case, the risk is the greatest—losing salvation—if, when the time comes, it’s revealed that it wasn’t a lie."
[160] Gregg wrote several other paradoxes, including the following: The Authentic Report of the extraordinary case of Tresham Dames Gregg ... his committal to Bridewell for refusing to give his recognizance (Dublin, 1841), An Appeal to Public Opinion upon a Case of Injury and Wrong ... in the case of a question of prerogative that arose between [R. Whately] ... Archbishop of Dublin and the author (London, 1861), The Cosmology of Sir Isaac Newton proved to be in accordance with the Bible (London, 1871), The Steam Locomotive as revealed in the Bible (London 1863) and On the Sacred Law of 1866, conferring perpetual life with immunity from decay and disease. A cento of decisive scriptural oracles strangely discovered (London and Dublin, 1875). These titles will help the reader to understand the man whom De Morgan so pleasantly satirizes.
[160] Gregg wrote several other paradoxes, including the following: The Authentic Report of the extraordinary case of Tresham Dames Gregg ... his committal to Bridewell for refusing to give his recognizance (Dublin, 1841), An Appeal to Public Opinion upon a Case of Injury and Wrong ... in the case of a question of prerogative that arose between [R. Whately] ... Archbishop of Dublin and the author (London, 1861), The Cosmology of Sir Isaac Newton proved to be in accordance with the Bible (London, 1871), The Steam Locomotive as revealed in the Bible (London 1863) and On the Sacred Law of 1866, conferring perpetual life with immunity from decay and disease. A cento of decisive scriptural oracles strangely discovered (London and Dublin, 1875). These titles will help the reader understand the man whom De Morgan so playfully satirizes.
[162] "They have found it."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "They found it."
[163] The late Greeks used the letters of their alphabet as numerals, adding three early alphabetic characters. The letter χ represented 600, ξ represented 60, and Ϝ stood for 6. This gives 666, the number of the Beast given in the Revelation.
[163] The ancient Greeks used their alphabet as numbers, incorporating three additional early letters. The letter χ stood for 600, ξ signified 60, and Ϝ represented 6. Together, this adds up to 666, the number of the Beast mentioned in the Revelation.
[164] "Allowing for necessary exceptions."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Making necessary exceptions."
[165] Mr. Gregg is not alone in his efforts to use the calculus in original lines, as any one who has read Herbart's application of the subject to psychology will recall.
[165] Mr. Gregg isn't alone in his efforts to apply calculus in new ways, as anyone who has read Herbart's use of the topic in psychology will remember.
[166] See Vol. I, page 105, note 4 {188}; page 109, note 1 {197}.
[166] See Vol. I, page 105, note 4 {188}; page 109, note 1 {197}.
[167] The full title shows the plan,—The Decimal System as a whole, in its relation to time, measure, weight, capacity, and money, in unison with each other. But why is this so much worse than the French plan of which we have only the metric system and the decimal division of the angle left?
[167] The full title lays out the plan—The Decimal System as a whole, in its relationship to time, measurement, weight, capacity, and money, all working together. But why is this so much worse than the French plan, which we only have the metric system and the decimal division of angles remaining?
[168] One of the brothers of Sir Isaac Pitman (1813-1897), the inventor of modern stenography. Of these brothers, Benjamin taught the art in America, Jacob in Australia, and Joseph, Henry, and Frederick in England.
[168] One of the brothers of Sir Isaac Pitman (1813-1897), the inventor of modern shorthand. Of these brothers, Benjamin taught the skill in America, Jacob in Australia, and Joseph, Henry, and Frederick in England.
[169] For example, The Phonographic Lecturer (London, 1871 etc.), The Phonographic Student (1867, etc.), and The Shorthand Magazine (1866, etc.).
[169] For example, The Phonographic Lecturer (London, 1871, etc.), The Phonographic Student (1867, etc.), and The Shorthand Magazine (1866, etc.).
[171] It involves the theory of non-Euclidean geometry, Euclid's postulate of parallels being used in proving this theorem.
[171] It involves the theory of non-Euclidean geometry, using Euclid's postulate of parallels to prove this theorem.
[172] Referring to the fact that none of the works of Thales is extant.
[172] Pointing out that none of Thales' works have survived.
[173] The author was one B. Bulstrode. Parts 4 and 5 were printed at Calcutta.
[173] The author was one B. Bulstrode. Parts 4 and 5 were printed in Calcutta.
[176] Alexander Vasilievich Suvaroff (1729-1800), a Russian general who fought against the Turks, in the Polish wars, and in the early Napoleonic campaigns. When he took Ismail in 1790 he sent this couplet to Empress Catherine.
[176] Alexander Vasilievich Suvarov (1729-1800), a Russian general who fought against the Turks, in the Polish wars, and in the early Napoleonic campaigns. When he captured Ismail in 1790, he sent this couplet to Empress Catherine.
[177] "Newton hath determined rightly," "Newton hath not determined rightly."
[177] "Newton has determined correctly," "Newton has not determined correctly."
[180] "With great honor."
"With great honor."
[181] Apparently unknown to biographers. He seems to have written nothing else.
[181] Apparently unknown to biographers. It looks like he didn't write anything else.
[182] Captain Marryat (1792-1848) published Snarley-yow, or the Dog Fiend in 1837.
[182] Captain Marryat (1792-1848) published Snarley-yow, or the Dog Fiend in 1837.
[183] He is not known to biographers, and published nothing else under this name.
[183] He is not recognized by biographers, and he didn't publish anything else under this name.
[185] He published a Family and Commercial Illustrated Almanack and Year Book ... for 1861 (Bath, 1860).
[185] He published a Family and Commercial Illustrated Almanack and Year Book ... for 1861 (Bath, 1860).
[186] Louis Dutens (1730-1812) was born at Tours, but went to England as a young man. He made the first collection of the works of Leibnitz, against the advice of Voltaire, who wrote to him: "Les écrits de Leibnitz sont épars comme les feuilles de la Sybille, et aussi obscurs que les écrits de cette vieille." The work appeared at Geneva, in six volumes, in 1769.
[186] Louis Dutens (1730-1812) was born in Tours but moved to England as a young man. He compiled the first collection of Leibnitz's works, despite Voltaire’s advice against it. Voltaire wrote to him: "The writings of Leibnitz are scattered like the leaves of the Sibyl and just as obscure as those old texts." The collection was published in Geneva in six volumes in 1769.
[187] Mungo Park (1771-1806), the first European to explore the Niger (1795-6). His Travels in the Interior of Africa appeared in 1799. He died in Africa.
[187] Mungo Park (1771-1806) was the first European to explore the Niger River (1795-96). His book, Travels in the Interior of Africa, was published in 1799. He died in Africa.
[188] Gerhard Mercator (1512-1594) the well-known map maker of Louvain. The "Mercator's Projection" was probably made as early as 1550, but the principle of its construction was first set forth by Edward Wright (London, 1599).
[188] Gerhard Mercator (1512-1594), the famous mapmaker from Louvain. The "Mercator's Projection" was likely created around 1550, but the idea behind it was first explained by Edward Wright (London, 1599).
[189] Quirico Barilli Filopanti wrote a number of works and monographs. He succeeded in getting his Cesare al Rubicone and Degli usi idraulici della Tela in the Memoria letta ... all' Accademia delle Scienze in Bologna (1847, 1866). He also wrote Dio esiste (1881), Dio Liberale (1880), and Sunto della memoria sulle geuranie ossia di alcune singolari relazioni cosmiche della terra e del cielo (1862).
[189] Quirico Barilli Filopanti wrote several works and monographs. He managed to publish his Cesare al Rubicone and Degli usi idraulici della Tela in the Memoria letta ... all' Accademia delle Scienze in Bologna (1847, 1866). He also wrote Dio esiste (1881), Dio Liberale (1880), and Sunto della memoria sulle geuranie ossia di alcune singolari relazioni cosmiche della terra e del cielo (1862).
[190] The periods of disembodiment may be interesting. They will be seen from the following dates: Descartes (1596-1650), William III (1650-1702); Roger Bacon (1214 to c. 1294), Boccaccio (1313-1375). Charles IX was born in 1550 and died in 1574.
[190] The times of disembodiment might be intriguing. They can be noted from these dates: Descartes (1596-1650), William III (1650-1702); Roger Bacon (1214 to c. 1294), Boccaccio (1313-1375). Charles IX was born in 1550 and passed away in 1574.
[191] His real name was Frederick Parker, and he wrote several works on the Greek language and on religion. Among these were a translation of the New Testament from the Vatican MS. (1864), The Revealed History of Man (1854), An Enquiry respecting the Punctuation of Ancient Greek (1841), and Rules for Ascertaining the sense conveyed in Ancient Greek Manuscripts (1848, the seventh edition appearing in 1862).
[191] His real name was Frederick Parker, and he wrote several works on the Greek language and religion. These included a translation of the New Testament from the Vatican MS. (1864), The Revealed History of Man (1854), An Enquiry respecting the Punctuation of Ancient Greek (1841), and Rules for Ascertaining the Sense Conveyed in Ancient Greek Manuscripts (1848, with the seventh edition published in 1862).
The literature on the subject of the Great Pyramid, considered from the standpoint of metrology, is extensive.
The literature on the topic of the Great Pyramid, viewed from the perspective of metrology, is extensive.
[194] Sir Philip Francis (1740-1818) was a Whig politician. The evidence that he was the author of the Letters of Junius (1769-1772) is purely circumstantial. He was clerk in the war office at the time of their publication. In 1774 he was made a member of the Supreme Council of Bengal, and was a vigorous opponent of Warren Hastings, the two fighting a duel in 1780. He entered parliament in 1784 and was among the leaders in the agitation for parliamentary reform.
[194] Sir Philip Francis (1740-1818) was a Whig politician. The proof that he wrote the Letters of Junius (1769-1772) is mostly circumstantial. He was a clerk in the war office when they were published. In 1774, he became a member of the Supreme Council of Bengal and actively opposed Warren Hastings, with the two dueling in 1780. He entered parliament in 1784 and was one of the leaders advocating for parliamentary reform.
[195] Mrs. Cottle published a number of letters that attracted attention at the time. Among these were letters to the emperor of France and king of Sardinia (1859) relating to the prophecies of the war between France and Austria; to G. C. Lavis and Her Majesty's Ministers (1859) relating to her claims as a prophetess; and to the "Crowned Heads" at St. James, the King of Prussia, and others (1860), relating to certain passages of Scripture. She also wrote The Lamb's Book of Life for the New Jerusalem Church and Kingdom, interpreted for all nations (1861).
[195] Mrs. Cottle published several letters that attracted attention at the time. Among these were letters to the emperor of France and the king of Sardinia (1859) about the prophecies regarding the war between France and Austria; to G. C. Lavis and Her Majesty's Ministers (1859) concerning her claims as a prophetess; and to the "Crowned Heads" at St. James, the King of Prussia, and others (1860) about certain passages of Scripture. She also wrote The Lamb's Book of Life for the New Jerusalem Church and Kingdom, interpreted for all nations (1861).
[197] A Congregational minister, who published a number of sermons, chiefly obituaries, between 1804 and 1851. His Frailty of Human Life, two sermons delivered on the occasion of the death of Princess Charlotte, went through at least three editions.
[197] A congregational minister, who published various sermons, mainly obituaries, from 1804 to 1851. His Frailty of Human Life, two sermons given after the death of Princess Charlotte, went through at least three editions.
[198] He was secretary of the Congregational Board and editor of the Congregational Year Book (from 1846) and the Congregational Manual.
[198] He was the secretary of the Congregational Board and editor of the Congregational Year Book (since 1846) and the Congregational Manual.
[199] Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872) began his preaching as a Unitarian but entered the Established Church in 1831, being ordained in 1834. He was professor of English and History at King's College, London, from 1840 to 1853. He was one of the founders of Queen's College for women, and was the first principal of the Working Men's College, London. The subject referred to by De Morgan is his expression of opinion in his Theological Essays (1853) that future punishment is not eternal. As a result of this expression he lost his professorship at King's College. In 1866 he was made Knightbridge Professor of Casuistry, Moral Theology, and Moral Philosophy at Cambridge.
[199] Frederick Denison Maurice (1805-1872) started his preaching as a Unitarian but joined the Established Church in 1831, being ordained in 1834. He was a professor of English and History at King's College, London, from 1840 to 1853. He was one of the founders of Queen's College for women and was the first principal of the Working Men's College in London. The topic mentioned by De Morgan is his opinion in his Theological Essays (1853) that future punishment isn't eternal. Because of this belief, he lost his professorship at King's College. In 1866, he became the Knightbridge Professor of Casuistry, Moral Theology, and Moral Philosophy at Cambridge.
[200] See Vol. I, page 46, note 1 {42}. Besides the books mentioned in this list he wrote The Ratio between Diameter and Circumference demonstrated by angles, and Euclid's Theorem, Proposition 32, Book I, proved to be fallacious (Liverpool, 1870). This is the theorem which asserts that the exterior angle of a triangle is equal to the sum of the two opposite interior angles, and that the sum of the interior angles equals two right angles. He also published his Curiosities of Mathematics in 1870, a work containing an extensive correspondence with every one who would pay any attention to him. De Morgan was then too feeble to show any interest in the final effort of the subject of some of his keenest satire.
[200] See Vol. I, page 46, note 1 {42}. In addition to the books listed here, he wrote The Ratio between Diameter and Circumference Demonstrated by Angles, and Euclid's Theorem, Proposition 32, Book I, Proved to be Fallacious (Liverpool, 1870). This theorem states that the exterior angle of a triangle is equal to the sum of the two opposite interior angles and that the sum of the interior angles equals two right angles. He also published Curiosities of Mathematics in 1870, which includes an extensive correspondence with anyone willing to engage with him. At that time, De Morgan was too weak to show any interest in the final effort of someone he had sharply criticized.
[203] "The circle-squaring disease"; literally, "the circle-measuring disease."
[203] "The circle-squaring disease"; literally, "the circle-measuring disease."
[205] William Rutherford (c. 1798-1871), teacher of mathematics at Woolwich, secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society, editor of The Mathematician, and author of various textbooks. The Extension of π to 440 places, appeared in the Proceedings of the Royal Society in 1853 (p. 274).
[205] William Rutherford (c. 1798-1871), a math teacher at Woolwich, secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society, editor of The Mathematician, and author of several textbooks. The Extension of π to 440 places was published in the Proceedings of the Royal Society in 1853 (p. 274).
[206] Charles Knight (1791-1873) was associated with De Morgan for many years. After 1828 he superintended the publications of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, to which De Morgan contributed, and he edited the Penny Cyclopedia (1833-1844) for which De Morgan wrote the articles on mathematics.
[206] Charles Knight (1791-1873) was associated with De Morgan for many years. After 1828, he oversaw the publications of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, which De Morgan contributed to, and he edited the Penny Cyclopedia (1833-1844), for which De Morgan wrote the articles on mathematics.
[207] Sir William Hamilton. See Vol. I, page 112, note 7 {211}.
[207] Sir William Hamilton. See Vol. I, page 112, note 7 {211}.
[208] Adam Smith (1723-1790) was not only known for his Wealth of Nations (1776), but for his Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), published while he was professor of moral philosophy at Glasgow (1752-1764). He was Lord Rector of the university in 1787.
[208] Adam Smith (1723-1790) was not only famous for his Wealth of Nations (1776), but also for his Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), which he published while serving as a professor of moral philosophy at Glasgow (1752-1764). He became Lord Rector of the university in 1787.
[210] "Whip."
"Whip."
[211] "Terrible lash."
"Awful punishment."
[213] See Extracts from the Diary and Letters of Mrs. Mary Cobb, London, 1805.
[213] See Extracts from the Diary and Letters of Mrs. Mary Cobb, London, 1805.
[214] "Gentle in manner."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Kind and gentle."
[215] "Brave in action." The motto of Earl Newborough was "Suaviter in modo, fortiter in re."
[215] "Brave in action." The motto of Earl Newborough was "Gently in manner, strongly in deed."
[216] "Reduction to an absurdity," a method of proof occasionally used in geometry and in logic.
[216] "Reduction to an absurdity," a proof technique sometimes used in geometry and logic.
[217] "He has lost the right of being moved (struck) by evidence."
[217] "He has lost the right to be affected by evidence."
[218] For radix quadratus. The usual root sign is supposed to be derived from r (for radix), and at one time q was commonly used for square, as in Viète's style of writing Aq for A2.
[218] For radix quadratus. The standard root symbol is thought to come from r (for radix), and at one point, q was often used for square, as seen in Viète's notation, where Aq stood for A2.
[219] The Garde Douloureuse was a castle in the marches of Wales and received its name because of its exposure to attacks by the Welsh.
[219] The Garde Douloureuse was a castle on the border of Wales and got its name because it was often attacked by the Welsh.
[220] "Out of the fight."
"Out of the battle."
[221] "Hidden."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Invisible."
[222] John Cam Hobhouse (1786-1869), Baron Broughton, was committed to Newgate for two months in 1819 for his anonymous pamphlet, A Trifling Mistake. This was a great advertisement for him, and upon his release he was at once elected to parliament for Westminster. He was a strong supporter of all reform measures, and was Secretary for War in 1832. He was created Baron Broughton de Gyfford in 1851.
[222] John Cam Hobhouse (1786-1869), Baron Broughton, was imprisoned in Newgate for two months in 1819 because of his anonymous pamphlet, A Trifling Mistake. This turned out to be a huge boost for him, and upon his release, he was immediately elected to parliament for Westminster. He was a strong advocate for all reform measures and served as Secretary for War in 1832. He was made Baron Broughton de Gyfford in 1851.
[223] Thomas Erskine (1750-1823), the famous orator. He became Lord Chancellor in 1806, but sat in the House of Commons most of his life.
[223] Thomas Erskine (1750-1823), the renowned speaker. He became Lord Chancellor in 1806, but spent most of his life in the House of Commons.
[224] The above is explained in the MS. by a paragraph referring to some anagrams, in one of which, by help of the orthography suggested, a designation for this cyclometer was obtained from the letters of his name.—S. E. De M.
[224] The above is explained in the MS. by a paragraph referring to some anagrams, in one of which, using the suggested spelling, a name for this cyclometer was created from the letters of his name.—S. E. De M.
[228] Apparently unknown to biographers.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Apparently unknown to biographers.
[229] The Bibliotheca Mathematica of Ludwig Adolph Sohncke (1807-1853), professor of mathematics at Königsberg and Halle, covered the period from 1830 to 1854, being completed by W. Engelmann. It appeared in 1854.
[229] The Bibliotheca Mathematica by Ludwig Adolph Sohncke (1807-1853), who was a math professor at Königsberg and Halle, spanned the years from 1830 to 1854 and was finished by W. Engelmann. It was published in 1854.
[233] Mason made a notable balloon trip from London to Weilburg, in the Duchy of Nassau, in November, 1836, covering 500 miles in 18 hours. He published an account of this trip in 1837, and a work entitled Aeronautica in 1838.
[233] Mason took a remarkable balloon journey from London to Weilburg, in the Duchy of Nassau, in November 1836, traveling 500 miles in 18 hours. He published a record of this journey in 1837, along with a book called Aeronautica in 1838.
[234] William Harrison Ainsworth (1805-1885) the novelist.
[234] William Harrison Ainsworth (1805-1885) the novelist.
[235] On this question see Vol. I, page 326, note 2 {701}.
[235] For this question, refer to Vol. I, page 326, note 2 {701}.
[236] Major General Alfred Wilks Drayson, author of various works on geology, astronomy, military surveying, and adventure.
[236] Major General Alfred Wilks Drayson, writer of several books on geology, astronomy, military surveying, and adventure.
[237] Hailes also wrote several other paradoxes on astronomy and circle squaring during the period 1843-1872.
[237] Hailes also wrote several other paradoxes about astronomy and circle squaring between 1843 and 1872.
[240] "Very small errors are not to be condemned."
"Small mistakes shouldn't be criticized."
[242] Besides the paradoxes here mentioned by De Morgan he wrote several other works, including the following: Abriss der Babylonisch-Assyrischen Geschichte (Mannheim, 1854), A Popular Inquiry into the Moon's rotation on her axis (London, 1856), Practical Tables for the reduction of the Mahometan dates to the Christian kalendar (London, 1856), Grundzüge einer neuen Weltlehre (Munich, 1860), and On the historical Antiquity of the People of Egypt (London, 1863).
[242] In addition to the paradoxes mentioned by De Morgan, he wrote several other works, including: Abriss der Babylonisch-Assyrischen Geschichte (Mannheim, 1854), A Popular Inquiry into the Moon's Rotation on Her Axis (London, 1856), Practical Tables for the Reduction of the Mahometan Dates to the Christian Kalendar (London, 1856), Grundzüge einer neuen Weltlehre (Munich, 1860), and On the Historical Antiquity of the People of Egypt (London, 1863).
[243] Dircks (1806-1873) was a civil engineer of prominence, and a member of the British Association and the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He wrote (1863) on "Pepper's Ghost," an ingenious optical illusion invented by him. There was a second edition of the Perpetuum Mobile in 1870.
[243] Dircks (1806-1873) was a well-known civil engineer and a member of the British Association and the Royal Society of Edinburgh. He wrote about "Pepper's Ghost," a clever optical illusion he created, in 1863. A second edition of the Perpetuum Mobile was published in 1870.
[244] George Stephenson (1781-1848), the inventor of the first successful steam locomotive. His first engine was tried in 1814.
[244] George Stephenson (1781-1848), the inventor of the first successful steam locomotive. His first engine was tested in 1814.
[245] Robert Stephenson (1803-1859), the only son of George. Most of the early improvements in locomotive manufacture were due to him. He was also well known for his construction of great bridges.
[245] Robert Stephenson (1803-1859), the only son of George. He was responsible for most of the early advancements in locomotive manufacturing. He was also famous for building large bridges.
[246] "In its proper place."
"Where it belongs."
[247] "A fool always finds a bigger fool to admire him."
[247] "An idiot always finds a bigger idiot to look up to him."
[252] From 1823 to 1852 it was edited by I. C. Robertson; from 1852 to 1857 by R. A. Brooman; and from 1857 to 1863 by Brooman and E. J. Reed.
[252] From 1823 to 1852, it was edited by I. C. Robertson; from 1852 to 1857 by R. A. Brooman; and from 1857 to 1863 by Brooman and E. J. Reed.
[253] Sir James Ivory (1765-1842) was, as a young man, manager of a flax mill in Scotland. In 1804 he was made professor of mathematics at the Royal Military College, then at Marlow and later at Sandhurst. He was deeply interested in mathematical physics, and there is a theorem on the attraction of ellipsoids that bears his name. He was awarded three medals of the Royal Society, and was knighted together with Herschel and Brewster, in 1831.
[253] Sir James Ivory (1765-1842) was, as a young man, the manager of a flax mill in Scotland. In 1804, he became a professor of mathematics at the Royal Military College, first in Marlow and later in Sandhurst. He had a strong interest in mathematical physics, and there's a theorem about the attraction of ellipsoids named after him. He received three medals from the Royal Society and was knighted along with Herschel and Brewster in 1831.
[258] George Canning (1770-1857), the Tory statesman and friend of Scott, was much interested in founding the Quarterly Review (1808) and was a contributor to its pages.
[258] George Canning (1770-1857), the Tory politician and friend of Scott, was very involved in establishing the Quarterly Review (1808) and contributed to its content.
[261] De Morgan had a number of excellent articles in this publication.
[261] De Morgan wrote several outstanding articles in this publication.
[263] James Orchard Halliwell (1820-1889), afterwards Halliwell-Phillips, came into prominence as a writer at an early age. When he was seventeen he wrote a series of lives of mathematicians for the Parthenon. His Rara Mathematica appeared when he was but nineteen. He was a great bibliophile and an enthusiastic student of Shakespeare.
[263] James Orchard Halliwell (1820-1889), later known as Halliwell-Phillips, became well-known as a writer at a young age. When he was seventeen, he wrote a series of biographies of mathematicians for the Parthenon. His Rara Mathematica was published when he was just nineteen. He was a passionate book lover and an avid student of Shakespeare.
[265] The subject of this criticism is of long past date, and as it has only been introduced by the author as an instance of faulty editorship, I have omitted the name of the writer of the libel, and a few lines of further detail.—S. E. De M.
[265] This criticism is from a long time ago, and since the author only brought it up as an example of poor editing, I've left out the name of the person who wrote the libel and a few additional details.—S. E. De M.
[266] "Condemned souls."
"Damned souls."
[267] The editor of the Mechanics' Magazine died soon after the above was written.—S. E. De M.
[267] The editor of the Mechanics' Magazine passed away shortly after the above was written.—S. E. De M.
[268] Thomas Stephens Davies (1795-1851) was mathematical master at Woolwich and F. R. S. He contributed a series of "Geometrical Notes" to the Mechanics' Magazine and edited the Mathematician. He also published a number of text-books.
[268] Thomas Stephens Davies (1795-1851) was a math teacher at Woolwich and a Fellow of the Royal Society. He contributed a series of "Geometrical Notes" to the Mechanics' Magazine and edited the Mathematician. He also published several textbooks.
[270] The Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography (1849), edited by Sir William Smith (1813-1893), whose other dictionaries on classical and biblical matters are well known.
[270] The Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography (1849), edited by Sir William Smith (1813-1893), whose other dictionaries on classical and biblical topics are widely recognized.
[271] "O J. S.! This is the worst! the greatest possible injury!"
[271] "Oh, J. S.! This is the worst! The worst possible thing that could happen!"
[272] See Vol. I, page 44, note 9 {34} and page 110, note 5 {201}.
[272] See Vol. I, page 44, note 9 {34} and page 110, note 5 {201}.
"If there's a man whom the judge's pitiless sentence awaiteth,
"If there's a man whom the judge's merciless sentence is waiting for,
His head condemned to penalties and tribulations,
His head cursed with punishment and suffering,
Let neither penitentiaries tire him with laborer's burdens
Let no prison wear him out with the burdens of a laborer.
Nor let his stiffened hands be harrassed by work in the mines.
Nor should his stiffened hands be burdened by work in the mines.
He must square the circle! For what else do I care?—all
He has to figure out the impossible! What else matters to me?—all
Known punishments this one task hath surely included."
Known punishments this one task has surely included.
[274] Houlston was in the customs service. He also published Inklings of Areal Autometry, London, 1874.
[274] Houlston worked in customs. He also published Inklings of Areal Autometry, London, 1874.
[275] This is Frederick C. Bakewell. He had already published Natural Evidence of a Future Life (London, 1835), Philosophical Conversations (London, 1833, with other editions), and Electric Science (London, 1853, with other editions).
[275] This is Frederick C. Bakewell. He had already published Natural Evidence of a Future Life (London, 1835), Philosophical Conversations (London, 1833, with other editions), and Electric Science (London, 1853, with other editions).
[276] Henry F. A. Pratt had already published A Dissertation on the power of the intercepted pressure of the Atmosphere (London, 1844) and The Genealogy of Creation (1861). Later he published a work On Orbital Motion (1863), and Astronomical Investigations (1865).
[276] Henry F. A. Pratt had already published A Dissertation on the power of the intercepted pressure of the Atmosphere (London, 1844) and The Genealogy of Creation (1861). Later, he published a work titled On Orbital Motion (1863) and Astronomical Investigations (1865).
[278] Thomas Rawson Birks (1810-1883), a theologian and controversialist, fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and (1872) professor of moral philosophy in that university. He wrote Modern Rationalism (1853), The Bible and Modern Thought (1861), The First Principles of Moral Science (1873), and Modern Physical Fatalism and the Doctrine of Evolution (1876), the last being an attack on Herbert Spencer's First Principles.
[278] Thomas Rawson Birks (1810-1883) was a theologian and controversialist, a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and in 1872, he became a professor of moral philosophy at that university. He wrote Modern Rationalism (1853), The Bible and Modern Thought (1861), The First Principles of Moral Science (1873), and Modern Physical Fatalism and the Doctrine of Evolution (1876), with the last being a critique of Herbert Spencer's First Principles.
[279] Pseudonym for William Thorn. In the following year (1863) he published a second work, The Thorn-Tree: being a History of Thorn Worship, a reply to Bishop Colenso's work entitled The Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua critically examined.
[279] Pseudonym for William Thorn. The following year (1863), he published a second work, The Thorn-Tree: A History of Thorn Worship, as a response to Bishop Colenso's work titled The Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua Critically Examined.
[280] Besides The Pestilence (1866) he published The True Church (1851), The Church and her destinies (1855), Religious reformation imperatively demanded (1864), and The Bible plan unfolded (second edition, 1872).
[280] Besides The Pestilence (1866), he published The True Church (1851), The Church and Her Destinies (1855), Religious Reformation Imperatively Demanded (1864), and The Bible Plan Unfolded (second edition, 1872).
[282] Sir George Cornewall Lewis (1806-1863) also wrote an Essay on the Origin and Formation of the Romance Languages (1835), an Essay on the Government of Dependencies (1841), and an Essay on Foreign Jurisdiction and the Extradition of Criminals (1859). He was Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1855 and Home Secretary in 1859.
[282] Sir George Cornewall Lewis (1806-1863) also wrote an Essay on the Origin and Formation of the Romance Languages (1835), an Essay on the Government of Dependencies (1841), and an Essay on Foreign Jurisdiction and the Extradition of Criminals (1859). He served as Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1855 and was Home Secretary in 1859.
[283] Henry Malden (1800-1876), a classical scholar, fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and professor of Greek at University College (1831-1876), then (1831) the University of London. He wrote a History of Rome to 390 B. C. (1830), and On the Origin of Universities and Academical Degrees (1835).
[283] Henry Malden (1800-1876) was a classical scholar, a fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge, and a professor of Greek at University College (1831-1876), which was part of the University of London at that time. He wrote a History of Rome to 390 B.C. (1830) and On the Origin of Universities and Academical Degrees (1835).
[284] Henry Longueville Mansel (1820-1871), theologian and metaphysician, reader in theology at Magdalen College, Oxford (1855), and professor of ecclesiastical history and Dean of St. Paul's (1866). He wrote on metaphysics, and his Bampton Lectures (1858) were reprinted several times.
[284] Henry Longueville Mansel (1820-1871), a theologian and metaphysician, was a reader in theology at Magdalen College, Oxford (1855), and later became a professor of ecclesiastical history and Dean of St. Paul's (1866). He wrote extensively on metaphysics, and his Bampton Lectures (1858) were reprinted multiple times.
[285] "Hejus gave freely, gave freely. God is propitious, God is favorable to him who gives freely. God is honored with a banquet of eggs at the cross roads, the god of the world. God, with benignant spirit, desired in sacrifice a goat, a bull to be carried within the precincts of the holy place. God, twice propitiated, blesses the pit of the sacred libation."
[285] "Hejus gave generously, gave generously. God is kind, God favors those who give freely. God is celebrated with a feast of eggs at the crossroads, the god of the world. God, with a benevolent spirit, asked for the sacrifice of a goat, a bull to be brought into the holy place. God, who is doubly honored, blesses the spot of the sacred offering."
[286] Eudoxus of Cnidus (408-355 B. C.) had much to do with the early scientific astronomy of the Greeks. The fifth book of Euclid is generally attributed to him. His astronomical works are known chiefly through the poetical version of Aratus mentioned in note 13, page 167.
[286] Eudoxus of Cnidus (408-355 B.C.) played a significant role in the early scientific astronomy of the Greeks. The fifth book of Euclid is usually credited to him. His astronomical contributions are mainly recognized through the poetic adaptation by Aratus referenced in note 13, page 167.
[287] Simplicius, a native of Cilicia, lived in the 6th century of our era. He was driven from Athens by Justinian and went to Persia (531), but he returned later and had some fame as a teacher.
[287] Simplicius, originally from Cilicia, lived in the 6th century AD. He was expelled from Athens by Justinian and went to Persia (531), but he returned later and gained some recognition as a teacher.
[290] "Through right and wrong."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Through right and wrong."
[291] "It is therefore to arrive at this parallelism, or to preserve it, that Copernicus feared to be obliged to have recourse to this equal and opposite movement which destroys the effect which he attributed so freely to the first, of deranging the parallelism."
[291] "So, to maintain this parallelism, or to reach it, Copernicus was worried that he would have to rely on this equal and opposite movement, which cancels out the effect he often attributed to the first one for disrupting the parallelism."
[292] A contemporary of Plato and a disciple of Aristotle.
[292] A peer of Plato and a student of Aristotle.
[293] Meton's solstice, the beginning of the Metonic cycles, has been placed at 432 B. C. Ptolemy states that he made the length of the year 365¼ + 1/72 days.
[293] Meton's solstice, marking the start of the Metonic cycles, is set at 432 B.C. Ptolemy notes that he calculated the length of the year as 365¼ + 1/72 days.
[294] Aratus lived about 270 B. C., at the court of Antigonus of Macedonia, and probably practiced medicine there. He was the author of two astronomical poems, the Φαινόμενα, apparently based on the lost work of Eudoxus, and the Διοσηεῖα based on Aristotle's Meteorologica and De Signis Ventorum of Theophrastus.
[294] Aratus lived around 270 B.C. at the court of Antigonus of Macedonia and likely practiced medicine there. He wrote two astronomical poems, the Phenomena, which seems to be based on the lost work of Eudoxus, and the Διοσηεῖα, which draws from Aristotle's Meteorologica and Theophrastus's De Signis Ventorum.
[295] "The nineteen (-year) cycle of the shining sun."
[295] "The nineteen-year cycle of the shining sun."
[296] Claudius Salmasius (1588-1653), or Claude Saumaise, was a distinguished classicist, and professor at the University of Leyden. The word ἠλείοιο means Elian, thus making the phrase refer to the brilliant one of Elis.
[296] Claudius Salmasius (1588-1653), or Claude Saumaise, was a prominent classicist and a professor at the University of Leyden. The word __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ means Elian, which makes the phrase refer to the brilliant one from Elis.
[297] Sir William Brown (1784-1864). In 1800 the family moved to Baltimore, and there the father, Alexander Brown, became prominent in the linen trade. William went to Liverpool where he acquired great wealth as a merchant and banker. He was made a baronet in 1863.
[297] Sir William Brown (1784-1864). In 1800, the family relocated to Baltimore, where the father, Alexander Brown, became well-known in the linen trade. William moved to Liverpool, where he amassed significant wealth as a merchant and banker. He was granted the title of baronet in 1863.
[298] Robert Lowe (1811-1892), viscount Sherbrooke, was a fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford (1835). He went to Australia in 1842 and was very successful at the bar. He returned to England in 1850 and became leader writer on the Times. He was many years in parliament, and in 1880 was raised to the peerage.
[298] Robert Lowe (1811-1892), viscount Sherbrooke, was a member of Magdalen College, Oxford (1835). He moved to Australia in 1842 and found great success in law. He came back to England in 1850 and became a lead writer for the Times. He spent many years in parliament, and in 1880, he was elevated to the peerage.
[300] Francis Walkingame (fl. about 1751-1785), whose Tutor's Assistant went through many editions from 1751-1854.
[300] Francis Walkingame (fl. about 1751-1785), whose Tutor's Assistant was published in several editions from 1751-1854.
[301] Davies Gilbert (1767-1839). His family name was Giddy, but he assumed his wife's name. He sat in parliament from 1806 to 1832. In 1819 he secured the establishment of the Cape of Good Hope observatory. He was Treasurer (1820-1827) and President (1827-1830) of the Royal Society.
[301] Davies Gilbert (1767-1839). His last name was Giddy, but he took his wife's last name. He was a member of parliament from 1806 to 1832. In 1819, he helped set up the Cape of Good Hope observatory. He served as Treasurer (1820-1827) and then as President (1827-1830) of the Royal Society.
[303] Sir Jonathan Frederick Pollock (1783-1870) entered parliament in 1831 and was knighted in 1834.
[303] Sir Jonathan Frederick Pollock (1783-1870) joined parliament in 1831 and was knighted in 1834.
[304] Joseph Hume (1777-1855) entered parliament in 1812 and for thirty years was leader of the Radical party.
[304] Joseph Hume (1777-1855) entered Parliament in 1812 and was the leader of the Radical party for thirty years.
[305] "What! when I say, 'Nicole, bring me my slippers,' is that prose?"
[305] "What! When I say, 'Nicole, bring me my slippers,' is that prose?"
[306] Captain Basil Hall (1788-1844), a naval officer, carried on a series of pendulum observations in 1820-1822, while on a cruise of the west coast of North America. The results were published in 1823 in the Philosophical Transactions. He also wrote two popular works on travel that went through numerous editions.
[306] Captain Basil Hall (1788-1844), a naval officer, conducted a series of pendulum observations between 1820 and 1822 during a cruise along the west coast of North America. The findings were published in 1823 in the Philosophical Transactions. He also authored two well-known travel books that saw many editions.
[307] Anthony Ashley Cooper (1801-1885), Earl of Shaftesbury. His name is connected with philanthropic work and factory legislation.
[307] Anthony Ashley Cooper (1801-1885), Earl of Shaftesbury. His name is associated with charitable efforts and factory laws.
[310] Sir Thomas Maclear (1794-1879), an Irishman by birth, became Astronomer Royal at the Cape of Good Hope in 1833. He was an indefatigable observer. He was knighted in 1860.
[310] Sir Thomas Maclear (1794-1879), originally from Ireland, became the Astronomer Royal at the Cape of Good Hope in 1833. He was an unflagging observer. He was knighted in 1860.
[311] Thomas Romney Robinson (1792-1882), another Irish astronomer of prominence. He was a deputy professor at Trinity College, Dublin, but took charge of the Armagh observatory in 1823 and remained there until his death.
[311] Thomas Romney Robinson (1792-1882), another notable Irish astronomer. He was a deputy professor at Trinity College, Dublin, but took over the Armagh observatory in 1823 and stayed there until he passed away.
[312] Sir James South (1785-1867) was in early life a surgeon, but gave up his practice in 1816 and fitted up a private observatory. He contributed to the science of astronomy, particularly with respect to the study of double stars.
[312] Sir James South (1785-1867) was a surgeon early in his life, but he left his practice in 1816 to set up a private observatory. He made contributions to astronomy, especially in the study of double stars.
[313] Sir John Wrottesley (1798-1867), second Baron Wrottesley. Like Sir James South, he took up the study of astronomy after a professional career,—in his case in law. He built a private observatory in 1829 and made a long series of observations, publishing three star catalogues. He was president of the Astronomical Society from 1841 to 1843, and of the Royal Society from 1854 to 1857.
[313] Sir John Wrottesley (1798-1867), the second Baron Wrottesley. Similar to Sir James South, he began studying astronomy after a career in law. He constructed a private observatory in 1829 and conducted numerous observations, publishing three star catalogs. He served as president of the Astronomical Society from 1841 to 1843 and of the Royal Society from 1854 to 1857.
[316] "The wills are free, and I wish neither the one nor the other."
[316] "The wills are free, and I don’t wish for either."
[317] "The force of inertia conquered."
"The power of inertia prevailed."
[318] Reddie also wrote The Mechanics of the Heavens, referred to later in this work. He must not be confused with Judge James Reddie (1773-1852), of Glasgow, who wrote on international law, although this is done in the printed edition of the British Museum catalogue, for he is mentioned by De Morgan somewhat later as alive in 1862.
[318] Reddie also wrote The Mechanics of the Heavens, which will be referenced later in this work. He shouldn't be confused with Judge James Reddie (1773-1852) from Glasgow, who wrote about international law, even though this mistake is made in the printed edition of the British Museum catalog, as he is mentioned by De Morgan somewhat later as being alive in 1862.
[319] Henry Dunning Macleod (1821-1902), a lawyer and writer on political economy, was a Scotchman by birth. He wrote on economical questions, and lectured on banking at Cambridge (1877) and at King's College, London (1878). He was a free lance in his field, and was not considered orthodox by the majority of economists of his time. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the chairs of political economy at Cambridge (1863), Edinburgh (1871), and Oxford (1888).
[319] Henry Dunning Macleod (1821-1902), a lawyer and writer on political economy, was born in Scotland. He wrote about economic issues and gave lectures on banking at Cambridge (1877) and King's College, London (1878). He was a freelance thinker in his field and didn't fit the conventional views held by most economists of his era. He unsuccessfully ran for the positions of political economy professor at Cambridge (1863), Edinburgh (1871), and Oxford (1888).
[321] Francis Henry Laing (1816-1889) was a graduate of Queen's College, Cambridge, and a clergyman in the Church of England until 1846, when he entered the Church of Rome. He taught in various Jesuit colleges until 1862, when his eccentricity was too marked to warrant the Church in allowing him to continue. He published various controversial writings during his later years. Of course if he had known the works of Wessel, Gaus, Buée, Argand, and others, he would not have made such a sorry exhibition of his ignorance of mathematics.
[321] Francis Henry Laing (1816-1889) was a graduate of Queen's College, Cambridge, and a clergyman in the Church of England until 1846, when he joined the Catholic Church. He taught at various Jesuit colleges until 1862, when his odd behavior became too apparent for the Church to allow him to continue. He published several controversial writings in his later years. Of course, if he had been familiar with the works of Wessel, Gaus, Buée, Argand, and others, he wouldn’t have made such a poor display of his ignorance of mathematics.
[322] See Vol. I, page 329, note 1 {705}. The book went into a second edition in 1864.
[322] See Vol. I, page 329, note 1 {705}. The book was released in a second edition in 1864.
[323] Thomas Weddle (1817-1853) was, at the time of publishing this paper, a teacher in a private school. In 1851 he became professor of mathematics at Sandhurst. He contributed several papers to the Cambridge and Dublin Mathematical Journal, chiefly on geometry.
[323] Thomas Weddle (1817-1853) was, when this paper was published, a teacher at a private school. In 1851, he became a professor of mathematics at Sandhurst. He wrote several papers for the Cambridge and Dublin Mathematical Journal, primarily focusing on geometry.
[327] George Barrett (1752-1821) worked from 1786 to 1811 on a set of life insurance and annuity tables. He invented a plan known as the "columnar method" for the construction of such tables, and as De Morgan states, this was published by Francis Baily, appearing in the appendix to his work on annuities, in the edition of 1813. Some of his tables were used in Babbage's Comparative View of the various Institutions for the Assurance of Lives (1826).
[327] George Barrett (1752-1821) worked from 1786 to 1811 on a set of life insurance and annuity tables. He came up with a method called the "columnar method" for creating these tables, which, as De Morgan mentions, was published by Francis Baily and included in the appendix of his work on annuities in the 1813 edition. Some of his tables were used in Babbage's Comparative View of the various Institutions for the Assurance of Lives (1826).
[329] This was his Practical short and direct Method of Calculating the Logarithm of any given Number, and the Number corresponding to any given Logarithm (1849).
[329] This was his Practical short and direct Method of Calculating the Logarithm of any given Number, and the Number corresponding to any given Logarithm (1849).
[330] This is William Neile (1637-1670), grandson of Richard Neile (not Neal), Archbishop of York. At the age of 19, in 1657, he gave the first rectification of the semicubical parabola. Although he communicated it to Brouncker, Wren, and others, it was not published until 1639, when it appeared in John Wallis's De Cycloide.
[330] This is William Neile (1637-1670), grandson of Richard Neile (not Neal), Archbishop of York. At 19, in 1657, he made the first correction of the semicubical parabola. Although he shared it with Brouncker, Wren, and others, it wasn't published until 1639, when it appeared in John Wallis's De Cycloide.
[332] He also wrote A Glance at the Universe ("2d thousand" in 1862), and The Resurrection Body (1869).
[332] He also wrote A Glance at the Universe ("2nd thousand" in 1862), and The Resurrection Body (1869).
[334] As Swift gave it in his Poetry. A Rhapsody, it is as follows:
[334] As Swift presented it in his Poetry. A Rhapsody, it goes like this:
"So, naturalists observe, a flea
"So, naturalists observe, a flea"
Has smaller fleas that on him prey;
Has smaller fleas that prey on him;
And these have smaller still to bite 'em.
And these have even smaller ones to bite them.
And so proceed ad infinitum."
And so proceed indefinitely.
[335] Perhaps 1,600,000,000 years, if Boltwood's recent computations based on radium disintegration stand the test. This would mean, according to MacCurdy's estimate, 60,000,000 years since life first appeared on the earth.
[335] Maybe 1,600,000,000 years, if Boltwood's recent calculations based on radium decay hold up. This would suggest, according to MacCurdy's estimate, 60,000,000 years since life first appeared on Earth.
[336] De Morgan wrote better than he knew, for this work, the Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, begun at Leipsic in 1818, is still (1913) unfinished. Section I, A-G, consists of 99 parts in 56 volumes; Section II, H-N, consists of 43 volumes and is not yet completed; and Section III, O-Z, consists of 25 volumes thus far, with most of the work still to be done. Johann Samuel Ersch (1766-1828), the founder, was head librarian at Halle. Johann Gottfried Gruber (1774-1851), his associate, was professor of philosophy at the same university.
[336] De Morgan wrote better than he realized, as this work, the Allgemeine Encyclopädie der Wissenschaften und Künste, which started in Leipsic in 1818, is still unfinished as of 1913. Section I, A-G, has 99 parts across 56 volumes; Section II, H-N, includes 43 volumes and is not yet complete; and Section III, O-Z, currently consists of 25 volumes, with most of the work still pending. Johann Samuel Ersch (1766-1828), the founder, served as the head librarian at Halle. Johann Gottfried Gruber (1774-1851), his associate, was a philosophy professor at the same university.
[337] William Howitt (1792-1879) was a poet, a spiritualist, and a miscellaneous writer. He and his wife became spiritualists about 1850. He wrote numerous popular works on travel, nature and history.
[337] William Howitt (1792-1879) was a poet, spiritualist, and versatile writer. He and his wife became spiritualists around 1850. He wrote many popular works about travel, nature, and history.
[339] As will be inferred from the text, C. D. was Mrs. De Morgan, and A. B. was De Morgan.
[339] As can be understood from the text, C. D. was Mrs. De Morgan, and A. B. was De Morgan.
[340] Jean Meslier (1678-1733), curé of Estrepigny, in Champagne, was a skeptic, but preached only strict orthodoxy to his people. It was only in his manuscript, Mon Testament, that was published after his death, and that caused a great sensation in France, that his antagonism to Christianity became known.
[340] Jean Meslier (1678-1733), curé of Estrepigny in Champagne, was a skeptic but only preached strict orthodoxy to his congregation. It was only in his manuscript, Mon Testament, published after his death and which created a huge stir in France, that his opposition to Christianity became known.
[341] Baron Zach relates that a friend of his, in a writing intended for publication, said Un esprit doit se frotter contre un autre. The censors struck it out. The Austrian police have a keen eye for consequences.—A. De M.
[341] Baron Zach shares that a friend of his, in a piece intended for publication, said One mind must rub against another. The censors removed it. The Austrian police are very watchful of consequences.—A. De M.
"One mind must rub against another." On Baron Zach, see Vol. II, page 45, note 4.
"One mind has to connect with another." On Baron Zach, see Vol. II, page 45, note 4.
[342] Referring to the first Lord Eldon (1751-1838), who was Lord Chancellor from 1799 to 1827, with the exception of one year.
[342] Referring to the first Lord Eldon (1751-1838), who served as Lord Chancellor from 1799 to 1827, with the exception of one year.
[343] "Sleeping power."
"Power nap."
[344] "Causes sleep."
"Induces sleep."
[345] Richard Hooker (c. 1554-1600), a theologian, "the ablest living advocate of the Church of England as by law established."
[345] Richard Hooker (c. 1554-1600), a theologian, "the most skilled current supporter of the Church of England as legally established."
[347] "Other I,"—other self.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Other Me,"—other self.
[348] This "utter rejection" has been repeated (1872) by the same writer.—S. E. De M.
[348] This "complete rejection" has been repeated (1872) by the same author.—S. E. De M.
[349] Edward Jenner (1749-1823) was a physician and biologist. His first experiments in vaccination were made in 1796, and his discovery was published in 1798.
[349] Edward Jenner (1749-1823) was a doctor and biologist. His first vaccination experiments were done in 1796, and he published his findings in 1798.
[351] "You will go most safely in the middle (way)."
[351] "You'll be safest if you stay in the middle."
[352] Pierre Joseph Arson was known early in the 19th century for his controversy with Hoëné Wronski the mathematician, whom he attacked in his Document pour l'histoire des grands fourbes qui ont figuré sur la terre (1817-1818).
[352] Pierre Joseph Arson was known in the early 19th century for his conflict with the mathematician Hoëné Wronski, whom he criticized in his Document pour l'histoire des grands fourbes qui ont figuré sur la terre (1817-1818).
[353] "We enter the course by night and are consumed by fire."
[353] "We enter the path at night and are engulfed by flames."
[358] Richard Cobden (1804-1865), the cotton manufacturer and statesman who was prominent in his advocacy of the repeal of the Corn Laws.
[358] Richard Cobden (1804-1865), the cotton manufacturer and politician who was well-known for his support of the repeal of the Corn Laws.
[359] James Smith (1775-1839), solicitor to the Board of Ordnance. With his brother Horatio he wrote numerous satires. His Horace in London (1813) imitated the Roman poet. His works were collected and published in 1840.
[359] James Smith (1775-1839), a lawyer for the Board of Ordnance. Along with his brother Horatio, he wrote several satirical pieces. His Horace in London (1813) was a tribute to the Roman poet. His works were gathered and published in 1840.
[360] Samuel Butler (1612-1680), the poet and satirist, author of Hudibras (1663-1678).
[360] Samuel Butler (1612-1680), the poet and satirist, writer of Hudibras (1663-1678).
[361] "Is it not fine to be sure of one's action when entering in a combat with another? There, push me a little in order to see. Nicole. Well! what's the matter? M. Jourdain. Slowly. Ho there! Ho! gently. Deuce take the rascal! Nicole. You told me to push. M. Jourdain. Yes, but you pushed me en tierce, before you pushed en quarte, and you did not give me time to parry."
[361] "Isn’t it great to be confident in your actions when you’re about to fight someone? Just give me a little push to see. Nicole. Well! What’s wrong? M. Jourdain. Slowly now. Hey! Careful. Damn it, that little rascal! Nicole. You asked me to push. M. Jourdain. Yes, but you pushed me en tierce before you pushed en quarte, and you didn’t give me time to block."
[362] John Abernethy (1764-1831), the famous physician and surgeon.
[362] John Abernethy (1764-1831), the well-known doctor and surgeon.
[364] "With what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again."
[364] "The way you judge others will be the way you are judged."
[365] Eusebius of Cæsarea (c. 260-340), leader of the moderate party at the Council of Nicæa, and author of a History of the Christian Church in ten books (c. 324 A. D.).
[365] Eusebius of Cæsarea (around 260-340), leader of the moderate group at the Council of Nicaea, and author of a History of the Christian Church in ten volumes (around 324 A.D.).
[366] Nathaniel Lardner (1684-1768), a non-conformist minister and one of the first to advocate the scientific study of early Christian literature.
[366] Nathaniel Lardner (1684-1768), a non-conformist minister and one of the first to support the scientific study of early Christian literature.
[367] Henry Alford (1810-1871) Dean of Canterbury (1857-1871) and editor of the Greek Testament (1849-1861).
[367] Henry Alford (1810-1871) Dean of Canterbury (1857-1871) and editor of the Greek Testament (1849-1861).
[368] The work was The Number and Names of the Apocalyptic Beasts: with an explanation and application. Part I. London, 1848, as mentioned below. Thom also wrote The Assurance of Faith, or Calvinism identified with Universalism (London, 1833), and various other religious works.
[368] The work was The Number and Names of the Apocalyptic Beasts: with an explanation and application. Part I. London, 1848, as mentioned below. Thom also wrote The Assurance of Faith, or Calvinism identified with Universalism (London, 1833), and several other religious works.
[370] John Hamilton Thom (1808-1894) was converted to Unitarianism and was long a minister in that church, preaching in the Renshaw Street Chapel from 1831 to 1866. De Morgan refers to the Liverpool Unitarian controversy conducted by James Martineau and Henry Giles in response to a challenge by thirteen Anglican Clergy. In 1839 Thom contributed four lectures and a letter to this controversy. Among his religious works were a Life of Blanco White (1845) and Hymns, Chants, and Anthems (1854).
[370] John Hamilton Thom (1808-1894) became a Unitarian and served as a minister in that church for many years, preaching at the Renshaw Street Chapel from 1831 to 1866. De Morgan talks about the Liverpool Unitarian controversy led by James Martineau and Henry Giles in response to a challenge from thirteen Anglican clergy. In 1839, Thom contributed four lectures and a letter to this controversy. Some of his religious works include a Life of Blanco White (1845) and Hymns, Chants, and Anthems (1854).
[371] The spelling of these names is occasionally changed to meet the condition that the numerical value of the letters shall be 666, "the number of the beast" of Revelations. The names include Julius Cæsar; Valerius Jovius Diocletianus (249-313), emperor from 287 to 305, persecutor of the Christians; Louis, presumably Louis XIV; Gerbert (940-1003), who reigned as Pope Sylvester II from 999 to 1003, known to mathematicians for his abacus and his interest in geometry, and accused by his opponents as being in league with the devil; Linus, the second Bishop of Rome, the successor of Peter; Camillo Borghese (1552-1621), who reigned as Pope Paul V from 1605 to 1621, and who excommunicated all Venice in 1606 for its claim to try ecclesiastics before lay tribunals, thus taking a position which he was forced to abandon; Luther, Calvin; Laud (see Vol. I, page 145, note 7 {307}); Genseric (c. 406-477), king of the Vandals, who sacked Rome in 455 and persecuted the orthodox Christians in Africa; Boniface III, who was pope for nine months in 606; Beza (see Vol. I, page 66, note 6 {83}); Mohammed; βρασκι, who was Giovanni Angelo Braschi (1717-1799), and who reigned as Pope Pius VI from 1775 to 1799, dying in captivity because he declined to resign his temporal power to Napoleon; Bonaparte; and, under Ιον Παυνε, possibly Pope John XIV, who reigned in 983 and 984 during the absence of Boniface VII in Constantinople.
[371] The spelling of these names is sometimes altered so that the numerical value of the letters equals 666, "the number of the beast" from Revelations. The names include Julius Caesar; Valerius Jovius Diocletian (249-313), emperor from 287 to 305, who persecuted Christians; Louis, likely Louis XIV; Gerbert (940-1003), who served as Pope Sylvester II from 999 to 1003, known for his work with the abacus and his interest in geometry, and accused by his rivals of being in league with the devil; Linus, the second Bishop of Rome, Peter's successor; Camillo Borghese (1552-1621), who was Pope Paul V from 1605 to 1621 and excommunicated all of Venice in 1606 for claiming the right to try ecclesiastics in lay courts, a stance he was later forced to retract; Luther, Calvin; Laud (see Vol. I, page 145, note 7 {307}); Genseric (c. 406-477), king of the Vandals, who sacked Rome in 455 and persecuted orthodox Christians in Africa; Boniface III, who was pope for nine months in 606; Beza (see Vol. I, page 66, note 6 {83}); Mohammed; βρασκι, who was Giovanni Angelo Braschi (1717-1799) and reigned as Pope Pius VI from 1775 to 1799, dying in captivity because he refused to give up his temporal power to Napoleon; Bonaparte; and, under Ιον Παύνε, possibly Pope John XIV, who reigned in 983 and 984 during the absence of Boniface VII in Constantinople.
[372] The Greek words and names are also occasionally misspelled so as to fit them to the number 666. They are Λατεινος (Latin), ἡ λατινη βασιλεια (the Latin kingdom), ἐκκλησια ἰταλικα (the Italian Church), εὐανθας (blooming), τειταν (Titan), ἀρνουμε (renounce), λαμπετις (the lustrous), ὁ νικητης (conqueror), κακος ὁδηγος (bad guide), ἀληθης βλαβερος (truthful harmful one), παλαι βασκανος (a slanderer of old), ἀμνος ἀδικος (unmanageable lamb), ἀντεμος (Antemos), γενσηρικος (Genseric), εὐινας (with stout fibers), Βενεδικτος (Benedict), Βονιβαζιος γ. παπα ξ. η. ε. ε. α. (Boniface III, pope 68, bishop of bishops I), οὐλπιος (baneful), διος εἰμι ἡ ἡρας (I, a god, am the), ἡ μισσα ἡ παπικη (the papal brief), λουθερανα (Lutheran), σαξονειος (Saxon), Βεζζα αντιθεος (Beza antigod), ἡ αλαζονεια βιου (the illusion of life), Μαομετις (Mahomet); Μαομετης β. (Mahomet II), θεος εἰμι ἐπι γαιης (I am lord over the earth), ἰαπετος (Iapetos, father of Atlas), παπεισκος (Papeiskos), διοκλασιανος (Diocletian), χεινα (Cheina = Cain? China?), βρασκι (Braschi, as explained in note 10), Ιον Παυνε (Paunian violet, but see note 10), κουποκς (cowpox), Βοννεπαρτη (Bonneparte), Ν. Βονηπαρτε (N. Boneparte), εὐπορια (facility), παραδοσις (surrender), το μεγαθηριον (the megathereum, the beast).
[372] The Greek words and names are also sometimes spelled incorrectly to match the number 666. They are Λατίν (Latin), the Latin kingdom (the Latin kingdom), church italics (the Italian Church), εὐανθας (blooming), τειταν (Titan), I refuse (renounce), λαμπετις (the lustrous), the victor (conqueror), bad driver (bad guide), true harmful (truthful harmful one), old witch (a slanderer of old), lamb unjust (unmanageable lamb), ἀντεμος (Antemos), γενσηρικος (Genseric), εὐινας (with stout fibers), Βενέδικτος (Benedict), Βονιβαζιος γ. παπα ξ. η. ε. ε. α. (Boniface III, pope 68, bishop of bishops I), οὐλπιος (baneful), I'm the goddess Hera (I, a god, am the), πληρωμή του παπικού ἱερού (the papal brief), λουθερανα (Lutheran), σαξονειος (Saxon), Βεζζα αντιθεός (Beza antigod), the arrogance of life (the illusion of life), Μαομετις (Mahomet); Μαομετης β. (Mahomet II), I am God on earth (I am lord over the earth), ἰαπετος (Iapetus, father of Atlas), παπεισκος (Papeiskos), διοκλασιανος (Diocletian), winter (Cheina = Cain? China?), βρασκι (Braschi, as explained in note 10), Ιον Παυνε (Paunian violet, but see note 10), κουποκς (cowpox), Βοννεπαρτη (Bonneparte), Ν. Βονηπαρτε (N. Boneparte), prosperity (facility), παραδοσις (surrender), το μεγαθηριον (the megathereum, the beast).
[373] James Wapshare, whose Harmony of the Word of God in Spirit and in Truth appeared in 1849.
[373] James Wapshare, whose Harmony of the Word of God in Spirit and in Truth was published in 1849.
[374] The literature relating to the Swastika is too extended to permit of any adequate summary in these notes.
[374] The literature about the Swastika is too extensive to allow for any proper summary in these notes.
[375] Henry Edward Manning (1808-1892), at first an Anglican clergyman, he became a Roman Catholic priest in 1851, and became Cardinal in 1875. He succeeded Cardinal Wiseman as Archbishop of Westminster in 1865. He wrote a number of religious works.
[375] Henry Edward Manning (1808-1892), initially an Anglican clergyman, became a Roman Catholic priest in 1851 and was made Cardinal in 1875. He took over from Cardinal Wiseman as Archbishop of Westminster in 1865. He authored several religious works.
[376] John Bright (1811-1889), Quaker, cotton manufacturer, and statesman. He worked with Cobden for free trade, peace, and reform of the electorate.
[376] John Bright (1811-1889), a Quaker, cotton manufacturer, and politician. He collaborated with Cobden to promote free trade, peace, and electoral reform.
[377] "The fallacy of many questions."
"The fallacy of multiple questions."
[378] William Wilberforce (1759-1833), best known for his long fight for the abolition of the slave trade.
[378] William Wilberforce (1759-1833), widely recognized for his persistent struggle to end the slave trade.
[379] Richard Martin (1754-1834), high sheriff of County Galway and owner of a large estate in Connemara. Curiously enough, he was known both for his readiness in duelling and for his love for animals. He was known as "Humanity Martin," and in 1822 secured the passage of an act "to prevent the cruel and improper treatment of cattle." He was one of the founders (1824) of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. He is usually considered the original of Godfrey O'Malley in Lever's novel, Charles O'Malley.
[379] Richard Martin (1754-1834), high sheriff of County Galway and owner of a large estate in Connemara. Interestingly, he was known both for his skill in dueling and for his love of animals. He earned the nickname "Humanity Martin," and in 1822 he helped pass a law "to prevent the cruel and improper treatment of cattle." He was one of the founders (1824) of the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. He is often considered the inspiration for Godfrey O'Malley in Lever's novel, Charles O'Malley.
[380] See Vol. I, page 149, note 1 {323}, also text on same page.
[380] See Vol. I, page 149, note 1 {323}, also text on the same page.
[381] See Vol. I, page 44, note 9 {34}, also text, Vol. I, page 110.
[381] See Vol. I, page 44, note 9 {34}, also text, Vol. I, page 110.
[382] "Penitential seat."
"Confession seat."
[383] "Well placed upon the cushion."
"Perfectly placed on the couch."
[385] "He has lost the right of being influenced by evidence."
[385] "He has lost the ability to be swayed by facts."
[386] "Hung up."
"Disconnected."
[387] "A few things to the wise, nothing to the unlettered."
[387] "A few things for the wise, nothing for the uneducated."
[388] The fallacy results from dividing both members of an equation by 0, x - 1 being the same as 1 - 1, and calling the quotients finite.
[388] The error comes from dividing both parts of an equation by 0, with x - 1 being treated as equal to 1 - 1, and claiming the results are finite.
[389] "If you order him to the sky he will go."
[389] "If you tell him to go to the sky, he will do it."
[390] Similia similibus curanter, "Like cures like," the homeopathic motto.
[390] Similia similibus curanter, "Like treats like," the homeopathic motto.
[391] "Without harm to the proprieties."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Without compromising the standards."
[393] Lors feist l'Anglois tel signe. La main gausche toute ouverte il leva hault en l'aer, puis ferma au poing les quatres doigtz d'icelle et le poulce estendu assit sus la pinne du nez. Soubdain après leva la dextre toute ouverte, et toute ouverte la baissa, joignant la poulce au lieu que fermait le petit doigt de la gausche, et les quatre doigtz d'icelle mouvoit lentement en l'aer. Puis au rebours feit de la dextre ce qu'il avoit faict de la gausche, et de la gausche ce que avoit faict de la dextre.—A. De M.
[393] When the Englishman signed, he opened his left hand high in the air, then closed four fingers into a fist with the thumb resting on the tip of his nose. Suddenly after, he opened his right hand wide, lowered it with the palm down, joining the thumb to where the little finger of the left hand was closed, and the four fingers of the left moved slowly in the air. Then he did the opposite with his right hand of what he had done with the left, and with the left of what he had done with the right.—A. De M.
[394] Suaviter in modo, fortiter in re, "Gentle in manners, firm in action."
[394] Gentle in demeanor, firm in action.
[397] Henry Fawcett (1833-1884) became totally blind in 1858, but in spite of this handicap he became professor of political economy at Cambridge and sat in parliament for a number of years. He championed the cause of reform and in particular he was prominent in the protection of the native interests of India. The establishing of the parcels post (1882) took place while he was postmaster general (1880-1884).
[397] Henry Fawcett (1833-1884) became completely blind in 1858, but despite this challenge, he became a professor of political economy at Cambridge and served in parliament for several years. He advocated for reform and was especially active in protecting the interests of the people in India. The introduction of the parcels post (1882) occurred while he was the postmaster general (1880-1884).
[398] Of course the whole thing depends upon what definition of division is taken. We can multiply 2 ft. by 3 ft. if we define multiplication so as to allow it, or 2 ft. by 3 lb, getting foot-pounds, as is done in physics.
[398] Of course, it all depends on how you define division. We can multiply 2 ft. by 3 ft. if we define multiplication to allow that, or 2 ft. by 3 lb, resulting in foot-pounds, as is done in physics.
[399] Richard Milward (1609-1680), for so the name is usually given, was rector of Great Braxted (Essex) and canon of Windsor. He was long the amanuensis of John Selden, and the Table Talk was published nine years after Milward's death, from notes that he left. Some doubt has been cast upon the authenticity of the work owing to many of the opinions that it ascribes to Selden.
[399] Richard Milward (1609-1680), as he is commonly known, was the rector of Great Braxted (Essex) and a canon of Windsor. He served for many years as the secretary to John Selden, and the Table Talk was published nine years after Milward's death, based on notes he left behind. Some questions have been raised about the authenticity of the work because of several opinions it attributes to Selden.
[400] John Selden (1584-1654) was a jurist, legal antiquary, and Oriental scholar. He sat in the Long Parliament, and while an advocate of reform he was not an extremist. He was sent to the Tower for his support of the resolution against "tonnage and poundage," in 1629. His History of Tythes (1618) was suppressed at the demand of the bishops. His De Diis Syriis (1617) is still esteemed a classic on Semitic mythology.
[400] John Selden (1584-1654) was a legal expert, historian, and specialist in Eastern studies. He was a member of the Long Parliament, supporting reform without going to extremes. In 1629, he was imprisoned in the Tower for backing the resolution against "tonnage and poundage." His History of Tythes (1618) was censored at the request of the bishops. His De Diis Syriis (1617) continues to be regarded as a classic on Semitic mythology.
[403] John Palmer (1742-1818) was a theatrical manager. In 1782 he set forth a plan for forwarding the mails by stage coaches instead of by postmen. Pitt adopted the plan in 1784. Palmer was made comptroller-general of the post office in 1786 and was dismissed six years later for arbitrarily suspending a deputy. He had been verbally promised 2½% on the increased revenue, but Pitt gave him only a pension of £3000. In 1813 he was awarded £50,000 in addition to his pension.
[403] John Palmer (1742-1818) was a theater manager. In 1782, he proposed a plan to send mail by stagecoaches instead of relying on postmen. Pitt accepted the plan in 1784. Palmer was appointed comptroller-general of the post office in 1786 but was fired six years later for unjustly suspending a deputy. He had been given a verbal promise of 2.5% on the increased revenue, but Pitt only granted him a pension of £3000. In 1813, he received an additional £50,000 on top of his pension.
[404] Dionysius Lardner (1793-1859), professor of natural philosophy in London University (now University College). His Cabinet Cyclopædia (1829-1849) contained 133 volumes. De Morgan wrote on probabilities, and Lardner on various branches of mathematics, and there were many other well-known contributors. Lardner is said to have made $200,000 on a lecture tour in America.
[404] Dionysius Lardner (1793-1859), a professor of natural philosophy at London University (now University College). His Cabinet Cyclopædia (1829-1849) included 133 volumes. De Morgan wrote about probabilities, while Lardner focused on various areas of mathematics, and there were many other notable contributors. It's said that Lardner made $200,000 from a lecture tour in America.
[405] Thomas Fysche Palmer (1747-1802) joined the Unitarians in 1783, and in 1785 took a charge in Dundee. He was arrested for sedition because of an address that it was falsely alleged that he gave before a society known as the "Friends of Liberty." As a matter of fact the address was given by an uneducated weaver, and Palmer was merely asked to revise it, declining to do even this. Nevertheless he was sentenced to Botany Bay (1794) for seven years. The trial aroused great indignation.
[405] Thomas Fysche Palmer (1747-1802) became a Unitarian in 1783 and took a position in Dundee in 1785. He was arrested for sedition due to a speech that it was wrongly claimed he delivered before a group called the "Friends of Liberty." In reality, the speech was given by an uneducated weaver, and Palmer was only asked to revise it, which he refused to do. Still, he was sentenced to seven years in Botany Bay (1794). The trial sparked a lot of outrage.
[410] "The lawyers are brought into court; let them accuse each other."
[410] "The lawyers are brought into court; let them blame each other."
[411] Samuel Rogers (1763-1855), the poet and art connoisseur. He declined the laureateship on the death of Wordsworth (1850). Byron, his pretended friend, wrote a lampoon (1818) ridiculing his cadaverous appearance.
[411] Samuel Rogers (1763-1855), the poet and art lover. He turned down the position of poet laureate after Wordsworth died (1850). Byron, who claimed to be his friend, wrote a satirical piece (1818) mocking his gaunt look.
[412] Theodore Edward Hook (1788-1841), the well-known wit. He is satirized as Mr. Wagg in Vanity Fair. The John Bull was founded in 1820 and Hook was made editor.
[412] Theodore Edward Hook (1788-1841), the famous humorist. He is parodied as Mr. Wagg in Vanity Fair. The John Bull was started in 1820, and Hook became its editor.
[413] "On pitying the heretic."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "On Feeling Sorry for the Heretic."
[414] A term of medieval logic. Barbara: All M is P, all S is M, hence all S is P. Celarent: No M is P, all S is M, hence no S is P.
[414] A term of medieval logic. Barbara: All M is P, all S is M, hence all S is P. Celarent: No M is P, all S is M, hence no S is P.
[415] "Simply," "According to which," "It does not follow."
[415] "Simply," "According to which," "It doesn't follow."
"O sweet soul, what good shall I declare
"O sweet soul, what good can I share
That heretofore was thine, since such are thy remains!"
That used to be yours, since those are your remains!
[417] "Stupid fellow!"
"Fool!"
[418] Christopher Barker (c. 1529-1599), also called Barkar, was the Queen's printer. He began to publish books in 1569, but did no actual printing until 1576. In 1575 the Geneva Bible was first printed in England, the work being done for Barker. He published 38 partial or complete editions of the Bible from 1575 to 1588, and 34 were published by his deputies (1588-1599).
[418] Christopher Barker (c. 1529-1599), also known as Barkar, was the Queen's printer. He started publishing books in 1569 but didn't actually begin printing until 1576. In 1575, the Geneva Bible was first printed in England, and it was done for Barker. He published 38 partial or complete editions of the Bible from 1575 to 1588, and 34 of those were published by his assistants (1588-1599).
[419] James Franklin (1697-1735) was born in Boston, Mass., and was sent to London to learn the printer's trade. He returned in 1717 and started a printing house. Benjamin, his brother, was apprenticed to him but ran away (1723). James published the New England Courant (1721-1727), and Benjamin is said to have begun his literary career by writing for it.
[419] James Franklin (1697-1735) was born in Boston, Massachusetts, and was sent to London to learn the printing trade. He came back in 1717 and started his own printing business. His brother, Benjamin, was apprenticed to him but ran away in 1723. James published the New England Courant (1721-1727), and it's said that Benjamin began his literary career by writing for it.
[420] James Hodder was a writing master in Tokenhouse Yard, Lothbury, in 1661, and later kept a boarding school in Bromley-by-Bow. His famous arithmetic appeared at London in 1661 and went through many editions. It was the basis of Cocker's work. (See Vol. I, page 42, note 4 {24}.) It was long thought to have been the first arithmetic published in America, and it was the first English one. There was, however, an arithmetic published much earlier than this, in Mexico, the Sumario compendioso ... con algunas reglas tocantes al Aritmética, by "Juan Diaz Freyle," in 1556.
[420] James Hodder was a writing teacher in Tokenhouse Yard, Lothbury, in 1661, and later ran a boarding school in Bromley-by-Bow. His well-known arithmetic book was published in London in 1661 and went through many editions. It served as the foundation for Cocker's work. (See Vol. I, page 42, note 4 {24}.) For a long time, it was believed to be the first arithmetic published in America, and it was the first one published in English. However, there was an arithmetic published much earlier in Mexico, the Sumario compendioso ... con algunas reglas tocantes al Aritmética, by "Juan Diaz Freyle," in 1556.
[421] Henry Mose, Hodder's successor, kept a school in Sherborne Lane, London.
[421] Henry Mose, who took over from Hodder, ran a school in Sherborne Lane, London.
[422] Rear Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort (1774-1857), F.R.S., was hydrographer to the Navy from 1829 to 1855. He prepared an atlas that was printed by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.
[422] Rear Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort (1774-1857), F.R.S., served as the navy's hydrographer from 1829 to 1855. He created an atlas that was published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.
[423] Antoine Sabatier (1742-1817), born at Castres, was known as the Abbé but was really nothing more than a "clerc tonsuré." He lived at Court and was pensioned to write against the philosophers of the Voltaire group. He posed as the defender of morality, a commodity of which he seems to have possessed not the slightest trace.
[423] Antoine Sabatier (1742-1817), born in Castres, was known as the Abbé but was really just a "clerc tonsuré." He lived at Court and was paid to write against the philosophers associated with Voltaire. He presented himself as a defender of morality, a quality he apparently lacked entirely.
[424] Maffeo Barberini was pope, as Urban VIII, from 1623 to 1644. It was during his ambitious reign that Galileo was summoned to Rome to make his recantation (1633), the exact nature of which is still a matter of dispute.
[424] Maffeo Barberini served as pope, known as Urban VIII, from 1623 to 1644. It was during his ambitious time in office that Galileo was called to Rome to recant (1633), the specifics of which are still debated.
[425] This Baden Powell (1796-1860) was the Savilian professor of geometry (1827-1860) at Oxford.
[425] Baden Powell (1796-1860) was the Savilian professor of geometry (1827-1860) at Oxford.
[426] "Memoirs of the famous bishop of Chiapa, by which it appears that he had butchered or burned or drowned ten million infidels in America in order to convert them. I believe that this bishop exaggerated; but if we should reduce these sacrifices to five million victims, this would still be admirable."
[426] "Memoirs of the famous bishop of Chiapa, which show that he had butchered, burned, or drowned ten million non-believers in America to convert them. I think this bishop is exaggerating; however, even if we lower these sacrifices to five million victims, it would still be impressive."
[427] Alfonso X (1221-1284), known as El Sabio (the Wise), was interested in astronomy and caused the Alphonsine Tables to be prepared. These table were used by astronomers for a long time. It is said that when the Ptolemaic system of the universe was explained to him he remarked that if he had been present at the Creation he could have shown how to arrange things in a much simpler fashion.
[427] Alfonso X (1221-1284), known as El Sabio (the Wise), was interested in astronomy and had the Alphonsine Tables created. These tables were used by astronomers for a long time. It's said that when the Ptolemaic system of the universe was explained to him, he commented that if he had been present at Creation, he could have shown how to organize everything in a much simpler way.
[428] George Richards (c. 1767-1837), fellow of Oriel (1790-1796), Bampton lecturer (1800), Vicar of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, Westminster (1824), and a poet of no mean ability.
[428] George Richards (c. 1767-1837), member of Oriel College (1790-1796), Bampton lecturer (1800), Vicar of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, Westminster (1824), and a poet of considerable talent.
[429] The "Aboriginal Britons," an excellent poem, by Richards. (Note by Byron.)—A. De M.
[429] The "Aboriginal Britons," an outstanding poem by Richards. (Note by Byron.)—A. De M.
[430] John Watkins (d. after 1831), a teacher and miscellaneous writer.
[430] John Watkins (d. after 1831), a teacher and diverse writer.
[431] Frederic Shoberl (1775-1853), a miscellaneous writer.
[431] Frederic Shoberl (1775-1853), a diverse writer.
[432] He wrote, besides the Aboriginal Britons, Songs of the Aboriginal Bards (1792), Modern France: a Poem (1793), Odin, a drama (1804), Emma, a drama on the model of the Greek theatre (1804), Poems (2 volumes, 1804), and a Monody on the Death of Lord Nelson (1806).
[432] He wrote, in addition to the Aboriginal Britons, Songs of the Aboriginal Bards (1792), Modern France: a Poem (1793), Odin, a drama (1804), Emma, a drama in the style of Greek theatre (1804), Poems (2 volumes, 1804), and a Monody on the Death of Lord Nelson (1806).
[433] Henry Kirke White (1785-1806), published his first volume of poems at the age of 18. Southey and William Wilberforce became interested in him and procured for him a sizarship at St. John's College, Cambridge. He at once showed great brilliancy, but he died of tuberculosis at the age of 21.
[433] Henry Kirke White (1785-1806) published his first collection of poems when he was just 18. Southey and William Wilberforce took an interest in him and arranged for him to receive a sizarship at St. John's College, Cambridge. He quickly showcased remarkable talent, but he sadly passed away from tuberculosis at the age of 21.
[434] John Wolcot, known as Peter Pindar (1738-1819), was a London physician. He wrote numerous satirical poems. His Bozzy and Piozzi, or the British Biographers, appeared in 1786, and reached the 9th edition in 1788.
[434] John Wolcot, also known as Peter Pindar (1738-1819), was a doctor in London. He wrote many satirical poems. His Bozzy and Piozzi, or the British Biographers was published in 1786 and went into its 9th edition by 1788.
[436] Richard Payne Knight (1750-1824) was a collector of bronzes, gems, and coins, many of his pieces being now in the British Museum. He sat in parliament for twenty-six years (1780-1806), but took no active part in legislation. He opposed the acquisition of the Elgin Marbles, holding them to be of little importance. His Analytical Inquiry into the Principles of Taste appeared in 1808.
[436] Richard Payne Knight (1750-1824) was a collector of bronzes, gems, and coins, many of his pieces now housed in the British Museum. He served in parliament for twenty-six years (1780-1806), but did not actively participate in legislation. He opposed the acquisition of the Elgin Marbles, considering them to be of little significance. His Analytical Inquiry into the Principles of Taste was published in 1808.
[437] Mario Nizzoli (1498-1566), a well-known student of Cicero, was for a time professor at the University of Parma. His Observationes in M. Tullium Ciceronem appeared at Pratalboino in 1535. It was revised by his nephew under the title Thesaurus Ciceronianus (Venice, 1570).
[437] Mario Nizzoli (1498-1566), a notable student of Cicero, served as a professor at the University of Parma for a while. His Observationes in M. Tullium Ciceronem was published in Pratalboino in 1535. It was later updated by his nephew under the title Thesaurus Ciceronianus (Venice, 1570).
"Like the geometer, who bends all his powers
"Like the geometer, who uses all his skills
To measure the circle, and does not succeed,
To measure the circle, and fails,
Thinking what principle he needs."
"Considering which principle he needs."
[440] Francis Quarles (1592-1644), a religious poet. He wrote paraphrases of the Bible and numerous elegies. In the early days of the revolutionary struggle he sided with the Royalists. One of his most popular works was the Emblems (1635), with illustrations by William Marshall.
[440] Francis Quarles (1592-1644), a religious poet. He wrote paraphrases of the Bible and many elegies. Early in the revolutionary struggle, he supported the Royalists. One of his most popular works was the Emblems (1635), featuring illustrations by William Marshall.
[441] Regnault de Bécourt wrote La Création du monde, ou Système d'organisation primitive suivi de l'interprétation des principaux phénomènes et accidents que se sont opérés dans la nature depuis l'origine de univers jusqu'à nos jours (1816). This may be the work translated by Dalmas.
[441] Regnault de Bécourt wrote The Creation of the World, or System of Primitive Organization Followed by the Interpretation of the Main Phenomena and Events that Have Occurred in Nature from the Origin of the Universe to Present Day (1816). This might be the work translated by Dalmas.
[444] Edmund Curll (1675-1747), a well-known bookseller, publisher, and pamphleteer. He was for a time at "The Peacock without Temple Bar," and later at "The Dial and Bible against St. Dunstan's Church." He was fined repeatedly for publishing immoral works, and once stood in the pillory for it. He is ridiculed in the Dunciad for having been tossed in a blanket by the boys of Westminster School because of an oration that displeased them.
[444] Edmund Curll (1675-1747) was a well-known bookseller, publisher, and pamphleteer. He initially operated from "The Peacock without Temple Bar" and later from "The Dial and Bible against St. Dunstan's Church." He was fined multiple times for publishing immoral works and even stood in the pillory once for it. He is mocked in the Dunciad for being tossed in a blanket by the boys from Westminster School after giving an oration that they found objectionable.
[446] Encyclopædia.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Encyclopedia.
[447] Author of the Historia Naturalis (77 A.D.)
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Author of the *Natural History* (77 A.D.)
[448] Author of the De Institutione Oratorio Libri XII (c. 91 A.D.)
[448] Author of the De Institutione Oratorio Libri XII (c. 91 A.D.)
[449] His De Architectures Libri X was not merely a work on architecture and building, but on the education of the architect.
[449] His De Architectures Libri X wasn't just a book about architecture and construction; it was about shaping the architect's education.
[450] Cyclophoria.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Cyclophoria.
[451] William Caxton (c. 1422-c.1492), sometime Governor of the Company of Merchant Adventurers in Bruges (between 1449 and 1470). He learned the art of printing either at Bruges or Cologne, and between 1471 and 1477 set up a press at Westminster. Tradition says that the first book printed in England was his Game and Playe of Chesse (1474). The Myrrour of the Worlde and th'ymage of the same appeared in 1480. It contains a brief statement on arithmetic, the first mathematics to appear in print in England.
[451] William Caxton (c. 1422-c. 1492), who was once the Governor of the Company of Merchant Adventurers in Bruges (between 1449 and 1470). He learned how to print either in Bruges or Cologne, and from 1471 to 1477, he set up a printing press in Westminster. According to tradition, the first book printed in England was his Game and Playe of Chesse (1474). The Myrrour of the Worlde and th'ymage of the same came out in 1480. It includes a short overview of arithmetic, making it the first mathematics book published in England.
[452] See Vol. I, page 45, note 6 {40}. De Morgan is wrong as to the date of the Margarita Philosophica. The first edition appeared at Freiburg in 1503.
[452] See Vol. I, page 45, note 6 {40}. De Morgan is mistaken about the date of the Margarita Philosophica. The first edition was published in Freiburg in 1503.
[453] Reisch was confessor to Maximilian I (1459-1519), King of the Romans (1486) and Emperor (1493-1519).
[453] Reisch was the confessor to Maximilian I (1459-1519), King of the Romans (1486) and Emperor (1493-1519).
[454] Joachim Sterck Ringelbergh (c. 1499-c. 1536), teacher of philosophy and mathematics in various cities of France and Germany. His Institutionum astronomicarum libri III appeared at Basel in 1528, his Cosmographia at Paris in 1529, and his Opera at Leyden in 1531.
[454] Joachim Sterck Ringelbergh (around 1499-around 1536), was a teacher of philosophy and mathematics in several cities in France and Germany. His Institutionum astronomicarum libri III was published in Basel in 1528, his Cosmographia was released in Paris in 1529, and his Opera came out in Leyden in 1531.
[455] Johannes Heinrich Alsted (1588-1638) was professor of philosophy and theology at his birthplace, Herborn, in Nassau, and later at Weissenberg. He published several works, including the Elementale mathematicum (1611), Systema physicae harmonicae (1612), Methodus admirandorum mathematicorum (1613), Encyclopædia septem tomis distincta (1630), and the work mentioned above.
[455] Johannes Heinrich Alsted (1588-1638) was a professor of philosophy and theology in his hometown, Herborn, in Nassau, and later at Weissenberg. He published several works, including the Elementale mathematicum (1611), Systema physicae harmonicae (1612), Methodus admirandorum mathematicorum (1613), Encyclopædia septem tomis distincta (1630), and the work mentioned above.
[456] Johann Jakob Hoffmann (1635-1706), professor of Greek and history at his birthplace, Basel. He also wrote the Epitome metrica historiæ universalis civilis et sacræ ab orbe condito (1686).
[456] Johann Jakob Hoffmann (1635-1706), professor of Greek and history in his hometown of Basel. He also wrote the Epitome metrica historiæ universalis civilis et sacræ ab orbe condito (1686).
[457] Ephraim Chambers (c. 1680-1740), a crotchety, penurious, but kind-hearted freethinker. His Cyclopædia, or an Universal Dictionary was translated into French and is said to have suggested the great Encyclopédie.
[457] Ephraim Chambers (c. 1680-1740), a cantankerous, tight-fisted, but kind-hearted free thinker. His Cyclopædia, or an Universal Dictionary was translated into French and is believed to have inspired the famous Encyclopédie.
[458] Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, par un société de gens de lettres. Mis en ordre et publié par M. Diderot, et quant à la partie mathématique, par M. d'Alembert. Paris, 1751-1780, 35 volumes.
[458] Encyclopedia, or Rational Dictionary of Sciences, Arts, and Trades, by a group of writers. Organized and published by Mr. Diderot, and for the mathematical section, by Mr. d'Alembert. Paris, 1751-1780, 35 volumes.
[459] "From the egg" (state).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "From the egg" (state).
[462] "In morals nothing should serve man as a model but God; in the arts, nothing but nature."
[462] "In ethics, the only true model for humanity should be God; in the arts, it should be nature."
[463] Encyclopédie Méthodique, ou par ordre de matières. Paris, 1782-1832, 166½ volumes.
[463] Methodical Encyclopedia, or by Order of Subjects. Paris, 1782-1832, 166½ volumes.
[465] Encyclopædia Metropolitana; or, Universal Dictionary of Knowledge. London, 1845, 29 volumes. A second edition came out in 1848-1858 in 40 volumes.
[465] Encyclopædia Metropolitana; or, Universal Dictionary of Knowledge. London, 1845, 29 volumes. A second edition was published in 1848-1858 in 40 volumes.
[468] De Morgan should be alive to satirize some of the statements on the history of mathematics in the eleventh edition.
[468] De Morgan should still be around to critique some of the claims about the history of mathematics in the eleventh edition.
[469] John Pringle Nichol (1804-1859), Regius professor of astronomy at Glasgow and a popular lecturer on the subject. He lectured in the United States in 1848-1849. His Views of the Architecture of the Heavens (1838) was a very popular work, and his Planetary System (1848, 1850) contains the first suggestion for the study of sun spots by the aid of photography.
[469] John Pringle Nichol (1804-1859), Regius professor of astronomy at Glasgow and a well-known lecturer on the subject. He gave lectures in the United States from 1848 to 1849. His Views of the Architecture of the Heavens (1838) was a widely popular book, and his Planetary System (1848, 1850) includes the first idea for studying sun spots using photography.
[471] George Long (1800-1879), a native of Poulton, in Lancashire, was called to the University of Virginia when he was only twenty-four years old as professor of ancient languages. He returned to England in 1828 to become professor of Greek at London University. From 1833 to 1849 he edited the twenty-nine volumes of the Penny Cyclopædia. He was an authority on Roman law.
[471] George Long (1800-1879), originally from Poulton in Lancashire, was appointed to the University of Virginia as a professor of ancient languages when he was just twenty-four. He went back to England in 1828 to take on the role of professor of Greek at London University. From 1833 to 1849, he edited the twenty-nine volumes of the Penny Cyclopædia. He was an expert on Roman law.
[472] A legal phrase, "Qui tam pro domina regina, quam pro se ipso sequitur,"—"Who sues as much on the Queen's account as on his own."
[472] A legal phrase, "Qui tam pro domina regina, quam pro se ipso sequitur,"—"Who sues for the Queen as much as for himself."
[473] Arthur Cayley (1821-1895) was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge (1842-1846) and was afterwards a lawyer (1849-1863). During his fourteen years at the bar he published some two hundred mathematical papers. In 1863 he became professor of mathematics at Cambridge, and so remained until his death. His collected papers, nine hundred in number, were published by the Cambridge Press in 13 volumes (1889-1898). He contributed extensively to the theory of invariants and covariants. De Morgan's reference to his coining of new names is justified, although his contemporary, Professor Sylvester, so far surpassed him in this respect as to have been dubbed "the mathematical Adam."
[473] Arthur Cayley (1821-1895) was a fellow at Trinity College, Cambridge (1842-1846) and later became a lawyer (1849-1863). During his fourteen years at the bar, he published around two hundred mathematical papers. In 1863, he became a professor of mathematics at Cambridge and held that position until his death. His collected works, totaling nine hundred papers, were published by the Cambridge Press in 13 volumes (1889-1898). He made significant contributions to the theory of invariants and covariants. De Morgan's mention of his ability to create new names is accurate, although his contemporary, Professor Sylvester, far exceeded him in this area and earned the nickname "the mathematical Adam."
[477] Pierre Dupuy (1582-1651) was a friend and relative of De Thou. With the collaboration of his brother and Nicolas Rigault he published the 1620 and 1626 editions of De Thou's History. He also wrote on law and history. His younger brother, Jacques (died in 1656), edited his works. The two had a valuable collection of books and manuscripts which they bequeathed to the Royal Library at Paris.
[477] Pierre Dupuy (1582-1651) was a friend and relative of De Thou. Together with his brother and Nicolas Rigault, he published the 1620 and 1626 editions of De Thou's History. He also wrote about law and history. His younger brother, Jacques (who died in 1656), edited his works. The two of them had a valuable collection of books and manuscripts that they left to the Royal Library in Paris.
[479] It was Cosmo de' Medici (1590-1621) who was the patron of Galileo.
[479] It was Cosmo de' Medici (1590-1621) who supported Galileo.
[482] Sir Edward Sherburne (1618-1702), a scholar of considerable reputation. The reference by De Morgan is to The Sphere of Marcus Manilius, in the appendix to which is a Catalogue of Astronomers, ancient and modern.
[482] Sir Edward Sherburne (1618-1702), a well-known scholar. The reference by De Morgan is to The Sphere of Marcus Manilius, in the appendix of which there is a Catalogue of Astronomers, ancient and modern.
[483] George Parker, second Earl of Macclesfield (1697-1764). He erected an observatory at Shirburn Castle, Oxfordshire, in 1739, and fitted it out with the best equipment then available. He was President of the Royal Society in 1752.
[483] George Parker, the second Earl of Macclesfield (1697-1764), built an observatory at Shirburn Castle in Oxfordshire in 1739, equipping it with the finest technology of the time. He served as President of the Royal Society in 1752.
[487] Edward Bernard (1638-1696), although Savilian professor of astronomy at Oxford, was chiefly interested in archeology.
[487] Edward Bernard (1638-1696), although he was a professor of astronomy at Oxford, was mainly focused on archaeology.
[491] Philip Dormer Stanhope, fourth Earl of Chesterfield (1694-1773), well known for the letters written to his son which were published posthumously (1774).
[491] Philip Dormer Stanhope, fourth Earl of Chesterfield (1694-1773), is famous for the letters he wrote to his son that were published after his death (1774).
[492] Peter Daval (died in 1763), Vice-President of the Royal Society, and an astronomer of some ability.
[492] Peter Daval (died in 1763), Vice-President of the Royal Society, and a skilled astronomer.
[494] William Oughtred (c. 1573-1660), a fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and afterwards vicar of Aldbury, Surrey, wrote the best-known arithmetic and trigonometry of his time. His Arithmeticæ in Numero & Speciebus Institutio ... quasi Clavis Mathematicæ est (1631) went through many editions and appeared in English as The Key to the Mathematicks new forged and filed in 1647.
[494] William Oughtred (c. 1573-1660), a fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and later vicar of Aldbury, Surrey, wrote the most popular arithmetic and trigonometry of his era. His Arithmeticæ in Numero & Speciebus Institutio ... quasi Clavis Mathematicæ est (1631) had many editions and was published in English as The Key to the Mathematicks new forged and filed in 1647.
[496] Stephen Jordan Rigaud (1816-1859) was senior assistant master of Westminster School (1846) and head master of Queen Elizabeth's School at Ipswich (1850). He was made Bishop of Antigua in 1858 and died of yellow fever the following year.
[496] Stephen Jordan Rigaud (1816-1859) was the senior assistant master at Westminster School (1846) and the headmaster of Queen Elizabeth's School in Ipswich (1850). He became Bishop of Antigua in 1858 and died from yellow fever the following year.
[497] He also wrote a memoir of his father, privately printed at Oxford in 1883.
[497] He also wrote a memoir about his father, privately published at Oxford in 1883.
[500] William Gascoigne was born at Middleton before 1612 and was killed in the battle of Marston Moor in 1644. He was an astronomer and invented the micrometer with movable threads (before 1639).
[500] William Gascoigne was born in Middleton before 1612 and was killed in the battle of Marston Moor in 1644. He was an astronomer and invented the micrometer with movable threads (before 1639).
[501] Seth Ward (1617-1689) was deprived of his fellowship at Cambridge for refusing to sign the covenant. He became professor of astronomy at Oxford (1649), Bishop of Exeter (1662), Bishop of Salisbury (1667), and Chancellor of the Garter (1671). He is best known for his solution of Kepler's problem to approximate a planet's orbit, which appeared in his Astronomia geometrica in 1656.
[501] Seth Ward (1617-1689) was stripped of his fellowship at Cambridge for refusing to sign the covenant. He became a professor of astronomy at Oxford (1649), Bishop of Exeter (1662), Bishop of Salisbury (1667), and Chancellor of the Garter (1671). He is most well-known for his solution to Kepler's problem to estimate a planet's orbit, which was published in his Astronomia geometrica in 1656.
[509] Heinrich Oldenburgh (1626-1678) was consul in England for the City of Bremen, his birthplace, and afterwards became a private teacher in London. He became secretary of the Royal Society and contributed on physics and astronomy to the Philosophical Transactions.
[509] Heinrich Oldenburgh (1626-1678) was a consul in England for the City of Bremen, where he was born, and later became a private tutor in London. He served as the secretary of the Royal Society and made contributions to physics and astronomy in the Philosophical Transactions.
[510] Thomas Brancker, or Branker (1636-1676) wrote the Doctrinæ sphæricæ adumbratio et usus globorum artificialium (1662) and translated the algebra of Rhonius with the help of Pell. The latter work appeared under the title of An Introduction to Algebra (1668), and is noteworthy as having brought before English mathematicians the symbol ÷ for division. The symbol never had any standing on the Continent for this purpose, but thereafter became so popular in England that it is still used in all the English-speaking world.
[510] Thomas Brancker, or Branker (1636-1676) wrote the Doctrinæ sphæricæ adumbratio et usus globorum artificialium (1662) and translated the algebra of Rhonius with the help of Pell. The latter work was published under the title of An Introduction to Algebra (1668), and is significant for introducing the symbol ÷ for division to English mathematicians. This symbol never gained acceptance for this purpose on the Continent, but later became so popular in England that it is still used across the English-speaking world today.
[512] Pierre Bertius (1565-1629) was a native of Flanders and was educated at London and Leyden. He became a professor at Leyden, and later held the chair of mathematics at the Collège de France. He wrote chiefly on geography.
[512] Pierre Bertius (1565-1629) was from Flanders and studied in London and Leyden. He became a professor at Leyden and later held the mathematics chair at the Collège de France. He primarily wrote about geography.
[514] Giovanni Alphonso Borelli (1608-1679) was professor of mathematics at Messina (1646-1656) and at Pisa (1656-1657), after which he taught in Rome at the Convent of St. Panteleon. He wrote several works on geometry, astronomy, and physics.
[514] Giovanni Alphonso Borelli (1608-1679) was a mathematics professor at Messina (1646-1656) and at Pisa (1656-1657), after which he taught in Rome at the Convent of St. Panteleon. He authored several works on geometry, astronomy, and physics.
[516] Ignace Gaston Pardies (c. 1636-1673), a Jesuit, professor of ancient languages and later of mathematics and physics at the Collège of Pau, and afterwards professor of rhetoric at the Collège Louis-le-Grand at Paris. He wrote on geometry, astronomy and physics.
[516] Ignace Gaston Pardies (circa 1636-1673) was a Jesuit and taught ancient languages, and later mathematics and physics, at the Collège of Pau. He went on to become a professor of rhetoric at the Collège Louis-le-Grand in Paris. He wrote about geometry, astronomy, and physics.
[517] Pierre Fermat was born in 1608 (or possibly in 1595) near Toulouse, and died in 1665. Although connected with the parliament of Toulouse, his significant work was in mathematics. He was one of the world's geniuses in the theory of numbers, and was one of the founders of the theory of probabilities and of analytic geometry. After his death his son published his edition of Diophantus (1670) and his Varia opera mathematica (1679).
[517] Pierre Fermat was born in 1608 (or possibly in 1595) near Toulouse and passed away in 1665. Although he was associated with the parliament of Toulouse, his significant contributions were in mathematics. He was one of the world's great minds in number theory and helped lay the groundwork for probability theory and analytic geometry. After his death, his son published his edition of Diophantus (1670) and his Varia opera mathematica (1679).
[518] This may be Christopher Townley (1603-1674) the antiquary, or his nephew, Richard, who improved the micrometer already invented by Gascoigne.
[518] This could be Christopher Townley (1603-1674), the antiquarian, or his nephew Richard, who enhanced the micrometer that Gascoigne had previously invented.
[519] Adrien Auzout a native of Rouen, who died at Rome in 1691. He invented a screw micrometer with movable threads (1666) and made many improvements in astronomical instruments.
[519] Adrien Auzout, a native of Rouen, who passed away in Rome in 1691. He created a screw micrometer with adjustable threads (1666) and made numerous enhancements to astronomical instruments.
[522] John Machin (d. 1751) was professor of astronomy at Gresham College (1713-1751) and secretary of the Royal Society. He translated Newton's Principia into English. His computation of π to 100 places is given in William Jones's Synopsis palmariorum matheseos (1706).
[522] John Machin (d. 1751) was a professor of astronomy at Gresham College (1713-1751) and served as the secretary of the Royal Society. He translated Newton's Principia into English. His calculation of π to 100 decimal places is published in William Jones's Synopsis palmariorum matheseos (1706).
[523] Pierre Rémond de Montmort (1678-1719) was canon of Notre Dame until his marriage. He was a gentleman of leisure and devoted himself to the study of mathematics, especially of probabilities.
[523] Pierre Rémond de Montmort (1678-1719) was a canon of Notre Dame until he got married. He was a wealthy gentleman who spent his time studying mathematics, especially probabilities.
[524] Roger Cotes (1682-1716), first Plumian professor of astronomy and physics at Cambridge, and editor of the second edition of Newton's Principia. His posthumous Harmonia Mensurarum (1722) contains "Cotes's Theorem" on the binomial equation. Newton said of him, "If Mr. Cotes had lived we had known something."
[524] Roger Cotes (1682-1716), the first Plumian professor of astronomy and physics at Cambridge, and editor of the second edition of Newton's Principia. His posthumous Harmonia Mensurarum (1722) includes "Cotes's Theorem" on the binomial equation. Newton remarked about him, "If Mr. Cotes had lived, we would have learned something."
[527] Charles Réné Reyneau (1656-1728) was professor of mathematics at Angers. His Analyse démontrée, ou Manière de resoudre les problèmes de mathématiques (1708) was a successful attempt to popularize the theories of men like Descartes, Newton, Leibnitz, and the Bernoullis.
[527] Charles Réné Reyneau (1656-1728) was a math professor at Angers. His Analyse démontrée, ou Manière de résoudre les problèmes de mathématiques (1708) was a successful effort to make the theories of people like Descartes, Newton, Leibnitz, and the Bernoullis more accessible.
[528] Brook Taylor (1685-1731), secretary of the Royal Society, and student of mathematics and physics. His Methodus incrementorum directa et inversa (1715) was the first treatise on the calculus of finite differences. It contained the well-known theorem that bears his name.
[528] Brook Taylor (1685-1731), secretary of the Royal Society and a student of mathematics and physics. His Methodus incrementorum directa et inversa (1715) was the first work on the calculus of finite differences. It included the famous theorem that carries his name.
[529] Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis (1698-1759) was sent with Clairaut (1735) to measure an arc of a meridian in Lapland. He was head of the physics department in the Berlin Academy from 1745 until 1753. He wrote Sur la figure de la terre (1738) and on geography and astronomy.
[529] Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis (1698-1759) was sent with Clairaut (1735) to measure a segment of a meridian in Lapland. He led the physics department at the Berlin Academy from 1745 to 1753. He wrote Sur la figure de la terre (1738) and also worked on topics in geography and astronomy.
[530] Pierre Bouguer (1698-1758) was professor of hydrography at Paris, and was one of those sent by the Academy of Sciences to measure an arc of a meridian in Peru (1735). The object of this and the work of Maupertuis was to determine the shape of the earth and see if Newton's theory was supported.
[530] Pierre Bouguer (1698-1758) was a professor of hydrography in Paris and was one of the representatives sent by the Academy of Sciences to measure a section of a meridian in Peru (1735). The goal of this mission, along with Maupertuis's work, was to determine the shape of the earth and to verify whether Newton's theory held true.
[531] Charles Marie de la Condamine (1701-1774) was a member of the Paris Academy of Sciences and was sent with Bouguer to Peru, for the purpose mentioned in the preceding note. He wrote on the figure of the earth, but was not a scientist of high rank.
[531] Charles Marie de la Condamine (1701-1774) was a member of the Paris Academy of Sciences and was sent to Peru with Bouguer for the purpose mentioned in the previous note. He wrote about the shape of the earth, but he wasn't a highly regarded scientist.
[534] Thomas Baker (c. 1625-1689) gave a geometric solution of the biquadratic in his Geometrical Key, or Gate of Equations unlocked (1684).
[534] Thomas Baker (c. 1625-1689) gave a geometric solution to the biquadratic in his Geometrical Key, or Gate of Equations Unlocked (1684).
[539] The name of Newton is so well known that no note seems necessary. He was born at Woolsthorpe, Lincolnshire, in 1642, and died at Kensington in 1727.
[539] The name Newton is so famous that no explanation seems needed. He was born in Woolsthorpe, Lincolnshire, in 1642, and passed away in Kensington in 1727.
[540] John Keill (1671-1721), professor of astronomy at Oxford from 1710, is said to have been the first to teach the Newtonian physics by direct experiment, the apparatus being invented by him for the purpose. He wrote on astronomy and physics. His Epistola de legibus virium centripetarum, in the Philosophical Transactions for 1708, accused Leibnitz of having obtained his ideas of the calculus from Newton, thus starting the priority controversy.
[540] John Keill (1671-1721), professor of astronomy at Oxford starting in 1710, is believed to be the first to teach Newtonian physics through direct experiments, using equipment he invented for this purpose. He wrote about astronomy and physics. His Epistola de legibus virium centripetarum, published in the Philosophical Transactions in 1708, accused Leibnitz of getting his ideas about calculus from Newton, which kicked off the priority controversy.
[541] Thomas Digges (d. in 1595) wrote An Arithmeticall Militare Treatise, named Stratioticos (1579), and completed A geometrical practise, named Pantometria (1571) that had been begun by his father, Leonard Digges.
[541] Thomas Digges (d. 1595) wrote An Arithmeticall Militare Treatise, named Stratioticos (1579) and finished A geometrical practise, named Pantometria (1571), which had been started by his father, Leonard Digges.
[542] John Dee (1527-1608), the most famous astrologer of his day, and something of a mathematician, wrote a preface to Billingsley's translation of Euclid into English (1570).
[542] John Dee (1527-1608), the most renowned astrologer of his time, and somewhat of a mathematician, wrote a preface to Billingsley's translation of Euclid into English (1570).
[544] Thomas Harriot (1560-1621) was tutor in mathematics to Sir Walter Raleigh, who sent him to survey Virginia (1585). He was one of the best English algebraists of his time, but his Artis Analyticæ Praxis ad Aequationes Algebraicas resolvendas (1631) did not appear until ten years after his death.
[544] Thomas Harriot (1560-1621) was a math tutor for Sir Walter Raleigh, who sent him to explore Virginia in 1585. He was one of the best English algebra experts of his time, but his Artis Analyticæ Praxis ad Aequationes Algebraicas resolvendas (1631) was published ten years after he passed away.
[545] Thomas Lydiat (1572-1626), rector of Alkerton, devoted his life chiefly to the study of chronology, writing upon the subject and taking issue with Scaliger (1601).
[545] Thomas Lydiat (1572-1626), rector of Alkerton, dedicated his life mostly to studying chronology, writing about the topic and debating with Scaliger (1601).
[547] Walter Warner edited Harriot's Artis Analyticae Praxis (1631). Tarporley is not known in mathematics.
[547] Walter Warner edited Harriot's Artis Analyticae Praxis (1631). Tarporley is not recognized in the field of mathematics.
[552] Sir Samuel Morland (1625-1695) was a diplomat and inventor. For some years he was assistant to John Pell, then ambassador to Switzerland. He wrote on arithmetical instruments invented by him (1673), on hydrostatics (1697) and on church history (1658).
[552] Sir Samuel Morland (1625-1695) was a diplomat and inventor. For several years, he served as an assistant to John Pell, who was the ambassador to Switzerland. He wrote about the arithmetic instruments he invented (1673), hydrostatics (1697), and church history (1658).
[557] See Vol. I, page 382, note 13 {786}. The history of the subject may be followed in Braunmühl's Geschichte der Trigonometrie.
[557] See Vol. I, page 382, note 13 {786}. You can trace the history of the topic in Braunmühl's Geschichte der Trigonometrie.
[560] Michael Dary wrote Dary's Miscellanies (1669), Gauging epitomised (1669), and The general Doctrine of Equation (1664).
[560] Michael Dary wrote Dary's Miscellanies (1669), Gauging Epitomized (1669), and The General Doctrine of Equation (1664).
[561] John Newton (1622-1678), canon of Hereford (1673), educational reformer, and writer on elementary mathematics and astronomy.
[561] John Newton (1622-1678), canon of Hereford (1673), education reformer, and author on basic math and astronomy.
[563] "The average of the two equal altitudes of the sun before and after dinner."
[563] "The average of the two equal heights of the sun before and after dinner."
[565] London, 1678. It went though many editions.
[565] London, 1678. It went through multiple editions.
[566] "This I who once ..."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "This is me who once ..."
[567] Arthur Murphy (1727-1805) worked in a banking house until 1754. He then went on the stage and met with some success at Covent Garden. His first comedy, The Apprentice (1756) was so successful that he left the stage and took to play writing. His translation of Tacitus appeared in 1793, in four volumes.
[567] Arthur Murphy (1727-1805) worked at a bank until 1754. He then started acting and found some success at Covent Garden. His first comedy, The Apprentice (1756), was so successful that he left acting and focused on writing plays. His translation of Tacitus was published in 1793 in four volumes.
[568] Edmund Wingate (1596-1656) went to Paris in 1624 as tutor to Princess Henrietta Maria and remained there several years. He wrote L'usage de la règle de proportion (Paris, 1624, with an English translation in 1626), Arithmétique Logarithmétique (Paris, 1626, with an English translation in 1635), and Of Natural and Artificial Arithmetick (London, 1630, revised in 1650-1652), part I of which was one of the most popular textbooks ever produced in England.
[568] Edmund Wingate (1596-1656) went to Paris in 1624 as a tutor to Princess Henrietta Maria and stayed there for several years. He wrote L'usage de la règle de proportion (Paris, 1624, with an English translation in 1626), Arithmétique Logarithmétique (Paris, 1626, with an English translation in 1635), and Of Natural and Artificial Arithmetick (London, 1630, revised in 1650-1652), part I of which became one of the most popular textbooks ever published in England.
[569] John Lambert (1619-1694) was Major-General during the Revolution and helped to draw up the request for Cromwell to assume the protectorate. He was imprisoned in the Tower by the Rump Parliament. He was confined in Guernsey until the clandestine marriage of his daughter Mary to Charles Hatton, son of the governor, after which he was removed (1667) to St. Nicholas in Plymouth Sound.
[569] John Lambert (1619-1694) was a Major-General during the Revolution and helped draft the request for Cromwell to take on the protectorate. He was imprisoned in the Tower by the Rump Parliament. He was held in Guernsey until his daughter Mary secretly married Charles Hatton, the governor's son, after which he was moved (1667) to St. Nicholas in Plymouth Sound.
[570] Samuel Foster (d. in 1652) was made professor of astronomy at Gresham College in March, 1636, but resigned in November of that year, being succeeded by Mungo Murray. Murray vacated his chair by marriage in 1641 and Foster succeeded him. He wrote on dialling and made a number of improvements in geometric instruments.
[570] Samuel Foster (d. in 1652) was appointed professor of astronomy at Gresham College in March 1636, but he stepped down in November of that same year and was replaced by Mungo Murray. Murray left his position due to marriage in 1641, and Foster took over again. He wrote about sundials and made several advancements in geometric instruments.
[571] "Twice of the word a minister," that is, twice a minister of the Gospel.
[571] "Twice of the word a minister," meaning a minister of the Gospel, twice over.
[572] This is The Lives of the Professors of Gresham College to which is prefixed the Life of the Founder, Sir Thomas Gresham, London, 1740. It was written by John Ward (c. 1679-1758), professor of rhetoric (1720) at Gresham College and vice-president (1752) of the Royal Society.
[572] This is The Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, including the Life of the Founder, Sir Thomas Gresham, London, 1740. It was written by John Ward (c. 1679-1758), who was the professor of rhetoric (1720) at Gresham College and later became the vice-president (1752) of the Royal Society.
[573] Charles Montagu (1661-1715), first Earl of Halifax, was Lord of the Treasury in 1692, and was created Baron Halifax in 1700 and Viscount Sunbury and Earl of Halifax in 1714. He introduced the bill establishing the Bank of England, the bill becoming a law in 1694. He had troubles of his own, without considering Newton, for he was impeached in 1701, and was the subject of a damaging resolution of censure as auditor of the exchequer in 1703. Although nothing came of either of these attacks, he was out of office during much of Queen Anne's reign.
[573] Charles Montagu (1661-1715), the first Earl of Halifax, was the Lord of the Treasury in 1692. He was made Baron Halifax in 1700 and Viscount Sunbury and Earl of Halifax in 1714. He introduced the legislation that established the Bank of England, which became law in 1694. He had his own issues to deal with, aside from Newton, as he was impeached in 1701 and faced a damaging censure as auditor of the exchequer in 1703. Although nothing came of these challenges, he spent a lot of Queen Anne's reign out of office.
[576] James Dodson (d. 1757) was master of the Royal Mathematical School, Christ's Hospital. He was De Morgan's great-grandfather. The Anti-Logarithmic Canon was published in 1742.
[576] James Dodson (d. 1757) was the head of the Royal Mathematical School at Christ's Hospital. He was De Morgan's great-grandfather. The Anti-Logarithmic Canon was published in 1742.
[579] Richard Busby, (1606-1695), master of Westminster School (1640) had among his pupils Dryden and Locke.
[579] Richard Busby, (1606-1695), headmaster of Westminster School (1640), taught notable students like Dryden and Locke.
[581] Herbert Thorndike (1598-1672), fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge (1620-1646), and Prebend of Westminster (1661), was a well-known theological writer of the time.
[581] Herbert Thorndike (1598-1672), a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge (1620-1646), and Prebend of Westminster (1661), was a recognized theological writer of the era.
[584] "Labor performed returns in a circle."
"Your work will come back."
[586] "Whatever objections one may make to the above arguments, one always falls into an absurdity."
[586] "No matter what objections someone might have to the arguments above, it always leads to absurdity."
[588] "And beyond that nothing."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "And that's it."
[589] Gillott (1759-1873) was the pioneer maker of steel pens by machinery, reducing the price from 1s. each to 4d. a gross. He was a great collector of paintings and old violins.
[589] Gillott (1759-1873) was the first to mass-produce steel pens using machines, bringing the price down from 1s. each to 4d. per gross. He was also an avid collector of paintings and antique violins.
[590] William Edward Walker wrote five works on circle squaring (1853, 1854, 1857, 1862, 1864), mostly and perhaps all published at Birmingham.
[590] William Edward Walker wrote five works on circle squaring (1853, 1854, 1857, 1862, 1864), mostly and maybe all published in Birmingham.
[591] Solomon M. Drach wrote An easy Rule for formulizing all Epicyclical Curves (London, 1849), On the Circle area and Heptagon-chord (London, 1864), An easy general Rule for filling up all Magic Squares (London, 1873), and Hebrew Almanack-Signs (London, 1877), besides numerous articles in journals.
[591] Solomon M. Drach wrote An Easy Rule for Formulating All Epicyclical Curves (London, 1849), On the Circle Area and Heptagon Chord (London, 1864), An Easy General Rule for Completing All Magic Squares (London, 1873), and Hebrew Almanac Signs (London, 1877), along with numerous articles in journals.
[595] Robert Fludd or Flud (1574-1637) was a physician with a large London practice. He denied the diurnal rotation of the earth, and was attacked by Kepler and Mersenne, and accused of magic by Gassendi. His Apologia Compendiania, Fraternitatem de Rosea Cruce suspicionis ... maculis aspersam, veritatis quasi Fluctibus abluens (Leyden, 1616) is one of a large number of works of the mystic type.
[595] Robert Fludd or Flud (1574-1637) was a doctor with a major practice in London. He rejected the idea that the earth rotates daily and was criticized by Kepler and Mersenne, and accused of practicing magic by Gassendi. His Apologia Compendiania, Fraternitatem de Rosea Cruce suspicionis ... maculis aspersam, veritatis quasi Fluctibus abluens (Leyden, 1616) is one of many works in the mystic genre.
[596] Consult To the Christianity of the Age. Notes ... comprising an elucidation of the scope and contents of the writings ... of Dionysius Andreas Freher (1854).
[596] Consult To the Christianity of the Age. Notes ... including an explanation of the scope and contents of the writings ... of Dionysius Andreas Freher (1854).
[597] Sir William Robert Grove (1811-1896), although called to the bar (1835) and to the bench (1853), is best known for his work as a physicist. He was professor of experimental philosophy (1840-1847) at the London Institution, and invented a battery (1839) known by his name. His Correlation of Physical Forces (1846) went through six editions and was translated into French.
[597] Sir William Robert Grove (1811-1896), although he was called to the bar (1835) and to the bench (1853), is best known for his work as a physicist. He was a professor of experimental philosophy (1840-1847) at the London Institution and invented a battery (1839) that bears his name. His Correlation of Physical Forces (1846) went through six editions and was translated into French.
[598] Johann Tauler (c. 1300-1361), a Dominican monk of Strassburg, a mystic, closely in touch with the Gottesfreunde of Basel. His Sermons first appeared in print at Leipsic in 1498.
[598] Johann Tauler (c. 1300-1361), a Dominican monk from Strassburg, was a mystic who had a close connection with the Gottesfreunde of Basel. His Sermons were first published in print in Leipsic in 1498.
[599] Paracelsus (c. 1490-1541). His real name was Theophrastes Bombast von Hohenheim, and he took the name by which he is generally known because he held himself superior to Celsus. He was a famous physician and pharmacist, but was also a mystic and neo-Platonist. He lectured in German on medicine at Basel, but lost his position through the opposition of the orthodox physicians and apothecaries.
[599] Paracelsus (c. 1490-1541). His real name was Theophrastus Bombast von Hohenheim, and he chose the name by which he is commonly known because he considered himself better than Celsus. He was a renowned physician and pharmacist, but also a mystic and neo-Platonist. He taught medicine in German at Basel but lost his job due to the resistance from traditional physicians and apothecaries.
[601] Philip Schwarzerd (1497-1560) was professor of Greek at Wittenberg. He helped Luther with his translation of the Bible.
[601] Philip Schwarzerd (1497-1560) was a Greek professor at Wittenberg. He assisted Luther with his Bible translation.
[602] Johann Reuchlin (1455-1522), the first great German humanist, was very influential in establishing the study of Greek and Hebrew in Germany. His lectures were mostly delivered privately in Heidelberg and Stuttgart. Unlike Melanchthon, he remained in the Catholic Church.
[602] Johann Reuchlin (1455-1522), the first major German humanist, played a significant role in promoting the study of Greek and Hebrew in Germany. He mainly gave his lectures privately in Heidelberg and Stuttgart. Unlike Melanchthon, he stayed with the Catholic Church.
[603] Joseph Chitty (1776-1841) published his Precedents of Pleading in 1808 and his Reports of Cases on Practice and Pleading in 1820-23 (2 volumes).
[603] Joseph Chitty (1776-1841) published his Precedents of Pleading in 1808 and his Reports of Cases on Practice and Pleading in 1820-23 (2 volumes).
[606] Jean Pèlerin, also known as Viator, who wrote on perspective. His work appeared in 1505, with editions in 1509 and 1521.
[606] Jean Pèlerin, also known as Viator, wrote about perspective. His work was published in 1505, with editions released in 1509 and 1521.
[607] Henry Stephens. See Vol. I, page 44, note 3 {37}.
[607] Henry Stephens. See Vol. I, page 44, note 3 {37}.
[608] The well-known grammarian (1745-1826). He was born at Swatara, in Pennsylvania, and practised law in New York until 1784, after which he resided in England. His grammar (1795) went through 50 editions, and the abridgment (1818) through 120 editions. Murray's friend Dalton, the chemist, said that "of all the contrivances invented by human ingenuity for puzzling the brains of the young, Lindley Murray's grammar was the worst."
[608] The well-known grammarian (1745-1826). He was born in Swatara, Pennsylvania, and practiced law in New York until 1784, after which he lived in England. His grammar (1795) went through 50 editions, and the abridged version (1818) went through 120 editions. Murray's friend Dalton, the chemist, said that "of all the things created by human ingenuity to confuse young minds, Lindley Murray's grammar was the worst."
[609] Robert Recorde (c. 1510-1558) read and probably taught mathematics and medicine at Cambridge up to 1545. After that he taught mathematics at Oxford and practised medicine in London. His Grounde of Artes, published about 1540, was the first arithmetic published in English that had any influence. It went through many editions. The Castle of Knowledge appeared in 1551. It was a textbook on astronomy and the first to set forth the Copernican theory in England. Like Recorde's other works it was written on the catechism plan. His Whetstone of Witte ... containying thextraction of Rootes: The Cosike practise, with the rule of Equation: and the woorkes of Surde Nombres appeared in 1557, and it is in this work that the modern sign of equality first appears in print. The word "Cosike" is an adjective that was used for a long time in Germany as equivalent to algebraic, being derived from the Italian cosa, which stood for the unknown quantity.
[609] Robert Recorde (c. 1510-1558) studied and likely taught math and medicine at Cambridge until 1545. After that, he taught math at Oxford and practiced medicine in London. His Grounde of Artes, published around 1540, was the first arithmetic book published in English that made an impact. It went through many editions. The Castle of Knowledge was published in 1551. It was a textbook on astronomy and the first to present the Copernican theory in England. Like Recorde's other works, it was structured like a catechism. His Whetstone of Witte ... containying thextraction of Rootes: The Cosike practise, with the rule of Equation: and the woorkes of Surde Nombres came out in 1557, and it's in this work that the modern equality sign first appeared in print. The word "Cosike" was an adjective used for a long time in Germany to mean algebraic, derived from the Italian cosa, which represented the unknown quantity.
[610] Robert Cecil (c. 1563-1612), first Earl of Salisbury, Secretary of State under Elizabeth (1596-1603) and under James I (1603-1612).
[610] Robert Cecil (c. 1563-1612), first Earl of Salisbury, served as Secretary of State under Elizabeth (1596-1603) and under James I (1603-1612).
[611] In America the German pronunciation is at present universal among mathematicians, as in the case of most other German names. This is due, no doubt, to the great influence that Germany has had on American education in the last fifty years.
[611] In America, the German pronunciation is now standard among mathematicians, just like with most other German names. This is likely because of the significant impact Germany has had on American education over the past fifty years.
[612] The latest transliteration is substantially K'ung-fu-tzǔ.
[612] The most recent transliteration is largely K'ung-fu-tzǔ.
[613] The tendency seems to be, however, to adopt the forms used of individuals or places as rapidly as the mass of people comes to be prepared for it. Thus the spelling Leipzig, instead of Leipsic, is coming to be very common in America.
[613] The trend appears to be, however, to quickly adopt the names used for individuals or places as soon as the majority of people are ready for it. For example, the spelling Leipzig, instead of Leipsic, is becoming quite common in America.
[614] Sir Edward Coke (1552-1634), the celebrated jurist.
[614] Sir Edward Coke (1552-1634), the famous legal expert.
[615] Dethlef Cluvier or Clüver (d. 1708 at Hamburg) was a nephew, not a grandson, of Philippe Cluvier, or Philipp Clüver (1580-c. 1623). Dethlef traveled in France and Italy and then taught mathematics in London. He wrote on astronomy and philosophy and also published in the Acta Eruditorum (1686) his Schediasma geometricum de nova infinitorum scientia. Quadratura circuli infinitis modis demonstrata, and his Monitum ad geometras (1687). Philippe was geographer of the Academy of Leyden. His Introductionis in universam geographiam tam veterem quam novam libri sex appeared at Leyden in 1624, about the time of his death.
[615] Dethlef Cluvier or Clüver (d. 1708 in Hamburg) was a nephew, not a grandson, of Philippe Cluvier, or Philipp Clüver (1580-c. 1623). Dethlef traveled in France and Italy and then taught mathematics in London. He wrote about astronomy and philosophy and also published in the Acta Eruditorum (1686) his Schediasma geometricum de nova infinitorum scientia, Quadratura circuli infinitis modis demonstrata, and his Monitum ad geometras (1687). Philippe was the geographer of the Academy of Leyden. His Introductionis in universam geographiam tam veterem quam novam libri sex was published in Leyden in 1624, around the time of his death.
[617] Bernard Nieuwentijt (1654-1718), a physician and burgomaster at Purmerend. His Considerationes circa Analyseos ad quantitates infinite parvas applicatæ Principia et Calculi Differentialis usum (Amsterdam, 1694) was attacked by Leibnitz. He replied in his Considerationes secundæ (1694), and also wrote the Analysis Infinitorum, seu Curvilineorum Proprietates ex Polygonorum Natura deductæ (1695). His most famous work was on the existence of God, Het Regt Gebruik der Werelt Beschouwingen (1718).
[617] Bernard Nieuwentijt (1654-1718), a doctor and mayor of Purmerend. His Considerationes circa Analyseos ad quantitates infinite parvas applicatæ Principia et Calculi Differentialis usum (Amsterdam, 1694) was criticized by Leibnitz. He responded in his Considerationes secundæ (1694) and also wrote the Analysis Infinitorum, seu Curvilineorum Proprietates ex Polygonorum Natura deductæ (1695). His most well-known work was on the existence of God, Het Regt Gebruik der Werelt Beschouwingen (1718).
[619] "Pirates do not fight one another."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Pirates don’t battle one another."
[620] Claude Mallemens (Mallement) de Messanges (1653-1723) was professor of philosophy at the Collège du Plessis, in Paris, for 34 years. The work to which De Morgan refers is probably the Fameux Problème de la quadrature du cercle, résolu géometriquement par le cercle et a ligne droite that appeared in 1683.
[620] Claude Mallemens (Mallement) de Messanges (1653-1723) was a philosophy professor at the Collège du Plessis in Paris for 34 years. The work that De Morgan mentions is likely the Fameux Problème de la quadrature du cercle, résolu géometriquement par le cercle et a ligne droite that was published in 1683.
[621] On Tycho Brahe see Vol. I, page 76, note 3 {112}.
[621] For information on Tycho Brahe, see Vol. I, page 76, note 3 {112}.
[622] Wilhelm Frederik von Zytphen also published the Tidens Ström, a chronological table, in 1840. The work to which De Morgan refers, the Solens Bevægelse i Verdensrummet, appeared first in 1861. De Morgan seems to have missed his Nogl Ord om Cirkelens Quadratur which appeared in 1865, at Copenhagen.
[622] Wilhelm Frederik von Zytphen also published the Tidens Ström, a timeline, in 1840. The work that De Morgan refers to, the Solens Bevægelse i Verdensrummet, was first published in 1861. De Morgan seems to have overlooked his Nogl Ord om Cirkelens Quadratur, which came out in 1865, in Copenhagen.
[623] James Joseph Sylvester (1814-1897), professor of natural philosophy at University College, London (1837-1841), professor of mathematics at the University of Virginia (1841-1845), actuary in London (1845-1855), professor of mathematics at Woolwich (1877-1884) and at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore (1877-1884), and Savilian professor of geometry at Oxford (1884-1894).
[623] James Joseph Sylvester (1814-1897), taught natural philosophy at University College, London (1837-1841), was a mathematics professor at the University of Virginia (1841-1845), worked as an actuary in London (1845-1855), taught mathematics at Woolwich (1877-1884) and at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore (1877-1884), and served as the Savilian professor of geometry at Oxford (1884-1894).
[634] This anecdote is printed at page 4 (Vol. II); but as it is used in illustration here, and is given more in detail, I have not omitted it.—S.E. De M.
[634] This story is printed on page 4 (Vol. II); but since it's used for illustration here and provided in more detail, I haven't left it out.—S.E. De M.
[637] "Monsieur, (a + bn)/n = x, whence God exists; answer that!"
[637] "Sir, (a + bn)/n = x, so God exists; respond to that!"
[638] "Monsieur, you know very well that your argument requires the development of x according to integral powers of n."
[638] "Sir, you know very well that your argument needs to express x in terms of whole number powers of n."
[640] Thomas Love Peacock (1785-1866) an English novelist and poet.
[640] Thomas Love Peacock (1785-1866) was an English novelist and poet.
[641] Perhaps Dr. Samuel Warren (1807-1877), the author of Ten Thousand a Year (serially in Blackwood's in 1839; London, 1841).
[641] Maybe Dr. Samuel Warren (1807-1877), the writer of Ten Thousand a Year (published in Blackwood's in 1839; London, 1841).
[643] "From many, one; much in little; Ultima Thule (the most remote region); without which not."
[643] "Out of many, one; a lot in a little; Ultima Thule (the farthest place); essential."
[644] Spurius Mælius (fl. 440 B. C.), who distributed corn freely among the poor in the famine of 440 B. C. and was assassinated by the patricians.
[644] Spurius Mælius (active 440 B.C.), who gave out grain for free to the poor during the famine of 440 B.C. and was killed by the patricians.
[645] Spurius Cassius Viscellinus, Roman consul in 502, 493, and 486 B. C. Put to death in 485.
[645] Spurius Cassius Viscellinus, Roman consul in 502, 493, and 486 B.C. Executed in 485.
[646] "O what a fine bearing, he said, that has no brain."
[646] "Oh, what a great attitude, he said, that has no brain."
[647] Sir William Rowan Hamilton. See Vol. I, page 332, note 4 {709}.
[647] Sir William Rowan Hamilton. See Vol. I, page 332, note 4 {709}.
[648] William Allen Whitworth, the author of the well-known Choice and Chance (Cambridge, 1867), and other works.
[648] William Allen Whitworth, the author of the popular Choice and Chance (Cambridge, 1867), and other writings.
[649] James Maurice Wilson, whose Elementary Geometry appeared in 1868 and went through several editions.
[649] James Maurice Wilson, whose Elementary Geometry was published in 1868 and went through several editions.
[651] "Force of inertia conquered," and "Victory in the whole heavens."
[651] "The force of inertia has been overcome," and "Victory across the entire universe."
[652] "With all his might."
"With all his strength."
[653] George Berkeley (1685-1753), Bishop of Cloyne, the idealistic philosopher and author of the Principles of Human Knowledge (1710), The Analyst, or a Discourse addressed to an Infidel Mathematician (1734), and A Defense of Freethinking in Mathematics (1735). He asserted that space involves the idea of movement without the sensation of resistance. Space sensation less than the "minima sensibilia" is, therefore, impossible. From this he argues that infinitesimals are impossible concepts.
[653] George Berkeley (1685-1753), Bishop of Cloyne, was an idealistic philosopher and the author of Principles of Human Knowledge (1710), The Analyst, or a Discourse addressed to an Infidel Mathematician (1734), and A Defense of Freethinking in Mathematics (1735). He claimed that space involves the idea of movement without the feeling of resistance. Therefore, experiencing space less than the "minima sensibilia" is impossible. From this, he argues that infinitesimals are impossible concepts.
[656] Edwin Dunkin revised Lardner's Handbook of Astronomy (1869) and Milner's The Heavens and the Earth (1873) and wrote The Midnight Sky (1869).
[656] Edwin Dunkin updated Lardner's Handbook of Astronomy (1869) and Milner's The Heavens and the Earth (1873) and wrote The Midnight Sky (1869).
[657] Michael Faraday (1791-1867) the celebrated physicist and chemist. He was an assistant to Sir Humphrey Davy (1813) and became professor of chemistry at the Royal Institution, London, in 1827.
[657] Michael Faraday (1791-1867) the renowned physicist and chemist. He worked under Sir Humphrey Davy (1813) and became the professor of chemistry at the Royal Institution, London, in 1827.
[658] "If you teach a fool he shows no joyous countenance; he cordially hates you; he wishes you buried."
[658] "If you teach a fool, he shows no signs of happiness; he genuinely despises you; he wants to see you dead."
[659] "Every man is an animal, Sortes is a man, therefore Sortes is an animal."
[659] "Every person is an animal, Sortes is a person, therefore Sortes is an animal."
"May some choice patron bless each grey goose quill;
"May some special supporter bless each grey goose quill;
May every Bavius have his Bufo still."—Pope, Prologue to the Satires.
May every Bavius still have his Bufo."—Pope, Prologue to the Satires.
Bavius has become proverbial as a bad poet from the lines in Vergil's Eclogues (III, 90):
Bavius has become the classic example of a bad poet from the lines in Vergil's Eclogues (III, 90):
"Qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina, Maevi,
"Whoever does not hate Bavium, let them love your songs, Maecius,"
Atque idem jungat vulpes, et mulgeat hircos."
Atque idem jungat vulpes, et mulgeat hircos.
"He who does not hate Bavius shall love thy verses, O Maevius; and the same shall yoke foxes and shall milk he-goats."
"He who doesn’t hate Bavius will love your verses, O Maevius; and the same will join foxes and will milk he-goats."
Bavius and Maevius were the worst of Latin poets, condemned by Horace as well as Vergil.
Bavius and Maevius were the worst Latin poets, criticized by both Horace and Vergil.
[662] "Honest," "useful," "handsome," "sweet."
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ "Real," "helpful," "good-looking," "kind."
"In those old times,—ah
"In those days,—ah
'Twas just like this, ah!"
"It was just like this, ah!"
[666] These remarks were never written.—S. E. De M.
[666] These comments were never recorded.—S. E. De M.
"Fleas, flies, and friars, are masters who sadly the people abuse,
"Fleas, flies, and friars are masters who the people sadly mistreat,"
And thistles and briars are sure growing grains to abuse.
And thistles and briars are definitely growing grains to mistreat.
O Christ, who hatest strife and slayst all things in peace,
O Christ, who hates conflict and brings peace to everything,
Destroy where'er are rife, briars, friars, flies and fleas.
Destroy wherever there are plenty of briars, friars, flies, and fleas.
Fleas, flies, and friars foul fall them these fifteen years
Fleas, flies, and friars have been bothering them for these fifteen years.
For none that there is loveth fleas, flies, nor freres."
For no one loves fleas, flies, or friars.
[668] "It is my plan to restore to an unskilled race the worthy arts of a better life."
[668] "I plan to give an unskilled group the valuable skills for a better life."
[669] The first sentences of the first oration of Cicero against Catiline: "Quo usque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra?" (How long, O Catiline, will you abuse our patience?) "Quamdiu etiam furor iste tuus nos eludet?" (How long will this your madness baffle us?) "Nihilne te nocturnum praesidium Palati, ... nihil horum ora voltusque moverunt?" (Does the night watch of the Palatium, ... do the faces and expressions of all these men fail to move you?) "In te conferri ..." (This plague should have been inflicted upon you long ago, which you have plotted against us so long.)
[669] The first sentences of the first speech of Cicero against Catiline: "How long, Catiline, will you keep abusing our patience?" "How long will your madness keep fooling us?" "Does the night watch of the Palatium, ... do the faces and expressions of all these men not affect you?" "This plague should have been put on you a long time ago, just like the one you have been plotting against us."
[671] "Farewell, ye teachers without learning! See to it that at our next meeting we may find you strong in body and sound in mind."
[671] "Goodbye, you teachers without knowledge! Make sure that at our next meeting, we see you healthy and clear-minded."
[674] This proof, although capable of improvement, is left as in the original. Those who may be interested in the mathematics of the question, may consult F. Enriques, Fragen der Elementargeometrie (German by Fleischer), Leipsic, 1907, Part II, p. 267; F. Rudio, Archimedes, Huygens, Lambert, Legendre. Vier Abhandlungen über die Kreismessung, Leipsic, 1892; F. Klein, Famous Problems of Elementary Geometry (English by Beman and Smith), Boston, 1895; J. W. A. Young, Monographs on Modern Mathematics, New York, 1911, Chap. IX (by the editor of the present edition of De Morgan.)
[674] This proof, while open to improvement, is presented as it was originally. Those interested in the mathematics of the topic can refer to F. Enriques, Fragen der Elementargeometrie (translated into German by Fleischer), Leipsic, 1907, Part II, p. 267; F. Rudio, Archimedes, Huygens, Lambert, Legendre. Vier Abhandlungen über die Kreismessung, Leipsic, 1892; F. Klein, Famous Problems of Elementary Geometry (translated into English by Beman and Smith), Boston, 1895; J. W. A. Young, Monographs on Modern Mathematics, New York, 1911, Chap. IX (by the editor of this edition of De Morgan.)
[677] Joseph Allen Galbraith who, with Samuel Haughton, wrote the Galbraith and Haughton's Scientific Manuals. (Euclid, 1856; Algebra, 1860; Trigonometry, 1854; Optics, 1854, and others.)
[677] Joseph Allen Galbraith who, along with Samuel Haughton, authored the Galbraith and Haughton's Scientific Manuals. (Euclid, 1856; Algebra, 1860; Trigonometry, 1854; Optics, 1854, and others.)
[678] This note on Carlyle (1795-1881) is interesting. The translation of Legendre appeared in the same year (1824) as his translation of Goethe's Wilhelm Meister.
[678] This note on Carlyle (1795-1881) is interesting. The translation of Legendre came out in the same year (1824) as his translation of Goethe's Wilhelm Meister.
[679] Michael Stifel (1487-1567), also known as Stiefel, Styfel, and Stifelius, was an Augustine monk but became a convert to Lutheranism. He was professor of mathematics at Jena (1559-1567). His edition of the Coss appeared at Königsberg in 1553, the first edition having been published in 1525. The + and - signs first appeared in print in Widman's arithmetic of 1489, but for purposes of algebra this book was one of the first to make them known.
[679] Michael Stifel (1487-1567), also known as Stiefel, Styfel, and Stifelius, was an Augustine monk who converted to Lutheranism. He was a mathematics professor at Jena from 1559 to 1567. His edition of the Coss was published in Königsberg in 1553, with the first edition released in 1525. The + and - signs first appeared in print in Widman's arithmetic in 1489, but this book was one of the first to use them for algebra.
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!