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THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
By Herodotus
Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I
{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois
sunedomene, tois de kakois sunalgousa}.—Dion. Halic.
{monos 'Erodotos 'Omerikhotatos egeneto}.—Longinus.
This text was prepared from an edition dated 1890, published by MacMillan and Co., London and New York. Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in the opening citation above.
This text was prepared from an edition dated 1890, published by MacMillan and Co., London and New York. Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in the opening citation above.
Contents
PREFACE
If a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself, it will hardly be justified in a preface; therefore the question whether it was needed may be left here without discussion. The aim of the translator has been above all things faithfulness—faithfulness to the manner of expression and to the structure of sentences, as well as to the meaning of the Author. At the same time it is conceived that the freedom and variety of Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe consistency of rendering as is perhaps desirable in the case of the Epic writers before and the philosophical writers after his time: nor again must his simplicity of thought and occasional quaintness be reproduced in the form of archaisms of language; and that not only because the affectation of an archaic style would necessarily be offensive to the reader, but also because in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style is the "best canon of the Ionic speech," marked, however, not so much by primitive purity as by eclectic variety. At the same time it is characterised largely by the poetic diction of the Epic and Tragic writers; and while the translator is free to employ all the resources of modern English, so far as he has them at his command, he must carefully retain this poetical colouring and by all means avoid the courtier phrase by which the style of Herodotus has too often been made "more noble." 331
If a new translation of Herodotus doesn't justify itself, it probably won't be justified in a preface; therefore, the question of whether it was necessary can remain unaddressed here. The main goal of the translator has been faithfulness—faithfulness to the way of expression and the structure of sentences, as well as to the meaning of the Author. At the same time, it's understood that the freedom and variety of Herodotus aren't always best captured by such strict consistency of interpretation, which might be more appropriate for the Epic writers before him and the philosophical writers after. Additionally, his simplicity of thought and occasional quirks shouldn't be expressed through archaic language; not only because an affected archaic style would likely irritate the reader, but also because Herodotus's language is not archaic. His style is the "best canon of the Ionic speech," characterized more by eclectic variety than by primitive purity. It is also largely defined by the poetic language of Epic and Tragic writers; and while the translator is free to use all the tools of modern English available, they must diligently preserve this poetic quality and avoid the courtly phrases that have too often made Herodotus’s style seem "more noble." 331
As regards the text from which this translation has been made, it is based upon that of Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that is to say the estimate there made of the comparative value of the authorities has been on the whole accepted as a just one, rather than that which depreciates the value of the Medicean MS. and of the class to which it belongs. On the other hand the conjectural emendations proposed by Stein have very seldom been adopted, and his text has been departed from in a large number of other instances also, which will for the most part be found recorded in the notes.
The text this translation is based on comes from Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871). The evaluation of the relative value of the sources has generally been viewed as fair, rather than the one that undervalues the Medicean manuscript and its category. However, the suggested changes that Stein proposed are rarely used, and his text has been altered in many other instances as well, which will mostly be detailed in the notes.
As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation of the Medicean MS. there were doubts felt by some scholars 332 as to the true reading in some places of this MS., which is very generally acknowledged to be the most important, I thought it right to examine it myself in all those passages where questions about text arise which concern a translator, that is in nearly five hundred places altogether; and the results, when they are worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the same time, by the suggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated a large part of the third book in the MS. which is commonly referred to as F (i.e. Florentinus), called by Stein C, and I examined this MS. also in a certain number of other places. It should be understood that wherever in the notes I mention the reading of any particular MS. by name, I do so on my own authority.
As it seemed that even after Stein's re-checking of the Medicean manuscript, some scholars still had doubts about the accurate reading in certain parts of this manuscript, which is widely recognized as the most significant, I decided to examine it myself in all the sections where there are questions about the text that relate to a translator—nearly five hundred areas in total. The findings worth noting are recorded in the notes. Additionally, following Dr. Stein's suggestion, I re-checked a large portion of the third book in the manuscript commonly known as F (i.e., Florentinus), which Stein refers to as C, and I reviewed this manuscript in a number of other places as well. It's important to clarify that whenever I mention the reading of any specific manuscript by name in the notes, it reflects my own judgment.
The notes have been confined to a tolerably small compass. Their purpose is, first, in cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate the reading adopted by the translator and any other which may seem to have reasonable probability, but without discussion of the authorities; secondly, where the rendering is not quite literal (and in other cases where it seemed desirable), to quote the words of the original or to give a more literal version; thirdly, to add an alternative version in cases where there seems to be a doubt as to the true meaning; and lastly, to give occasionally a short explanation, or a reference from one passage of the author to another.
The notes are kept brief. Their purpose is, first, in cases where the text is unclear, to show the reading chosen by the translator and any other that seems reasonably likely, without discussing the sources; second, when the translation isn’t exactly literal (and in other situations where it was deemed useful), to quote the original words or provide a more literal version; third, to offer an alternative translation in cases where there’s uncertainty about the true meaning; and lastly, to occasionally include a short explanation or a reference from one part of the text to another.
For the orthography of proper names reference may be made to the note prefixed to the index. No consistent system has been adopted, and the result will therefore be open to criticism in many details; but the aim has been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry of seriously altering the form of those names which are fairly established in the English language of literature, as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the other hand the absurdity of looking to Latin rather than to Greek for the orthography of the names which are not so established. There is no intention to put forward any theory about pronunciation.
For the spelling of proper names, please refer to the note at the beginning of the index. No consistent system has been used, so this will likely invite criticism on several points; however, the goal has been to avoid, on one hand, the pretentiousness of seriously changing the commonly accepted forms of names found in English literature, as opposed to those in academic contexts, and on the other hand, the absurdity of relying on Latin instead of Greek for the spelling of names that aren't widely accepted. There is no intention to assert any theory about pronunciation.
The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be found more complete and accurate than those hitherto published. The best with which I was acquainted I found to have so many errors and omissions 333 that I was compelled to do the work again from the beginning. In a collection of more than ten thousand references there must in all probability be mistakes, but I trust they will be found to be few.
The index of proper names should be more complete and accurate than those published before. The best one I knew had so many errors and omissions 333 that I had to redo the work from scratch. In a collection of over ten thousand references, there are likely to be some mistakes, but I hope they are minimal.
My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to Dr. Stein, both for his critical work and also for his most excellent commentary, which I have had always by me. After this I have made most use of the editions of Krüger, Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first two books) Mr. Woods. As to translations, I have had Rawlinson's before me while revising my own work, and I have referred also occasionally to the translations of Littlebury (perhaps the best English version as regards style, but full of gross errors), Taylor, and Larcher. In the second book I have also used the version of B. R. reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first book of this translation I have access only to a fragment written out some years ago, when the British Museum was within my reach. Other particular obligations are acknowledged in the notes.
My thanks go first to Dr. Stein for his critical work and for his excellent commentary, which I have always had with me. Next, I have relied heavily on the editions by Krüger, Bähr, Abicht, and (for the first two books) Mr. Woods. When it comes to translations, I used Rawlinson's while revising my own work, and I also occasionally referenced the translations by Littlebury (which may be the best English version in terms of style, but has many serious errors), Taylor, and Larcher. In the second book, I used the version by B. R. that was reprinted by Mr. Lang; however, for the first book of this translation, I only have access to a fragment I wrote out years ago when I had access to the British Museum. Other specific acknowledgments are noted in the footnotes.
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NOTES TO PREFACE
331 (return)
[ See the remarks of
P.-L. Courier (on Larcher's version) in the preface to his specimens of a
new translation of Herodotus (OEuvres complètes de P.-L. Courier,
Bruxelles, 1828).]
331 (return)
[ See the comments by P.-L. Courier (on Larcher's version) in the introduction to his examples of a new translation of Herodotus (Complete Works of P.-L. Courier, Brussels, 1828).]
332 (return)
[ Mr. Woods, for example,
in his edition of the first book (published in 1873) gives a list of
readings for the first and second books, in which he almost invariably
prefers the authority of Gronovius to that of Stein, where their reports
differ. In so doing he is wrong in all cases (I think) except one, namely
i. 134 {to degomeno}. He is wrong, for examine, in i. 189, where the MS.
has {touto}, i. 196 {an agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15 {te de}, ii. 95
{up auto}, ii. 103 {kai prosotata}, ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii.
181 {no}. Abicht also has made several inaccurate statements, e.g. i. 185,
where the MS. has {es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]
332 (return)
[ Mr. Woods, for instance, in his edition of the first book (published in 1873) provides a list of readings for the first and second books, consistently favoring the authority of Gronovius over Stein whenever their reports differ. In doing so, he is incorrect in every instance (I believe) except for one, which is i. 134 {to degomeno}. He is mistaken, for example, in i. 189, where the manuscript has {touto}, i. 196 {an agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15 {te de}, ii. 95 {up auto}, ii. 103 {kai prosotata}, ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii. 181 {no}. Abicht also made several inaccurate statements, such as in i. 185, where the manuscript has {es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]
333 (return)
[ For example in the
index of proper names attached to Stein's annotated edition (Berlin,
1882), to which I am under obligation, having checked my own by it, I find
that I have marked upwards of two hundred mistakes or oversights: no doubt
I have been saved by it from at least as many.]
333 (return)
[For instance, in the index of proper names included in Stein's annotated edition (Berlin, 1882), which I am grateful for since I have cross-referenced my own with it, I realize that I have noted over two hundred errors or oversights: undoubtedly, it has prevented me from making at least as many mistakes.]
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO
This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos, to the end that 1 neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse of time, nor the works 2 great and marvellous, which have been produced some by Hellenes and some by Barbarians, may lose their renown; and especially that the causes may be remembered for which these waged war with one another.
This is the account of Herodotus of Halicarnassos, with the aim that 1 neither the actions of people be lost to time, nor the accomplishments 2 great and amazing, created by both Greeks and non-Greeks, fade from memory; and particularly that the reasons for which they fought against each other be remembered.
1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that the Phenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that which is called the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having settled in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves forthwith to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; now Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that land which is now called Hellas;—the Phenicians arrived then at this land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo: and on the fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women, and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as pleased them most, when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word from one to another, made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.
1. Those Persians who know history say that the Phoenicians started the conflict. They claim these people came from what’s known as the Erythraean Sea to our sea; after settling in the land where they still live today, they immediately began making long sea voyages. Bringing goods from Egypt and Assyria, they reached various places, including Argos; at that time, Argos was the leading city-state in what is now called Greece. The Phoenicians arrived in Argos and started selling their cargo, and on the fifth or sixth day after their arrival, as most of their goods were nearly sold out, a large group of women came down to the shore, including the king’s daughter, whose name, according to the Greeks, was Io, the daughter of Inachos. While they were at the back of the ship buying whatever they liked, the Phoenicians suddenly signaled to each other and charged at them; most of the women managed to escape by running away, but Io and a few others were captured. They put these women on their ship and immediately set sail for Egypt.
2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not agreeing therein with the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the first beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain Hellenes (but the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city of Tyre in Phenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa;—these would doubtless be Cretans;—and so they were quits for the former injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the other business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for the rape of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to the Barbarians for this.
2. The Persians say that Io arrived in Egypt, which doesn’t match the Hellenes' account, 3 and they claim this was the start of the wrongs. Then, they mention that some Hellenes (though they can't name the group) arrived in the city of Tyre in Phoenicia and abducted the king's daughter Europa;—these were likely Cretans;—and that settled the score for the earlier wrong. However, after that, the Hellenes supposedly committed a second wrong; they sailed to Aia in Colchis and the river Phasis with a warship, and after completing whatever business they had there, they took the king's daughter Medea. The king of Colchis sent a herald to Greece demanding justice for the abduction and asking for his daughter back; but they replied that since the Barbarians had not given them any justice for the abduction of Io the Argive, they would not provide justice to the Barbarians for this either.
3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of Priam, having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself by violence 4 from Hellas, being fully assured that he would not be compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the Hellenes resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with satisfaction for the rape; and when they put forth this demand, the others alleged to them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when demand was made.
3. In the next generation, they say, Alexander, the son of Priam, heard about this and wanted to take a wife for himself by force 4 from Greece, fully convinced that he wouldn’t have to face any consequences for this wrongdoing since the Greeks had faced none for theirs. So he abducted Helen, and the Greeks decided to send messengers first to demand her return along with compensation for the abduction. When they made this demand, the others pointed out the abduction of Medea, arguing that the Greeks were now wanting compensation from others, even though they hadn’t given any themselves nor returned the person when asked.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying away of women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very greatly to blame; for they set the first example of war, making an expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. Now they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one's heart on taking vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to pay no regard when they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be carried away if they were not themselves willing to go. And the Persians say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Hellenes on account of a woman of Lacedemon gathered together a great armament, and then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from this time forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which dwell there the Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Hellenic race they consider to be parted off from them.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the abduction of women on both sides; but after this, the Greeks were very much to blame; because they were the first to start a war, launching an expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any moves into Europe. Now they argue that, although it's wrong to forcibly take women, it's foolish to seek revenge for their abduction, and the smart choice is to ignore it when they are taken; because it's clear that they wouldn't be taken if they weren't willing to go. The Persians claim that, when their women were taken by force, they treated it as unimportant, whereas the Greeks gathered a huge army over a woman from Lacedemon, then went to Asia and destroyed Priam's kingdom; and since then, they have always viewed the Greek race as their enemy: because the Persians consider Asia and the Barbarian races there as theirs, while they see Europe and the Greek race as separate from them.
5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they conclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on account of the taking of Ilion: but as regards Io the Phenicians do not agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny that they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. These are the tales told by the Persians and the Phenicians severally: and concerning these things I am not going to say that they happened thus or thus, 401 but when I have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge began to commit wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go forward further with the story, giving an account of the cities of men, small as well as great: for those which in old times were great have for the most part become small, while those that were in my own time great used in former times to be small: so then, since I know that human prosperity never continues steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently.
5. The Persians, for their part, say that this is how things went down; they believe their conflict with the Greeks started due to the capturing of Ilion. However, when it comes to Io, the Phoenicians don’t agree with the Persians’ account. They deny that they forcibly took her to Egypt and instead claim that while they were in Argos, she was close with the captain of their ship. Realizing she was pregnant, she felt ashamed to admit it to her parents. As a result, she chose to leave with the Phoenicians of her own accord, fearing discovery. These are the stories told by the Persians and the Phoenicians, respectively. I won’t say whether they happened this way or that, 401 but once I highlight the individual who first, to my knowledge, committed wrongdoing against the Greeks, I’ll continue with the narrative, providing an overview of both small and large cities. Many former great cities have become small, while those that were large in my time used to be small back then. So, knowing that human fortune rarely remains constant, I'll mention both without bias.
6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river, flowing from the South between the Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, runs out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine. This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge, subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while others he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and those whom he made his friends were the Lacedemonians. But before the reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free; for the expedition of the Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus, was not a conquest of the cities but a plundering incursion only. 6
6. Croesus was of Lydian descent, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the nations that live on this side of the Halys River; this river flows from the south between the Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, moving northward into the sea known as the Euxine. Croesus was the first of the Barbarians we know of to conquer some of the Hellenes and force them to pay tribute, while he also won over others and made them his allies. The ones he conquered were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians living in Asia; those who became his friends were the Lacedemonians. However, before Croesus's rule, all the Hellenes were free; the invasion of the Cimmerians, which took place in Ionia before Croesus, was not a takeover of the cities but merely a raiding expedition. 6
7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to the family of Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner:—Candaules, whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of Alcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos, the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai who became king of Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last; but those who were kings over this land before Agrond, were descendants of Lydos the son of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been before called Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and the slave-girl of Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged with it by reason of an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty generations of men, five hundred and five years, handing on the power from father to son, till the time of Clandaules the son of Myrsos.
7. The dominance that once belonged to the Heracleidai passed to the Croesus family, known as the Mermnadai, in this way: Candaules, whom the Greeks call Myrsilos, was the ruler of Sardis and a descendant of Alcaios, son of Heracles. Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos, the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai to become king of Sardis, and Candaules, son of Myrsos, was the last. Before Agron, the kings of this land were descendants of Lydos, son of Atys, which is why the entire nation was called Lydian, previously known as Meonian. The Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and the slave girl of Iardanos, obtained power, entrusted to them by an oracle, and they ruled for twenty-two generations of men, five hundred and five years, passing the authority from father to son, until the time of Candaules, son of Myrsos.
8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in love with his own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife was fairer by far than all other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son of Daskylos (for he of all his spearmen was the most pleasing to him), to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the more weighty of his affairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure: and after no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen to Candaules, he said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I think that thou dost not believe me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it happens that men's ears are less apt of belief than their eyes: contrive therefore means by which thou mayest look upon her naked." But he cried aloud and said: "Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost utter, bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off her tunic she puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair sayings have been found out by men, from which we ought to learn wisdom; and of these one is this,—that each man should look on his own: but I believe indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat thee not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do."
8. This Candaules I’m talking about had fallen deeply in love with his own wife; and in his eyes, she was significantly more beautiful than all other women. Believing this, he confided in Gyges, the son of Daskylos (for he was the most favored of all his guards), sharing both his important matters and the beauty of his wife, praising her beyond measure. Eventually, since it was destined for Candaules to face trouble, he said to Gyges: "Gyges, I think you don’t believe me when I talk about how beautiful my wife is, because people tend to trust their eyes more than their ears. So, find a way to see her naked." But Gyges protested, saying: "Master, what an unwise thing to say, asking me to look at my mistress naked! When a woman removes her clothes, she also removes her modesty. It’s been said that we should learn to be wise from old sayings, and one of those is that each man should only look at his own. But I truly believe she is the fairest of all women and I ask you not to request something that isn’t right for me to do."
9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might come to him from this; but the king answered him thus: "Be of good courage, Gyges, and have no fear, either of me, that I am saying these words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any harm may happen to thee from her. For I will contrive it so from the first that she shall not even perceive that she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room where we sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after I have gone in, my wife also will come to lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance of the room, and upon this she will lay her garments as she takes them off one by one; and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her at full leisure. And when she goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be behind her back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee not as thou goest through the door."
9. With words like these, he resisted, worried that something bad might happen to him because of this; but the king replied: "Be brave, Gyges, and don’t be afraid, either of me, thinking I’m just testing you, or of my wife, worried that she might harm you. I’ll make sure from the very start that she won’t even notice you’ve seen her. I’ll put you in the room where we sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after I go in, my wife will also come to lie down. There’s a chair near the entrance, and she will place her clothes on it as she takes them off one by one; so you’ll have plenty of time to look at her. When she moves from the chair to the bed and you’re behind her, just make sure she doesn’t see you as you go through the door."
10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules, when he considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber; and straightway after this the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked upon her after she came in and as she laid down her garments; and when she had her back turned towards him, as she went to the bed, then he slipped away from his hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went out, the woman caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been done by her husband she did not cry out, though struck with shame, 8 but she made as though she had not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge herself upon Candaules: for among the Lydians as also among most other Barbarians it is a shame even for a man to be seen naked.
10. He then, realizing he couldn't avoid it, agreed. Candaules, thinking it was time to rest, took Gyges to the bedroom. Shortly after, the woman came in. Gyges watched her as she entered and took off her clothes. When her back was turned as she approached the bed, he quietly slipped out of his hiding spot and was about to leave. However, as he was exiting, the woman caught sight of him. Even though she felt embarrassed, she didn't scream; instead, she pretended not to notice what had happened, planning to get revenge on Candaules. Among the Lydians, as with most other Barbarians, it's considered shameful for a man to be seen naked.
11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward sign; but as soon as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the servants whom she perceived to be the most attached to herself, and after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing that anything of that which had been done was known to her, came upon her summons; for he had been accustomed before to go 9 whenever the queen summoned him. And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these words: "There are now two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the choice which of the two thou wilt prefer to take. Either thou must slay Candaules and possess both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or thou must thyself here on the spot be slain, so that thou mayest not in future, by obeying Candaules in all things, see that which thou shouldest not. Either he must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked upon me naked and done that which is not accounted lawful." For a time then Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwards he began to entreat her that she would not bind him by necessity to make such a choice: then however, as he could not prevail with her, but saw that necessity was in truth set before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by others, he made the choice to live himself; and he inquired further as follows: "Since thou dost compel me to take my master's life against my own will, let me hear from thee also what is the manner in which we shall lay hands upon him." And she answering said: "From that same place shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked; and we will lay hands upon him as he sleeps."
11. At that time, she stayed quiet, as I mentioned, and showed no outward signs; but as soon as dawn arrived, she prepared the servants she thought were most loyal to her, and then she sent for Gyges. He, not realizing that she knew anything about what had happened, came when she called him; he was used to going 9 whenever the queen summoned him. When Gyges arrived, she said to him: "Gyges, you now have two choices, and I’ll let you decide which one you prefer. You can either kill Candaules and take both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or you can be killed here on the spot, so that you won’t have to obey Candaules anymore and see something you shouldn't. Either the one who came up with this plan must die, or you, who has seen me naked and done something considered unlawful." For a moment, Gyges was stunned by her words, and then he started to plead with her not to force him to make such a choice. However, as he couldn’t convince her, and realized he had no choice but to either kill his master or be killed himself, he chose to survive. He then asked, "Since you’re forcing me to take my master’s life against my will, tell me how we will carry out this act." She responded, "We'll carry it out from the same place where he saw me naked; we will take action while he’s asleep."
12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gyges was not let go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must either be slain himself or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to the bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that very same door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges came privily up to him 10 and slew him, and he obtained both his wife and his kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that time, made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. 11
12. So after they set the plan in motion, when night fell, (since Gyges had no way out and had to either kill Candaules or be killed himself), he followed the woman to the bedroom; she handed him a dagger and hid him behind that very door. Later, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges quietly approached him 10 and killed him, gaining both his wife and his kingdom. Archilochos the Parian, who lived around that time, mentioned him in a trimeter iambic verse. 11
13. He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means of the Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the fate of Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between the followers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that if the Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the Lydians, he should be king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons of Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became king: yet the Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for the Heracleidai should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifth generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made no account until it was in fact fulfilled.
13. He took control of the kingdom and gained strength from the Oracle at Delphi. When the Lydians were upset about Candaules' fate and took up arms, a treaty was formed between Gyges' supporters and the other Lydians. The agreement stated that if the Oracle declared him king of the Lydians, he would be king; if not, he would return power to the sons of Heracles. The Oracle responded, and Gyges became king. However, the Pythian prophetess also warned that the descendants of Gyges would face retribution for the Heracleidai in the fifth generation. The Lydians and their kings paid little attention to this prophecy until it eventually came true.
14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having driven out from it the Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings to Delphi not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are more in number than those of any other man; and besides the silver he offered a vast quantity of gold, and especially one offering which is more worthy of mention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents, and they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this treasury does not belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). 12 This Gyges was the first of the Barbarians within our knowledge who dedicated votive offerings at Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who dedicated for an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to decide causes; and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the same place with the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver which Gyges dedicated is called Gygian by the people of Delphi, after the name of him who offered it.
14. So the Mermnadai took control after driving out the Heracleidai, and when Gyges became the ruler, he sent many votive offerings to Delphi. In fact, of all the silver offerings at Delphi, his are the most numerous compared to anyone else's. Along with the silver, he also offered a huge amount of gold, and notably, he dedicated six golden mixing-bowls, which are especially worth mentioning. These bowls weigh thirty talents and are placed in the treasury of the Corinthians (though this treasury actually belongs to Kypselos, the son of Aëtion, not the State of the Corinthians). 12 Gyges was the first Barbarian we know of who made votive offerings at Delphi, except for Midas, the son of Gordias, king of Phrygia, who dedicated his royal throne—the one he used to judge cases. This throne, which is quite remarkable, is located in the same place as Gyges' bowls. The gold and silver that Gyges dedicated is known as Gygian by the people of Delphi, named after him.
Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army against Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but no other great deed did he do in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirty years, therefore we will pass him by with no more mention than has already been made,
Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army against Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but no other significant actions occurred during his reign, which lasted thirty-eight years, so we will move on without further mention beyond what has already been stated,
15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king after Gyges. He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and while he was ruling over Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes by the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except the citadel.
15, and I will now talk about Ardys, the son of Gyges, who became king after Gyges. He seized Priene and launched an attack on Miletos; and while he was in charge of Sardis, the Cimmerians, driven from their homes by the nomadic Scythians, arrived in Asia and captured Sardis, except for the citadel.
16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes his son succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after him Alyattes. This last made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes and against the Medes, 15 and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia, and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon, and made an invasion against Clazomenai. From this he returned not as he desired, but with great loss: during his reign however he performed other deeds very worthy of mention as follows:—
16. After Ardys had been king for forty-nine years, his son Sadyattes took over the kingdom and ruled for twelve years, followed by Alyattes. This last king waged war against Kyaxares, the descendant of Deïokes, and the Medes, 15, driving the Cimmerians out of Asia. He captured Smyrna, which had been established from Colophon, and launched an invasion against Clazomenai. However, he returned from this campaign not as he had hoped, but with significant losses. Nonetheless, during his reign, he accomplished several other notable deeds as follows:—
17. He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as an inheritance from his father: for he used to invade their land and besiege Miletos in the following manner:—whenever there were ripe crops upon the land, then he led an army into their confines, making his march to the sound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone: and when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors, but let them stand as they were; the trees however and the crops that were upon the land he destroyed, and then departed by the way he came: for the men of Miletos had command of the sea, so that it was of no use for his army to blockade them: and he abstained from pulling down the houses to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while they sowed and tilled the land, and by the means of their labour he might have somewhat to destroy when he made his invasion.
17. He waged war against the people of Miletos, having inherited this conflict from his father. He would invade their territory and lay siege to Miletos in this way: whenever their crops were ripe, he would lead an army into their land, marching to the sounds of pipes, harps, and flutes in both male and female tones. When he arrived in the Milesian territory, he neither destroyed the houses in the fields nor set them on fire or removed their doors, allowing them to remain intact. However, he did destroy the trees and the crops on the land before leaving by the same route he came. The people of Miletos controlled the sea, making it pointless for his army to block them. He refrained from demolishing the houses so that the Milesians would have places to live while farming, thus providing him with something to destroy during his next invasion.
18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the course of these years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once when they fought a battle in the district of Limenion in their own land, and again in the plain of Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years Sadyattes the son of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who was wont to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; 16 for this Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years which followed these first six the war was carried on by Alyattes the son of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance from his father (as I have already said) and applied himself to it earnestly. And none of the Ionians helped those of Miletos bear the burden of this war except only the men of Chios. These came to their aid to pay back like with like, for the Milesians had formerly assisted the Chians throughout their war with the people of Erythrai.
18. So he kept fighting them for eleven years; during this time, the Milesians faced two major defeats: once in Limenion in their own territory and again in the Maiander plain. For six of those eleven years, Sadyattes, the son of Ardys, was still in charge of the Lydians. He was the one who would invade Miletos during the mentioned times; 16 because this Sadyattes was the one who started the war. But in the five years that followed those first six, Alyattes, Sadyattes' son, took over the war as an inheritance from his father (as I already mentioned) and really focused on it. And none of the Ionians helped the Milesians carry the burden of this war except for the people of Chios. They came to help out to repay the favor since the Milesians had previously supported the Chians during their conflict with the Erythrai.
19. Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was being burnt by the army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:—as soon as the corn was kindled, it was driven by a violent wind and set fire to the temple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple being set on fire was burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made then; but afterwards when the army had returned to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as his sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because he himself thought it best to send and inquire of the god concerning his sickness. But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess said that she would give them no answer, until they should have built up again the temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of Miletos.
19. In the twelfth year of the war, while the Lydian army was burning the standing corn, something happened: as the corn caught fire, a strong wind blew and ignited the temple of Athene, also known as of Assessos; the temple was destroyed in the flames. At the time, it didn’t seem significant, but later, when the army returned to Sardis, Alyattes fell ill. Since his illness persisted, he sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi, either because someone suggested it or he thought it would be best to ask the god about his health. When they arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess told them she wouldn’t respond until they rebuilt the temple of Athene that they had burned in Assessos, which is in the region of Miletos.
20. Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but the Milesians add to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the then despot of Miletos, heard of the oracle which had been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger told Thrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by the Milesians.
20. This is what I know from the reports of the people of Delphi; however, the Milesians add that Periander, the son of Kypselos, who was a close friend of Thrasybulos, the despotic ruler of Miletos at that time, heard about the oracle given to Alyattes. He sent a messenger to inform Thrasybulos so that he would be aware of it in advance and could act accordingly. This is the story told by the Milesians.
21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a herald forthwith to Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the Milesians for so long a time as he should be building the temple. He then was being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the meantime being informed beforehand of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes was meaning to do, contrived this device:—he gathered together in the market-place all the store of provisions which was found in the city, both his own and that which belonged to private persons; and he proclaimed to the Milesians that on a signal given by him they should all begin to drink and make merry with one another.
21. When Alyattes heard this response, he immediately sent a messenger to Miletos, wanting to negotiate a truce with Thrasybulos and the Milesians for the duration of the temple's construction. He was being sent as an envoy to Miletos; meanwhile, Thrasybulos had been informed ahead of time about everything and understood Alyattes' intentions, so he came up with a plan: he gathered all the supplies available in the city, both his own and those belonging to private citizens, in the marketplace; then he announced to the Milesians that when he gave a signal, they should all start drinking and celebrating together.
22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald from Sardis, seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up, and the people feasting, might report this to Alyattes: and so on fact it happened; for when the herald returned to Sardis after seeing this and delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to him by the king of Lydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed, merely because of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine in Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of misery, heard from the herald, when he returned from Miletos, the opposite to that which he himself supposed. And after this the peace was made between them on condition of being guest-friends and allies to one another, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos in place of one, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to the war waged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went thus.
22. Thrasybulos did this and declared that the herald from Sardis, seeing a huge amount of food carelessly stacked up and the people celebrating, might report this to Alyattes. And that's exactly what happened; when the herald returned to Sardis after witnessing this and delivering the message given to him by the king of Lydia to Thrasybulos, the peace that was established happened, as I’ve been told, simply because of this. Alyattes, who believed that there was a severe famine in Miletos and that the people were suffering greatly, learned from the herald’s return from Miletos the exact opposite of what he thought. Following this, peace was made between them with the agreement to be friends and allies, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos instead of one, and he recovered from his illness. So, that’s how the war waged by Alyattes against the Milesians and Thrasybulos unfolded.
23. As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle to Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In his life, say the Corinthians, (and with them agree the Lesbians), there happened to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion of Methymna was carried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin's back. This man was a harper second to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we know, who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus 17 at Corinth.
23. Regarding Periander, the guy who shared information about the oracle with Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos and the ruler of Corinth. The Corinthians, along with the Lesbians, say that something incredibly amazing happened to him in his lifetime: Arion of Methymna was carried ashore at Tainaron on the back of a dolphin. This guy was an unmatched harper and was the first, as far as we know, to create a dithyramb, naming it that and teaching it to a chorus 17 in Corinth.
24. This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed with Periander, conceived a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily; and after he had there acquired large sums of money, he wished to return again to Corinth. He set forth therefore from Taras, 19 and as he had faith in Corinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew of Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a plot to cast Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having obtained knowledge of this made entreaties to them, offering them his wealth and asking them to grant him his life. With this however he did not prevail upon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the land, or leap straightway into the sea. So Arion being driven to a strait entreated them that, since they were so minded, they would allow him to take his stand in full minstrel's garb upon the deck 20 of the ship and sing; and he promised to put himself to death after he had sung. They then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all minstrels upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the middle of the ship; and he put on the full minstrel's garb and took his lyre, and standing on the deck performed the Orthian measure. Then as the measure ended, he threw himself into the sea just as he was, in his full minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him, they say, a dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded to Corinth with his minstrel's garb. Thither having arrived he related all that had been done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion in guard and would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for those who had conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of them if they had any report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was safe in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arion suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he made his leap from the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no longer able to deny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the Corinthians and Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive offering of Arion of no great size, 21 namely a bronze figure of a man upon a dolphin's back.
24. This Arion, they say, who mostly spent his time with Periander, wanted to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily. After he made a lot of money there, he planned to return to Corinth. So, he set off from Taras 19, and because he trusted Corinthians more than anyone else, he hired a ship with a crew of Corinthians. According to the story, when they were out at sea, they plotted to throw Arion overboard and take his wealth. Once Arion found out about their plan, he begged them to spare his life, offering them his riches. However, they wouldn’t change their minds; the crew told him he had to either kill himself there to have a proper burial on land or jump directly into the sea. Faced with this tough choice, Arion begged them to let him stand on the deck 20 in his full minstrel outfit and sing one last song. He promised to take his own life afterward. The crew, excited at the thought of hearing the best minstrel ever, moved away from the stern to the middle of the ship. He then dressed in his minstrel outfit, took his lyre, and performed the Orthian measure on the deck. When he finished, he jumped into the sea, fully dressed as a minstrel. They continued sailing to Corinth, but a dolphin supposedly supported him on its back and swam him to shore at Tainaron. Once he reached land, he made his way to Corinth in his minstrel attire. When he arrived, he told everyone what had happened. Periander, doubtful of his story, kept Arion guarded and didn’t let him leave while he watched for the men who had brought him. When they finally showed up, he called them over and asked if they had any news about Arion. They claimed that Arion was safe in Italy and that they had left him doing well in Taras. Suddenly, Arion appeared before them in the same outfit he wore when he jumped from the ship, and they, shocked, could no longer deny the truth when questioned. This is the story told by both the Corinthians and Lesbians, and at Tainaron, there is a small votive offering of Arion: a bronze figure of a man riding on a dolphin's back. 21
25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the Milesians, afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This king, when he recovered from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering at Delphi (being the second of his house who had so done), namely a great mixing-bowl of silver with a stand for it of iron welded together, which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first found out the art of welding iron.
25. Alyattes the Lydian, after fighting against the Milesians, died later on, having reigned for fifty-seven years. This king, when he recovered from an illness, made a dedication at Delphi (being the second in his family to do so), specifically a large silver mixing bowl with an iron stand that was welded together. This stand is especially notable among all the offerings at Delphi and was crafted by Glaucos of Chios, who was the first person to discover the art of welding iron.
26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received the kingdom in succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I said) fought against the Hellenes and of them he attacked the Ephesians first. The Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated their city to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city: now the distance between the ancient city, which was then being besieged, and the temple is seven furlongs. 22 These, I say, where the first upon whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one, alleging against them various causes of complaint, and making serious charges against those in whose cases he could find serious grounds, while against others of them he charged merely trifling offences.
26. After Alyattes died, Croesus, the son of Alyattes, took over the kingdom at the age of thirty-five. He, as I mentioned, fought against the Greeks, starting with an attack on the Ephesians. The Ephesians, being besieged by him, dedicated their city to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the city wall; the distance between the ancient city, which was under siege, and the temple is seven furlongs. 22 These were the first people Croesus attacked, but later he did the same to the other Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one, accusing them of various complaints and making serious charges against those he could justify, while he accused others of only minor offenses.
27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to pay tribute, he designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands upon those who dwelt in the islands; and when all was prepared for his building of ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or, according to another account, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked by Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to an end his building of ships by this saying: "O king," said he, "the men of the islands are hiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this they mean to march to Sardis and fight against thee." And Croesus, supposing that what he reported was true, said: "May the gods put it into the minds of the dwellers of the islands to come with horses against the sons of the Lydians!" And he answered and said: "O king, I perceive that thou dost earnestly desire to catch the men of the islands on the mainland riding upon horses; and it is not unreasonable that thou shouldest wish for this: what else however thinkest thou the men of the islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time they heard that thou wert about to build ships against them, than that they might catch the Lydians upon the sea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for the Hellenes who dwell upon the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?" Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with this conclusion, 23 and obeying his suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped his building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with the Ionians dwelling in the islands.
27. After the Greeks in Asia were defeated and made to pay tribute, he planned to build ships and attack the people living in the islands. When everything was ready for the shipbuilding, it’s said that Bias of Priene (or, according to another version, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis. When Croesus asked him if anything new was happening in Greece, he ended Croesus’s shipbuilding plans with this warning: "O king," he said, "the islanders are hiring a force of ten thousand cavalry, and they intend to march to Sardis to fight you." Believing this news, Croesus replied: "May the gods inspire the islanders to come against the Lydians on horseback!" Bias responded: "O king, I can see that you eagerly want the islanders to come ashore on their horses; it’s understandable that you would wish for this. But what do you think the islanders have been hoping and praying for ever since they learned you were planning to build ships against them? They want to catch the Lydians at sea to take revenge on you for enslaving their Greek brethren on the mainland." Croesus was reportedly very pleased with this advice, and based on that, he followed his suggestion, as he thought it was wise, and stopped his shipbuilding. He then established a friendship with the Ionians living in the islands.
28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the river Halys had been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and Lykians Croesus subdued and kept under his rule all the nations, that is to say Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians, Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aiolians, and Pamphylians), 24
28. As time passed and almost everyone living on this side of the Halys River had been conquered (besides the Kilikians and Lykians, Croesus had subdued and maintained control over all the nations, including the Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians, Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aiolians, and Pamphylians), 24
29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding to his Lydian dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of its wealth, all the wise men 25 of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at that time, brought thither severally by various occasions; and of them one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away saying that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed. 26 For of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which Solon should propose for them.
29. Once these had been subdued, and while he was still expanding his Lydian territories, all the wise men 25 from Hellas who happened to be alive at that time came to Sardis, which was then at the peak of its wealth, drawn there by various reasons. Among them was Solon the Athenian. After he had created laws for the Athenians at their request, he left his home for ten years and set sail, stating that he wanted to explore different lands so that he wouldn't have to repeal any of the laws he had put forward. 26 The Athenians themselves were not able to do this, as they had sworn solemn oaths to adhere to the laws proposed by Solon for ten years.
30. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent they were: and after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report of thee has come to us, both in regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings, how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast traversed many lands to see them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask thee whether thou hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy." 27 This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, O king, Tellos the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked him earnestly: "In what respect dost thou judge Tellos to be the most happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place, living while his native State was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of them children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a most glorious end: for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at Eleusis against the neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and there died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where he fell, and honoured him greatly."
30. So Solon, having left his homeland for this reason and to explore various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to Croesus in Sardis. When he arrived there, Croesus hosted him as a guest in the king's palace; and later, on the third or fourth day, at Croesus's request, his servants showed Solon around to see his treasures. They showed him everything, how grand and magnificent it all was. After he had looked at everything and examined it as he could, Croesus asked him: "Athenian guest, we have heard much about you, both your wisdom and your travels, how you've journeyed far and wide in search of knowledge; now I have a desire to ask you if you've seen anyone you consider the happiest of all men." 27 He asked this thinking he himself was the happiest, but Solon, without flattery and only the truth, replied: "Yes, oh king, Tellos the Athenian." Croesus, amazed by this answer, asked him earnestly: "In what way do you judge Tellos to be the happiest?" Solon said: "First of all, Tellos lived during a prosperous time for his state, had fine and good sons, and saw them have children of their own growing up; second, he had what we consider wealth, and after his life, a most glorious end: during a battle fought by the Athenians at Eleusis against the neighboring people, he came to their aid, defeated the enemy, and died a noble death; the Athenians buried him publicly where he fell and honored him greatly."
31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man, supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the second place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this, strength of body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in the games, and moreover the following tale is told of them:—There was a feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred from all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought it on for five-and-forty furlongs, 28 and came to the temple. Then after they had done this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the deity declared that it was better for man to die than to continue to live. For the Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength 29 of the young men, while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report made of it, took her stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her 30 greatly, that gift which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound in this last end. 31 And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved themselves most excellent."
31. When Solon prompted Croesus to ask more, telling the story of Tellos and how happy he was, the king inquired again about who he considered to be next after Tellos, assuming he would definitely be in at least second place. Solon replied, “Cleobis and Biton. These two were from Argos, and they had enough wealth along with impressive physical strength, as I’ll explain. Both of them had won prizes in the games, and there's a story about them: There was a festival for Hera among the Argives, and it was essential for their mother to be taken to the temple in a carriage. But since their oxen hadn't been brought in from the fields on time, the young men, out of options and pressed for time, took on the burden themselves and pulled the cart with their mother on it. They carried her for thirty-five furlongs and made it to the temple. Once they completed the task and were seen by the gathered crowd, they had a truly wonderful ending to their lives, demonstrating that it's sometimes better for a person to die than to keep living. The men of Argos praised the young men's strength, while the women praised their mother for having such sons. Overjoyed by both their actions and the praise, the mother stood before the goddess's statue and prayed that she would grant Cleobis and Biton, her sons who had honored her so much, the best gift a man can receive. After this prayer, once they had sacrificed and celebrated, the young men lay down to sleep in the temple and never woke up again, bound in this final fate. The Argives then made statues of them and dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, believing they had proven themselves to be the best.”
32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to these: and Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, hast thou then so cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou dost prefer to us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus, thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer. The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other one of these years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will be in number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these months the days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what another brings with it. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a creature of accident. As for thee, I perceive that thou art both great in wealth and king of many men, but that of which thou didst ask me I cannot call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy life to a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more happy than he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also the fortune go with him of ending his life well in possession of all things fair. For many very wealthy men are not happy, 32 while many who have but a moderate living are fortunate; 33 and in truth the very rich man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas the other has advantage over him in these things which follow:—he is not indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is sound of limb, 34 free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father of fair children and himself of comely form; and if in addition to this he shall end his life well, he is worthy to be called that which thou seekest, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is well to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. Now to possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man, just as no single land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one thing it has and another it lacks, and the land that has the greatest number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending of his life, he is by me accounted worthy, O king, to receive this name. But we must of every thing examine the end and how it will turn out at the last, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks them up by the roots and overturns them."
32. So Solon placed these individuals in second place when it comes to happiness: Croesus was angered and said, "Athenian guest, have you really dismissed our prosperous state as worthless, that you prefer even common people to us?" Solon replied, "Croesus, you’re asking about human fortunes from someone who knows well that the Deity is quite envious and tends to disrupt our fate. Over a long time, a man can witness many things he wouldn’t want to see and endure many things he wouldn’t want to bear. I consider the limit of a man's life to be seventy years: those seventy years amount to twenty-five thousand two hundred days, not counting any extra month. Now, if every other year is extended by one month to keep the seasons aligned properly, there will be thirty-five extra months in addition to those seventy years, making a total of one thousand and fifty days. Of all these days, totalling twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty over the seventy years, not a single day resembles the next. Therefore, Croesus, a person’s life is entirely subject to chance. I see that you are both wealthy and a king with many subjects, but I cannot yet call you what you’ve asked until I learn that you’ve concluded your life well: for a very rich man isn’t necessarily happier than someone who just scrapes by day-to-day, unless he also has the fortune to end his life well, enjoying all that is good. Many very wealthy men are not genuinely happy, while many who have a modest existence are fortunate; and indeed, the very rich man who is unhappy only has two advantages compared to the fortunate poor man, while the latter holds many advantages over the unhappy rich man. The rich can better satisfy their desires and withstand significant misfortune when it strikes. However, the poor man has the advantage in the following ways: he may not be able to deal with calamities or fulfill his desires like the rich, but good fortune shields him from such calamities while he is healthy, free from illness, untouched by suffering, the father of beautiful children, and himself of handsome appearance; and if he ends his life well, he deserves to be called what you seek—a happy man—but until he reaches that end, it’s best to hold off and call him fortunate instead. To have all these things together is impossible for any single man, just as no single land can supply everything it needs; one land has one thing and lacks another, and the land with the most resources is the best: similarly, no individual is complete on their own, as each has things they possess and things they lack; but whoever among men can hold onto the greatest number of these benefits until the end and then finishes life gracefully is, in my view, worthy, O king, to receive that name. But we must examine everything by its outcome and how it will turn out in the end, for many are shown a glimpse of happiness by God only to be uprooted and overturned."
33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away from his presence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly senseless in that he passed over present good things and bade men look to the end of every matter.
33. Saying this, he refused to please Croesus, who dismissed him without respect and thought he was completely foolish for ignoring what was good right in front of him and telling people to focus on the end of every situation.
34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came upon Croesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all men. First there came and stood by him a dream, which showed to him the truth of the evils that were about to come to pass in respect of his son. Now Croesus had two sons, of whom one was deficient, seeing that he was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed his companions of the same age in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him by the blow of an iron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up from sleep and considered the matter with himself, he was struck with fear on account of the dream; and first he took for his son a wife; and whereas his son had been wont to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now no longer sent him forth anywhere on any such business; and the javelins and lances and all such things which men use for fighting he conveyed out of the men's apartments and piled them up in the inner bed-chambers, for fear lest something hanging up might fall down upon his son.
34. After Solon left, a serious punishment from God fell upon Croesus, probably because he thought he was the happiest man alive. First, a dream came to him, revealing the truth about the misfortunes that were about to happen to his son. Croesus had two sons; one was disabled, being deaf and mute, while the other excelled in every way compared to boys his age. This son was named Atys. The dream indicated to Croesus that he would lose Atys to a blow from an iron spear. When he woke up and reflected on the dream, he was filled with fear. First, he arranged for his son to get married, and since Atys used to lead the Lydia army, he no longer allowed him to go out for any military duty. He even moved all the javelins, spears, and other weapons out of the men's quarters and stored them in the inner bedrooms, fearing that something hanging might fall on his son.
35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came to Sardis a man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian by birth and of the royal house. This man came to the house of Croesus, and according to the customs which prevail in that land made request that he might have cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing: now the manner of cleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which the Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he asked of him whence he came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man, who art thou, and from what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon my hearth? And whom of men or women didst thou slay?" And he replied: "O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against my will, and therefore am I here, having been driven forth by my father and deprived of all that I had." And Croesus answered thus: "Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot of men who are our friends and thou hast come to friends, among whom thou shalt want of nothing so long as thou shalt remain in our land: and thou wilt find it most for thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly as may be." So he had his abode with Croesus. 36
35. While he was busy with his son's wedding, a man came to Sardis who was unfortunate and had dirty hands, a Phrygian by birth and from a royal family. This man went to Croesus's house and, following the customs of that land, asked for cleansing, and Croesus provided it. The way of cleansing among the Lydians is very similar to that of the Greeks. After performing the customary cleansing, Croesus asked him where he was from and who he was, saying: "Who are you, and which part of Phrygia did you come from to sit in my house? And whom have you killed, man or woman?" He replied: "O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called Adrastos; I killed my own brother against my will, and that's why I'm here, cast out by my father and stripped of everything I had." Croesus responded: "You are, by chance, a descendant of our friends and have come to friends, among whom you will lack for nothing as long as you remain in our land. It will be in your best interest to bear this misfortune as lightly as possible." So, he stayed with Croesus. 36
36. During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar of monstrous size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged the fields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it often, yet they could do it no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves from it; so at length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and said: "O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of monstrous size, which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are not able: now therefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also a chosen band of young men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our land." Thus they made request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of the dream spoke to them as follows: "As touching my son, make no further mention of him in this matter; for I will not send him with you, seeing that he is newly married and is concerned now with the affairs of his marriage: but I will send with you chosen men of the Lydians and the whole number of my hunting dogs, and I will give command to those who go, to be as zealous as may be in helping you to destroy the wild beast out of your land."
36. During this time, a gigantic boar appeared in the Mysian Olympus. This creature came down from the aforementioned mountain and devastated the fields of the Mysians. Although the Mysians often tried to confront it, they couldn’t harm it and ended up getting hurt instead. Eventually, messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and said: "O king, a gigantic boar has shown up in our land, destroying our fields. We are eager to hunt it down, but we can’t. So, we ask you to send your son and a chosen group of young men with dogs to help us get rid of it." They made this request, and Croesus, remembering the words of the dream, replied: "Regarding my son, please do not mention him again in this matter; I won’t send him with you since he is newly married and focused on his marriage. However, I will send chosen Lydians along with all my hunting dogs, and I’ll instruct them to do their best to help you eliminate this wild beast from your land."
37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented with this answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of the request made by the Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not send his son with them, the young man spoke as follows: "My father, in times past the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go out continually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute; but now thou hast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not observed in me any cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what face must I appear when I go to and from the market-place of the city? What kind of a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of a man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife? With what kind of a husband will she think that she is mated? Therefore either let me go to the hunt, or persuade me by reason that these things are better for me done as now they are."
37. So he replied, and while the Mysians were satisfied with this response, the son of Croesus arrived, having heard about their request. When Croesus said he wouldn’t send his son with them, the young man spoke up: "Dad, in the past, we were given the best and most honorable roles, going off to war and hunting to earn a good reputation. But now you've kept me from both, even though I haven’t shown any cowardice or weakness. How am I supposed to show my face when I walk through the city’s marketplace? How will the citizens see me, and what will my new wife think of me? What kind of husband will she believe she has? So either let me go hunting, or convince me why staying like this is better for me."
38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My son, not because I have observed in thee any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act thus; but a vision of a dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told me that thou shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish by a spear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee upon the matter which is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may steal thee from thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by any means possible for me to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only son: the other I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in hearing."
38. Croesus replied, "My son, it’s not because I see any cowardice or ungratefulness in you that I act this way; it's because I had a dream that came to me in my sleep, telling me that you will have a short life and that you will die by an iron spear. Because of this dream, I arranged this marriage for you, and now I refuse to let you go into the situation that’s unfolding, wanting to protect you and delay your fate for at least as long as I am alive, if there's any way for me to do that. You are, after all, my only son; I don’t count the other one since he has a hearing impairment."
39. The young man made answer thus: "It may well be forgiven in thee, O my father, that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such a vision; but that which thou dost not understand, and in which the meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end my life by means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what spear-point of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told thee that I should end my life by a tusk, or any other thing which resembles that, it would be right for thee doubtless to do as thou art doing; but it said 'by a spear-point.' Since therefore our fight will not be with men, let me now go."
39. The young man responded, "It’s understandable that you, my father, would be worried about me after having such a vision; however, there’s something you don’t grasp, and I need to clarify the meaning of the dream for you. You say the dream indicated that I would die by an iron spear-point: but which boar has a spear-point of iron, or what are you worried about? If the dream had said I would die by a tusk or something similar, then it would make sense for you to be concerned like you are; but it said 'by a spear-point.' Since our battle won’t be with men, let me go now."
40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou dost partly prevail with me by declaring thy judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed upon by thee, I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase."
40. Croesus replied, "My son, you have partially convinced me by sharing your thoughts about the dream; therefore, since you have swayed me, I change my mind and let you go hunting."
41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; and when he came, he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when thou wast struck with a grievous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed thee, and I have received thee into my house supplying all thy costs. Now therefore, since having first received kindness from me thou art bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the protector of my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon you by the way to do you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go where thou mayest become famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee as an inheritance from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast strength for it."
41. After saying this, Croesus called for Adrastos the Phrygian. When Adrastos arrived, Croesus said to him, "Adrastos, when you faced a serious misfortune—which I don’t blame you for—I helped you and took you into my home, covering all your expenses. Now, since you have received kindness from me, you should repay it with kindness. I ask you to look after my son while he goes hunting, to protect him from any dangerous robbers along the way. Also, you should pursue your own path to fame through your actions, as it’s your legacy to do so, and you have the strength for it."
42. Adrastos made answer: "O king, but for this I should not have been going to any such contest of valour; for first it is not fitting that one who is suffering such a great misfortune as mine should seek the company of his fellows who are in prosperity, and secondly I have no desire for it; and for many reasons I should have kept myself away. But now, since thou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I am bound to requite thee with kindness), I am ready to do this: expect therefore that thy son, whom thou commandest me to protect, will return home to thee unhurt, so far as his protector may avail to keep him safe."
42. Adrastos replied, "Oh king, if it weren’t for this, I wouldn’t be heading to any battle; first, it’s not right for someone who is going through such a big misfortune like mine to seek out the company of those who are doing well, and second, I have no desire for it. There are many reasons I would have stayed away. But now, since you’re insisting, and I should honor your request (because I owe you kindness), I’m willing to do this: expect that your son, whom you’ve told me to protect, will return home to you safe, as much as I can ensure his safety."
43. When he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, they afterwards set forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs. And when they were come to Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal; and having found it and taken their stand round in a circle, they were hurling against it their spears. Then the guest, he who had been cleansed of manslaughter, whose name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it missed the boar and struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the spear-point fulfilled the saying of the dream. And one ran to report to Croesus that which had come to pass, and having come to Sardis he signified to him of the combat and of the fate of his son. And Croesus was very greatly disturbed by the death of his son, and was much the more moved to complaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the man whom he had himself cleansed of manslaughter. And being grievously troubled by the misfortune he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting to him that which he had suffered from his guest, and he called moreover upon the Protector of Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of Friendship, 38 naming still the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector of Suppliants because when he received the guest into his house he had been fostering ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the Guardian of Friendship because having sent him as a protector he had found him the worst of foes.
43. After he answered Croesus with words like these, they set out with selected young men and dogs. When they reached Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal down; and after surrounding it in a circle, they threw their spears at it. Then, the guest, who had been cleared of manslaughter and whose name was Adrastos, threw a spear at it but missed the boar and hit Croesus's son instead. As a result, the boy, pierced by the spear, fulfilled the meaning of the dream. One of them ran to tell Croesus what had happened, and upon arriving in Sardis, he informed him about the hunt and the fate of his son. Croesus was deeply distressed by his son's death and was even more upset knowing that his son was killed by the man he had cleansed of manslaughter. Overwhelmed by this tragedy, he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, lamenting what he had suffered from his guest, and also called upon the Protector of Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of Friendship, 38, invoking the same god. He called out to him as the Protector of Suppliants because he had unwittingly welcomed the slayer of his son into his home, and as the Guardian of Friendship because, despite having sent him as a protector, he turned out to be the worst enemy.
45. After this the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and behind it followed the slayer: and he taking his stand before the corpse delivered himself up to Croesus, holding forth his hands and bidding the king slay him over the corpse, speaking of his former misfortune and saying that in addition to this he had now been the destroyer of the man who had cleansed him of it; and that life for him was no more worth living. But Croesus hearing this pitied Adrastos, although he was himself suffering so great an evil of his own, and said to him: "Guest, I have already received from thee all the satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou dost condemn thyself to suffer death; and not thou alone art the cause of this evil, except in so far as thou wert the instrument of it against thine own will, but some one, as I suppose, of the gods, who also long ago signified to me that which was about to be." So Croesus buried his son as was fitting: but Adrastos the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, he who had been the slayer of his own brother and the slayer also of the man who had cleansed him, when silence came of all men round about the tomb, recognising that he was more grievously burdened by misfortune than all men of whom he knew, slew himself upon the grave.
45. After this, the Lydians came carrying the body, followed closely by the killer. He stood before the body and surrendered himself to Croesus, raising his hands and asking the king to kill him over the corpse. He spoke of his past misfortunes, saying that in addition to that, he had now become the destroyer of the man who had saved him from it; and that life was no longer worth living for him. But Croesus, hearing this, felt pity for Adrastos, even though he was suffering from his own great tragedy. He said to him, "Friend, I have already received from you all the satisfaction that is due, since you are condemning yourself to death; and you are not the only cause of this misfortune, except to the extent that you acted against your own will. It seems to me that some god has played a part in this, as they had indicated to me long ago what was about to happen." So Croesus buried his son appropriately; but Adrastos, the son of Gordias and Midas, who had killed his own brother and the man who had saved him, when silence fell among all the people around the tomb, realizing that he was more heavily burdened by misfortune than anyone he knew, took his own life at the grave.
46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet in his mourning, because he was deprived of his son: but after this period of time the overthrowing of the rule of Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus the son of Cambyses, and the growing greatness of the Persians caused Croesus to cease from his mourning, and led him to a care of cutting short the power of the Persians, if by any means he might, while yet it was in growth and before they should have become great.
46. For two years, Croesus mourned quietly for his son. But after that time, the fall of Astyages, the son of Kyaxares, at the hands of Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, and the rising power of the Persians made Croesus stop mourning. He became determined to reduce Persian power by any means possible while it was still developing, before they became too strong.
So having formed this design he began forthwith to make trial of the Oracles, both those of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending messengers some to one place and some to another, some to go to Delphi, others to Abai of the Phokians, and others to Dodona; and some were sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios, others to Branchidai in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the Hellenes to which Croesus sent messengers to seek divination; and others he sent to the shrine of Ammon in Libya to inquire there. Now he was sending the messengers abroad to the end that he might try the Oracles and find out what knowledge they had, so that if they should be found to have knowledge of the truth, he might send and ask them secondly whether he should attempt to march against the Persians.
So, after coming up with this plan, he immediately began testing the Oracles, both of the Greeks and those in Libya. He sent messengers to different locations—some to Delphi, others to Abai in Phokis, and some to Dodona; there were also some sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos and to Trophonios, and others to Branchidai in Miletos. These are the Greek Oracles that Croesus sent messengers to for guidance. He also sent others to the shrine of Ammon in Libya to ask for answers. He was sending these messengers abroad to see which Oracles had genuine knowledge so that, if they proved to be truthful, he could ask them later whether he should attempt to march against the Persians.
47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the Oracles he gave charge as follows,—that from the day on which they set out from Sardis they should reckon up the number of the days following and on the hundredth day they should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus the son of Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to be doing: and whatever the Oracles severally should prophesy, this they should cause to be written down 39 and bear it back to him. Now what the other Oracles prophesied is not by any reported, but at Delphi, so soon as the Lydians entered the sanctuary of the temple 40 to consult the god and asked that which they were commanded to ask, the Pythian prophetess spoke thus in hexameter measure:
47. He instructed the Lydians he sent to test the Oracles as follows: starting from the day they left Sardis, they were to count the number of days, and on the hundredth day, they should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus, the son of Alyattes, king of the Lydians, was doing at that moment. They were to write down whatever each Oracle predicted and bring it back to him. There are no records of what the other Oracles predicted, but at Delphi, as soon as the Lydians entered the temple sanctuary to consult the god and asked the question they were instructed to ask, the Pythian prophetess spoke the following in hexameter:
"But the number of sand I know, 41 and the measure of drops in the ocean; The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless: And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it; Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it."
"But the number of grains of sand I know, 41 and the measure of drops in the ocean; I understand the mute, and I hear the words of those who can’t speak: And a strong-shelled tortoise boiling in a bronze cauldron has reached my senses, Along with the flesh of a lamb mixed in; Underneath, it has bronze laid down, it is covered with bronze."
48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle, the Lydians caused the prophecy to be written down, and went away at once to Sardis. And when the rest also who had been sent round were there arrived with the answers of the Oracles, then Croesus unfolded the writings one by one and looked upon them: and at first none of them pleased him, but when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith he did worship to the god and accepted the answer, 42 judging that the Oracle at Delphi was the only true one, because it had found out what he himself had done. For when he had sent to the several Oracles his messengers to consult the gods, keeping well in mind the appointed day he contrived the following device,—he thought of something which it would be impossible to discover or to conceive of, and cutting up a tortoise and a lamb he boiled them together himself in a caldron of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over them.
48. When the Pythian prophetess delivered this oracle, the Lydians had the prophecy written down and immediately went to Sardis. When the others who had been sent to get the Oracle's responses arrived, Croesus opened the writings one by one and examined them. At first, none of them satisfied him, but when he heard the response from Delphi, he immediately worshipped the god and accepted the answer, 42 believing that the Oracle at Delphi was the only true one because it had revealed what he himself had done. When he sent messengers to various Oracles to consult the gods, keeping the appointed day in mind, he came up with a clever idea—he thought of something that would be impossible to guess or figure out, and he cut up a tortoise and a lamb, boiling them together in a bronze cauldron, covering them with a bronze lid.
49. This then was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as regards the answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the Lydians after they had done the things customary in his temple, 43 for there is no record of this any more than of the others, except only that Croesus thought that he also 44 possessed a true Oracle.
49. This was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi. As for Amphiaraos's response, I can't say what he told the Lydians after they performed the rituals customary in his temple, 43 because there’s no record of it any more than there is of the others, other than that Croesus believed he also 44 had a genuine Oracle.
50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour of the god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice he offered three thousand of each kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of purple, and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up, hoping by these means the more to win over the god to the side of the Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them should make sacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of it he wrought half-plinths 45 making them six palms 46 in length and three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one hundred and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold 47 weighing two talents and a half 48 each, and others of gold alloyed with silver 49 weighing two talents. And he caused to be made also an image of a lion of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these it was set, 50 and is placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six talents and a half, for three talents and a half were melted away from it.
50. Afterwards, with great sacrifices, he tried to gain the favor of the god at Delphi. He offered three thousand of each type of animal suitable for sacrifice, piled up couches covered in gold and silver, along with golden cups, purple robes, and tunics, creating a large pyre to burn everything, hoping this would win the god's support for the Lydians. He instructed all the Lydians to make sacrifices with what they had. Once the sacrifices were complete, he melted down a massive amount of gold and made half-plinths 45 that measured six palms 46 long, three palms wide, and one palm high; there were one hundred and seventeen of them. Four of these were made of pure gold 47 weighing two and a half talents each, while the others were gold mixed with silver 49 weighing two talents. He also had a statue of a lion made of pure gold that weighed ten talents. When the temple of Delphi burned down, this lion fell off the half-plinths where it had been placed 50, and now it rests in the treasury of the Corinthians, weighing six and a half talents, as three and a half talents were lost in the fire.
51. So Croesus having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, and with them these besides:—two mixing bowls of great size, one of gold and the other of silver, of which the golden bowl was placed on the right hand as one enters the temple, and the silver on the left, but the places of these also were changed after the temple was burnt down, and the golden bowl is now placed in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai, weighing eight and a half talents and twelve pounds over, 51 while the silver one is placed in the corner of the vestibule 52 and holds six hundred amphors 53 (being filled with wine by the Delphians on the feast of the Theophania): this the people of Delphi say is the work of Theodoros the Samian, 54 and, as I think, rightly, for it is evident to me that the workmanship is of no common kind: moreover Croesus sent four silver wine-jars, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and two vessels for lustral water, 55 one of gold and the other of silver, of which the gold one is inscribed "from the Lacedemonians," who say that it is their offering: therein however they do not speak rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote the inscription upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians; and his name I know but will not make mention of it. The boy through whose hand the water flows is from the Lacedemonians, but neither of the vessels for lustral water. And many other votive offerings Croesus sent with these, not specially distinguished, among which are certain castings 56 of silver of a round shape, and also a golden figure of a woman three cubits high, which the Delphians say is a statue of the baker of Croesus. Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments from his wife's neck and her girdles.
51. After Croesus completed all these things, he sent them to Delphi, along with two large mixing bowls—one made of gold and the other of silver. The golden bowl was placed on the right side as you enter the temple, and the silver bowl was on the left. However, these locations changed after the temple was burned down, and now the golden bowl is kept in the treasury of the people of Clazomenai, weighing eight and a half talents and twelve pounds. Meanwhile, the silver bowl is located in the corner of the vestibule and can hold six hundred amphoras (which the Delphians fill with wine during the festival of Theophania). The people of Delphi claim this was made by Theodoros from Samos, and I think that's accurate since it's clear to me that the craftsmanship is exceptional. Additionally, Croesus sent four silver wine-jars, which are displayed in the treasury of the Corinthians, and two vessels for lustral water—one in gold and the other in silver. The gold one has the inscription "from the Lacedemonians," who state that it is their offering. However, they're mistaken; this is also from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote the inscription to please the Lacedemonians. I know the name of the individual who did this but won't mention it. The boy through whom the water flows is from the Lacedemonians, but neither of the vessels for lustral water is. Croesus sent many other votive offerings as well, which aren't specifically identified, including some round silver castings and a three-cubit-high golden figure of a woman, which the Delphians claim is a statue of Croesus's baker. Additionally, Croesus dedicated the ornaments from his wife's neck and her girdles.
52. These are the things which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos, having heard of his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shield made altogether of gold throughout, and a spear all of solid gold, the shaft being of gold also as well as the two points, which offerings were both remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian Apollo.
52. These are the items he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos, having heard of his bravery and tragic end, he dedicated a shield entirely made of gold, and a spear that's all solid gold, with the shaft and both tips also made of gold. These offerings were both still there during my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian Apollo.
53. To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus gave charge that they should ask the Oracles this question also,—whether Croesus should march against the Persians, and if so, whether he should join with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the Lydians had arrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated the votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus, king of the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are the only true Oracles among men, presents to you 57 gifts such as your revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march against the Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any army of men as allies." They inquired thus, and the answers of both the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should march against the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they counselled him to find out the most powerful of the Hellenes and join these with himself as friends.
53. Croesus instructed the Lydians who were delivering these gifts to the temples to ask the Oracles another question: whether he should go to war against the Persians, and if so, whether he should ally with any army. When the Lydians reached their destination and made the offerings, they asked the Oracles: "Croesus, king of the Lydians and other nations, knowing that these are the only true Oracles among people, presents to you 57 gifts worthy of your revelations, and now asks whether he should march against the Persians, and if he does, whether he should have any army join him as allies." They asked this, and both Oracles gave the same answer, telling Croesus that if he marched against the Persians, he would destroy a great empire. They advised him to find the strongest of the Greeks and ally with them as friends.
54. So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he was delighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, 58 and presented to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two staters of gold for each man: and in return for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and to the Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with this privilege also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to become a citizen of Delphi.
54. So when the answers came back and Croesus heard them, he was thrilled with the oracles, and believing he would definitely conquer Cyrus's kingdom, he sent another message to Pytho, 58 and gave the men of Delphi, after finding out how many there were, two gold staters for each person. In return, the Delphians granted Croesus and the Lydians priority in consulting the Oracle, exemption from all fees, and the right to front-row seats at the games, along with the lifelong privilege that any of them who wanted could become a citizen of Delphi.
55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted the Oracle the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of the Oracle, he made abundant use of it. 59 And consulting the Oracle he inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And the Pythian prophetess answered him thus:
55. After gifting the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted the Oracle for the third time; ever since he discovered the truth of the Oracle, he relied on it heavily. 59 While consulting the Oracle, he asked whether his rule would last for a long time. The Pythian prophetess replied to him:
"But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch Then by the pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed, Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be callèd a coward."
"But when it happens that a Median mule becomes king, Then by the rocky Hermos, O delicate-footed Lydian, Run and don’t stop, and don’t be ashamed to be called a coward."
56. By these lines when they came to him Croesus was pleased more than by all the rest, for he supposed that a mule would never be ruler of the Medes instead of a man, and accordingly that he himself and his heirs would never cease from their rule. Then after this he gave thought to inquire which people of the Hellenes he should esteem the most powerful and gain over to himself as friends. And inquiring he found that the Lacedemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the Dorian and the others of the Ionian race. For these were the most eminent races in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from its place in any direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for in the reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time of Doros the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos, which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makednian; and thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.
56. When they delivered these lines to him, Croesus felt more pleased than ever, because he believed that a mule would never rule over the Medes in place of a man, which meant that he and his descendants would continue to maintain their rule. After considering this, he thought about which of the Greek people he should regard as the most powerful and seek as allies. In his inquiry, he discovered that the Lacedemonians and the Athenians held the highest status, with the former being Dorians and the latter Ionians. These were the most prominent races in ancient times, with the second being Pelasgian and the first Hellenic: one never moved from its original position, while the other had a strong tendency to wander. During the reign of Deucalion, this group resided in Pthiotis, and in the era of Doros, the son of Hellen, they lived in the land located below Ossa and Olympus, known as Histiaiotis; when they were pushed from Histiaiotis by the sons of Cadmos, they settled in Pindos and were called Makednian; from there, they later moved to Dryopis, and finally arrived in Peloponnesus, where they began to be referred to as Dorian.
57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston 60 above the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours of the race now called Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, and also by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia and Skylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been settlers with the Athenians, 61 and of the natives of the various other towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,—if one must pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was such as these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people of Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell about them, nor yet do the people of Phakia, but they speak the same language one as the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep unchanged the form of language which they brought with them when they migrated to these places.
57. I can't say for sure what language the Pelasgians spoke. But if we judge based on those Pelasgians who still live in the city of Creston 60 above the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbors of the group now known as the Dorians, who lived in the area we now call Thessaliotis, as well as those Pelasgians who settled in Plakia and Skylake in the Hellespont region, who were previously settlers with the Athenians, 61 and from the locals of other towns that are actually Pelasgian, even though they’ve lost that name—if we judge by this, it seems that the Pelasgians spoke a foreign language. If the entire Pelasgian race was like these groups, then the Attic people, being Pelasgian, must have also lost their original language when they transformed and became Hellenic. The people of Creston don’t speak the same language as those around them, nor do the people of Phakia, but they do speak the same language as each other. This shows that they have maintained the original language they brought with them when they migrated to these areas.
58. As for the Hellenic race, it has used ever the same language, as I clearly perceive, since it first took its rise; but since the time when it parted off feeble at first from the Pelasgian race, setting forth from a small beginning it has increased to that great number of races which we see, 62 and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think, 6201 of the Pelasgian race also, 63 that so far as it remained Barbarian it never made any great increase.
58. As for the Greek people, they have always spoken the same language, as I can clearly see, since it first emerged; but since the time they separated, initially weak, from the Pelasgian people, starting from a small beginning, they have grown into the large number of groups we see today, 62 largely because many Barbarian groups have been added to them as well. Furthermore, I believe it is true, 6201 about the Pelasgian people too, 63 that as long as they remained Barbarian, they never experienced significant growth.
59. Of these races then Croesus was informed that the Athenian was held subject and torn with faction by Peisistratos 64 the son of Hippocrates, who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a private citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel had occurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons which were standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiled without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian, who chanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised Hippocrates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him children, and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to dismiss her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him. When Chilon had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be persuaded, and so there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratos; who, when the Athenians of the shore 65 were at feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being leader of the first faction, and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaïdes of that of the plain, aimed at the despotism for himself and gathered a third party. So then, after having collected supporters and called himself leader of the men of the mountain-lands, 66 he contrived a device as follows:—he inflicted wounds upon himself and upon his mules, and then drove his car into the market-place, as if he had just escaped from his opponents, who, as he alleged, had desired to kill him when he was driving into the country: and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from them, for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the Megarians, during which he took Nisaia and performed other signal service. And the commons of the Athenians being deceived gave him those 67 men chosen from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed the spear-men 68 of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they followed behind him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratos and obtained possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos was ruler of the Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed the ancient laws; but he administered the State under that constitution of things which was already established, ordering it fairly and well.
59. Croesus learned that the Athenian people were under the control of Peisistratos, the son of Hippocrates, who was the ruler of Athens at the time. A remarkable event had happened to Hippocrates when he was a private citizen attending the Olympic games. After making an offering, the cauldrons on the hearth, filled with meat and water, began to boil without any fire underneath and overflowed. Chilon the Lacedemonian, who was present and witnessed this marvel, advised Hippocrates not to bring home a wife to have children, and if he already had one, he should send her away; additionally, if he had a son, he should disown him. However, Hippocrates reportedly refused to take Chilon's advice, and later, Peisistratos was born to him. As the Athenians from the coast were in conflict with those from the plains, led by Megacles, the son of Alcmaion of one faction, and Lycurgos, the son of Aristolaïdes of the other, Peisistratos aimed for power himself and gathered a third group. After collecting followers and calling himself the leader of the mountain people, he devised a plan: he inflicted wounds on himself and his mules, then drove his chariot into the marketplace, claiming he had just escaped from attackers who wanted to kill him while he was on his way to the countryside. He asked the public for their protection, having previously built his reputation for his leadership against the Megarians, during which he captured Nisaia and achieved other notable successes. The deceived Athenian public gave him those selected individuals from the city, who, instead of being actual soldiers for Peisistratos, became his enforcers; they followed him armed with wooden clubs. These individuals revolted alongside Peisistratos and took control of the Acropolis. Thus, Peisistratos became the ruler of Athens, maintaining the current officials and preserving the ancient laws; he managed the state according to the established system, governing it fairly and effectively.
60. However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles and those of Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus Peisistratos had obtained possession of Athens for the first time, and thus he lost the power before he had it firmly rooted. But those who had driven out Peisistratos became afterwards at feud with one another again. And Megacles, harassed by the party strife, 69 sent a message to Peisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter to wife on condition of becoming despot. And Peisistratos having accepted the proposal and made an agreement on these terms, they contrived with a view to his return a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever was practised, considering at least that it was devised at a time when the Hellenic race had been long marked off from the Barbarian as more skilful and further removed from foolish simplicity, and among the Athenians who are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. 70 In the deme of Paiania there was a woman whose name was Phya, in height four cubits all but three fingers, 71 and also fair of form. This woman they dressed in full armour and caused her to ascend a chariot and showed her the bearing in which she might best beseem her part, 72 and so they drove to the city, having sent on heralds to run before them, who, when they arrived at the city, spoke that which had been commanded them, saying as follows: "O Athenians, receive with favour Peisistratos, whom Athene herself, honouring him most of all men, brings back to her Acropolis." So the heralds went about hither and thither saying this, and straightway there came to the demes in the country round a report that Athene was bringing Peisistratos back, while at the same time the men of the city, persuaded that the woman was the very goddess herself, were paying worship to the human creature and receiving Peisistratos.
60. Not long after this, the supporters of Megacles and Lycurgos teamed up and drove him out. This way, Peisistratos managed to take control of Athens for the first time, but he lost the power before it was firmly established. Those who expelled Peisistratos later ended up in conflict with each other again. Megacles, troubled by the party conflict, sent a message to Peisistratos asking if he would marry his daughter in exchange for becoming the leader. Peisistratos accepted the proposal and made an agreement on those terms. They devised a very simple plan for his return, especially considering it was created at a time when the Greek people had long been distinguished from the Barbarians as more skilled and wise, particularly among the Athenians, who were regarded as the most capable of the Greeks. In the deme of Paiania, there was a woman named Phya, nearly four cubits tall, and quite attractive. They dressed her in full armor, had her climb into a chariot, and showed her the best way to present herself. Then they drove to the city, sending heralds ahead of them, who, upon reaching the city, announced as instructed: "O Athenians, welcome back Peisistratos, whom Athene herself, honoring him above all, returns to her Acropolis." The heralds spread the word everywhere, and soon news reached the surrounding demes that Athene was bringing Peisistratos back, while the city dwellers, convinced that the woman was the goddess herself, were worshiping the human figure and welcoming Peisistratos.
61. So having received back the despotism in the manner which has been said, Peisistratos according to the agreement made with Megacles married the daughter of Megacles; but as he had already sons who were young men, and as the descendants of Alcmaion were said to be under a curse, 73 therefore not desiring that children should be born to him from his newly-married wife, he had commerce with her not in the accustomed manner. And at first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards she told her mother, whether in answer to her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and the mother told her husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that he should be dishonoured by Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway he proceeded to compose his quarrel with the men of his faction. And when Peisistratos heard of that which was being done against himself, he departed wholly from the land and came to Eretria, where he took counsel together with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, that they should endeavour to win back the despotism, they began to gather gifts of money from those States which owed them obligations for favours received: and many contributed great sums, but the Thebans surpassed the rest in the giving of money. Then, not to make the story long, time elapsed and at last everything was prepared for their return. For certain Argives came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos had come to them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed very great zeal in providing both money and men.
61. After getting back control in the way previously mentioned, Peisistratos, as agreed with Megacles, married Megacles' daughter. However, since he already had sons who were young men and the Alcmaion family was said to be cursed, he didn’t want children with his new wife and interacted with her in a different way. At first, she kept this a secret, but eventually, she told her mother—whether prompted by a question or not, I can’t say—and her mother informed Megacles. He was furious that Peisistratos had dishonored him and, in his anger, quickly looked to settle his dispute with his faction. When Peisistratos learned what was being plotted against him, he left the country entirely and went to Eretria, where he consulted with his sons. Following Hippias' suggestion to try to regain power, they began gathering financial support from the states that owed them favors, with many contributing large sums, but the Thebans stood out in their generosity. To keep the story short, time passed, and eventually, everything was ready for their return. Certain Argives had come as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man from Naxos, named Lygdamis, had joined them on his own accord, showing great enthusiasm in providing money and men.
62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years 74 they returned back; and in Attica the first place of which they took possession was Marathon. While they were encamping here, their partisans from the city came to them, and also others flowed in from the various demes, to whom despotic rule was more welcome than freedom. So these were gathering themselves together; but the Athenians in the city, so long as Peisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he took possession of Marathon, made no account of it; but when they heard that he was marching from Marathon towards the city, then they went to the rescue against him. These then were going in full force to fight against the returning exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as they went towards the city starting from Marathon, met them just when they came to the temple of Athene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite to them. Then moved by divine guidance 75 there came into the presence of Peisistratos Amphilytos the Arcarnanian, 76 a soothsayer, who approaching him uttered an oracle in hexameter verse, saying thus:
62. After spending ten years in Eretria, they returned home. The first place they took over in Attica was Marathon. While they were setting up camp there, their supporters from the city joined them, along with others from the various neighborhoods who preferred a tyrannical rule over freedom. They gathered together, but the Athenians in the city didn't pay much attention while Peisistratos was collecting taxes, and even when he occupied Marathon. However, when they learned that he was marching from Marathon toward the city, they went out to confront him. These forces were fully prepared to fight against the returning exiles, and Peisistratos's troops, as they came toward the city from Marathon, met them just as they arrived at the temple of Athene Pallenis and camped out opposite them. Then, as if guided by divine influence, there appeared before Peisistratos Amphilytos the Arcarnanian, a soothsayer, who approached him and delivered a prophecy in hexameter verse, saying:
"But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely extended, And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters."
"But now the cast has been made and the net has been widely spread, And in the night the tunas will swim through the moonlit waters."
63. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and Peisistratos, having understood the oracle and having said that he accepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army against the enemy. Now the Athenians from the city were just at that time occupied with the morning meal, and some of them after their meal with games of dice or with sleep; and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and put them to flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very skilful counsel, to the end that the Athenians might not gather again into one body but might remain scattered abroad. He mounted his sons on horseback and sent them before him; and overtaking the fugitives they said that which was commanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of good cheer and that each man should depart to his own home.
63. He spoke this prophecy to him, inspired by divine guidance, and Peisistratus, having understood the oracle and accepting the prophecy, led his army against the enemy. At that moment, the Athenians in the city were busy with breakfast, and some of them were either playing dice or taking a nap after their meal; Peisistratus's forces attacked the Athenians and sent them running. As they fled, Peisistratus came up with a clever plan to ensure the Athenians wouldn’t regroup and would stay scattered. He had his sons ride ahead on horseback, and when they caught up with the fleeing ones, they delivered Peisistratus's message, encouraging them to be cheerful and telling each person to return to their own home.
64. Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for the third time obtained possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism by many foreign mercenaries and by much revenue of money, coming partly from the land itself and partly from about the river Strymon, and also by taking as hostages the sons of those Athenians who had remained in the land and had not at once fled, and placing them in the hands of Naxos; for this also Peisistratos conquered by war and delivered into the charge of Lygdamis. Moreover besides this he cleansed the island of Delos in obedience to the oracles; and his cleansing was of the following kind:—so far as the view from the temple extended 77 he dug up all the dead bodies which were buried in this part and removed them to another part of Delos. So Peisistratos was despot of the Athenians; but of the Athenians some had fallen in the battle, and others of them with the sons of Alcmaion were exiles from their native land.
64. So the Athenians did just that, and Peisistratus, for the third time, took control of Athens. He solidified his rule by using many foreign mercenaries and a significant amount of revenue, which came partly from the land itself and partly from around the Strymon River. He also took the sons of Athenians who had stayed behind and hadn’t fled immediately as hostages, handing them over to Naxos. He conquered Naxos through war and put it under Lygdamis’s control. In addition, he cleaned up the island of Delos in accordance with the oracles; his cleaning involved digging up all the dead bodies buried in that area, as far as the view from the temple allowed, and relocating them to another part of Delos. Thus, Peisistratus became the despot of the Athenians, but many Athenians had died in battle, and others, along with the sons of Alcmaion, were exiled from their homeland.
65. Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard was prevailing among the Athenians during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians he heard that they had escaped from great evils and had now got the better of the Tegeans in the war. For when Leon and Hegesicles were kings of Sparta, the Lacedemonians, who had good success in all their other wars, suffered disaster in that alone which they waged against the men of Tegea. Moreover in the times before this they had the worst laws of almost all the Hellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves alone and also in that they had no dealings with strangers. And they made their change to a good constitution of laws thus:—Lycurgos, a man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the Oracle at Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the Pythian prophetess said as follows:
65. This was the situation Croesus heard was happening among the Athenians at that time; however, regarding the Spartans, he learned that they had escaped from significant troubles and had recently triumphed over the Tegeans in battle. During the reigns of Leon and Hegesicles as kings of Sparta, the Spartans, who were doing well in all their other wars, faced defeat only in the conflict against the people of Tegea. Furthermore, in the times before this, they had the most severe laws among nearly all the Greeks, both regarding their internal matters and also due to their lack of interaction with outsiders. They transformed their laws into a better system like this:—Lycurgos, a highly respected Spartan, went to the Oracle at Delphi, and as he entered the temple's sanctuary, the Pythian prophetess immediately spoke the following:
"Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple, Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos. Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic, God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos."
"Look, you’ve arrived, O Lycurgos, at this beautiful shrine of my temple, Loved by Zeus and by everyone who lives in Olympus. I question whether to call you a god in my prophetic words, God or a man, but I believe you’re more of a god, O Lycurgos."
66. Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also set forth to him the order of things which is now established for the Spartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves say that Lycurgos having become guardian of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king of the Spartans, brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he became guardian, he changed all the prevailing laws, and took measures that they should not transgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos established that which appertained to war, namely Enomoties and Triecads and Common Meals, 7701 and in addition to this the Ephors and the Senate. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgos after he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship. So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and became prosperous: and it was no longer sufficient for them to keep still; but presuming that they were superior in strength to the Arcadians, they consulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting conquest of the whole of Arcadia; and the Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:
66. Some people also say that the Pythian prophetess outlined the current system for the Spartans; however, the Lacedemonians claim that Lycurgus, after becoming the guardian of his brother's son Leobotes, who was the king of the Spartans, brought these practices back from Crete. As soon as he became guardian, he changed all the existing laws and took steps to ensure that they would not violate his regulations. After this, Lycurgus established military structures, such as Enomoties and Triecads and Common Meals, 7701, along with the Ephors and the Senate. With these changes, the Spartans had solid laws; and after his death, they built a temple for Lycurgus and honored him greatly. So, as you might expect, with fertile land and a large population, they quickly flourished and became prosperous. They felt that it was no longer enough to remain passive; believing they were stronger than the Arcadians, they sought guidance from the Oracle at Delphi about conquering all of Arcadia, and the Pythian prophetess responded as follows:
"The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest me much; I refuse it; Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns; These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee; Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in, And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it."
"The land of Arcadia you're asking about; you're asking me a lot; I won't give it to you; There are many strong men in Arcadia, eating acorns; They will stop you from this: but I'm not holding a grudge against you; I will let you dance in Tegea, where the sound of feet echoes, And I will give you a nice plain to measure and divide."
When the Lacedemonians heard report of this, they held off from the other Arcadians, and marched against the Tegeans with fetters in their hands, trusting to a deceitful 78 oracle and expecting that they would make slaves of the men of Tegea. But having been worsted in the encounter, those of them who were taken alive worked wearing the fetters which they themselves brought with them and having "measured with line and divided" 79 the plain of the Tegeans. And these fetters with which they had been bound were preserved even to my own time at Tegea, hanging about the temple of Athene Alea. 80
When the Spartans heard about this, they backed away from the other Arcadians and marched against the Tegeans with chains in their hands, relying on a misleading oracle and hoping to enslave the people of Tegea. However, after losing the battle, those who were captured wore the chains they had brought with them and "measured with line and divided" the plain of the Tegeans. These chains that had bound them were kept until my time in Tegea, hanging around the temple of Athena Alea.
67. In the former war then I say they struggled against the Tegeans continually with ill success; but in the time of Croesus and in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston at Lacedemon the Spartans had at length become victors in the war; and they became so in the following manner:—As they continued to be always worsted in the war by the men of Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi and inquired what god they should propitiate in order to get the better of the men of Tegea in the war: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them that they should bring into their land the bones of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. Then as they were not able to find the grave of Orestes, they sent men again to go to the god and to inquire about the spot where Orestes was laid: and when the messengers who were sent asked this, the prophetess said as follows:
67. In the previous war, they kept battling the Tegeans without much success. However, during the time of Croesus and in the rule of Anaxandrides and Ariston in Lacedemon, the Spartans finally became victorious. They achieved this in the following way: As they continued to be beaten by the men of Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi to ask which god they should appease to get the upper hand in the war against the Tegeans. The Pythian prophetess replied that they needed to bring the bones of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon, into their land. Since they couldn’t locate Orestes’ grave, they sent men again to the god to ask where Orestes was buried. When the messengers inquired about this, the prophetess responded as follows:
"Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in a smooth place founded; Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together; Stroke too there is and stroke in return, and trouble on trouble. There Agamemnon's son in the life-giving earth is reposing; Him if thou bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt be master." 81
"Tegea exists in Arcadia, in a flat area; Where two strong blasts blow together by force; There’s strike and counterstrike, and trouble after trouble. There, Agamemnon’s son is resting in the nourishing earth; If you bring him home with you, you will become the master of Tegea." 81
When the Lacedemonians had heard this they were none the less far from finding it out, though they searched all places; until the time that Lichas, one of those Spartans who are called "Well-doers," 82 discovered it. Now the "Well-doers" are of the citizens the eldest who are passing from the ranks of the "Horsemen," in each year five; and these are bound during that year in which they pass out from the "Horsemen," to allow themselves to be sent without ceasing to various places by the Spartan State.
When the Spartans heard this, they still couldn’t figure it out, even after searching everywhere, until Lichas, one of the Spartans known as "Well-doers," 82 discovered it. The "Well-doers" are the eldest citizens who are transitioning out of the "Horsemen" ranks; five of them are selected each year. During the year they leave the "Horsemen," they are required to be sent continuously to different places by the Spartan State.
68. Lichas then, being one of these, discovered it in Tegea by means both of fortune and ability. For as there were at that time dealings under truce with the men of Tegea, he had come to a forge there and was looking at iron being wrought; and he was in wonder as he saw that which was being done. The smith therefore, perceiving that he marvelled at it, ceased from his work and said: "Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if thou hadst seen that which I once saw, thou wouldst have marvelled much, since now it falls out that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working of this iron; for I, desiring in this enclosure to make a well, lighted in my digging upon a coffin of seven cubits in length; and not believing that ever there had been men larger than those of the present day, I opened it, and I saw that the dead body was equal in length to the coffin: then after I had measured it, I filled in the earth over it again." He then thus told him of that which he had seen; and the other, having thought upon that which was told, conjectured that this was Orestes according to the saying of the Oracle, forming his conjecture in the following manner:—whereas he saw that the smith had two pairs of bellows, he concluded that these were the winds spoken of, and that the anvil and the hammer were the stroke and the stroke in return, and that the iron which was being wrought was the trouble laid upon trouble, making comparison by the thought that iron has been discovered for the evil of mankind. Having thus conjectured he came back to Sparta and declared the whole matter to the Lacedemonians; and they brought a charge against him on a fictitious pretext and drove him out into exile. 83 So having come to Tegea, he told the smith of his evil fortune and endeavoured to hire from him the enclosure, but at first he would not allow him to have it: at length however Lichas persuaded him and he took up his abode there; and he dug up the grave and gathered together the bones and went with them away to Sparta. From that time, whenever they made trial of one another, the Lacedemonians had much the advantage in the war; and by now they had subdued to themselves the greater part of Peloponnesus besides.
68. Lichas, one of those men, discovered it in Tegea through both luck and skill. At that time, there was a truce with the people of Tegea, and he had gone to a forge there, watching as the blacksmith worked on iron. He was amazed by what he saw. The smith, noticing Lichas's astonishment, stopped his work and said, "Surely, you stranger from Lacedemon, if you had seen what I once saw, you would be even more amazed. Right here, while trying to make a well, I dug up a coffin that was seven cubits long. Not thinking there had ever been men larger than those today, I opened it and found that the body inside was just as long as the coffin. After measuring it, I filled the earth back in." He shared this story, and Lichas, pondering what he had heard, speculated that this must be Orestes, based on the Oracle's words. He reasoned that since the smith had two pairs of bellows, those represented the winds mentioned, and the anvil and hammer symbolized the blows and counterblows. He thought the iron being worked on represented the troubles heaped upon troubles, considering that iron was discovered for humanity's misfortunes. After this speculation, he returned to Sparta and reported everything to the Lacedemonians; they charged him with a false accusation and exiled him. 83 So, upon arriving in Tegea, he told the smith about his bad luck and tried to rent the enclosure from him, but at first, the smith refused. Eventually, Lichas convinced him, and he set up residence there. He excavated the grave, collected the bones, and took them back to Sparta. From then on, whenever they engaged in battle, the Lacedemonians held a significant advantage in the war, and by this time, they had conquered most of Peloponnesus as well.
69. Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things was sending messengers to Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for an alliance, having commanded them what they ought to say: and they when they came said: "Croesus king of the Lydians and also of other nations sent us hither and saith as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god by an oracle bade me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore, since I am informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you according to the oracle, desiring to be your friend and your ally apart from all guile and deceit." Thus did Croesus announce to the Lacedemonians through his messengers; and the Lacedemonians, who themselves also had heard of the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased at the coming of the Lydians and exchanged oaths of friendship and alliance: for they were bound to Croesus also by some services rendered to them even before this time; since the Lacedemonians had sent to Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose of using it for the image of Apollo which is now set up on Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian land; and Croesus, when they desired to buy it, gave it them as a gift.
69. Croesus, having learned all of this, sent messengers to Sparta with gifts, instructing them on what to say. When they arrived, they said: "Croesus, king of the Lydians and other nations, has sent us here and says the following: O Lacedemonians, since the god told me through an oracle to ally myself with the Greeks, and knowing you are the leaders of Greece, I am inviting you, as the oracle advises, to be my friends and allies without any trickery or deceit." This is how Croesus communicated with the Lacedemonians through his messengers. The Lacedemonians, who had also heard the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased to receive the Lydians and pledged oaths of friendship and alliance. They were already connected to Croesus by some services he had provided earlier, as the Lacedemonians had sent to Sardis to buy gold for the image of Apollo, which is now erected on Mount Thornax in Lacedemonian territory; and Croesus, when they expressed their desire to buy it, gifted it to them.
70. For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance, and also because he chose them as his friends, preferring them to all the other Hellenes. And not only were they ready themselves when he made his offer, but they caused a mixing-bowl to be made of bronze, covered outside with figures round the rim and of such a size as to hold three hundred amphors, 84 and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as a gift in return to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of which two accounts are given as follows:—The Lacedemonians say that when the bowl was on its way to Sardis and came opposite the land of Samos, the men of Samos having heard of it sailed out with ships of war and took it away; but the Samians themselves say that the Lacedemonians who were conveying the bowl, finding that they were too late and hearing that Sardis had been taken and Croesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in Samos, and certain private persons bought it and dedicated it as a votive offering in the temple of Hera; and probably those who had sold it would say when they returned to Sparta that it had been taken from them by the Samians.
70. For this reason, the Spartans accepted the alliance, also because he chose them as his friends, preferring them over all the other Greeks. Not only were they ready themselves when he made his offer, but they ordered a bronze mixing bowl to be made, decorated with figures around the rim and large enough to hold three hundred amphorae, 84, and they sent it as a gift to Croesus. This bowl never made it to Sardis for two reasons: The Spartans claim that when the bowl was on its way and reached the shores of Samos, the people of Samos heard about it, sailed out with warships, and took it. However, the Samians say that the Spartans, realizing they were too late and hearing that Sardis had fallen and Croesus was captured, sold the bowl in Samos, where private individuals bought it and dedicated it as a votive offering in the temple of Hera. Those who sold it likely claimed upon their return to Sparta that it had been taken from them by the Samians.
71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but meanwhile Croesus, mistaking the meaning of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia, expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Persians: and while Croesus was preparing to march against the Persians, one of the Lydians, who even before this time was thought to be a wise man but in consequence of this opinion got a very great name for wisdom among the Lydians, had advised Croesus as follows (the name of the man was Sandanis):—"O king, thou art preparing to march against men who wear breeches of leather, and the rest of their clothing is of leather also; and they eat food not such as they desire but such as they can obtain, dwelling in a land which is rugged; and moreover they make no use of wine but drink water; and no figs have they for dessert, nor any other good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou take away from them, seeing they have nothing? and on the other hand, if thou shalt be overcome, consider how many good things thou wilt lose; for once having tasted our good things, they will cling to them fast and it will not be possible to drive them away. I for my own part feel gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the minds of the Persians to march against the Lydians." Thus he spoke not persuading Croesus: for it is true indeed that the Persians before they subdued the Lydians had no luxury nor any good thing.
71. So, about the mixing-bowl: Meanwhile, Croesus misunderstood the oracle and was marching into Cappadocia, expecting to defeat Cyrus and the Persians. As Croesus prepared to attack the Persians, a Lydian who was already considered wise, and had gained a great reputation for it, gave Croesus this advice (the man's name was Sandanis): "O king, you are getting ready to fight against men who wear leather pants and have leather for their other clothes too. They eat not what they want, but what they can find, living in a harsh land; they don't drink wine but water, and they don’t have figs or any other delicacies for dessert. If you win, what will you take from them when they have nothing? And if you lose, think about how many good things you’ll have to give up; once they taste our luxuries, they will hold on to them tightly and you won't be able to drive them away. I am grateful to the gods that they haven’t inspired the Persians to attack the Lydians." He spoke without convincing Croesus, since it’s true that before conquering the Lydians, the Persians had no luxuries or good things.
72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes Syrians; 85 and these Syrians, before the Persians had rule, were subjects of the Medes, but at this time they were subjects of Cyrus. For the boundary between the Median empire and the Lydian was the river Halys; and this flows from the mountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians, and afterwards, as it flows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and the Phrygians on the other side; then passing by these and flowing up towards the North Wind, it bounds on the one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the left hand the Paphlagonians. Thus the river Halys cuts off from the rest almost all the lower parts of Asia by a line extending from the sea that is opposite Cyprus to the Euxine. And this tract is the neck of the whole peninsula, the distance of the journey being such that five days are spent on the way by a man without encumbrance. 86
72. Now the Cappadokians are referred to by the Greeks as Syrians; 85 and these Syrians, before the Persians took control, were subjects of the Medes, but at this time they were under Cyrus. The boundary between the Median empire and the Lydian was the river Halys; it flows from the mountainous region of Armenia through Cilicia, and as it continues, it has the Matienians on one side and the Phrygians on the other; then, flowing northward, it separates the Cappadokian Syrians on one side and the Paphlagonians on the other. Thus, the river Halys separates almost all the low areas of Asia with a line extending from the sea opposite Cyprus to the Black Sea. This area is the neck of the entire peninsula, and it takes about five days to travel the distance for a person without any load. 86
73. Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching into Cappadokia:—first because he desired to acquire the land in addition to his own possessions, and then especially because he had confidence in the oracle and wished to take vengeance on Cyrus for Astyages. For Cyrus the son of Cambyses had conquered Astyages and was keeping him in captivity, who was brother by marriage to Croesus and king of the Medes: and he had become the brother by marriage of Croesus in this manner:—A horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with the rest withdrew and sought refuge in the land of the Medes: and at this time the ruler of the Medes was Kyaxares the son of Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, who at first dealt well with these Scythians, being suppliants for his protection; and esteeming them very highly he delivered boys to them to learn their speech and the art of shooting with the bow. Then time went by, and the Scythians used to go out continually to the chase and always brought back something; till once it happened that they took nothing, and when they returned with empty hands Kyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion, not of an eminently good disposition 87) dealt with them very harshly and used insult towards them. And they, when they had received this treatment from Kyaxares, considering that they had suffered indignity, planned to kill and to cut up one of the boys who were being instructed among them, and having dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress the wild animals, to bear it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending that it was game taken in hunting; and when they had given it, their design was to make their way as quickly as possible to Alyattes the son of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then was done; and Kyaxares with the guests who ate at his table tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so done became suppliants for the protection of Alyattes.
73. Croesus was moving into Cappadocia for several reasons: first, because he wanted to expand his territory, and second, because he believed in the oracle and wanted revenge on Cyrus for Astyages. Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, had defeated Astyages, who was Croesus's brother-in-law and the king of the Medes, and was keeping him imprisoned. Croesus became related to Astyages through marriage when a group of nomadic Scythians, in conflict with others, sought refuge in Medea. At that time, the ruler of the Medes was Cyaxares, the son of Phraortes, who was the son of Deïokes. Initially, Cyaxares treated the Scythians well, granting them protection as they sought refuge, and he even allowed their boys to learn their language and archery skills. Over time, the Scythians regularly went hunting and always returned with something, but one day they came back empty-handed. When they did, Cyaxares, showing that he was not particularly kind at that moment, treated them very harshly and insulted them. Feeling disrespected, the Scythians plotted to kill one of the boys who were learning from them, prepared his body as they would with wild animals, and planned to present it to Cyaxares as if it were game they had hunted. After giving it to him, they intended to escape quickly to Alyattes, the son of Sadyattes, in Sardis. This plan was executed, and Cyaxares, along with his guests, sampled the meat, after which the Scythians became supplicants seeking Alyattes's protection.
74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians when Kyaxares demanded them, there had arisen war between the Lydians and the Medes lasting five years; in which years the Medes often discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and among others they fought also a battle by night): 88 and as they still carried on the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a battle took place in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that suddenly the day became night. And this change of the day Thales the Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very year in which the change took place. The Lydians however and the Medes, when they saw that it had become night instead of day, ceased from their fighting and were much more eager both of them that peace should be made between them. And they who brought about the peace between them were Syennesis the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian: 89 these were they who urged also the taking of the oath by them, and they brought about an interchange of marriages; for they decided that Alyattes should give his daughter Aryenis to Astyages the son of Kyaxares, seeing that without the compulsion of a strong tie agreements are apt not to hold strongly together. Now these nations observe the same ceremonies in taking oaths as the Hellenes, and in addition to them they make incision into the skin of their arms, and then lick up the blood each of the other.
74. After this, when Alyattes refused to hand over the Scythians as Kyaxares requested, a war broke out between the Lydians and the Medes that lasted five years. During those years, the Medes often defeated the Lydians, and the Lydians often defeated the Medes (they even fought a battle at night): 88. As the conflict continued with equal fortunes, in the sixth year, a battle occurred where, once the fighting started, the day suddenly turned into night. Thales the Milesian had predicted this change to the Ionians, specifying that it would happen in this very year. When the Lydians and the Medes saw that night had fallen instead of day, they stopped fighting and both sides were much more eager to make peace. The peace was brokered by Syennesis the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian: 89. They also urged both sides to take an oath and facilitated intermarriage; Alyattes agreed to give his daughter Aryenis to Astyages, the son of Kyaxares, believing that without a strong bond, agreements are often weak. These nations take oaths similarly to the Hellenes, but in addition, they make cuts in the skin of their arms and then lick each other's blood.
75. This Astyages then, being his mother's father, Cyrus had conquered and made prisoner for a reason which I shall declare in the history which comes after. 90 This then was the complaint which Croesus had against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he should march against the Persians; and when a deceitful answer had come back to him, he marched into the dominion of the Persians, supposing that the answer was favourable to himself. And when Croesus came to the river Halys, then, according to my account, he passed his army across by the bridges which there were; but, according to the account which prevails among the Hellenes, Thales the Milesian enabled him to pass his army across. For, say they, when Croesus was at a loss how his army should pass over the river (since, they add, there were not yet at that time the bridges which now there are), Thales being present in the army caused the river, which flowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also on the right; and he did it thus:—beginning above the camp he proceeded to dig a deep channel, directing it in the form of a crescent moon, so that the river might take the camp there pitched in the rear, being turned aside from its ancient course by this way along the channel, and afterwards passing by the camp might fall again into its ancient course; so that as soon as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable by both branches: and some say even that the ancient course of the river was altogether dried up. But this tale I do not admit as true, for how then did they pass over the river as they went back?
75. Astyages, Cyrus's grandfather, had been conquered and captured by Cyrus for reasons I'll explain in the next part of the story. 90 This was the complaint Croesus had against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he should attack the Persians. When he received a misleading answer, he marched into Persian territory, believing the response was good for him. When Croesus reached the Halys River, he led his army across using the existing bridges. However, according to the Greeks, Thales the Milesian helped him get his army across. They say that when Croesus was unsure how to get his army over the river—since, at that time, there weren't the bridges that we have now—Thales, who was with the army, caused the river, which flowed on the left side of the army, to also flow on the right. He did this by digging a deep channel shaped like a crescent moon above the camp, so the river would change its path and flow behind the camp, then return to its original course. This way, when the river was split in two, both branches were shallow enough to cross. Some even claim that the river's original course was completely dried up. But I don’t believe this tale is true; if it were, how did they cross the river on their way back?
76. And Croesus, when he had passed over with his army, came to that place in Cappadokia which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the strongest place in this country, and is situated somewhere about in a line with the city of Sinope 91 on the Euxine). Here he encamped and ravaged the fields of the Syrians. Moreover he took the city of the Pterians, and sold the people into slavery, and he took also all the towns that lay about it; and the Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced to remove from their homes. 92 Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his own forces and having taken up in addition to them all who dwelt in the region between, was coming to meet Croesus. Before he began however to lead forth his army, he had sent heralds to the Ionians and tried to induce them to revolt from Croesus; but the Ionians would not do as he said. Then when Cyrus was come and had encamped over against Croesus, they made trial of one another by force of arms in the land of Pteria: and after hard fighting, when many had fallen on both sides, at length, night having come on, they parted from one the other with no victory on either side.
76. Croesus, after crossing over with his army, arrived at a location in Cappadocia called Pteria (which is now the strongest place in this area and is roughly aligned with the city of Sinope by the Black Sea). Here, he set up camp and devastated the fields of the Syrians. He also captured the city of the Pterians, enslaved its people, and took all the nearby towns; he forced the Syrians, who hadn’t done anything wrong, to leave their homes. Meanwhile, Cyrus, having gathered his forces and added those who lived in the surrounding area, was on his way to confront Croesus. Before leading his army, he sent messengers to the Ionians to convince them to rebel against Croesus, but the Ionians refused to follow his request. When Cyrus arrived and camped opposite Croesus, they engaged in battle in the land of Pteria; after intense fighting, with many casualties on both sides, they eventually withdrew as night fell, with no clear winner.
77. Thus the two armies contended with one another: and Croesus being ill satisfied with his own army in respect of number (for the army which he had when he fought was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being dissatisfied with it I say on this account, as Cyrus did not attempt to advance against him on the following day, marched back to Sardis, having it in his mind to call the Egyptians to his help according to the oath which they had taken (for he had made an alliance with Amasis king of Egypt before he made the alliance with the Lacedemonians), and to summon the Babylonians as well (for with these also an alliance had been concluded by him, Labynetos 93 being at that time ruler of the Babylonians), and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians bidding them appear at a fixed time: and then after he had got all these together and had gathered his own army, his design was to let the winter go by and at the coming of spring to march against the Persians. So with these thoughts in his mind, as soon as he came to Sardis he proceeded to send heralds to his several allies to give them notice that by the fifth month from that time they should assemble at Sardis: but the army which he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, an army which consisted of mercenary troops, 94 he let go and disbanded altogether, never expecting that Cyrus, after having contended against him with such even fortune, would after all march upon Sardis.
77. So the two armies faced off against each other: and Croesus, unhappy with his own army's size (since the army he had during the battle was much smaller than Cyrus's), felt let down for this reason. Since Cyrus didn't make a move against him the next day, he returned to Sardis, planning to call on the Egyptians for help as per their oath (because he had allied with Amasis, the king of Egypt, before making an alliance with the Spartans), and also to summon the Babylonians (as he had also formed an alliance with them when Labynetos was the ruler of Babylon). Additionally, he intended to send a message to the Spartans asking them to gather at a set time. Once he had assembled all these forces and gathered his own troops, he planned to let winter pass and then march against the Persians in the spring. With these thoughts in mind, as soon as he arrived in Sardis, he sent messengers to his allies to notify them that they should gather in Sardis within five months. However, he completely disbanded the army he had with him—which was made up of mercenaries—never expecting that Cyrus, after having fought him evenly, would come to attack Sardis.
78. When Croesus had these plans in his mind, the suburb of the city became of a sudden all full of serpents; and when these had appeared, the horses leaving off to feed in their pastures came constantly thither and devoured them. When Croesus saw this he deemed it to be a portent, as indeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to the dwelling of the Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the messengers who were sent to consult arrived there and learnt from the Telmessians what the portent meant to signify, but they did not succeed in reporting the answer to Croesus, for before they sailed back to Sardis Croesus had been taken prisoner. The Telmessians however gave decision thus: that an army speaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for by Croesus to invade his land, and that this when it came would subdue the native inhabitants; for they said that the serpent was born of the soil, while the horse was an enemy and a stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made answer to Croesus after he was already taken prisoner, not knowing as yet anything of the things which had happened to Sardis and to Croesus himself.
78. When Croesus had these plans in mind, suddenly the area around the city was filled with snakes. When the snakes appeared, the horses stopped grazing in their pastures and came over to eat them. When Croesus saw this, he thought it was a bad omen, and it really was. Immediately, he sent messengers to the Telmessians, who interpret omens. The messengers arrived to consult them and learned what the omen meant, but they couldn’t relay the message back to Croesus because, before they could return to Sardis, he had been captured. However, the Telmessians interpreted it this way: they warned Croesus to expect an army speaking a foreign language to invade his land, and that this army would conquer the local people; they explained that the serpent was from the land, while the horse was an enemy and a stranger. The men of Telmessos answered Croesus after he was already captured, unaware of what had happened in Sardis and to Croesus himself.
79. Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched away after the battle which had been fought in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant after he had marched away to disband his army, took counsel with himself and concluded that it was good for him to march as quickly as possible to Sardis, before the power of the Lydians should be again gathered together. So when he had resolved upon this, he did it without delay: for he marched his army into Lydia with such speed that he was himself the first to announce his coming to Croesus. Then Croesus, although he had come to a great strait, since his affairs had fallen out altogether contrary to his own expectation, yet proceeded to lead forth the Lydians into battle. Now there was at this time no nation in Asia more courageous or more stout in battle than the Lydian; and they fought on horseback carrying long spears, the men being excellent in horsemanship.
79. Cyrus, however, as soon as Croesus moved out after the battle at Pteria, learned that Croesus planned to disband his army after marching away. So, he thought it was best to hurry to Sardis before the Lydian forces regrouped. Once he made this decision, he acted quickly: he marched his army into Lydia with such speed that he was the first to inform Croesus of his arrival. Even though Croesus found himself in a tough situation, as things had gone completely against his expectations, he still decided to lead the Lydians into battle. At that time, there was no nation in Asia braver or more fierce in battle than the Lydians; they fought on horseback, wielding long spears, and the men were skilled riders.
80. So when the armies had met in that plain which is in front of the city of Sardis,—a plain wide and open, through which flow rivers (and especially the river Hyllos) all rushing down to join the largest called Hermos, which flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother surnamed "of Dindymos" 95 and runs out into the sea by the city of Phocaia,—then Cyrus, when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as follows:—all the camels which were in the train of his army carrying provisions and baggage he gathered together, and he took off their burdens and set men upon them provided with the equipment of cavalry: and having thus furnished them forth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of the army towards the horsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop he ordered the infantry to follow; and behind the infantry he placed his whole force of cavalry. Then when all his men had been placed in their several positions, he charged them to spare none of the other Lydians, slaying all who might come in their way, but Croesus himself they were not to slay, not even if he should make resistance when he was captured. Such was his charge: and he set the camels opposite the horsemen for this reason,—because the horse has a fear of the camel and cannot endure either to see his form or to scent his smell: for this reason then the trick had been devised, in order that the cavalry of Croesus might be useless, that very force wherewith the Lydian king was expecting most to shine. And as they were coming together to the battle, so soon as the horses scented the camels and saw them they turned away back, and the hopes of Croesus were at once brought to nought. The Lydians however for their part did not upon that act as cowards, but when they perceived what was coming to pass they leapt from their horses and fought with the Persians on foot. At length, however, when many had fallen on either side, the Lydians turned to flight; and having been driven within the wall of their fortress they were besieged by the Persians.
80. When the armies met on the open plain in front of the city of Sardis, a wide area where rivers flow, especially the Hyllos that rushes to join the larger river Hermos, which comes from the mountain dedicated to the Mother known as "of Dindymos" and empties into the sea near the city of Phocaia, Cyrus saw the Lydians getting ready for battle. Fearing their cavalry, he followed the advice of Harpagos, a Mede: he gathered all the camels in his army that were carrying supplies and baggage, removed their loads, and placed men on them equipped like cavalry. He set these camels at the front of his army to confront Croesus's horsemen, and after the camel unit, he ordered the infantry to follow, with his entire cavalry at the rear. Once everyone was positioned, he instructed them to spare none of the Lydians, killing all who got in their way, but to avoid killing Croesus himself, even if he resisted while being captured. The reason he placed the camels in front of the horsemen was that horses are afraid of camels and cannot stand to see or smell them. This strategy was meant to render Croesus's cavalry useless, the very force he expected to excel with in battle. As the forces clashed, the moment the horses caught sight of the camels and smelled them, they turned away, and Croesus's hopes were dashed. However, the Lydians didn't act cowardly; when they realized what was happening, they dismounted and fought on foot against the Persians. Eventually, after many had fallen on both sides, the Lydians fled and retreated within the walls of their fortress, where they were besieged by the Persians.
81. By these then a siege had been established: but Croesus, supposing that the siege would last a long time, proceeded to send from the fortress other messengers to his allies. For the former messengers were sent round to give notice that they should assemble at Sardis by the fifth month, but these he was sending out to ask them to come to his assistance as quickly as possible, because Croesus was being besieged.
81. A siege had been set up because of this: but Croesus, thinking that the siege would go on for a long time, started sending additional messengers from the fortress to his allies. The earlier messengers had been sent to notify them to gather at Sardis by the fifth month, but now he was sending out these new messengers to urge them to come to his aid as soon as possible, since Croesus was under siege.
82. So then in sending to his other allies he sent also to Lacedemon. But these too, the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very time (for so it had fallen out) a quarrel in hand with the Argives about the district called Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the Argive possessions, the Lacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves. Now the whole region towards the west extending as far down as Malea 96 was then possessed by the Argives, both the parts situated on the mainland and also the island of Kythera with the other islands. And when the Argives had come to the rescue to save their territory from being cut off from them, then the two sides came to a parley together and agreed that three hundred should fight of each side, and whichever side had the better in the fight that nation should possess the disputed land: they agreed moreover that the main body of each army should withdraw to their own country, and not stand by while the contest was fought, for fear lest, if the armies were present, one side seeing their countrymen suffering defeat should come up to their support. Having made this agreement they withdrew; and chosen men of both sides were left behind and engaged in fight with one another. So they fought and proved themselves to be equally matched; and there were left at last of six hundred men three, on the side of the Argives Alkenor and Chromios, and on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades: these were left alive when night came on. So then the two men of the Argives, supposing that they were the victors, set off to run to Argos, but the Lacedemonian Othryades, after having stripped the corpses of the Argives and carried their arms to his own camp, remained in his place. On the next day both the two sides came thither to inquire about the result; and for some time both claimed the victory for themselves, the one side saying that of them more had remained alive, and the others declaring that these had fled away, whereas their own man had stood his ground and had stripped the corpses of the other party: and at length by reason of this dispute they fell upon one another and began to fight; and after many had fallen on both sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. The Argives then cut their hair short, whereas formerly they were compelled by law to wear it long, and they made a law with a curse attached to it, that from that time forth no man of the Argives should grow the hair long nor their women wear ornaments of gold, until they should have won back Thyrea. The Lacedemonians however laid down for themselves the opposite law to this, namely that they should wear long hair from that time forward, whereas before that time they had not their hair long. And they say that the one man who was left alive of the three hundred, namely Othryades, being ashamed to return to Sparta when all his comrades had been slain, slew himself there in Thyrea.
82. So, when he sent messages to his other allies, he also reached out to Lacedemon. At that time, the Spartans were involved in a conflict with the Argives over an area called Thyrea. The Lacedemonians had taken this region, which was part of Argive territory, for themselves. The entire area to the west, extending down to Malea 96, was held by the Argives, including the mainland parts and the island of Kythera along with other islands. When the Argives came to defend their land from being cut off, the two sides agreed to a truce and decided that three hundred from each side would fight. Whichever side won would gain control of the contested land. They also agreed that the main body of each army would retreat to their own territory and not witness the battle to avoid one side intervening if their compatriots were losing. After making this agreement, they withdrew; chosen warriors from both sides remained and fought each other. The battle ended in a stalemate, with three survivors left from the six hundred: Alkenor and Chromios from the Argives and Othryades from the Lacedemonians. These three were alive when night fell. The two Argives, thinking they had won, ran back to Argos, while Lacedemonian Othryades stayed behind, after stripping the bodies of the Argives and taking their weapons back to his camp. The next day, both sides came to hear the outcome, and for a while, each claimed victory—one side arguing that they had more survivors, while the others pointed out that their lone man had remained and had taken the weapons from the fallen. Eventually, this disagreement led them to clash again, and after many were lost on both sides, the Lacedemonians emerged victorious. The Argives then cut their hair short, as they were previously required by law to keep it long, and established a law with a curse that no Argive man should grow long hair or that their women should wear gold until they reclaimed Thyrea. Conversely, the Lacedemonians made the opposite law, deciding that they would wear long hair from that point on, which they hadn’t done before. It is said that Othryades, the sole survivor of the three hundred, feeling ashamed to return to Sparta after all his comrades had died, took his own life there in Thyrea.
83. Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald from Sardis arrived asking them to come to the assistance of Croesus, who was being besieged. And they notwithstanding their own difficulties, as soon as they heard the news from the herald, were eager to go to his assistance; but when they had completed their preparations and their ships were ready, there came another message reporting that the fortress of the Lydians had been taken and that Croesus had been made prisoner. Then (and not before) they ceased from their efforts, being grieved at the event as at a great calamity.
83. This was the situation in Sparta when the messenger from Sardis arrived, asking them to help Croesus, who was being besieged. Despite their own challenges, they were eager to help as soon as they heard the news from the messenger. However, once they finished their preparations and their ships were ready, another message arrived reporting that the Lydian fortress had fallen and Croesus had been captured. Only then did they stop their efforts, feeling sorrowful about the event as if it were a major disaster.
84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows:—When the fourteenth day came after Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus made proclamation to his army, sending horsemen round to the several parts of it, that he would give gifts to the man who should first scale the wall. After this the army made an attempt; and when it failed, then after all the rest had ceased from the attack, a certain Mardian whose name was Hyroiades made an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where no guard had been set; for they had no fear that it would ever be taken from that side, seeing that here the citadel is precipitous and unassailable. To this part of the wall alone Meles also, who formerly was king of Sardis, did not carry round the lion which his concubine bore to him, the Telmessians having given decision that if the lion should be carried round the wall, Sardis should be safe from capture: and Meles having carried it round the rest of the wall, that is to say those parts of the citadel where the fortress was open to attack, passed over this part as being unassailable and precipitous: now this is a part of the city which is turned towards Tmolos. So then this 97 Mardian Hyroiades, having seen on the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that side of the citadel to recover his helmet which had rolled down from above, and had picked it up, took thought and cast the matter about in his own mind. Then he himself 98 ascended first, and after him came up others of the Persians, and many having thus made approach, Sardis was finally taken and the whole city was given up to plunder.
84. The capture of Sardis happened like this: On the fourteenth day after Croesus started to be besieged, Cyrus announced to his army, sending horsemen to different parts of it, that he would reward the person who first climbed the wall. After that, the army made an attempt. When that failed and all others had stopped attacking, a Mardian named Hyroiades tried to approach the side of the citadel that had no guard; they didn’t think it could ever be captured from that direction since it was steep and nearly impossible to scale. This part of the wall was the only section where Meles, who was once king of Sardis, did not have the lion carried around by his concubine. The Telmessians had decided that if the lion was carried around the wall, Sardis would be safe from capture. Meles had carried it around the other parts of the wall, those sections of the citadel that were vulnerable, but he passed over this section as it was deemed unassailable and steep; this area of the city faces Tmolos. So, this 97 Mardian Hyroiades, having seen the day before how one of the Lydians had come down that side of the citadel to retrieve his helmet that had rolled down, thought it over in his mind. Then he 98 climbed up first, followed by others from the Persians. With many approaching this way, Sardis was eventually captured, and the entire city was given up to looting.
85. Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened thus:—He had a son, of whom I made mention before, who was of good disposition enough but deprived of speech. Now in his former time of prosperity Croesus had done everything that was possible for him, and besides other things which he devised he had also sent messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning him. And the Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:
85. Meanwhile, this happened to Croesus: he had a son, whom I mentioned earlier, who was kind-hearted but unable to speak. During his earlier days of wealth, Croesus had done everything he could for his son, and besides other actions he took, he also sent messengers to Delphi to ask about him. The Pythian prophetess replied to him like this:
"Lydian, master of many, much blind to destiny, Croesus, Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice which is prayed for, Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removèd, Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune."
"Lydian, master of many, so unaware of fate, Croesus, Do not long to hear in your halls that voice which everyone prays for, The voice of your son; it would be much better if this were taken away from you, Since he will first speak on a day filled with misfortune."
Now when the fortress was being taken, one of the Persians was about to slay Croesus taking him for another; and Croesus for his part, seeing him coming on, cared nothing for it because of the misfortune which was upon him, and to him it was indifferent that he should be slain by the stroke; but this voiceless son, when he saw the Persian coming on, by reason of terror and affliction burst the bonds of his utterance and said: "Man, slay not Croesus." This son, I say, uttered voice then first of all, but after this he continued to use speech for the whole time of his life.
Now, as the fortress was falling, one of the Persians was about to kill Croesus, mistaking him for someone else. Croesus, for his part, saw the Persian approaching and didn't care about it due to the misfortune he was experiencing; it didn’t matter to him if he was killed. But this silent son, when he noticed the Persian coming, was so overwhelmed with fear and distress that he broke his silence and said, "Man, don't kill Croesus." This son, I say, spoke for the first time then, and from that moment on, he continued to speak for the rest of his life.
86. The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken Croesus himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had been besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians having taken him brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre and caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate this offering as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was a god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre because he wished to know if any one of the divine powers would save him, so that he should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as he stood upon the pyre there came, although he was in such evil case, a memory of the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration that no one of the living might be called happy. And when this thought came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply 99 and groaned aloud, having been for long silent, and three times he uttered the name of Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was this person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. And Croesus for a time, it is said, kept silence when he was asked this, but afterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more than much wealth I should have desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since his words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said; and as they were urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once Solon an Athenian had come, and having inspected all his wealth had made light of it, with such and such words; and how all had turned out for him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race and especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And while Croesus related these things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges of it round about were burning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his purpose and considered that he himself also was but a man, and that he was delivering another man, who had been not inferior to himself in felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and reflected that there was nothing of that which men possessed which was secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus and those who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavours were not able now to get the mastery of the flames.
86. The Persians had taken control of Sardis and captured Croesus himself after he had reigned for fourteen years and had been besieged for fourteen days, fulfilling the oracle by ending his own great empire. So, the Persians brought him before Cyrus, who built a large pyre and had Croesus tied up and placed on it, along with fourteen sons of Lydians. It was unclear whether he intended this offering as a dedication to some god to celebrate his victory, to fulfill a vow, or because he had heard that Croesus was a god-fearing man and wanted to see if any divine power would save him from being burned alive. They say he did this, but as Croesus stood on the pyre, despite his dire situation, he remembered Solon's saying that no living person should be called happy. When this thought came to him, he sighed deeply 99 and groaned aloud after being silent for a long time, repeating Solon's name three times. Upon hearing this, Cyrus instructed the interpreters to ask Croesus who he was calling out to, and they approached him with the question. Croesus reportedly remained silent for a while but eventually, under pressure, replied, "One whom I would have preferred to converse with more than any great wealth." Since his words were vague, they asked him to clarify, and when they pressed him further, he told them about how Solon, an Athenian, once visited him and, after inspecting all his wealth, dismissed it, saying certain things. He explained how everything had happened as Solon predicted, not specifically about Croesus but about humanity, especially those who consider themselves happy. As Croesus shared these thoughts, the pyre was being lit and the flames were spreading. Then, they say that Cyrus, having heard from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his mind. He realized that he was just a man and that he was about to deliver another man, who was not inferior to himself in happiness, to the flames. He also feared the consequences and reflected that nothing humans possess is secure. Therefore, he commanded them to quickly put out the fire and bring Croesus and those with him down from the pyre, but despite their efforts, they couldn't control the flames in time.
87. Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned how Cyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was trying to put out the fire but that they were no longer able to check it, cried aloud entreating Apollo that if any gift had ever been given by him which had been acceptable to the god, he would come to his aid and rescue him from the evil which was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, and suddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered and a storm burst, and it rained with a very violent shower, and the pyre was extinguished. Then Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover of the gods and a good man, caused him to be brought down from the pyre and asked him as follows: "Croesus, tell me who of all men was it who persuaded thee to march upon my land and so to become an enemy to me instead of a friend?" and he said: "O king, I did this to thy felicity and to my own misfortune, and the causer of this was the god of the Hellenes, who incited me to march with my army. For no one is so senseless as to choose of his own will war rather peace, since in peace the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their sons. But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine powers that these things should come to pass thus."
87. Then the Lydians recount that Croesus, after learning that Cyrus had changed his mind, saw that everyone was trying to put out the fire but that they could no longer control it. He cried out to Apollo, begging that if any gift he had given was ever accepted by the god, he would come to his aid and rescue him from the disaster that had fallen upon him. With tears, he pleaded with the god, and suddenly, they say, after a clear sky and calm weather, clouds gathered, a storm broke out, and it rained heavily, extinguishing the pyre. Then, realizing that Croesus was a lover of the gods and a good man, Cyrus ordered him to be taken down from the pyre and asked him, "Croesus, who convinced you to march into my land and become my enemy instead of a friend?" Croesus replied, "O king, I did this to your benefit and my own misfortune, and the cause of this was the god of the Hellenes, who urged me to lead my army. No one is so foolish as to choose war over peace, since in peace sons bury their fathers, but in war fathers bury their sons. But I suppose it was pleasing to the divine powers for things to unfold this way."
88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and caused him to sit near himself and paid to him much regard, and he marvelled both himself and all who were about him at the sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in thought was silent; but after a time, turning round and seeing the Persians plundering the city of the Lydians, he said: "O king, must I say to thee that which I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep silent in this my present fortune?" Then Cyrus bade him say boldly whatsoever he desired; and he asked him saying: "What is the business that this great multitude of men is doing with so much eagerness?" and he said: "They are plundering thy city and carrying away thy wealth." And Croesus answered: "Neither is it my city that they are plundering nor my wealth which they are carrying away; for I have no longer any property in these things: but it is thy wealth that they are carrying and driving away."
88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosened his bonds and made him sit close by, paying him a lot of attention. Both he and everyone around him were amazed at the sight of Croesus. Croesus, deep in thought, remained silent; but after a while, he turned around and saw the Persians raiding the city of the Lydians. He said, "O king, should I tell you what's on my mind, or should I remain silent in this situation?" Cyrus told him to speak freely about whatever he wanted. Croesus asked, "What is this huge crowd of people doing with such enthusiasm?" Cyrus replied, "They are plundering your city and taking away your wealth." Croesus responded, "It’s not my city they’re plundering, nor is it my wealth they’re taking; I no longer have any claim to these things. It is your wealth they are carrying off."
89. And Cyrus was concerned by that which Croesus had said, and he caused all the rest to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned for his advantage as regards that which was being done; and he said: "Since the gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think it right if I discern anything more than others to signify it to thee. The Persians, who are by nature unruly, 100 are without wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer them to carry off in plunder great wealth and to take possession of it, then it is to be looked for that thou wilt experience this result, thou must expect namely that whosoever gets possession of the largest share will make insurrection against thee. Now therefore, if that which I say is pleasing to thee, do this:—set spearmen of thy guard to watch at all the gates, and let these take away the things, and say to the men who were bearing them out of the city that they must first be tithed for Zeus: and thus thou on the one hand wilt not be hated by them for taking away the things by force, and they on the other will willingly let the things go, 101 acknowledging within themselves that thou art doing that which is just."
89. Cyrus was troubled by what Croesus had said, so he had everyone else leave and asked Croesus what he thought would be beneficial regarding what was happening. Croesus replied, "Since the gods have made me your servant, I believe it’s right to share any insights I have. The Persians, who are naturally unruly, 100 are lacking in wealth. If you allow them to take away a lot of wealth in plunder, you can expect that whoever gathers the largest share will rebel against you. So, if what I say sounds good to you, here's what you should do: have your guards stand watch at all the gates, and let them take the goods, telling the men carrying them out of the city that they must first give a tenth to Zeus. This way, you won’t be hated for forcibly taking the goods, and the men will willingly let the goods go, 101 realizing that what you’re doing is fair."
90. Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure pleased, because he thought that Croesus advised well; and he commended him much and enjoined the spearmen of his guard to perform that which Croesus had advised: and after that he spoke to Croesus thus: "Croesus, since thou art prepared, like a king as thou art, to do good deeds and speak good words, therefore ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee forthwith." And he said: "Master, thou wilt most do me a pleasure if thou wilt permit me to send to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honoured most of all gods, these fetters, and to ask him whether it is accounted by him right to deceive those who do well to him." Then Cyrus asked him what accusation he made against the god, that he thus requested; and Croesus repeated to him all that had been in his mind, and the answers of the Oracles, and especially the votive offerings, and how he had been incited by the prophecy to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking he came back again to the request that it might be permitted to him to make this reproach 102 against the god. And Cyrus laughed and said: "Not this only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus, but also whatsoever thou mayst desire of me at any time." Hearing this Croesus sent certain of the Lydians to Delphi, enjoining them to lay the fetters upon the threshold of the temple and to ask the god whether he felt no shame that he had incited Croesus by his prophecies to march upon the Persians, persuading him that he should bring to an end the empire of Cyrus, seeing that these were the first-fruits of spoil which he had won from it,—at the same time displaying the fetters. This they were to ask, and moreover also whether it was thought right by the gods of the Hellenes to practice ingratitude.
90. Hearing this, Cyrus was extremely pleased because he thought that Croesus gave good advice; he praised him highly and ordered his guards to follow Croesus's suggestion. Then he spoke to Croesus and said, "Croesus, since you are ready, like a king, to do good deeds and speak kind words, ask me for a gift—anything you want right away." Croesus replied, "Master, it would please me the most if you would allow me to send these shackles to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honored above all others, and to ask him whether he thinks it’s right to deceive those who do good to him." Cyrus then asked him what he meant by that, and Croesus explained everything that had been on his mind, including the Oracles’ answers, particularly the votive offerings, and how the prophecy had encouraged him to attack the Persians. He returned to his request, seeking permission to make this accusation 102 against the god. Cyrus laughed and said, "You won’t just get this from me, Croesus, but anything else you might desire from me at any time." After hearing this, Croesus sent some Lydians to Delphi, instructing them to lay the shackles at the entrance of the temple and to ask the god if he felt no shame for having led Croesus to attack the Persians with his prophecies, convincing him that he would bring down Cyrus's empire, since these were the first spoils he had taken from it—while also showing the shackles. They were to ask this, as well as whether the gods of the Hellenes thought it was right to be ungrateful.
91. When the Lydians came and repeated that which they were enjoined to say, it is related that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows: "The fated destiny it is impossible even for a god to escape. And Croesus paid the debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor, who being one of the spearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device of a woman, and having slain his master took possession of his royal dignity, which belonged not to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly desired that the calamity of Sardis might come upon the sons of Croesus and not upon Croesus himself, it was not possible for him to draw the Destinies aside from their course; but so much as these granted he brought to pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put off the taking of Sardis by three years; and let Croesus be assured that he was taken prisoner later by these years than the fated time: moreover secondly, he assisted him when he was about to be burnt. And as to the oracle which was given, Croesus finds fault with good ground: for Loxias told him beforehand that if he should march upon the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and he upon hearing this, if he wished to take counsel well, ought to have sent and asked further whether the god meant his own empire or that of Cyrus: but as he did not comprehend that which was uttered and did not ask again, let him pronounce himself to be the cause of that which followed. To him also 103 when he consulted the Oracle for the last time Loxias said that which he said concerning a mule; but this also he failed to comprehend: for Cyrus was in fact this mule, seeing that he was born of parents who were of two different races, his mother being of nobler descent and his father of less noble: for she was a Median woman, daughter of Astyages and king of the Medes, but he was a Persian, one of a race subject to the Medes, and being inferior in all respects he was the husband of one who was his royal mistress." Thus the Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians, and they brought the answer back to Sardis and repeated it to Croesus; and he, when he heard it, acknowledged that the fault was his own and not that of the god. With regard then to the empire of Croesus and the first conquest of Ionia, it happened thus.
91. When the Lydians came and repeated what they were told to say, the Pythian prophetess responded like this: "It's impossible for even a god to escape fate. Croesus has paid for the sins of his fifth ancestor, who was one of the Heracleidai warriors. He followed the deceitful scheme of a woman, killed his master, and took over a royal position that didn’t rightfully belong to him. Even though Loxias desperately wanted the misfortune of Sardis to fall on Croesus's sons and not on him, he couldn't change the Fate's plan; however, he did manage to delay the capturing of Sardis by three years as a favor to Croesus. This meant that Croesus was taken prisoner later than the destined time: he also helped him when he was about to be burned. Regarding the oracle given to him, Croesus had a valid reason to be upset: Loxias had told him in advance that if he attacked the Persians, he would destroy a great empire. After hearing this, if he wanted good advice, he should have sent someone to ask if the god meant his empire or Cyrus's; but since he didn’t understand what was said and didn’t ask for clarification, he must take responsibility for what happened next. When Croesus consulted the Oracle for the last time, Loxias mentioned something about a mule, but he didn’t grasp it either. In reality, Cyrus was that mule because he was born from parents of two different backgrounds—his mother was of nobler lineage, the daughter of Astyages, king of the Medes, while his father was a Persian, part of a subject race to the Medes. Thus, he was the husband of a royal mistress." So, this is how the Pythian prophetess answered the Lydians, and they took the message back to Sardis and shared it with Croesus. Upon hearing it, he realized that the fault lay with him, not the god. Regarding the empire of Croesus and the initial conquest of Ionia, this is what happened.
92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings made by Croesus and not only those which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes of the Boeotians there is a tripod of gold, which he dedicated to the Ismenian Apollo; then at Ephesos there are the golden cows and the greater number of the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of Athene Pronaia at Delphi a large golden shield. These were still remaining down to my own time, but others of his votive offerings have perished: and the votive offerings of Croesus at Branchidai of the Milesians were, as I am told, equal in weight and similar to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent to Delphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of his own goods and as first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his father; but the other offerings were made of the substance of a man who was his foe, who before Croesus became king had been factious against him and had joined in endeavouring to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon was a son of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the same mother, for Croesus was born to Alyattes of a Carian woman, but Pantaleon of an Ionian. And when Croesus had gained possession of the kingdom by the gift of his father, he put to death the man who opposed him, drawing him upon the carding-comb; and his property, which even before that time he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner mentioned to those shrines which have been named. About his votive offerings let it suffice to have said so much.
92. There are many other offerings made by Croesus in Hellas besides the ones already mentioned. First, at Thebes in Boeotia, there’s a gold tripod he dedicated to the Ismenian Apollo. Then at Ephesos, there are the golden cows and most of the temple pillars. In the temple of Athene Pronaia at Delphi, there’s a large golden shield. These remained until my time, but some of his offerings have been lost. The offerings Croesus made at Branchidai among the Milesians were reported to be similar in weight and style to those at Delphi. The items he sent to Delphi and the temple of Amphiaraos were dedicated from his own resources and were the first fruits of the wealth he inherited from his father. The other offerings came from the estate of a man who opposed him, who had conspired to make Pantaleon king of the Lydians before Croesus took power. Pantaleon was the son of Alyattes and Croesus's brother, but they had different mothers—Croesus was born to a Carian woman, while Pantaleon was born to an Ionian woman. After Croesus inherited the kingdom from his father, he executed the man who opposed him. The property he had vowed to dedicate before then was offered in the manner described to the shrines mentioned. That’s enough about his votive offerings.
93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no great store as compared with other lands, 104 excepting the gold-dust which is carried down from Tmolos; but one work it has to show which is larger far than any other except only those in Egypt and Babylon: for there is there the sepulchral monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus, of which the base is made of larger stones and the rest of the monument is of earth piled up. And this was built by contributions of those who practised trade and of the artisans and the girls who plied their traffic there; and still there existed to my own time boundary-stones five in number erected upon the monument above, on which were carved inscriptions telling how much of the work was done by each class; and upon measurement it was found that the work of the girls was the greatest in amount. For the daughters of the common people in Lydia practice prostitution one and all, to gather for themselves dowries, continuing this until the time when they marry; and the girls give themselves away in marriage. Now the circuit of the monument is six furlongs and two hundred feet, 105 and the breadth is thirteen hundred feet. 106 And adjoining the monument is a great lake, which the Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water, and it is called the lake of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this monument.
93. Compared to other lands, Lydia doesn't have many marvels to boast of, 104 except for the gold dust that flows down from Tmolos. However, it does have one remarkable structure that is much larger than any other, except for those in Egypt and Babylon: the tomb of Alyattes, the father of Croesus. The base of this monument is made of large stones, while the rest is just earth piled up. It was built through contributions from traders, artisans, and the women who worked in that trade. Even in my time, there were still five boundary stones on top of the monument with carvings that recorded how much work each group contributed, and it turned out that the women contributed the most. In Lydia, the daughters of the common people all engage in prostitution to save up for their dowries until they eventually marry. The perimeter of the monument is six furlongs and two hundred feet, 105 and it measures thirteen hundred feet in width. 106 Next to the monument is a large lake, which the Lydians say has a constant supply of water. It's called the lake of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this monument.
94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs as the Hellenes, with the exception that they prostitute their female children; and they were the first of men, so far as we know, who struck and used coin of gold or silver; and also they were the first retail-traders. And the Lydians themselves say that the games which are now in use among them and among the Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were invented among them at the same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, 108 and this is the account they give of them:—In the reign of Atys the son of Manes their king there came to be a grievous dearth over the whole of Lydia; and the Lydians for a time continued to endure it, but afterwards, as it did not cease, they sought for remedies; and one devised one thing and another of them devised another thing. And then were discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and the knucklebones and the ball, and all the other games excepting draughts (for the discovery of this last is not claimed by the Lydians). These games they invented as a resource against the famine, and thus they used to do:—on one of the days they would play games all the time in order that they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they ceased from their games and had food: and thus they went on for eighteen years. As however the evil did not slacken but pressed upon them ever more and more, therefore their king divided the whole Lydian people into two parts, and he appointed by lot one part to remain and the other to go forth from the land; and the king appointed himself to be over that one of the parts which had the lot to stay in the land, and his son to be over that which was departing; and the name of his son was Tyrsenos. So the one party of them, having obtained the lot to go forth from the land, went down to the sea at Smyrna and built ships for themselves, wherein they placed all the movable goods which they had and sailed away to seek for means of living and a land to dwell in; until after passing by many nations they came at last to the land of the Ombricans, 109 and there they founded cities and dwell up to the present time: and changing their name they were called after the king's son who led them out from home, not Lydians but Tyrsenians, taking the name from him.
94. The Lydians have customs that are very similar to the Greeks, except that they allow their daughters to be prostitutes. They were among the first known people to mint and use gold and silver coins, and they were also the first retailers. The Lydians claim that the games played both by them and by the Greeks were invented by them. They say these games were created when they colonized Tyrsenia, 108, and this is the story they tell:—During the reign of their king Atys, the son of Manes, Lydia experienced a severe famine. The Lydians endured it for a while, but as it continued, they started to look for solutions; one person came up with an idea, and another had a different one. They say that eventually, they discovered games like dice, knucklebones, balls, and all other games except for checkers (which they do not claim to have invented). They created these games as a way to cope with the hunger, so they would play for one day non-stop to distract themselves from their hunger, and on the next day, they would eat. They continued this routine for eighteen years. However, as the situation did not improve but instead worsened, their king divided the entire Lydian population into two groups. He randomly chose one group to stay and the other to leave the land; the king himself stayed with the group that remained, while his son, named Tyrsenos, led the group that was leaving. The group chosen to leave went to the sea at Smyrna, built ships, loaded their valuables, and sailed away in search of food and a place to live. After passing through many nations, they finally arrived at the land of the Ombricans, 109, where they established cities and still reside today. They changed their name to honor the king’s son who led them away from home, so they became known as Tyrsenians instead of Lydians.
The Lydians then had been made subject to the Persians as I say:
The Lydians had then become subject to the Persians, as I mentioned:
95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he was that destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in what manner they obtained the lead of Asia. Following then the report of some of the Persians,—those I mean who do not desire to glorify the history of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—according to their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also the other forms of the story in three several ways.
95, and after this, our history moves on to look into Cyrus, who was the one that took down Croesus's empire, and about the Persians, how they came to dominate Asia. Following the accounts of some Persians—specifically those who don’t aim to glorify Cyrus's legacy but want to tell the truth—I will write based on their accounts. However, I could also explain the story in three different ways.
The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five hundred and twenty years, and from them the Medes were the first who made revolt. These having fought for their freedom with the Assyrians proved themselves good men, and thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery from themselves and were set free; and after them the other nations also did the same as the Medes: and when all on the continent were thus independent, they returned again to despotic rule as follows:—
The Assyrians governed Upper Asia 110 for five hundred and twenty years, and the Medes were the first to revolt against them. After fighting for their freedom from the Assyrians, they demonstrated their bravery and successfully shook off the yoke of oppression; they gained their freedom, and soon after, other nations followed the Medes' example. Once all the nations on the continent were independent, they eventually returned to oppressive rule as follows:—
96. There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name was Deïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, having formed a desire for despotic power, did thus:—whereas the Medes dwelt in separate villages, he, being even before that time of great repute in his own village, set himself to practise just dealing much more and with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there was much lawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew that injustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same village, seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since he was aiming at power, was upright and just, and doing thus he had no little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch that those of the other villages learning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others gave decision rightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from unjust judgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to Deïokes to have their causes determined, and at last they trusted the business to no one else.
96. A man named Deïokes, known for his great skills, emerged among the Medes. He was the son of Phraortes. Deïokes wanted to seize power for himself, so he did the following: while the Medes lived in separate villages, and he was already well-regarded in his own, he decided to act even more justly and with greater commitment than before. He did this despite the widespread lawlessness in Media and the fact that he understood that injustice is always opposed to justice. The people in his village, noticing his character, elected him as their judge. Since he aimed for power, he remained fair and just, earning considerable praise from his fellow citizens. As news spread to the other villages that Deïokes was the best at making fair decisions, and since they had previously suffered from unfair judgments, they eagerly came to Deïokes to resolve their disputes and ultimately entrusted all their matters to him.
97. Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because men learnt that his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokes perceiving that everything was referred to himself would no longer sit in the place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for it was not profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes for his neighbours all through the day. So then, since robbery and lawlessness prevailed even much more in the villages than they did before, the Medes having assembled together in one place considered with one another and spoke about the state in which they were: and I suppose the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this effect: "Seeing that we are not able to dwell in the land under the present order of things, let us set up a king from among ourselves, and thus the land will be well governed and we ourselves shall turn to labour, and shall not be ruined by lawlessness." By some such words as these they persuaded themselves to have a king.
97. As more and more people kept coming to him because they realized his decisions were based on the truth, Deïokes noticed that everything was being referred to him. He decided he would no longer sit in the public space where he used to resolve issues, saying that he wouldn't judge cases anymore because it wasn't beneficial for him to neglect his own affairs while spending all day addressing those of his neighbors. As a result, since crime and disorder were rising even more in the villages than before, the Medes gathered in one place to discuss their situation. I imagine Deïokes' friends said something like this: "Since we can't live peacefully under the current conditions, let's appoint a king from among ourselves. That way, the land will be well governed, and we can focus on our work without being harmed by lawlessness." With words like these, they convinced themselves to have a king.
98. And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should set up to be king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one, until at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he bade them build for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity and strengthen him with a guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they built him a large and strong palace in that part of the land which he told them, and they allowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he had obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one fortified city and pay chief attention to this, having less regard to the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this also, he built large and strong walls, those which are now called Agbatana, standing in circles one within the other. And this wall is so contrived that one circle is higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone. And to some extent, I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it is on a hill, assists towards this end; but much more was it produced by art, since the circles are in all seven in number. 111 And within the last circle are the royal palace and the treasure-houses. The largest of these walls is in size about equal to the circuit of the wall round Athens; and of the first circle the battlements are white, of the second black, of the third crimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus are the battlements of all the circles coloured with various tints, and the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid with silver and the other with gold.
98. When they quickly raised the question of who should be their king, Deïokes was highly favored and praised by everyone, until they eventually agreed that he would be their king. He instructed them to build a palace worthy of royalty and to provide him with a guard of spearmen. The Medes complied: they constructed a large and strong palace in the location he specified, and they allowed him to choose spearmen from all the Medes. Once he took control, he forced the Medes to focus on creating one fortified city, paying less attention to the others. The Medes followed his orders, and he built large, robust walls—now known as Agbatana—that are arranged in concentric circles. The walls are designed so that each circle is higher than the one before it, elevated only by the height of the battlements. The terrain, being on a hill, likely aided this, but it was mainly created through design, as there are seven circles in total. 111 Within the innermost circle are the royal palace and the treasury. The largest of these walls is roughly the same length as the wall around Athens. The battlements of the first circle are white, the second black, the third crimson, the fourth blue, and the fifth red; thus, the battlements of all the circles are painted in different colors, with the last two circles having one battlement overlaid with silver and the other with gold.
99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace, and the people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after all was built, Deïokes established the rule, which he was the first to establish, ordaining that none should enter into the presence of the king, but that they deal with him always through messengers; and that the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit in presence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception. 112 Now he surrounded himself with this state 113 to the end that his fellows, who had been brought up with him and were of no meaner family nor behind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him and make plots against him, but that being unseen by them he might be thought to be of different mould.
99. Deïokes built these walls for himself and around his own palace, and he ordered the people to live around the wall. Once everything was built, Deïokes established a rule that he was the first to set, declaring that no one should enter the presence of the king; instead, they should always communicate with him through messengers. The king was not to be seen by anyone, and also, it was considered inappropriate to laugh or spit in his presence, and this applied to everyone without exception. 112 He surrounded himself with this state 113 so that his peers, who were raised with him and were of equal standing and personal virtue, would not feel upset by seeing him and conspire against him. Instead, by being unseen, he wanted to appear different to them.
100. Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in his despotism, he was severe in preserving justice; and the people used to write down their causes and send them in to his presence, and he determined the questions which were brought in to him and sent them out again. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he also took order for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving in an unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each act of wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the land over which he ruled.
100. Having organized everything and solidified his control, he was strict about maintaining justice. People would write down their issues and submit them to him, and he would decide on the matters presented and send out his judgments. This was his process for handling cases. Additionally, if he learned that someone was acting out of line, he would summon them and punish them according to the severity of their actions, and he had observers and informants throughout all the territory he ruled.
101. Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this: and of the Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai, Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of the Medes are so many in number.
101. Deïokes then united only the Median people and became their ruler. The Medes consist of the following tribes: Busai, Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, and Magians. There are many tribes among the Medes.
102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead, having been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power in succession; and having received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of the Medes alone, but marched upon the Persians; and attacking them first before others, he made these first subject to the Medes. After this, being ruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he proceeded to subdue Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he marched against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at Nineveh, and who formerly had been rulers of the whole, but at that time they were left without support their allies having revolted from them, though at home they were prosperous enough. 114 Phraortes marched, I say, against these, and was both himself slain, after he had reigned two-and-twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed.
102. The son of Deïokes was Phraortes. After Deïokes passed away, having ruled for fifty-three years, Phraortes took over the throne. But being king of the Medes wasn’t enough for him; he decided to go after the Persians first, making them the initial subjects of the Medes. After gaining control over these two strong nations, he continued to conquer Asia, moving from one nation to another, until he finally targeted the Assyrians—those who lived in Nineveh and had once ruled over all but were now deserted by their allies, even though they were still doing well at home. 114 Phraortes went against them and was killed after reigning for twenty-two years, along with most of his army being wiped out.
103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son of Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said to have been yet much more warlike than his forefathers; and he first banded the men of Asia into separate divisions, that is to say, he first arrayed apart from one another the spearmen and the archers and the horsemen, for before that time they were all mingled together without distinction. This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day became night as they fought, and who also united under his rule the whole of Asia above the river Halys. 115 And having gathered together all his subjects he marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also because he desired to conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with the Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down before Nineveh there came upon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and the leader of them was Madyas the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians. These had invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians out of Europe, and in pursuit of them as they fled they had come to the land of Media.
103. After Phraortes ended his life, his son Kyaxares, the son of Deïokes, took over the throne. This king was said to be even more combative than his predecessors; he was the first to organize the men of Asia into distinct divisions, meaning he separated the spearmen, archers, and cavalry, whereas before, they had all fought together without any order. He was the one who battled the Lydians when day turned to night during the fight, and he also brought all the lands of Asia above the river Halys under his control. 115 After gathering all his subjects, he marched on Nineveh to avenge his father and to conquer the city. After winning a battle against the Assyrians and laying siege to Nineveh, he was confronted by a massive army of Scythians, 116 led by Madyas, the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians. They had invaded Asia after driving the Cimmerians out of Europe, and in pursuit of them as they fled, had arrived in Media.
104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of the Colchians is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance; 117 and from Colchis it is not far to pass over to Media, for there is only one nation between them, the Saspeirians, and passing by this nation you are in Media. However the Scythians did not make their invasion by this way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road 118 which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand. Then the Medes fought with the Scythians, and having been worsted in the battle they lost their power, and the Scythians obtained rule over all Asia.
104. The journey from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and then to the land of the Colchians takes thirty days for someone unburdened; 117 and it's not far from Colchis to Media, since there's only one nation in between, the Saspeirians, and by going through this nation, you reach Media. However, the Scythians didn’t invade that way; instead, they took the longer route 118 along the upper path, keeping Mount Caucasus to their right. Then the Medes fought the Scythians, and after being defeated in battle, they lost their power, allowing the Scythians to take control over all of Asia.
105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syria which is called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and by gifts and entreaties he turned them from their purpose, so that they should not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through without doing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find by inquiry, is the most ancient of all the temples which belong to this goddess; for the temple in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people of Cyprus themselves report, and it was the Phenicians who founded the temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So these Scythians who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants for ever, were smitten by the divinity 119 with a disease which made them women instead of men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason that they were diseased, and that for this reason travellers who visit Scythia now, see among them the affection of those who by the Scythians are called Enareës.
105. Then they moved on to invade Egypt, and when they were in Syria, called Palestine, Psammetichos, the king of Egypt, met them. Through gifts and pleas, he managed to change their minds and stopped them from going any further. As they retreated and reached the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through without causing any harm, but a few who lingered behind looted the temple of Aphrodite Urania. From what I’ve learned, this temple is the oldest of all dedicated to this goddess; the temple in Cyprus was established based on this one, according to the people of Cyprus, and it was the Phoenicians who founded the temple in Kythera after coming from this land of Syria. So, those Scythians who plundered the temple in Ascalon, along with their descendants forever, were cursed by the goddess 119 with a sickness that turned them into women instead of men. The Scythians believe this is why they became ill and that’s why travelers who visit Scythia today see among them those known by the Scythians as Enareës.
106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia, and by their unruliness and reckless behaviour everything was ruined; for on the one hand they exacted that in tribute from each people which they laid upon them, 120 and apart from the tribute they rode about and carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares with the Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, made them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power, and had rule over the same nations as before; and they also took Nineveh,—the manner how it was taken I shall set forth in another history, 121—and made the Assyrians subject to them excepting only the land of Babylon.
106. For twenty-eight years, the Scythians ruled Asia, and their lawlessness and reckless behavior caused everything to fall apart. They demanded heavy tribute from each nation they encountered, 120 and besides the tribute, they would ride around and steal from each tribe. Then Kyaxares, with the help of the Medes, invited most of them to a feast, got them drunk, and killed them. This allowed the Medes to regain their power and rule over the same nations as before. They also captured Nineveh—the details of how it was taken will be covered in another history, 121—and made the Assyrians their subjects, except for the land of Babylon.
107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including those years during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of Kyaxares received from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom he named Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed from her so much water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole of Asia. This dream he delivered over 122 to the Magian interpreters of dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became afraid. And afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a husband, he did not give her in marriage to any one of the Medes who were his peers, because he feared the vision; but he gave her to a Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and of a quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of middle rank.
107. After this, Kyaxares died, having ruled for forty years, including the time when the Scythians were in control, and Astyages, Kyaxares' son, inherited the kingdom. He had a daughter whom he named Mandane; and in his dream, it seemed to him that a massive amount of water flowed from her, enough to fill his city and even flood all of Asia. He shared this dream 122 with the Magian dream interpreters, and when he heard their interpretations, he became afraid. Later, when Mandane was old enough to marry, he didn't give her to any of the Medes who were his equals because of his fear of the vision; instead, he married her off to a Persian named Cambyses, whom he considered to have good lineage and a calm temperament, deeming him to be of much lower status than a middle-ranking Mede.
108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year Astyages saw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters of dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him manager of all his affairs; and to him he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means, Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest thou set me aside, 123 and choosing the advantage of others instead, bring thyself afterwards to destruction. Take the child which Mandane bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it; and afterwards bury it in whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest." To this he made answer: "O king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence against thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards thee. If it is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done, my service at least must be fitly rendered."
108. When Mandane married Cambyses, in the first year, Astyages had another vision. He imagined that from this daughter’s womb a vine grew, and that vine covered all of Asia. After seeing this vision and sharing it with the dream interpreters, he called for his daughter, who was pregnant at the time, to come from the Persian lands. Once she arrived, he monitored her closely, wanting to eliminate whatever was going to be born from her, because the Magian interpreters of dreams indicated that her offspring would eventually be king in his place. To prevent this, when Cyrus was born, Astyages summoned Harpagos, a trusted relative and manager of his affairs, and said to him: "Don’t neglect this task I’m about to assign you, and be careful not to overlook my order for the benefit of others, which could lead to your own downfall. Take the child that Mandane gave birth to, take it to your home, and kill it; then bury it however you want." Harpagos replied, "O king, I have never offended you in the past, and I will continue to be vigilant to avoid any mistakes towards you in the future. If this is indeed your will, I will carry out my duties properly."
109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him adorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore, what is it in thy mind to do?" and he made answer: "Not according as Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or serve him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay the child; first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is old and without male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall come through me, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the slayer of it, and not one of mine."
109. So he responded, and when the child was brought to him dressed for death, Harpagos went to his wife in tears, recounting all the words spoken by Astyages. She asked him, "So, what are you planning to do?" He replied, "Not what Astyages commanded. Even if he becomes more irrational and crazed than he is now, I won’t go along with his orders or help him commit such a murder. I have many reasons for not killing the child; first, because he is my relative, and second, because Astyages is old and has no male heirs. If power comes to me after he dies, wouldn’t that put me in the greatest danger? To protect myself, this child must die; but it should be one of Astyages’ servants who kills him, not one of mine."
110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which were most suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by wild beasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca. Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his cattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median land is very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words: "Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible. And he bade me to say that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of destruction: 124 and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid forth."
110. So he spoke and immediately sent a messenger to one of Astyages’ herdsmen, whom he knew tended his herds in the best pastures for his needs, and in the mountains where wild beasts were most common. This man was named Mitradates, and he was married to a fellow slave; her name was Kyno in Greek and Spaco in the Median language, since what the Greeks call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca. The herdsman had his cattle pastures on the foothills of the mountains, stretching from Agbatana towards the North Wind and the Black Sea. In this area, the Median land is quite mountainous and high, heavily forested, while the rest of Media is flat plains. When this herdsman arrived, summoned urgently, Harpagos said, “Astyages commands you to take this child and leave it in the most desolate part of the mountains so it can die as quickly as possible. He instructed me to tell you that if you do not kill it or in any way keep it from dying, he will have you killed in the most terrible manner: 124 and I have been assigned to ensure the child is abandoned.”
111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also, as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by a providential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband, not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he returned and stood before her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first to speak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so urgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full of mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as I entered I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath and screaming, which was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the mountains which is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do this. And I took it up and bore it away, supposing that it was the child of some one of the servants of the house, for never could I have supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned with gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road, I learnt the whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out of the city and placed in my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth the son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is."
111. After hearing this and picking up the child, the herdsman went back the way he came and arrived at his home. His wife, who seemed to be close to giving birth every day, miraculously went into labor just as the herdsman had gone to the city. Both were worried, each about the other; the man was anxious about his wife's childbirth, while the woman was concerned about why Harpagos had summoned her husband, which he had never done before. As soon as he returned and stood in front of her, she, seeing him again against her expectations, was the first to speak and asked why Harpagos had called for him so urgently. He replied, "Wife, when I went to the city, I saw and heard something I wish I hadn't experienced, and I wish it had never happened to those we serve. The house of Harpagos was filled with mourning, and I was so shocked that I went inside. As soon as I entered, I saw an infant gasping for breath and crying, dressed in gold ornaments and fine clothing. When Harpagos saw me, he ordered me to take the child and carry it to the most dangerous part of the mountains, saying that it was Astyages who had given me this task, and he threatened me if I didn't comply. So, I picked it up and took it away, thinking it belonged to one of the servants, never imagining where it really came from. I was amazed to see it adorned with gold and fine clothes, and I was also perplexed by the mourning in Harpagos's house. As we traveled along the road, I learned the whole story from the servant who left the city with me and handed me the baby: it is, in fact, the son of Mandane, the daughter of Astyages, and Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, and Astyages ordered it to be killed. And now here it is."
112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to her. And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and clung to the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it forth. But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next said as follows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it forth, do thou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead. Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel for ourselves; for the dead child will obtain a royal burial and the surviving one will not lose his life."
112. As he said this, the herdsman uncovered the child and showed it to her. She saw that the child was big and beautifully formed, and she cried, clinging to her husband’s knees, begging him not to expose it. But he told her he had no choice, because watchers would come and go, sent by Harpagos to make sure it was done, and he would face a terrible fate if he didn’t comply. Since she couldn’t persuade her husband otherwise, the wife then said, "Since I can’t convince you not to expose it, do this instead, if it must be shown. I also had a child, but it was born dead. Take this one and expose it, and let us raise the daughter of Astyages's child as if it were our own. This way, you won’t be caught doing wrong by those we serve, and we won’t have made a bad decision for ourselves, because the dead child will get a royal burial, and the living one won’t lose his life."
113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing to put to death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child, he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it there. And when the third day came after the child had been laid forth, the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to watch there, and when he came to the house of Harpagos he said that he was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the herdsman's child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him up, giving him no doubt some other name, not Cyrus.
113. To the herdsman, it seemed that, given the situation, his wife made a good point, so he went along with it. The child he was supposed to kill, he handed over to his wife, and he took the dead child and placed it in the chest where he had been carrying the other one; then, he decorated it just like the other child and took it to the most remote part of the mountains to leave it there. When the third day came after the child had been set out, the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to keep watch, and when he arrived at Harpagos's house, he said he was ready to present the dead child's body; Harpagos sent his most trusted spearmen, and through them, he saw and buried the herdsman's child. This child was buried, but the one later known as Cyrus was taken in by the herdsman’s wife, who was raising him and likely gave him a different name, not Cyrus.
114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him as follows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in which were stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys of his age in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the office of bearing the messages, 12401 appointing a work for each one severally. Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son of Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him hand and foot, 125 and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being made much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with indignity, went down to the city and complained to his father of the treatment which he had met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for this was not yet his name, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that were unfitting and said: "O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we have been thus outraged," showing him the shoulders of his son.
114. When the boy turned ten, something happened that made him well-known. He was playing in the village where there were stalls for oxen, hanging out with other boys his age in the street. During their play, the boys decided to choose him, the son of the herdsman, as their king. He assigned some of them to build palaces, others to be his guards, and no doubt one of them he made the king's eye, while he appointed another to deliver messages, 12401, assigning a task to each one individually. One boy, the son of Artembares, a respected man among the Medes, refused to do what Cyrus asked him to do. So, Cyrus ordered the other boys to grab him by the arms and legs, 125, and when they did as he commanded, he treated the boy very roughly, whipping him. But as soon as he was let go, he became even angrier because he felt humiliated. He went into the city and complained to his father about how Cyrus had treated him, referring to him not as Cyrus—since that wasn’t his name yet—but as the son of the herdsman of Astyages. In a fit of anger, Artembares immediately went to Astyages, taking the boy with him, and declared that they had been wronged, saying, "O king, because of your servant, the son of a herdsman, we have suffered this indignity," showing the king his son's shoulders.
115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy to avenge the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his son. And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said: "Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my favour?" And he replied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For the boys of the village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me up as king over them, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place. Now the other boys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed and paid no regard, until at last he received the punishment due. If therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before thee."
115. When Astyages heard and saw this, wanting to punish the boy to avenge Artembares's honor, he called for both the herdsman and his son. When they were both there, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said, "Did you really dare, being the son of such a lowly father, to insult the son of this man who has my favor?" Cyrus replied, "Master, I acted rightly toward him. The boys from the village, including him, made me their king during play because they thought I was the best fit for the role. The other boys followed my commands, but he disobeyed and ignored me until he finally got the punishment he deserved. So if I’m to suffer for this, here I am standing before you."
116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of recognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for his station, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will so order these things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to find fault"; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had received the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him. And the herdsman said that he was his own son, and that the mother was living with him still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and as he said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him. So he, as he was being led away to the torture, 126 then declared the story as it really was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the whole, telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties, asking that he would grant him pardon.
116. While the boy spoke, Astyages suddenly felt a sense of recognition—he thought the boy's features looked like his own, and the boy's boldness seemed a bit too much for his status. The timing also matched the boy's age. Astyages was amazed and for a moment couldn't speak; after a while, he managed to regain his composure and said, wanting to send Artembares away so he could talk to the herdsman alone, "Artembares, I will handle this so you and your son won't have any complaints." With that, he dismissed Artembares, and the servants brought Cyrus in at Astyages' command. Once the herdsman was alone with the king, Astyages asked him where he had gotten the boy and who had given him to him. The herdsman replied that the boy was his son and that the mother was still living with him as his wife. But Astyages warned him that he was foolish to put himself in such a situation, and as he said this, he signaled to the guards to arrest him. As he was being taken away for torture, 126 the herdsman then told the whole story as it truly was; starting from the beginning, he recounted everything accurately and finally ended with pleas for forgiveness.
117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared less about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and bade his spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked him thus: "By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I delivered to thee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos, seeing that the herdsman was in the king's palace, turned not to any false way of speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows: "O king, so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered how I should do according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy command I might not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against thyself. I did therefore thus:—I called this herdsman and delivered the child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it—and in this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it, I say, to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain, and to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when he had done that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child. Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this death which I say."
117. So when the herdsman revealed the truth, Astyages was less concerned about him, but he was very upset with Harpagos and ordered his soldiers to summon him. When Harpagos arrived, Astyages asked, "What kind of death, Harpagos, did you give to the child I entrusted to you, born of my daughter?" Seeing the herdsman in the king's palace, Harpagos didn't try to twist the truth to avoid being caught, but said this: "O king, as soon as I received the child, I thought carefully about how I could act according to your wishes without committing murder against your daughter and you. So, I did the following: I called this herdsman and gave him the child, saying first that it was you who ordered him to kill it—and this was not a lie, for you did command this. I told him to leave it on a deserted mountain and to watch over it until it died, threatening him with various punishments if he failed to carry out the task. Once he did what he was ordered and the child was dead, I sent my most trusted eunuchs, and through them, I saw to the burial of the child. So, O king, this is what happened regarding this matter, and this is how the child met his end."
118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger which he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he related the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had come to pass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled by that which had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing that I had been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider that this is a happy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."
118. So Harpagos told the truth, and Astyages hid the anger he felt towards him for what had happened. First, he recounted the story to Harpagos as he had heard it from the herdsman. Once he had repeated it, he finished by saying that the child was alive and that everything had turned out well. "I was deeply troubled by what happened to this child, and I thought it was no small matter that I had fallen out with my daughter. So, consider this a fortunate turn of events. First, send your son to be with the boy who has just arrived, and then, since I plan to offer a sacrifice of thanks for the boy’s safety to the gods who deserve that honor, come here yourself to dine with me."
119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great matter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that he had been invited to dinner with happy augury; 127 and so he went to his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But Astyages, when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and boiled others he caused them to be dressed for eating and kept them ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests were present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before Astyages himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but before Harpagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head and the hands and the feet, 128 and these were laid aside covered up in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied with food, Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had been commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered up, together with the hands and the feet; and standing near they bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he desired. So when Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his son; and seeing them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer and taking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to his house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts together and bury them.
119. When Harpagos heard this, he showed respect and thought it was a big deal that his wrongdoing had turned into a benefit for him, and that he had been invited to dinner with a good omen; 127 so he went home. As soon as he entered, he sent his only son, who was around thirteen years old, to the palace of Astyages to do whatever the king commanded; and he, feeling very happy, told his wife what had happened. But when the son of Harpagos arrived, Astyages had him killed and dismembered. He then roasted some pieces and boiled others, preparing them for dinner. When it was time for the meal and the other guests were present along with Harpagos, tables covered with roasted lamb were set before the guests, but in front of Harpagos was the flesh of his own son, missing only the head, hands, and feet, 128 which were set aside covered in a basket. Once Harpagos seemed to be satisfied with the food, Astyages asked him if he enjoyed the banquet; and when Harpagos said he was very pleased, those tasked with the dreadful job brought him the covered head of his son, along with the hands and feet. They told Harpagos to uncover it and take whatever he wanted. When Harpagos complied and uncovered it, he saw the remains of his son; he didn't react in shock but kept his composure. Astyages then asked if he realized what kind of animal he had been eating. Harpagos affirmed that he did and that he was pleased with whatever the king chose to do. After responding, he gathered the remaining pieces of flesh and went home, and I assume he later collected all the parts and buried them.
120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took thought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment about his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came, Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and they spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer to them thus: "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he was dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and he performed completely all those things which they do who are really kings; for he exercised rule, 130 appointed to their places spearmen of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all else. Now therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things tend?" The Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became king without any arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage, for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some even of our oracles have had but small results, 131 and that at least which has to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplishment." Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, O Magians, am most disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was named king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well considered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and for you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us also, O king, it is of great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a Persian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account in the eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but while thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation, we both have our share of rule and receive great honours from thee. Thus then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now, if we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee beforehand: but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner, both we ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine eyes to the Persians and to his parents."
120. Astyages imposed this punishment on Harpagos and thought about Cyrus. He called the same Magians who had interpreted his dream as mentioned before. When they arrived, Astyages asked how they interpreted his vision, and they responded similarly, saying the child would have become king if he had lived and not died early. He replied, "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he was in the country, the village boys declared him king. He fulfilled all the duties of a real king; he exercised authority, 130 appointed guards, doorkeepers, messengers, and everything else. So, what do you think this means?" The Magians said, "If the child is still alive and became king without any plot, have confidence in him and stay courageous, for he won’t rule again; some of our oracles haven’t shown strong results, 131 and those related to dreams often lead to weak outcomes." Astyages responded, "I also, O Magians, tend to believe this is true; since the boy was named king, the dream has been fulfilled, and he is no longer a threat to me. However, advise me on what seems safest for my household and for you." In response, the Magians said, "It is also very important to us, O king, that your rule remains secure; otherwise, it will fall to outsiders, like this boy who is a Persian, and we, being Medes, will become slaves and insignificant to the Persians, as we are of a different race. But while you are our established king, being one of our nation, we both share power and receive great honors from you. Therefore, we must do everything we can to protect you and your rule. Now, if we saw anything to fear, we would inform you beforehand. But since the dream has played out in a minor way, we are both at ease and encourage you to be as well: as for this boy, send him away from your sight to the Persians and to his parents."
121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to him thus: "My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny; now therefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the herdsman and his wife."
121. When Astyages heard this, he was filled with joy, and calling out to Cyrus, he said: "My son, I wronged you because of a dream that didn't turn out as expected, but you are still alive because of your own fate. So, go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send men to guide you. When you arrive, you'll find a father and mother who are nothing like Mitradates the herdsman and his wife."
122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had returned and come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that, when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightway after his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And he told them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterly in error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of Astyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt the whole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had been brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might be thought by the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had been reared by a bitch: 132 and from that source has come this report.
122. After saying this, Astyages sent Cyrus away. When Cyrus returned to Cambyses' house, his parents welcomed him. They were overjoyed to see him because they had believed their son had died right after birth. They asked how he had survived. He explained that until then, he had been completely unaware of his true identity; during his journey, he learned everything about his life. He had thought he was the son of Astyages' herdsman, but as he traveled, those who took care of him revealed the whole story. He mentioned that he had been raised by the herdsman's wife, praising her highly throughout his tale. Because of this, Kyno became the key figure in his story. His parents adopted this name and, to make it seem to the Persians that Cyrus had been saved in a more miraculous way, they started a rumor that he had been raised by a dog: 132 and this story has persisted since.
123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the most courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his friend and sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on Astyages. For he saw not how from himself, who was in a private station, punishment should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had effected something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos communicated severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease from being king. When he had effected this and when all was ready, then Harpagos wishing to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads were watched, but devised a scheme as follows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it, just as it was, a piece of paper, having written upon it that which he thought good; and then he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the same time to open it with his own hands and let no one else be present when he did so.
123. As Cyrus grew into a man, he became the most courageous and well-liked of his peers. Harpagos wanted to befriend him and sent him gifts because he wanted to get revenge on Astyages. He realized that, being just a private citizen, he couldn't punish Astyages himself, but when he saw Cyrus maturing, he tried to make him an ally, seeing similarities between Cyrus's fate and his own. Even before this, he had done something: since Astyages was harsh to the Medes, Harpagos had discreetly communicated with the leading Medes and convinced them that they should make Cyrus their leader and remove Astyages from power. Once he had set this in motion and everything was prepared, Harpagos wanted to reveal his plan to Cyrus, who lived among the Persians. Since the roads were being monitored, he came up with a clever scheme: he prepared a hare, sliced open its belly without removing the fur, and tucked a piece of paper inside, which contained his message. Then he sewed up the hare’s belly and gave it to one of his most trusted servants, instructing him to take it to the land of the Persians and to tell Cyrus to open it with his own hands and not let anyone else be present when he did.
124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the hare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read it over. And the writing said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much good fortune. Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on Astyages who is thy murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by the care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou hast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened about thyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army against the Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army against thee, or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast what thou desirest; for these will be the first to attempt to destroy Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider then that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with speed."
124. So this was done, and Cyrus took the hare from him, cut it open, and found the paper inside. He picked it up and read it. The note said: "Son of Cambyses, the gods are watching over you, or else you wouldn’t have come into such good fortune. Therefore, you should take revenge on Astyages, who is your murderer. As far as he is concerned, you are dead, but thanks to the gods and me, you are still alive; and I believe you already know everything about what happened to you and what I've suffered from Astyages because I didn’t kill you but gave you to the herdsman. If you follow my advice, you will rule over all the land that Astyages now controls. Convince the Persians to rebel and lead an army against the Medes. Whether I become the leader of that army against you or someone else among the notable Medes, you will get what you want; they will be the first to try to overthrow Astyages, switching sides to join you. So keep in mind that everything is ready here, so act quickly."
125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might most skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he found that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—He wrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made an assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from it said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and now, O Persians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with a reaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians, and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd 134 kings. But other Persian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, the Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and the rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and Sagartians.)
125. After hearing this, Cyrus started thinking about how to cleverly persuade the Persians to revolt. He realized that this was the best way to go about it, and he followed through: He first wrote down what he wanted to say, then called a meeting of the Persians. He unfolded the paper and read aloud that Astyages had appointed him their commander. "And now, Persians," he continued, "I command each of you to come to me with a reaping-hook." Cyrus then announced this command. (Among the Persians, there are many tribes. Some of them Cyrus gathered and convinced to break away from the Medes, specifically those tribes upon which the other Persians rely, like the Pasargadai, Maraphians, and Maspians. The Pasargadai are the most esteemed, and they include the Achaimenidai clan, from which the Perseïd kings are descended. Other Persian tribes include the Panthaliaians, Derusiaians, and Germanians; all of these are farmers. The rest are nomadic tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans, and Sagartians.)
126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was overgrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in each direction; and when all had come with that which they had been before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the task proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the flocks of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to entertain the host of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them recline in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner, Cyrus asked them whether that which they had on the former day or that which they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that the difference between them was great, for the former day had for them nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men of the Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and ten thousand other good things, with no servile labour; but if ye will not do as I say, ye have labours like that of yesterday innumerable. Now therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem to myself to have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand; and I think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other matters or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that this is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith."
126. There was a certain area in Persia that was overgrown with thorns, stretching about eighteen or twenty furlongs in every direction. When everyone had gathered what they had been instructed to bring, Cyrus told them to clear this area for farming within a day. After the Persians completed the task, he instructed them to come to him the next day clean and bathed. In the meantime, Cyrus rounded up all the goats, sheep, and cattle belonging to his father, slaughtered them, and prepared a feast for the Persian hosts, along with wine and other delightful provisions. When the Persians arrived the next day, he made them lie down in a meadow and treated them to a feast. After they finished eating, Cyrus asked them which meal they preferred: the one from the previous day or the one they just enjoyed. They said the difference was significant; the previous day brought them nothing but trouble, while the current day was filled with good. Taking this comment to heart, Cyrus laid out his entire plan, saying, "Persian men, this is how it is for you. If you do as I say, you will have these and countless other good things without oppressive labor; but if you refuse, you will face endless toil like that of yesterday. So listen to me and set yourselves free: I believe I was destined to take charge of these matters; and I think you are no less capable than the Medes in any respect, especially in war. Consider this and revolt against Astyages immediately."
127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set themselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant to be ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting thus, he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger report to Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of the army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had marched out and began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued the battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the design, while others went over to the Persians; but the greater number were wilfully slack and fled.
127. The Persians, having found a leader, eagerly tried to free themselves, as they had long been frustrated with being ruled by the Medes. When Astyages heard that Cyrus was taking action, he sent a messenger to summon him; Cyrus told the messenger to inform Astyages that he would arrive sooner than Astyages might expect. Hearing this, Astyages armed all the Medes and, blinded by fate, appointed Harpagos as the leader of the army, forgetting what he had done to him. When the Medes advanced and started fighting the Persians, some continued to battle, specifically those who weren’t involved in the plan, while others switched sides to join the Persians; however, the majority chose to be deliberately unmotivated and fled.
128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shall Cyrus at least escape punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled the Magian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and he lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth.
128. So when the Median army was shamefully defeated, as soon as Astyages heard about it, he said, threatening Cyrus: "But Cyrus won’t escape punishment this time." After saying this, he first impaled the Magian dream interpreters who had convinced him to let Cyrus go, and then he armed the Medes—both young and old—who had stayed behind in the city. He took them out to battle, but he was defeated, and Astyages himself was captured, losing the Medes he had led into battle as well.
129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him and rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which he said to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to be a slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own son. 135 He looking at him asked him in return whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed was justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the most unskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because, when it was in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had now been done was really brought about by him), he had conferred the chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of that dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the Persians; whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of the Medes had now become their masters.
129. When Astyages was captured, Harpagos came and stood close to him, celebrating his fall and mocking him. Among other insulting remarks, he particularly asked how it felt to be a slave instead of a king, reminding him of that dinner where Astyages had fed him the flesh of his own son. 135 Astyages, looking at him, asked if he took credit for Cyrus's actions. Harpagos replied that since he had written the letter, the achievement rightfully belonged to him. Astyages accused him of being both the most incompetent and the most unjust of men; incompetent because, when he had the chance to become king (if what happened was indeed his doing), he had handed the authority to someone else, and unjust because, due to that dinner, he had enslaved the Medes. If he had to give the throne to someone else instead of keeping it for himself, it would have been fairer to bestow it upon one of the Medes rather than one of the Persians. Now, the Medes, who were innocent of the crime, had become slaves instead of rulers, while the Persians, who had once been the Medes' slaves, had now taken their place as rulers.
130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus caused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that period for which the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however it repented them that they had done this, and they revolved from Dareios, and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a battle. At this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians with Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from that time forth were rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides, but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became ruler of all Asia.
130. Astyages, having been king for thirty-five years, was forced to stop being king; and the Medes fell under the control of the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except for the time the Scythians were in charge. 136 Later, they regretted their decision and revolted against Darius, but they were conquered again in battle. At this time, I say, during Astyages’ reign, the Persians, led by Cyrus, rose up against the Medes and from then on became the rulers of Asia. As for Astyages, Cyrus did not harm him but kept him with him until he died. Thus, Cyrus was born and raised to be king; and after this, he defeated Croesus, who was the first to instigate the conflict, as I mentioned earlier; and having defeated him, he became the ruler of all Asia.
131. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians practise:—Images and temples and altars they do not account it lawful to erect, nay they even charge with folly those who do these things; and this, as it seems to me, because they do not account the gods to be in the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the mountains, and the whole circle of the heavens they call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon and the Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the Winds: these are the only gods to whom they have sacrificed ever from the first; but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania, having learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601 and the Persians Mitra.
131. These are the customs, as far as I know, that the Persians follow: They do not believe it's right to build images, temples, or altars, and they even consider those who do so foolish. It seems to me that this is because they don't think of the gods as looking like humans, unlike the Greeks. Instead, they tend to make sacrifices to Zeus by going up to the highest mountains, and they refer to the entire sky as Zeus. They also sacrifice to the Sun, the Moon, the Earth, Fire, Water, and the Winds; these are the only gods they have ever sacrificed to from the beginning. However, they have also learned to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania, picking it up from the Assyrians and the Arabians; the Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601 and the Persians Mitra.
132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which is established among the Persians:—they make no altars neither do they kindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal for sprinkling; 138 but when a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, having his tiara 13801 wreathed round generally with a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately the man who sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer, but he prays that it may be well with all the Persians and with the king; for he himself also is included of course in the whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the victim into pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass and especially clover, upon which he places forthwith all the pieces of flesh; and when he has placed them in order, a Magian man stands by them and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say that their incantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever purpose he pleases.
132. This is how the Persians perform sacrifices to the gods mentioned earlier: they don't build altars or light fires. When they're ready to make a sacrifice, they don't use libations, music from pipes, wreaths 137, or any meal for sprinkling 138. Instead, when someone wants to sacrifice to a god, they take the animal to a clean place and call upon the god while wearing a tiara 13801 usually adorned with a branch of myrtle. The person making the sacrifice does not pray for personal benefits but requests well-being for all Persians and the king, which also includes himself as part of the nation. After cutting the animal into pieces and boiling the meat, he spreads fresh grass, particularly clover, and places the pieces of flesh on top. Once arranged, a Magian stands by and chants a theogony (which is what they call their incantation), since they believe that sacrifices can't be made without a Magian. After waiting a little while, the sacrificer takes the meat and uses it for whatever he wants.
133. And of all days their wont is to honour most that on which they were born, each one: on this they think it right to set out a feast more liberal than on other days; and in this feast the wealthier of them set upon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same way. They have few solid dishes, 139 but many served up after as dessert, and these not in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say that the Hellenes leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any good dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon. To wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not permitted for a man to vomit or to make water in presence of another. Thus do they provide against these things; and they are wont to deliberate when drinking hard about the most important of their affairs, and whatsoever conclusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the next day, when they are sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be when they deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if it pleases them when they are sober also, they adopt it, but if it does not please them, they let it go: and that on which they have had the first deliberation when they are sober, they consider again when they are drinking.
133. They usually honor their birthdays the most, believing it's right to host a bigger feast than on other days. The wealthier folks serve a whole roasted ox, horse, camel, or donkey, while the poorer ones prepare smaller animals in the same way. They have few main dishes, 139 but plenty of desserts served up afterward, and they're not served all at once. This is why the Persians say that Greeks finish dinner feeling hungry; they don’t have any decent desserts, and if there were good desserts, they wouldn’t stop eating so quickly. They really enjoy drinking wine, and it's not allowed for someone to vomit or urinate in front of others. They take precautions against this, and while drinking heavily, they often discuss important matters. Whatever decision they come to that they like is brought up again the next day when they’re sober by the host of the house. If it still seems good to them when sober, they go with it; if not, they drop it. They also revisit decisions made when sober while they’re drinking.
134. When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern whether those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of greeting by words they kiss one another on the mouth; but if one of them is a little inferior to the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one is of much less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him and does worship to him. 140 And they honour of all most after themselves those nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell next nearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion to distance; and they hold least in honour those who dwell furthest off from themselves, esteeming themselves to be by far the best of all the human race on every point, and thinking that others possess merit according to the proportion which is here stated, 141 and that those who dwell furthest from themselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the Medes the various nations used also to govern one another according to the same rule as the Persians observe in giving honour, 142 the Medes governing the whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to themselves, and these having rule over those who bordered upon them, and those again over the nations that were next to them: for the race went forward thus ever from government by themselves to government through others.
134. When they encounter each other on the roads, you can tell if those meeting are of equal status—because instead of greeting with words, they kiss each other on the lips. However, if one is slightly lower in rank, they kiss each other on the cheeks, and if one is significantly lower, he falls to the ground and worships the other. 140 They honor those who live closest to them the most, then those who live slightly further away, continuing to give honor based on distance. They hold those farthest away in the least regard, believing themselves to be the best among all humans in every aspect, thinking that others have value according to the hierarchy just described, 141 and that those who live farthest from them are the least worthy. Under the rule of the Medes, the various nations also governed each other following the same principle as the Persians use for bestowing honor, 142 with the Medes governing everyone, especially those nearest to them, and those in turn ruling over those next to them, continuing the trend from self-governance to governance through others.
135. The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for they both wear the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own, and also for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular they have learnt from the Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They marry each one several lawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of concubines.
135. The Persians are more open to foreign customs than anyone else; they wear Median clothing because they think it looks better than their own. They also use Egyptian armor for fighting. Additionally, they indulge in all sorts of luxuries they hear about, especially the practice of having relationships with boys, which they learned from the Greeks. Each man marries several legitimate wives and also has a significantly larger number of concubines.
136. It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after excellence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those who have most the king sends gifts every year: for they consider number to be a source of strength. And they educate their children, beginning at five years old and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in shooting, and in speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years old he does not come into the presence of his father, but lives with the women; and it is so done for this reason, that if the child should die while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause of any grief to his father.
136. It’s seen as a sign of male excellence, right after being skilled in battle, to have many sons. Every year, the king sends gifts to those with the most sons because they believe that having many is a source of strength. They start educating their children at five years old and continue until they’re twenty, focusing on three things: horseback riding, target shooting, and telling the truth. However, before turning five, a boy doesn’t see his father and is raised by women. This is done to prevent the father from feeling grief if the child dies during upbringing.
137. I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next to be mentioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to death for one cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause alone shall do hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants; but if after reckoning he finds that the wrongs done are more in number and greater than the services rendered, 143 then only he gives vent to his anger. Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or mother, but whatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this nature, if examined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due either to changelings or to children of adulterous birth; for, say they, it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would be killed by his own son.
137. I appreciate this custom of theirs, and also the next one I'll mention, which is that the king himself cannot execute someone for just one reason, nor can any other Persian cause irreparable harm to their own servants for just one reason; instead, only after weighing the wrongs against the services done, 143 does he express his anger. Furthermore, they claim that no one ever killed their own father or mother; rather, any actions that seem like this, upon closer examination, must be due to changelings or children born from affairs; because, they argue, it's unreasonable to think that a true parent would be harmed by their own child.
138. Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is not lawful for them even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in their estimation is to tell an lie, and next to this to owe money, this last for many other reasons, but especially because it is necessary, they say, for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he does not come into a city nor mingle with the other Persians; and they say that he has these diseases because he has offended in some way against the Sun: but a stranger who is taken by these diseases, in many regions 144 they drive out of the country altogether, and also white doves, alleging against them the same cause. And into a river they neither make water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it, nor allow any other to do these things, but they reverence rivers very greatly.
138. There are things that it’s illegal for them to do, and they believe it’s also illegal to even talk about those things. The most shameful act, in their eyes, is to lie, and next to that is being in debt. The latter is particularly frowned upon for various reasons, but mainly because someone who owes money often has to lie. Anyone in the city who has leprosy or any skin discoloration doesn't enter the city or associate with other Persians; they believe these diseases come from having offended the Sun in some way. However, if a stranger gets these diseases, in many places, they are completely expelled from the country, much like white doves, for the same reason. Additionally, they avoid urinating or spitting in rivers, don’t wash their hands in them, and don’t allow anyone else to do so either, as they hold rivers in very high regard.
139. This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians have themselves failed to notice but I have not failed to do so:—their names, which are formed to correspond with their bodily shapes or their magnificence of station, end all with the same letter, that letter which the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this you will find, if you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, not some with this and others with other letters, but all alike.
139. This has also happened to them, which the Persians themselves haven't noticed but I have: their names, which are shaped to match their physical appearances or their impressive status, all end with the same letter, the one that the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma. If you look into it, you'll see that all Persian names end with this letter; none vary with different endings.
140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge about them: but what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mystery and not with clearness, namely that the body of a Persian man is not buried until it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However that may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the earth. Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men, as also from the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter of purity to kill no living creature except the animals which they sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands all creatures except dogs and men, and they even make this a great end to aim at, killing both ants and serpents and all other creeping and flying things. About this custom then be it as it was from the first established; and I return now to the former narrative. 145
140. I can confidently say this based on my own knowledge: but what comes next is said to be a secret mystery regarding their dead, not clearly explained. Specifically, a Persian man’s body is not buried until it has been torn apart by a bird or a dog. (I know for sure that the Magians practice this openly.) Regardless, Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the ground. The Magians are distinguished in many ways from other people, including the priests in Egypt. The latter consider it unclean to kill any living creature except for the animals they sacrifice, while the Magians personally kill all creatures except for dogs and humans, and they even take pride in this, killing ants, snakes, and all other crawling and flying things. As for this custom, it has been established from the beginning; now I will return to the previous narrative. 145
141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his subjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable, saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I pray you now, seeing that ye would not come out and dance before when I piped." Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer brought back to their cities, put walls round about them severally, and gathered together to the Panionion, all except the men of Miletos, for with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.
141. As soon as the Persians defeated the Lydians, the Ionians and Aiolians sent messengers to Cyrus in Sardis, wanting to become his subjects under the same conditions they had with Croesus. When he heard their proposal, he told them a fable: a musician playing his pipe saw fish in the sea and thought they would come ashore, but when they didn’t, he used a net to catch many of them. As they flopped around, he said to the fish, "Stop dancing, please, since you wouldn’t come out to dance when I played my pipe." Cyrus shared this fable with the Ionians and Aiolians because they had previously refused to side with him when he asked them to rebel against Croesus, but now that he had conquered, they were willing to submit. He expressed his anger with them, and when the Ionians returned to their cities with his response, they fortified their towns and gathered at the Panionion, except for the people of Miletos since those were the only ones Cyrus had made an agreement with on the same terms as the Lydians. The other Ionians decided together to send messengers to Sparta, asking for help from the Spartans.
142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to build their cities in the most favourable position for climate and seasons of any men whom we know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor those below, neither those towards the East nor those towards the West, 146 produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one direction being oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the other by heat and drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have four different variations of language. 147 First of their cities on the side of the South lies Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These are settlements made in Caria, and speak the same language with one another; and the following are in Lydia,—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with another. There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are established in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the mainland, namely Erythrai: now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the same form of language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone. Thus there result four separate forms of language.
142. The Ionians who belong to the Panionion are fortunate to have built their cities in the best locations for climate and seasons compared to anyone we know. The areas above and below Ionia, as well as to the East and West, 146 don’t produce the same outcomes as Ionia itself. One direction faces cold and dampness, while the other deals with heat and dryness. They don’t all speak the same language, but have four different dialects. 147 The first city on the southern side is Miletos, followed by Myus and Priene. These settlements are located in Caria and share the same dialect with each other. The following cities are in Lydia—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia. These cities don't resemble the earlier ones in the dialect they use, but they have similarities among themselves. Additionally, there are three Ionian cities, two located on the islands of Samos and Chios and one on the mainland, which is Erythrai. The people of Chios and Erythrai share the same dialect, while the Samians have a unique one. This results in four distinct dialects.
143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger, since they had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in islands had no cause for fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects of the Persians and the Persians themselves were not sea-men. Now these 148 were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than this:—The whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its races the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account: except Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and among them the Athenians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number of them are ashamed of the name: but these twelve cities not only prided themselves on the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave the name of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in it to any other Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it except those of Smyrna);
143. Among the Ionians, those from Miletus were safe from danger because they had made a sworn agreement. Those living on islands had nothing to fear, as the Phoenicians were not yet under Persian control and the Persians themselves were not sailors. Now, these 148 were separated from the other Ionians for one simple reason: the entire Greek nation was weak at that time, but among all its groups, the Ionians were by far the weakest and least significant. Aside from Athens, they had no major cities. The other Ionians, including the Athenians, distanced themselves from the name, not wanting to be labeled as Ionians. Even now, I notice that most of them are embarrassed by the name. However, these twelve cities not only embraced the name but also built a temple dedicated to it, which they called the Panionion, and they decided not to allow any other Ionians to be a part of it (though only the people of Smyrna asked to join).
144, just as the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five Cities 149 but was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take care not to admit any of the neighbouring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and even exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any offence as regards the temple. For example, in the games of the Triopian Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the victors, and the rule was that those who received them should not carry them out of the temple but dedicate them then and there to the god. There was a man then of Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the tripod to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground the other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos, excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos from sharing in the temple.
144, just like the Dorians from the area now known as the Five Cities 149 but previously called the Six Cities, 150 are careful not to let any of the neighboring Dorians into the temple of Triopion. They even exclude their own members who commit any offense related to the temple. For instance, in the games of the Triopian Apollo, they used to award bronze tripods as prizes for the winners. The rule was that the winners couldn’t take the tripods out of the temple; they had to dedicate them right there to the god. There was a man from Halicarnassos named Agasicles who, despite being a winner, ignored this rule and took the tripod to his house, hanging it on a nail. Because of this, the other five cities—Lindos, Ialysos, Cameiros, Cos, and Cnidos—excluded Halicarnassos from participating in the temple.
145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think that the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would not receive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt in Peloponnesus there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there are twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first, (beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence the river of the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and Helike, to which the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by the Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dyme and Tritaieis, of which the last alone has an inland position. 151 These form now twelve divisions of the Achaians, and in former times they were divisions of the Ionians.
145. They imposed this penalty, but I believe the reason the Ionians established themselves as twelve cities and refused to incorporate any more was that when they lived in Peloponnesus, there were twelve divisions among them, just like there are currently twelve divisions of the Achaians who expelled the Ionians. First, starting from the area of Sikyon, there's Pellene, then Aigeira and Aigai, where the river Crathis flows continuously (from which the river of the same name in Italy got its name), followed by Bura and Helike, where the Ionians sought refuge after being defeated by the Achaians in battle, and then Aigion, Rhypes, Patreis, Phareis, and Olenos, where the great river Peiros is found, along with Dyme and Tritaieis, the latter of which is the only one situated inland. 151 These now make up twelve divisions of the Achaians, and in the past, they were divisions of the Ionians.
146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve cities; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than the other Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly, considering that a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who seceded from their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races have been mingled with them; and those of them who set forth to their settlements from the City Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves the most noble by descent of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to their settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on account of this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule, imposing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their daughters, that they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife call her own husband by name, for this reason, because the Ionians had slain their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had them to wife. This happened at Miletos.
146. For this reason, the Ionians also established twelve cities; saying that these are more Ionians than the others, or have a nobler ancestry, is just foolishness, considering that many of them are Abantians from Euboea, who don’t even share the name Ionia, and the Minyai from Orchomenos, along with Cadmeians, Dryopians, Phokians who left their homeland, Molossians, Pelasgians from Arcadia, Dorians from Epidauros, and many other groups have mixed in with them. Those who set out to their new settlements from the City Hall of Athens and pride themselves on being of the noblest ancestry among the Ionians didn’t bring any women with them, but instead took Carian women, whose families they killed. Because of this slaughter, these women established a rule, imposing oaths on one another and passing it down to their daughters, that they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife ever call her husband by name. This was because the Ionians had killed their fathers, husbands, and children and then married them. This took place at Miletos.
147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants of Glaucos and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos, descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes of the two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more than the other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of truly pure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except the men of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do not keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.
147. Some of them appointed Lykian kings over themselves, who were descendants of Glaucos and Hippolochos, while others were governed by Cauconians from Pylos, descendants of Codros, the son of Melanthos, and some were ruled by princes from both groups. Since these people emphasize their lineage more than the other Ionians, they can be called the Ionians of truly pure descent if they wish; but in reality, all who trace their ancestry back to Athens and celebrate the festival of Apaturia are Ionians. Everyone observes this festival except for the people of Ephesus and Colophon: they are the only ones among the Ionians who do not celebrate the Apaturia, due to an incident involving a murder.
148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale, set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike 152; and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland running out Westwards towards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities used to hold a festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally are subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, just like the names of the Persians.) 153
148. The Panionion is a sacred site on the north side of Mycale, established by the Ionians as a place for Poseidon of Helike 152; and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland extending westward toward Samos, where the Ionians from their cities used to gather for a festival called the Panionia. (This applies not just to the Ionians' celebrations but to those of all the Greeks as well, as their names all end with the same letter, much like the names of the Persians.) 153
These then are the Ionian cities:
These are the Ionian cities:
149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, which is called Phriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa, Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of the Aiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them by the Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used also formerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune to settle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in respect of climate less favoured. 154
149, and the cities of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, also known as Phriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa, Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of the Aiolians, making a total of eleven, since one, Smyrna, was separated from them by the Ionians; previously, the cities on the mainland used to total twelve. The Aiolians were fortunate to settle in a land that is more fertile than that of the Ionians, although their climate was less favorable. 154
150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner:—certain men of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven from their native city, were received there for refuge: and after this the Colophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna were celebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and then they closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After this, when the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that on this condition the Aiolians should abandon Smyrna. When the men of Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst themselves and made them their own citizens.
150. The Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following way: some men from Colophon, who had been defeated in a struggle for power and had been forced out of their home city, were welcomed there as refugees. Later, the Colophonian exiles waited until the people of Smyrna were celebrating a festival for Dionysos outside the city walls, then they shut the gates against them and took control of the city. After that, when the entire group of Aiolians came to help, they agreed that the Ionians would hand over their movable goods, and in return, the Aiolians would leave Smyrna. Once the people of Smyrna did this, the remaining eleven cities divided the goods among themselves and claimed them as their own citizens.
151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with the exception of those situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from the rest. And of those which are in the islands, there are five in Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are called the "Hundred Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos, like those Ionians who dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but the remaining cities came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians whithersoever they should lead.
151. These are the Aiolian cities on the mainland, except for those on Mount Ida, which are separate from the others. Among the islands, there are five in Lesbos, since the sixth, Arisba, was taken over by the people of Methymna, even though its citizens were the same ethnicity as them. Tenedos has one city, and there’s another in what are known as the "Hundred Isles." The people of Lesbos and Tenedos, like the Ionians living on the islands, had no reason to be afraid; however, the other cities agreed to follow the Ionians wherever they would go.
152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to Sparta (for this business was carried out with speed), they chose before all others to speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He then put upon him a purple cloak, in order that as many as possible of the Spartans might hear of it and come together, and having been introduced before the assembly 155 he spoke at length, asking the Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to him, but resolved on the contrary not to help the Ionians. So they departed, and the Lacedemonians, having dismissed the messengers of the Ionians, sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars, to find out, as I imagine, about the affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man of most repute among them, whose name was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to no city of the Hellas, since they would not permit it.
152. When the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians arrived in Sparta (because this was done quickly), they chose the Phocaian named Pythermos to speak on their behalf. He then put on a purple cloak so that as many Spartans as possible would notice and gather around. Once introduced before the assembly 155, he spoke extensively, asking the Spartans for help. However, the Lacedemonians refused to listen to him and decided not to support the Ionians. Afterward, they sent the Ionian messengers away and dispatched a ship with fifty oars to gather information about Cyrus and Ionia. Upon reaching Phocaia, they sent their most respected member, Lacrines, to Sardis to inform Cyrus of the Lacedemonians' statement, warning him not to harm any city in Greece, as they would not allow it.
153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those of the Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were and how many in number, that they made this proclamation to him; and hearing their answer he said to the Spartan herald: "Never yet did I fear men such as these, who have a place appointed in the midst of their city where they gather together and deceive one another by false oaths: and if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians will be for them a subject of talk, but rather their own." These words Cyrus threw out scornfully with reference to the Hellenes in general, because they have got for themselves 156 markets and practise buying and selling there; for the Persians themselves are not wont to use markets nor have they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched away to Agbatana, taking with him Croesus and making for the present no account of the Ionians. For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the Bactrian nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians; and against these he meant to make expeditions himself, while sending some other commander about the Ionians.
153. When the herald finished speaking, Cyrus is said to have asked his Hellenic companions who the Lacedemonians were and how many there were, since they had made this proclamation to him. Upon hearing their answer, he told the Spartan herald: "I've never feared men like these, who have a designated place in their city where they gather and deceive each other with false oaths. If I stay healthy, their troubles won't be the topic of conversation for them, but rather their own." Cyrus said this scornfully about the Hellenes in general because they have established markets where they buy and sell; the Persians, on the other hand, don't usually use markets and have no market place at all. After this, he put Sardis in the hands of Tabalos, a Persian, and entrusted the gold of Croesus and the other Lydians to Pactyas, a Lydian, to manage, while he marched off to Agbatana, taking Croesus with him and currently ignoring the Ionians. Babylon remained in his way, as did the Bactrians, the Sacans, and the Egyptians; he planned to lead military campaigns against them himself while sending another commander to deal with the Ionians.
154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused the Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to the sea, and having in his possession all the gold that there had been in Sardis, he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded the men of the sea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besieged Tabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel.
154. But when Cyrus left Sardis, Pactyas triggered a rebellion among the Lydians against Tabalos and Cyrus. He went down to the coast, took all the gold that had been in Sardis, hired mercenaries, and convinced the coastal people to join his cause. He then marched toward Sardis and laid siege to Tabalos, securing himself in the citadel.
155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows: "Croesus, what end shall I find of these things which are coming to pass? The Lydians will not cease as it seems, from giving trouble to me and from having it themselves. I doubt me if it were not best 157 to sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like manner as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so I took prisoner and am carrying away thee, who wert much more than the father of the Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves I delivered up their city; and can I feel surprise after this that they have revolted from me?" Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him as follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O king, that which thou hast said is not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city which is guiltless both of the former things and also of those which have come to pass now: for as to the former things it was I who did them and I bear the consequences heaped upon my head; 158 and as for what is now being done, since the wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis, let him pay the penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay upon them commands as follows, in order that they may not revolt nor be a cause of danger to thee:—send to them and forbid them to possess weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics under their outer garments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers; and soon thou shalt see, O king, that they have become women instead of men, so that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee."
155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus, "Croesus, what should I expect from all these things happening? It seems the Lydians won't stop causing trouble for me and themselves. I wonder if it wouldn't be best 157 to sell them all into slavery; because as it stands, it feels like I've done something similar to killing a father and then sparing his sons: just like that, I took you, who are much more than the father of the Lydians, prisoner, while I handed over their city to the Lydians. Is it any surprise that they've turned against me after that?" He expressed what he was thinking, but Croesus replied, worried he might destroy Sardis: "Oh king, there’s reason in what you’ve said; but please don’t unleash all your anger or destroy an ancient city that isn’t guilty of either the past or the current events: I am the one responsible for the former actions, and I will take the consequences laid upon me; 158 as for what’s happening now, since Pactyas, whom you entrusted with Sardis, is the wrongdoer, let him face the punishment. But I ask you to forgive the Lydians and give them these instructions so they won’t revolt or become a threat to you:—send to them and forbid them from possessing weapons of war but tell them to wear tunics under their outer garments and to wear boots, and let them know to train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to work in retail; and soon, O king, you’ll see that they have become more like women than men, so there will be no fear of them rebelling against you."
156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this was better for the Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he knew that if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he would not persuade Cyrus to change his mind, and he feared lest at some future time, if they should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt from the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the suggestion made and slackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with his advice. Then he called Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to proclaim to the Lydians that which Croesus suggested, and moreover to sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with the Lydians in the expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring Pactyas himself alive to Cyrus.
156. Croesus suggested to him that it would be better for the Lydians to avoid being enslaved and sold, as he realized this was a more favorable option. He knew that if he didn't provide a compelling reason, he wouldn't be able to convince Cyrus to change his mind. He was concerned that in the future, if they managed to escape the current threat, the Lydians might rebel against the Persians and face destruction. Cyrus was very pleased with Croesus's suggestion and calmed down, stating that he agreed with the advice. He then called Mazares, a Mede, and instructed him to announce to the Lydians what Croesus had proposed, as well as to sell into slavery all the others who had joined the Lydians in their campaign to Sardis, and finally, to ensure that Pactyas himself was brought alive to Cyrus.
157. Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to the native land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army was approaching to fight against him was struck with fear and fled away forthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with a certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas or his followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians to perform the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed the whole manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send messengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas: and the men of Kyme resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the question what counsel they should follow. For there was there an Oracle established of old time, which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this place is in the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.
157. After giving this order on the road, he continued his march to the homeland of the Persians. However, upon hearing that an army was coming to fight against him, Pactyas was filled with fear and immediately fled to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched toward Sardis with part of Cyrus's army, and since he found neither Pactyas nor his followers still at Sardis, he initially forced the Lydians to follow Cyrus's commands. Under his orders, the Lydians completely changed their way of life. After this, Mazares sent messengers to Kyme, telling them to surrender Pactyas. The people of Kyme decided to consult the god at Branchidai for guidance on what to do. There was an Oracle established there from long ago that all the Ionians and Aiolians used to consult, and this location lies in the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.
158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159 to inquire of the god, and they asked what course they should take about Pactyas so as to do that which was pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired, the answer was given them that they should deliver up Pactyas to the Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported, were disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were thus disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among the citizens, stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of the answer and thinking that those sent to inquire were not speaking the truth; until at last other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask a second time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one.
158. So the people of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159 to ask the god what they should do about Pactyas to ensure they pleased the gods. When they made their inquiry, the response was that they should hand Pactyas over to the Persians. After hearing this response, the people of Kyme were inclined to comply. However, as the majority were ready to proceed, Aristodicos, the son of Heracleides and a respected figure among the citizens, stopped them, doubting the answer and believing that those sent to inquire were not being truthful. Eventually, other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask again about Pactyas, and Aristodicos was among them.
159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the rest and consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there came to us a suppliant for protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a violent death at the hands of the Persians, and they demand him from us, bidding the men of Kyme give him up. But we, though we fear the power of the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver to them the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us, saying which of the two things we ought to do." He thus inquired, but the god again declared to them the same answer, bidding them deliver up Pactyas to the Persians. Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose did as follows:—he went all round the temple destroying the nests of the sparrows 161 and of all the other kinds of birds which had been hatched on the temple: and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: "Thou most impious of men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry away by force from my temple the suppliants for my protection?" And Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss replied to this: "Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants, and yet biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?" and the god answered him again thus: "Yea, I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more quickly for your impiety; so that ye may not at any future time come to the Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants."
159. When they arrived at Branchidai, Aristodicos stepped forward and consulted the Oracle, asking: "Lord, a Lydian named Pactyas has come to us seeking protection, fleeing from a violent death at the hands of the Persians. They are demanding that we hand him over, instructing the men of Kyme to give him up. However, even though we fear the Persians, we have not dared to deliver the suppliant to them until your guidance is clearly shown to us on what we should do." He asked this, but the god repeated the same instruction, telling them to surrender Pactyas to the Persians. Following this, Aristodicos deliberately went around the temple, destroying the nests of the sparrows and all other birds that had made nests there. While he was doing this, it is said that a voice came from the inner shrine, addressing Aristodicos and saying: "You most impious man, why do you dare to do this? Are you forcibly taking my suppliants from my temple?" Aristodicos, not at all surprised, replied: "Lord, do you assist your suppliants, yet command the men of Kyme to surrender theirs?" The god answered him again: "Yes, I command you to do so, so that you may perish more quickly for your impiety; so that you may not come to the Oracle in the future to inquire about delivering up suppliants."
160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing either to be destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him with them, they sent him away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, when Mazares sent messages to them, were preparing to deliver up Pactyas for a price, but what the price was I cannot say for certain, since the bargain was never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt that this was being done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from the temple of Athene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the Chians delivered him up receiving Atarneus in return, (now this Atarneus is a region of Mysia 162 opposition Lesbos). So the Persians having received Pactyas kept him under guard, meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And a long time elapsed during which none of the Chians either used barley-meal grown in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out in sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for offering of the corn which grew there, but all the produce of this land was excluded from every kind of sacred service.
160. When the people of Kyme heard this news, they didn't want to risk being destroyed by handing him over or being besieged by keeping him. So, they sent him away to Mytilene. However, the people of Mytilene, when Mazares sent them messages, were getting ready to turn Pactyas in for a price, although I can't say for sure what that price was since the deal never went through. When the people of Kyme found out what the Mytilenians were doing, they sent a ship to Lesbos and took Pactyas to Chios. After that, the Chians forcibly dragged him out of the temple of Athene Poliuchos and handed him over. They turned him in and received Atarneus in return; (Atarneus is a region in Mysia 162 against Lesbos). So, the Persians took custody of Pactyas, intending to present him to Cyrus. A long time went by during which none of the Chians used barley-meal from the Atarneus region to pour out in sacrifices to any god or baked cakes from the crops that grew there; instead, all produce from that land was kept out of any sacred service.
161. The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after this Mazares made expedition against those who had joined in besieging Tabalos: and first he reduced to slavery those of Priene, then he overran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his army, and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway after this he fell sick and died.
161. The men of Chios then handed over Pactyas; after that, Mazares launched a campaign against those who had participated in the siege of Tabalos. He first enslaved the people of Priene, then he devastated the entire Maiander plain, plundering it for his army, and did the same to Magnesia. Shortly after this, he fell ill and died.
162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command, being also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the Medes Astyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give the kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed commander then by Cyrus, came to Ionia and proceeded to take the cities by throwing up mounds against them: for when he had enclosed any people within their walls, then he threw up mounds against the walls and took their city by storm; and the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.
162. After his death, Harpagos took over the leadership, also being a Mede by descent (he was the one whom the king of the Medes, Astyages, had invited to the illegal feast, and who helped hand the kingdom to Cyrus). Appointed as commander by Cyrus, he went to Ionia and started capturing cities by constructing mounds against them. Once he had trapped a population within their walls, he built mounds against the walls and stormed their city; the first city in Ionia that he targeted was Phocaia.
163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made long voyages, and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia and Iberia and Tartessos: and they made voyages not in round ships, but in vessels of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and became friends with the king of the Tartessians whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and twenty. With this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they desired in his own land; and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians to do this, afterwards, hearing from them of the Mede how his power was increasing, he gave them money to build a wall about their city: and he did this without sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs 163 in extent, and it is built all of large stones closely fitted together.
163. The Phocaians were the first Greeks to embark on long voyages, and they discovered the Adriatic Sea, Tyrrhenia, Iberia, and Tartessos. They didn’t sail in round ships but in vessels with fifty oars. They reached Tartessos and became close friends with the king of the Tartessians, named Arganthonios. He ruled for eighty years and lived for a total of one hundred and twenty years. The bond between the Phocaians and Arganthonios grew so strong that he invited them to leave Ionia and settle wherever they wanted in his territory. When they decided not to take him up on that offer, he later, upon hearing from them about the rising power of the Medes, gave them money to build a wall around their city. He provided this support generously, as the wall stretches for many furlongs 163 and is built entirely from large stones that fit together tightly.
164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagos having marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the same time holding forth to them proposals and saying that it was enough to satisfy him if the Phocaians were willing to throw down one battlement of their wall and dedicate one single house. 164 But the Phocaians, being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that they wished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that they would give their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from the wall while they were deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very well what they were meaning to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow them to deliberate. So in the time that followed, when Harpagos had withdrawn his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their fifty-oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and women and all their movable goods, and besides them the images out of the temples and the other votive offerings except such as were made of bronze or stone or consisted of paintings, all the rest, I say, they put into the ships, and having embarked themselves they sailed towards Chios; and the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being deserted of the inhabitants.
164. The Phocaians built their wall like this: when Harpagos marched his army against them, he started to lay siege, offering them terms and saying it would be enough if the Phocaians would take down just one section of their wall and dedicate one house. 164 But the Phocaians, deeply distressed at the thought of surrender, said they needed a day to think it over and would respond after that; they also asked him to pull back his army from the wall while they made their decision. Harpagos, knowing exactly what they intended to do, agreed to let them deliberate. In that time, once Harpagos had withdrawn his army, the Phocaians pulled their fifty-oared galleys down to the sea, loaded them with their children, women, and all their movable possessions, as well as the images from their temples and other offerings, except for those made of bronze or stone or any paintings. They loaded all the rest onto the ships and sailed toward Chios, leaving the city of Phocaia abandoned and in the hands of the Persians.
165. But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell them at their request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest these islands might be made a seat of trade and their island might be shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos: 165 for in Kyrnos twenty years before this they had established a city named Alalia, in accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And when they were setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and slaughtered the Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had delivered the city; then after they had achieved this they made solemn imprecations on any one of them who should be left behind from their voyage, and moreover they sank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that not until that mass should appear again on the surface 166 would they return to Phocaia. However as they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of the citizens were seized with yearning and regret for their city and for their native land, and they proved false to their oath and sailed back to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the oath still, weighed anchor from the islands of Oinussai and sailed.
165. But for the Phocaians, since the people of Chios wouldn't sell them the islands called Oinussai, fearing that these islands might become a trading hub and exclude their island, they set out for Kyrnos: 165 because in Kyrnos, twenty years earlier, they had established a city called Alalia, based on an oracle (by that time, Arganthonios was already dead). As they prepared to leave for Kyrnos, they first sailed to Phocaia and killed the Persian garrison, whom Harpagos had put in charge of the city. After they accomplished this, they made a solemn vow that anyone who stayed behind on their journey would be cursed, and they also sank a large mass of iron into the sea, swearing that they wouldn't return to Phocaia until that mass rose back to the surface 166. However, as they were setting off to Kyrnos, more than half of the citizens felt a deep longing and regret for their city and homeland, and they broke their oath by sailing back to Phocaia. But those who kept the oath still weighed anchor from the islands of Oinussai and continued their journey.
166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together with those who had come thither before, and they founded temples there. Then, since they plundered the property of all their neighbours, the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 made expedition against them by agreement with one another, each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians also manned their vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy in that which is called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one another in the sea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory, for forty of their ships were destroyed and the remaining twenty were disabled, having had their prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia and took up their children and their women and their other possessions as much as their ships proved capable of carrying, and then they left Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion.
166. When they arrived in Kyrnos, they lived there together for five years with those who had come before them, and they built temples. Then, after plundering the property of their neighbors, the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 joined forces and launched an expedition against them, each with sixty ships. The Phocaians also manned their ships, totaling sixty, and confronted the enemy in what is now called the Sardinian Sea. When they faced each other in battle, the Phocaians suffered a sort of pyrrhic victory, losing forty of their ships and damaging the remaining twenty, which had their prows bent. They then sailed to Alalia, gathered their children, women, and as much of their possessions as their ships could carry, and left Kyrnos behind as they sailed to Rhegion.
167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the Carthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them, 168 and these they brought to land and killed by stoning. After this the men of Agylla found that everything which passed by the spot where the Phocaians were laid after being stoned, became either distorted, or crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and human creatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge themselves of the offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that which the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, they make great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and hold at the place a contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians had the fate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegion started from thence and took possession of that city in the land of Oinotria which now is called Hyele. This they founded having learnt from a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer meant them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found a settlement in the island of Kyrnos. 169
167. But regarding the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the Carthaginians and Tyrsenians captured most of them, 168 and they brought them to shore and killed them by stoning. After this, the people of Agylla noticed that anything passing by the spot where the Phocaians were stoned became either twisted, injured, or paralyzed, including small livestock, working animals, and humans. So, the people of Agylla sent a message to Delphi, seeking to cleanse themselves of the wrongdoing; the Pythian oracle instructed them to perform certain actions that the people of Agylla still continue today—making significant sacrifices in honor of the deceased and holding athletic and horse-racing contests at the site. Those Phocaians met the fate I mentioned; however, those who sought refuge in Rhegion set out from there and established that city in the land of Oinotria, which is now called Hyele. They founded it after learning from a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian oracle meant for them to build a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, rather than establishing a settlement on the island of Kyrnos. 169
168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thing also was done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their wall with a mound, they embarked in their ships and sailed straightway for Thrace; and there they founded the city of Abdera, which before them Timesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit therefrom, but was driven out by the Thracians; and now he is honoured as a hero by the Teïans in Abdera.
168. Regarding Phocaia in Ionia, this is what happened, and a similar situation occurred with the people of Teos: as soon as Harpagos breached their walls with a mound, they boarded their ships and sailed directly to Thrace. There, they established the city of Abdera, which had previously been founded by Timesios of Clazomenai, who gained nothing from it and was expelled by the Thracians. Now, he is honored as a hero by the Teians in Abdera.
169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because they would not endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the Milesians did indeed contend in arms with Harpagos like those who left their homes, and proved themselves brave men, fighting each for his own native city; but when they were defeated and captured they remained all in their own place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agreement with Cyrus himself and kept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been reduced to subjection. And when Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on the mainland, then the Ionians who dwelt in the islands, being struck with fear by these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus.
169. Only these Ionians left their hometowns because they couldn't tolerate being ruled. The other Ionians, except for the Milesians, did fight against Harpagos like those who left their homes, proving their bravery as they defended their own cities. However, when they were defeated and captured, they stayed put and accepted their fate. The Milesians, as I mentioned before, had made a sworn agreement with Cyrus and remained quiet. Thus, Ionia was once again brought under control. After Harpagos defeated the Ionians on the mainland, the Ionians living in the islands, frightened by these events, surrendered to Cyrus.
170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuing still to hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man of Priene set forth to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitable counsel, by following which they might have been the most prosperous of all the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set forth in one common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single city for all the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and being rulers over others; whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did not perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer exist for them. This was the counsel given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been ruined; but a good counsel too was given before the ruin of Ionia by Thales a man of Miletos, who was by descent of Phenician race. He advised the Ionians to have one single seat of government, 170 and that this should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of Ionia), and that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but accounted just as if they were demes.
170. After the Ionians had been mistreated but still continued to gather at the Panionion, a man from Priene named Bias proposed a very beneficial plan for the Ionians. He suggested that they should launch a united expedition and sail to Sardinia, with the goal of establishing a single city for all the Ionians. By doing this, they would avoid subjugation and thrive on the largest island, ruling over others. He claimed that if they stayed in Ionia, they would lose their freedom. This was the advice Bias of Priene gave after Ionia was already in decline. Before this decline, Thales of Miletus, who was of Phoenician descent, also offered wise counsel. He recommended that the Ionians establish a single seat of government, 170, and that it should be in Teos (which he argued was at the center of Ionia), while the other cities should remain as they were but be regarded as if they were demes.
These men 171 set forth to them counsels of the kind which I have said:
These men 171 offered them advice of the kind I've mentioned:
171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against the Carians and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to help him. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from the islands; for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used to supply his ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much the most famous at that time together with him. And they produced three inventions of which the Hellenes adopted the use; that is to say, the Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening crests on helmets, and of making the devices which are put onto shields, and these also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to that time all who were wont to use shields carried them without handles and with leathern straps to guide them, having them hung about their necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse of a long time the Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they came to the mainland. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate that it happened thus; the Carians themselves however do not agree with this account, but suppose that they are dwellers on the mainland from the beginning, 172 and that they went always by the same name which they have now: and they point as evidence of this to an ancient temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and Mysos were brothers of Car; these share in it, but those who being of another race have come to speak the same language as the Carians, these have no share in it.
171. But Harpagus, after conquering Ionia, marched against the Carians, Caunians, and Lykians, and he also brought Ionians and Aiolians to help him. The Carians came to the mainland from the islands; they were once subjects of Minos, and they were called Leleges. They lived in the islands and paid no tribute for as long as I can remember, but whenever Minos needed it, they supplied his ships with sailors. Minos conquered a lot of land and was successful in battle, making the Carian nation the most famous at that time alongside him. They introduced three innovations that the Greeks adopted: first, they were the ones who started the trend of adding crests to helmets, then they created the designs for shields, and they were also the first to make handles for their shields. Before this, everyone who used shields carried them without handles, using leather straps to control them, hanging them around their necks and over their left shoulders. After a long time, the Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, so they moved to the mainland. Regarding the Carians, the Cretans say it happened this way; however, the Carians themselves disagree with this account and believe they have always lived on the mainland, 172 and that they have always been called by the same name they have now. They point to an ancient temple of Carian Zeus at Mylasa as evidence, which the Mysians and Lydians also share since they are considered brother races of the Carians. They say that Lydus and Mysos were brothers of Car; these people share in it, but those from different races who speak the same language as the Carians do not share in it.
172. It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from the beginning, though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but they have been assimilated to the Carian race in language, or else the Carians to the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which. They have customs however in which they differ very much from all other men as well as from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their estimation is to meet together in numbers for drinking, according to equality of age or friendship, both men, women, and children; and again when they had founded temples for foreign deities, afterwards they changed their purpose and resolved to worship only their own native gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their armour and made pursuit as far as the borders of the Calyndians, beating the air with their spears; and they said that they were casting the foreign gods out of the land. Such are the customs which these have.
172. It seems to me, however, that the Caunians have lived there from the beginning, even though they claim they came from Crete. They've blended with the Carian people in language, or perhaps the Carians have adopted Caunian language—I'm not sure which. They do, however, have customs that are quite different from everyone else, including the Carians. For instance, they believe the best thing is to gather together in groups for drinking, based on age or friendship, involving men, women, and children. Additionally, after they built temples for foreign gods, they later changed their minds and decided to worship only their own native deities. The young men of Caunus armed themselves and chased as far as the borders of the Calyndians, waving their spears in the air, claiming they were driving out the foreign gods from their land. These are the customs they hold.
173. The Lykians however have sprung originally from Crete (for in old time the whole of Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when the sons of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about the kingdom, Minos having got the better in the strife of parties drove out both Sarpedon himself and those of his party: and they having been expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for the land which now the Lykians inhabit was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans were then called Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called by the name which they had when they came thither, and by which the Lykians are even now called by the neighbouring tribes, namely Termilai; but when from Athens Lycos the son of Pandion came to the land of the Termilai and to Sarpedon, he too having been driven out by his brother namely Aigeus, then by the name taken from Lycos they were called after a time Lykians. The customs which these have are partly Cretan and partly Carian; but one custom they have which is peculiar to them, and in which they agree with no other people, that is they call themselves by their mothers and not by their fathers; and if one asks his neighbour who he is, he will state his parentage on the mother's side and enumerate his mother's female ascendants: and if a woman who is a citizen marry a slave, the children are accounted to be of gentle birth; but if a man who is a citizen, though he were the first man among them, have a slave for wife or concubine, the children are without civil rights.
173. The Lykians originally came from Crete (since back in the day, Crete was entirely inhabited by Barbarians). When the sons of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, argued over the kingdom in Crete, Minos ended up winning the conflict and expelled both Sarpedon and his supporters. After being driven out, they settled in the land of Milyas in Asia, as the area where the Lykians now live was once called Milyas, and the Milyans were known as Solymoi. While Sarpedon ruled over them, they were known by the name they had when they arrived, which the neighboring tribes still use to refer to the Lykians: Termilai. However, when Lycos, the son of Pandion, arrived from Athens to the land of the Termilai and to Sarpedon—having also been exiled by his brother Aigeus—they eventually came to be called Lykians after Lycos. Their customs are a mix of Cretan and Carian, but they have one unique custom: they identify themselves through their mothers, not their fathers. So if someone asks a neighbor who they are, they'll mention their maternal lineage and list their mother’s female ancestors. Additionally, if a citizen woman marries a slave, their children are considered of noble birth; but if a citizen man, regardless of his status, takes a slave as a wife or concubine, their children lack civil rights.
174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by Harpagos without any brilliant deed displayed either by the Carians themselves or by those of the Hellenes who dwell in this land. Of these last there are besides others the men of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose land runs out into the sea, 173 being in fact the region which is called Triopion, beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the land of Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for the part of it which looks towards the North is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and that which looks to the South by the sea off Syme and Rhodes), therefore the men of Cnidos began to dig through this small part, which is about five furlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring to make their land an island: and within the isthmus all was theirs, 174 for where the territory of Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland, here is the isthmus which they were digging across. And while the Cnidians were working at it with a great number of men, it was perceived that the men who worked suffered injury much more than might have been expected and in a more supernatural manner, both in other parts of their bodies and especially in their eyes, when the rock was being broken up; so they sent men to ask the Oracle at Delphi what the cause of the difficulty was. And the Pythian prophetess, as the men of Cnidos themselves report, gave them this reply in trimeter verse:—
174. The Carians were conquered by Harpagos without any remarkable actions from either the Carians or the Hellenes living in that area. Among these Hellenes were the people of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose land extends into the sea, 173 specifically in the region known as Triopion, starting from the Bybassos peninsula. Since almost all of Cnidos is bordered by the sea, except for a small section (the northern part is along the Gulf of Keramos and the southern side faces the waters by Syme and Rhodes), the people of Cnidos began digging through this small area, which is about five furlongs wide, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, hoping to turn their land into an island. Everything on the isthmus was theirs, 174 since where Cnidos’ territory meets the mainland is the area they were excavating. However, as the Cnidians worked with a large crew, they noticed that the laborers were injured more severely than expected, especially in their eyes, while breaking the rock. So, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi about the cause of their troubles. According to the Cnidians, the Pythian prophetess responded in trimeter verse:—
"Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through; Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed."
"Don’t surround the area with towers, nor dig a passage through the land; Zeus would have turned your territory into an island if he wanted to."
When the Pythian prophetess had given this oracle, the men of Cnidos not only ceased from their digging but delivered themselves to Harpagos without resistance, when he came against them with his army.
When the Pythian oracle delivered this prophecy, the people of Cnidos not only stopped their digging but also surrendered to Harpagos without putting up a fight when he attacked with his army.
175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the inland country above Halicarnassos; and among these, whenever anything hurtful is about to happen either to themselves or to their neighbours, the priestess of Athene has a great beard: this befell them three times. These of all about Caria were the only men who held out for any time against Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more than any other people, having fortified a mountain called Lide.
175. There were also the Pedasians, who lived in the inland area above Halicarnassos; and among them, whenever something harmful is about to happen to themselves or their neighbors, the priestess of Athene has a long beard: this happened to them three times. They were the only ones in all of Caria who resisted Harpagos for a significant time, and they caused him more trouble than any other group, having fortified a mountain called Lide.
176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, when Harpagos marched his army into the plain of Xanthos, came out against him 175 and fought, few against many, and displayed proofs of valour; but being defeated and confined within their city, they gathered together into the citadel their wives and their children, their property and their servants, and after that they set fire to this citadel, so that it was all in flames, and having done so and sworn terrible oaths with one another, they went forth against the enemy 176 and were slain in fight, that is to say all the men of Xanthos: and of the Xanthians who now claim to be Lykians the greater number have come in from abroad, except only eighty households; but these eighty households happened at that time to be away from their native place, and so they escaped destruction. Thus Harpagos obtained possession of Caunos, for the men of Caunos imitated in most respects the behaviour of the Lykians.
176. Eventually, the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, when Harpagos led his army into the plain of Xanthos, confronted him 175 and fought bravely, even though they were outnumbered. However, after being defeated and trapped in their city, they gathered their wives, children, belongings, and servants into the citadel, and then set it on fire, engulfing it in flames. After doing this and swearing fierce oaths to each other, they charged out against the enemy 176 and were killed in battle, which meant that all the men of Xanthos died. As for the Xanthians who now identify as Lykians, most of them came from elsewhere, except for eighty households; these eighty households happened to be away from their hometown at that time and thus escaped disaster. In this way, Harpagos took control of Caunos, since the people of Caunos largely mimicked the behavior of the Lykians.
177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia; and Cyrus himself meanwhile was doing the same in the upper parts of it, subduing every nation and passing over none. Now most of these actions I shall pass over in silence, but the undertakings which gave him trouble more than the rest and which are the most worthy of note, of these I shall make mention.
177. So Harpagos was taking over the coastal regions of Asia, while Cyrus was doing the same in the interior, conquering every nation and leaving none untouched. I’ll skip most of these events, but I will mention the ones that caused him the most trouble and are the most noteworthy.
178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all other parts of the mainland, proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria has doubtless many other great cities, but the most famous and the strongest, and the place where the seat of their monarchy had been established after Nineveh was destroyed, was Babylon; which was a city such as I shall say.—It lies in a great plain, and in size it is such that each face measures one hundred and twenty furlongs, 177 the shape of the whole being square; thus the furlongs of the circuit of the city amount in all to four hundred and eighty. Such is the size of the city of Babylon, and it had a magnificence greater than all other cities of which we have knowledge. First there runs round it a trench deep and broad and full of water; then a wall fifty royal cubits in thickness and two hundred cubits in height: now the royal cubit is larger by three fingers than the common cubit. 178
178. As soon as Cyrus had conquered all other parts of the mainland, he began to attack the Assyrians. Assyria undoubtedly has many other great cities, but the most famous and strongest, and the location where their monarchy was established after the destruction of Nineveh, was Babylon; a city that I will describe. It is situated in a vast plain, and in terms of size, each side measures one hundred and twenty furlongs, 177 making the entire shape square; thus, the total circumference of the city amounts to four hundred and eighty furlongs. This is the size of the city of Babylon, which had a magnificence surpassing all other cities we know of. First, there is a deep and broad moat filled with water surrounding it; then, there’s a wall that is fifty royal cubits thick and two hundred cubits high: the royal cubit is three fingers longer than the common cubit. 178
179. I must also tell in addition to this for what purpose the earth was used, which was taken out of the trench, and in what manner the wall was made. As they dug the trench they made the earth which was carried out of the excavation into bricks, and having moulded enough bricks they baked them in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot asphalt for mortar and inserting reed mats at every thirty courses of brickwork, they built up first the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same manner: and at the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers of one story facing one another; and between the rows of chambers they left space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the circuit of the wall there are set a hundred gates made of bronze throughout, and the gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now there is another city distant from Babylon a space of eight days' journey, of which the name is Is; and there is a river there of no great size, and the name of the river is also Is, and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates. This river Is throws up together with its water lumps of asphalt in great abundance, and thence was brought the asphalt for the wall of Babylon.
179. I should also mention why the earth that was dug out of the trench was used and how the wall was constructed. As they dug the trench, they turned the earth removed from the excavation into bricks. After molding enough bricks, they baked them in kilns. Then, using hot asphalt as mortar and inserting reed mats every thirty layers of bricks, they built up the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same way. At the top of the wall, along the edges, they built one-story chambers facing each other, leaving space between the rows of chambers for a four-horse chariot to pass through. The entire wall has a hundred bronze gates, complete with gate-posts and lintels. There is another city about eight days' journey away from Babylon, called Is, which has a small river also named Is that flows into the Euphrates. This river Is also brings up large amounts of asphalt with its water, which was used for the wall of Babylon.
180. Babylon then was walled in this manner; and there are two divisions of the city; for a river whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle. This flows from the land of the Armenians and is large and deep and swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian sea. The wall then on each side has its bends 179 carried down to the river, and from this point the return walls stretch along each bank of the stream in the form of a rampart of baked bricks: and the city itself is full of houses of three and four stories, and the roads by which it is cut up run in straight lines, including the cross roads which lead to the river; and opposite to each road there were set gates in the rampart which ran along the river, in many in number as the ways, 180 and these also were of bronze and led like the ways 181 to the river itself.
180. Babylon was walled like this: the city is divided into two parts by the Euphrates River, which runs through the middle. This river originates from Armenia and is large, deep, and fast-flowing; it empties into the Erythraean Sea. The walls on each side curve down to the river, and from that point, the return walls stretch along each bank in a rampart made of baked bricks. The city is filled with houses that are three to four stories tall, and the roads that crisscross it run in straight lines, including the cross streets that lead to the river. Opposite each street, there are gates in the rampart along the river, as numerous as the roads, and these gates are also made of bronze, leading directly to the river itself.
181. This wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass 182 for the town, and another wall runs round within it, not much weaker for defence than the first but enclosing a smaller space. 183 And in each division of the city was a building in the midst, in the one the king's palace of great extent and strongly fortified round, and in the other the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still up to my time and measures two furlongs each way, 184 being of a square shape: and in the midst of the temple 185 is built a solid tower measuring a furlong both in length and in breadth, and on this tower another tower has been erected, and another again upon this, and so on up to the number of eight towers. An ascent to these has been built running outside round about all the towers; and when one reaches about the middle of the ascent one finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon, on which those who ascend sit down and rest: and on the top of the last tower there is a large cell, 186 and in the cell a large couch is laid, well covered, and by it is placed a golden table: and there is no image there set up nor does any human being spend the night there except only one woman of the natives of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose from all the woman, as say the Chaldeans who are the priests of this god.
181. The wall I've mentioned is like a protective armor for the town, and another wall runs around it, not much weaker for defense than the first but enclosing a smaller area. And in each section of the city was a building at the center: in one, the king's palace, which is extensive and heavily fortified, and in the other, the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, which still exists to this day and measures two furlongs on each side, being square in shape. In the middle of the temple is a solid tower measuring a furlong in both length and width, and on this tower, another tower has been built, and another on that, continuing up to a total of eight towers. An ascent has been constructed around all the towers; midway up the ascent, there's a stopping place with seats for resting, where those climbing can sit down and take a break. At the top of the last tower, there is a large chamber, and inside the chamber, there's a large bed well covered, with a golden table beside it. No image is set up there, and no human spends the night there except for one woman from the local area, chosen by the god from among all the women, as the Chaldeans, who are the priests of this god, say.
182. These same men say also, but I do not believe them, that the god himself comes often to the cell and rests upon the couch, as happens likewise in the Egyptian Thebes according to the report of the Egyptians, for there also a woman sleeps in the temple of the Theban Zeus (and both these women are said to abstain from commerce with men), and as happens also with the prophetess 187 of the god in Patara of Lykia, whenever there is one, for there is not always an Oracle there, but whenever there is one, then she is shut up during the nights in the temple within the cell.
182. These same men also say, but I don’t believe them, that the god himself often comes to the cell and rests on the couch, just like in Egyptian Thebes according to the Egyptians, where a woman sleeps in the temple of Theban Zeus (and both of these women are said to avoid contact with men). It’s similar to the prophetess 187 of the god in Patara of Lykia; whenever there is one present, because there isn't always an Oracle available, she is kept inside the temple in the cell during the nights.
183. There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell below, wherein is a great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it is placed a large table of gold, and his footstool and seat are of gold also; and, as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of the gold of which these things are made is eight hundred talents. Outside this cell is an altar of gold; and there is also another altar of great size, where full-grown animals 188 are sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it is not lawful to sacrifice any but young sucklings only: and also on the larger altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of frankincense every year at the time when they celebrate the feast in honour of this god. There was moreover in these precincts still remaining at the time of Cyrus, 189 a statue twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I did not myself see, but that which is related by the Chaldeans I relate. Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes formed a design, but he did not venture to take it: it was taken however by Xerxes the son of Dareios, who also killed the priest when he forbade him to meddle with the statue. This temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and there are also many private votive-offerings.
183. In the temple at Babylon, there's another room below that holds a massive statue of Zeus sitting down, made of gold. Next to it, there's a large table also made of gold, along with a golden footstool and seat. According to the Chaldeans, the total weight of the gold used in these items is eight hundred talents. Outside this room, there's a gold altar, and another large altar where full-grown animals 188 are sacrificed. The golden altar is only for young sucklings. On the larger altar, the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of frankincense every year during the feast honoring this god. Additionally, at the time of Cyrus, there was still a twelve cubit tall statue made of solid gold in these grounds. I didn't see it myself, but I'm sharing what the Chaldeans have told me. Dareios, the son of Hystaspes, had a plan regarding this statue but didn't go through with it. However, Xerxes, the son of Dareios, did take it and even killed the priest when he tried to stop him from interfering with the statue. This temple is thus decorated with grandeur, and there are many personal votive offerings as well.
184. Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom I shall make mention in the Assyrian history, and who added improvement to the walls and temples, there were also two who were women. Of these, the one who ruled first, named Semiramis, who lived five generations before the other, produced banks of earth in the plain which are a sight worth seeing; and before this the river used to flood like a sea over the whole plain.
184. In Babylon, along with many other rulers that I’ll mention in the Assyrian history, who enhanced the walls and temples, there were also two female rulers. The first was named Semiramis, who lived five generations before the other. She created earth banks in the plain that are truly impressive; before this, the river used to flood the entire plain like a sea.
185. The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than she who had reigned before; and in the first place she left behind her monuments which I shall tell of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchy of the Medes was great and not apt to remain still, but that besides other cities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she made provision against it in so far as she was able. First, as regards the river Euphrates which flows through the midst of their city, whereas before this it flowed straight, she by digging channels above made it so winding that it actually comes three times in its course to one of the villages in Assyria; and the name of the village to which the Euphrates comes is Ardericca; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of ours to Babylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates 18901 arrive three times at this same village and on three separate days. This she did thus; and she also piled up a mound along each bank of the river, which is worthy to cause wonder for its size and height: and at a great distance above Babylon, she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to extend along at a very small distance from the river, 190 excavating it everywhere of such depth as to come to water, and making the extent such that the circuit of it measured four hundred and twenty furlongs: and the earth which was dug out of this excavation she used up by piling it in mounds along the banks of the river: and when this had been dug by her she brought stones and set them all round it as a facing wall. Both these two things she did, that is she made the river to have a winding course, and she made the place which was dug out all into a swamp, in order that the river might run more slowly, having its force broken by going round many bends, and that the voyages might be winding to Babylon, and after the voyages there might succeed a long circuit of the pool. These works she carried out in that part where the entrance to the country was, and the shortest way to it from Media, so that the Medes might not have dealings with her kingdom and learn of her affairs.
185. The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than the one who ruled before her. First, she left behind monuments that I'll describe; second, she recognized the great and restless power of the Medes, who had even taken Nineveh, and she took measures to protect her kingdom as much as she could. To start, regarding the Euphrates River that flows through the center of their city, she redirected it by digging channels that made it so winding that it actually passes by one of the villages in Assyria three times. The village that the Euphrates reaches is called Ardericca; even today, travelers moving from our Sea to Babylon encounter this village three times during their journey down the Euphrates River 18901, arriving there on three different days. She accomplished this by building up embankments along each side of the river, which impress with their size and height. Far above Babylon, she excavated a large basin for a lake, extending it close to the river 190, digging deep enough to reach water, and creating a circuit that measured four hundred and twenty furlongs. She used the earth dug out from this area to create mounds along the riverbanks, and after digging, she brought stones to create a facing wall all around it. She did both of these things—making the river winding and turning the dug-out area into a swamp—so that the river would flow more slowly, its force weakened by making many bends, and to ensure the journey to Babylon would be winding, followed by a long detour around the lake. She carried out these works where the entrance to the country was, along the shortest route from Media, to prevent the Medes from engaging with her kingdom and discovering her affairs.
186. These defences she cast round her city from the depth; and she made the following addition which was dependent upon them:—The city was in two divisions, and the river occupied the space between; and in the time of the former rulers, when any one wished to pass over from the one division to the other, he had to pass over in a boat, and that, as I imagine, was troublesome: she however made provision also for this; for when she was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monument of herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused stones to be cut of very great length, and when the stones were prepared for her and the place had been dug out, she turned aside the whole stream of the river into the place which she had been digging; and while this was being filled with water, the ancient bed of the river being dried up in the meantime, she both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion as the wall the edges of the river, where it flows through the city, and the places of descent leading from the small gateways to the river; and also about the middle of the city, as I judge, with the stones which she had caused to be dug out she proceeded to build a bridge, binding together the stones with iron and lead: and upon the top she laid squared timbers across, to remain there while it was daytime, over which the people of Babylon made the passage across; but at night they used to take away these timbers for this reason, namely that they might not go backwards and forwards by night and steal from one another: and when the place dug out had been made into a lake full of water by the river, and at the same time the bridge had been completed, then she conducted the Euphrates back into its ancient channel from the lake, and so the place dug out being made into a swamp was thought to have served a good purpose, and there had been a bridge set up for the men of the city.
186. She built defenses around her city from the ground up; and she added something that was connected to them: the city was divided into two parts, with a river in between. In the time of the previous rulers, if someone wanted to cross from one part to the other, they had to take a boat, which must have been a hassle. However, she also addressed this issue; while she was digging the basin for the lake, she created another monument to herself as part of the same project. She had very long stones cut, and once the stones were prepared and the area was dug out, she redirected the entire river into the newly dug space. As this filled with water, the original riverbed dried up. She then built up the edges of the river that flowed through the city using baked bricks, just like the wall, and constructed descents from the small gateways down to the river. In the center of the city, she also built a bridge with the stones she had excavated, binding them together with iron and lead. On top, she laid squared timber beams across, which the people of Babylon used to cross during the day. However, at night, they would remove these beams to prevent people from crossing and stealing from each other. Once the dug-out area had filled with water from the river and the bridge was completed, she directed the Euphrates back into its original path from the lake, transforming the dug-out area into a swamp that was deemed to be useful, while a bridge was established for the citizens.
187. This same queen also contrived a snare of the following kind:—Over that gate of the city through which the greatest number of people passed she set up for herself a tomb above the very gate itself. And on the tomb she engraved writing which said thus: "If any of the kings of Babylon who come after me shall be in want of wealth, let him open my tomb and take as much as he desires; but let him not open it for any other cause, if he be not in want; for that will not be well." 191 This tomb was undisturbed until the kingdom came to Dareios; but to Dareios it seemed that it was a monstrous thing not to make any use of this gate, and also, when there was money lying there, not to take it, considering that the money itself invited him to do so. Now the reason why he would not make any use of this gate was because the corpse would have been above his head as he drove through. He then, I say, opened the tomb and found not indeed money but the corpse, with writing which said thus: "If thou hadst not been insatiable of wealth and basely covetous, thou wouldest not have opened the resting-places of the dead."
187. This same queen also set up a trap of this sort:—Above the gate of the city that had the most foot traffic, she built her tomb right above the gate itself. On the tomb, she engraved a message that read: "If any kings of Babylon who come after me are in need of wealth, let him open my tomb and take as much as he wants; but let him not open it for any other reason, if he is not in need; for that would not be right." 191 This tomb remained untouched until the kingdom came to Darius; however, to Darius, it seemed outrageous not to use this gate, and also, when there was money just sitting there, not to take it, especially since the money itself seemed to invite him to do so. The reason he hesitated to use this gate was that the corpse would be directly above him as he drove through. So, he decided to open the tomb and found not money, but the corpse, along with a message that read: "If you had not been so greedy for wealth and shamelessly covetous, you would not have disturbed the resting places of the dead."
188. This queen then is reported to have been such as I have described: and it was the son of this woman, bearing the same name as his father, Labynetos, and being ruler over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus was marching. Now the great king makes his marches not only well furnished 192 from home with provisions for his table and with cattle, but also taking with him water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of which alone and of no other river the king drinks: and of this water of the Choaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled and drawn by mules, carry a supply in silver vessels, and go with him wherever he may march at any time.
188. This queen is said to have been just as I described: her son, who shares his father's name, Labynetos, rules over the Assyrians, whom Cyrus is marching against. The great king doesn’t just set out well-equipped with food for his table and livestock; he also brings water from the Choaspes River, which flows near Susa. This is the only water he drinks, not from any other river. A large number of four-wheeled wagons, pulled by mules, carry supplies of boiled water from the Choaspes in silver containers, traveling with him wherever he goes.
189. Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the river Gyndes,—of which river the springs are in the mountains of the Matienians, and it flows through the Dardanians and runs into another river, the Tigris, which flowing by the city of Opis runs out into the Erythraian Sea,—when Cyrus, I say, was endeavouring to cross this river Gyndes, which is a navigable stream, then one of his sacred white horses in high spirit and wantonness went into the river and endeavoured to cross, but the stream swept it under water and carried it off forthwith. And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against the river for having done thus insolently, and he threatened to make it so feeble that for the future even women could cross it easily without wetting the knee. So after this threat he ceased from his march against Babylon and divided his army into two parts; and having divided it he stretched lines and marked out straight channels, 193 one hundred and eighty on each bank of the Gyndes, directed every way, and having disposed his army along them he commanded them to dig: so, as a great multitude was working, the work was completed indeed, but they spent the whole summer season at this spot working.
189. When Cyrus was on his way to Babylon and reached the Gyndes River—which has its springs in the Matienian mountains, flows through the Dardanians, and drains into the Tigris River near the city of Opis, which then flows into the Erythraean Sea—he tried to cross this navigable river. One of his sacred white horses, feeling energetic and playful, went into the river and attempted to cross, but the current pulled it under and carried it away. Cyrus was furious with the river for this insolence, vowing to weaken it to the point where even women could cross it easily without getting their knees wet. After making this threat, he paused his march toward Babylon, dividing his army into two parts. He then set out lines and marked straight channels, 193 one hundred and eighty on each bank of the Gyndes, in every direction. Once he arranged his army along these lines, he ordered them to dig. A large number of people worked on this, and although they completed the task, they spent the entire summer working in that location.
190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river Gyndes by dividing it into three hundred and sixty channels, and when the next spring was just beginning, then at length he continued his advance upon Babylon: and the men of Babylon had marched forth out of their city and were awaiting him. So when in his advance he came near to the city, the Babylonians joined battle with him, and having been worsted in the fight they were shut up close within their city. But knowing well even before this that Cyrus was not apt to remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every nation equally, they had brought in provisions beforehand 194 for very many years. So while these made no account of the siege, Cyrus was in straits what to do, for much time went by and his affairs made no progress onwards.
190. When Cyrus got revenge on the Gyndes River by splitting it into three hundred and sixty channels, and as the next spring was just starting, he finally continued his march towards Babylon. The people of Babylon had come out of their city to wait for him. As he got closer to the city, the Babylonians engaged in battle with him, but after losing the fight, they were trapped inside their city. However, they had known for a while that Cyrus was not one to sit idly by, and seeing him take on every nation, they had stockpiled supplies 194 for many years. So while they did not worry about the siege, Cyrus was in a tough spot, as time passed and he wasn’t making any progress.
191. Therefore, whether it was some other man who suggested it to him when he was in a strait what to do, or whether he of himself perceived what he ought to do, he did as follows:—The main body of his army 195 he posted at the place where the river runs into the city, and then again behind the city he set others, where the river issues forth from the city; and he proclaimed to his army that so soon as they should see that the stream had become passable, they should enter by this way into the city. Having thus set them in their places and in this manner exhorted them he marched away himself with that part of his army which was not fit for fighting: and when he came to the lake, Cyrus also did the same things which the queen of the Babylonians had done as regards the river and the lake; that is to say, he conducted the river by a channel into the lake, which was at that time a swamp, and so made the former course of the river passable by the sinking of the stream. When this had been done in such a manner, the Persians who had been posted for this very purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates into Babylon, the stream having sunk so far that it reached about to the middle of a man's thigh. Now if the Babylonians had had knowledge of it beforehand or had perceived that which was being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed 196 the Persians to enter the city and then destroyed them miserably; for if they had closed all the gates that led to the river and mounted themselves upon the ramparts which were carried along the banks of the stream, they would have caught them as it were in a fish-wheal: but as it was, the Persians came upon them unexpectedly; and owing to the size of the city (so it is said by those who dwell there) after those about the extremities of the city had suffered capture, those Babylonians who dwelt in the middle did not know that they had been captured; but as they chanced to be holding a festival, they went on dancing and rejoicing during this time until they learnt the truth only too well.
191. So, whether some other guy gave him advice when he was in a tough spot or he figured it out on his own, he did the following: He stationed the main part of his army 195 at the spot where the river comes into the city, and then set others behind the city, where the river flows out. He told his soldiers that as soon as they saw that the river was shallow enough to cross, they should enter the city through that way. After placing them in position and encouraging them, he went off with the part of his army that wasn't ready for battle. When he reached the lake, Cyrus did the same thing that the Babylonian queen had done with the river and the lake; he redirected the river into a channel that led to the lake, which was swamped at the time, making the river's original path crossable by lowering the water level. Once this was done, the Persians who had been stationed for this exact purpose entered Babylon through the dry riverbed of the Euphrates, the water having receded to about knee-deep. If the Babylonians had known about this in advance or had realized what Cyrus was doing, they would have let 196 the Persians into the city and then defeated them easily; because if they had shut all the gates leading to the river and stationed themselves on the walls along the riverbank, they could have trapped them like fish in a net. But as it turned out, the Persians caught them by surprise; and because of the city's size (according to locals), after those on the outskirts had been captured, the Babylonians in the center didn't even know anything was happening. They were celebrating a festival, continuing to dance and rejoice until they learned the harsh truth.
Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time:
Babylon was taken for the first time like this:
192, and as to the resources of the Babylonians how great they are, I shall show by many other proofs and among them also by this:—For the support of the great king and his army, apart from the regular tribute the whole land of which he is ruler has been distributed into portions. Now whereas twelve months go to make up the year, for four of these he has his support from the territory of Babylon, and for the remaining eight months from the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian land is in regard to resources the third part of all Asia: and the government, or satrapy as it is called by the Persians, of this territory is of all the governments by far the best; seeing that when Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had this province from the king, there came in to him every day an artab full of silver coin (now the artab is a Persian measure and holds more than the medimnos of Attica 197 by three Attic choinikes); and of horses he had in this province as his private property, apart from the horses for use in war, eight hundred stallions and sixteen thousand mares, for each of these stallions served twenty mares: of Indian hounds moreover such a vast number were kept that four large villages in the plain, being free from other contributions, had been appointed to provide food for the hounds.
192, and regarding the resources of the Babylonians and their magnitude, I will demonstrate with numerous other proofs, including this one: For the support of the great king and his army, in addition to the regular tribute, the entire land under his rule has been divided into portions. Now, while a year consists of twelve months, he receives support from the territory of Babylon for four of those months, and for the remaining eight months from all the rest of Asia; thus, the Assyrian land accounts for a third of all Asia in terms of resources: and the administration, or satrapy as it is referred to by the Persians, of this region is by far the best of all the administrations; considering that when Tritantaichmes, son of Artabazos, governed this province for the king, he received every day an artab filled with silver coins (now the artab is a Persian measure and holds more than the medimnos of Attica by three Attic choinikes); and in this province, apart from the horses designated for warfare, he owned eight hundred stallions and sixteen thousand mares, with each stallion serving twenty mares: additionally, an enormous number of Indian hounds were kept, to the extent that four large villages in the plains, exempt from other contributions, were designated to supply food for the hounds.
193. Such was the wealth which belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now the land of the Assyrians has but little rain; and this little gives nourishment to the root of the corn, but the crop is ripened and the ear comes on by the help of watering from the river, not as in Egypt by the coming up of the river itself over the fields, but the crop is watered by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole Babylonian territory like the Egyptian is cut up into channels, and the largest of the channels is navigable for ships and runs in the direction of the sunrising in winter from the Euphrates to another river, namely the Tigris, along the bank of which lay the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we know the best by far for producing corn: 198 as to trees, 199 it does not even attempt to bear them, either fig or vine or olive, but for producing corn it is so good that it returns as much as two-hundred-fold for the average, and when it bears at its best it produces three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley there grow to be full four fingers broad; and from millet and sesame seed how large a tree grows, I know myself but shall not record, being well aware that even what has already been said relating to the crops produced has been enough to cause disbelief in those who have not visited the Babylonian land. They use no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame seed; and they have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of them fruit-bearing, of which they make both solid food and wine and honey; and to these they attend in the same manner as to fig-trees, and in particular they take the fruit of those palms which the Hellenes call male-palms, and tie them upon the date-bearing palms, so that their gall-fly may enter into the date and ripen it and that the fruit of the palm may not fall off: for the male-palm produces gall-flies in its fruit just as the wild-fig does.
193. Such was the wealth that belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now, the land of the Assyrians gets very little rain; and this little moisture nourishes the roots of the corn, but the crop matures and the ears develop thanks to irrigation from the river, unlike in Egypt where the river floods the fields. Instead, the crops are watered by hand or with swing-buckets. The entire Babylonian territory, similar to Egypt, is divided into channels, and the largest of these channels is navigable for ships and flows eastward in winter from the Euphrates to another river, the Tigris, along which the city of Nineveh is located. This area is by far the best we know for growing corn: 198 when it comes to trees, 199 it doesn’t even try to grow any, whether fig, vine, or olive, but for producing corn, it is so fertile that it yields an average of two hundred times the amount sown, and in the best years, it can produce three hundred times. The leaves of the wheat and barley there can grow to be four fingers wide, and as for the millet and sesame, I know how large the plants can grow, but I won’t say, knowing that even what’s already been mentioned about the crops may seem unbelievable to those who haven’t visited the Babylonian land. They don’t use olive oil, only the oil made from sesame seeds; and date palms grow all over the plain, most of which bear fruit, from which they make food, wine, and honey; they take care of these trees just like they do with fig trees, especially tying the fruit of what the Greeks call male palms onto the date-bearing palms so that the gall-fly can enter the dates and help them ripen, preventing the fruit from dropping off: the male palm produces gall-flies in its fruit just like the wild fig.
194. But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land after the city itself, to my mind is this which I am about to tell: Their boats, those I mean which go down the river to Babylon, are round and all of leather: for they make ribs for them of willow which they cut in the land of the Armenians who dwell above the Assyrians, and round these they stretch hides which serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not making broad the stern nor gathering in the prow to a point, but making the boats round like a shield: and after that they stow the whole boat with straw and suffer it to be carried down the stream full of cargo; and for the most part these boats bring down casks of palm-wood 200 filled with wine. The boat is kept straight by two steering-oars and two men standing upright, and the man inside pulls his oar while the man outside pushes. 201 These vessels are made both of very large size and also smaller, the largest of them having a burden of as much as five thousand talents' weight; 202 and in each one there is a live ass, and in those of larger size several. So when they have arrived at Babylon in their voyage and have disposed of their cargo, they sell by auction the ribs of the boat and all the straw, but they pack the hides upon their asses and drive them off to Armenia: for up the stream of the river it is not possible by any means to sail, owing to the swiftness of the current; and for this reason they make their boats not of timber but of hides. Then when they have come back to the land of the Armenians, driving their asses with them, they make other boats in the same manner.
194. But the greatest marvel of everything in the land after the city itself, in my opinion, is this: Their boats, the ones that travel down the river to Babylon, are round and made entirely of leather. They create ribs for them from willow trees cut in the land of the Armenians, who live above the Assyrians, and they stretch hides around these ribs to form the hull, keeping the stern broad and the prow round, like a shield. After that, they fill the entire boat with straw and let it float down the river loaded with cargo. Most of the time, these boats carry palm-wood casks filled with wine. The boat stays straight with the help of two steering oars and two men standing upright; the man inside pulls his oar while the man outside pushes. These vessels come in both very large and smaller sizes, with the largest able to carry up to five thousand talents' worth of weight; and each one has a live donkey, and the larger ones have several. When they arrive in Babylon and unload their cargo, they auction off the ribs of the boat and the straw, but they pack the hides onto their donkeys and drive them back to Armenia. It's not possible to sail upstream due to the swift current, which is why they make their boats out of hides instead of timber. When they return to the land of the Armenians with their donkeys, they build more boats in the same way.
195. Such are their boats; and the following is the manner of dress which they use, namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this they put on another of wool, and then a white mantle thrown round, while they have shoes of a native fashion rather like the Boeotian slippers. They wear their hair long and bind their heads round with fillets, 203 and they are anointed over the whole of their body with perfumes. Each man has a seal and a staff carved by hand, and on each staff is carved either an apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle or some other device, for it is not their custom to have a staff without a device upon it.
195. These are their boats; and here's how they dress: they wear a linen tunic that reaches their feet, topped with a wool garment, and then they wrap themselves in a white mantle. They have shoes that are locally made, similar to Boeotian slippers. Their hair is worn long, and they wrap their heads with bands, 203 and they cover their bodies in fragrant oils. Each man has a seal and a handcrafted staff, and each staff features a carving of either an apple, a rose, a lily, an eagle, or some other symbol, as it's not customary for them to have a staff without any design on it.
196. Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs which are established among them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion being this, which I am informed that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every village once in each year it was done as follows:—When the maidens 204 grew to the age for marriage, they gathered these all together and brought them in a body to one place, and round them stood a company of men: and the crier caused each one severally to stand up, and proceeded to sell them, first the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had been sold and had fetched a large sum of money, he would put up another who was the most comely after her: and they were sold for marriage. Now all the wealthy men of the Babylonians who were ready to marry vied with one another in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those however of the common sort who were ready to marry did not require a fine form, but they would accept money together with less comely maidens. For when the crier had made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then he would cause to stand up that one who was least shapely, or any one of them who might be crippled in any way, and he would make proclamation of her, asking who was willing for least gold to have her in marriage, until she was assigned to him who was willing to accept least: and the gold would be got from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those of beautiful form provided dowries for those which were unshapely or crippled; but to give in marriage one's own daughter to whomsoever each man would, was not allowed, nor to carry off the maiden after buying her without a surety; for it was necessary for the man to provide sureties that he would marry her, before he took her away; and if they did not agree well together, the law was laid down that he should pay back the money. It was allowed also for any one who wished it to come from another village and buy. This then was their most honourable custom; it does not however still exist at the present time, but they have found out of late another way, in order that the men may not ill-treat them or take them to another city: 205 for since the time when being conquered they were oppressed and ruined, each one of the common people when he is in want of livelihood prostitutes his female children.
196. This is how their bodies are equipped, and the customs established among them are as follows; in our opinion, the wisest is this one, which I’m told the Enetoi in Illyria also have. Once a year in every village, the following took place: When the young women 204 reached a marriageable age, they gathered them all together and brought them to one location, while a group of men stood around them. The crier would have each young woman stand up individually and proceeded to auction them off, starting with the most attractive of all, and after she was sold for a significant amount of money, he would present another who was the next most attractive. They were sold in marriage. All the wealthy Babylonian men looking to marry would compete with one another to bid on the most beautiful young women; however, the common men ready to marry didn’t require beauty, as they would accept cash along with less attractive young women. After the crier finished selling the most beautiful maidens, he would have the least attractive or any young woman who might be disabled stand up and announce an offer for the least amount of gold to marry her, until she was given to the lowest bidder. The money from the sale of the beautiful maidens provided dowries for those who were less attractive or disabled. However, it was not allowed for any man to give his daughter in marriage to whomever he desired, nor to take the maiden after purchasing her without a surety; the man had to secure guarantees that he would marry her before taking her away. If they didn't get along well, there was a law that required him to refund the money. It was also permitted for anyone who wished to come from another village to make a purchase. This was their most honorable custom; however, it no longer exists today, as they have recently discovered another way to protect the women from mistreatment or being taken to another city: 205 because since their conquest, they have been oppressed and ruined, and each member of the common people, when in need of support, resorts to prostituting their daughters.
197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which was established 206 among them:—they bear out the sick into the market-place; for of physicians they make no use. So people come up to the sick man and give advice about his disease, if any one himself has ever suffered anything like that which the sick man has, or saw any other who had suffered it; and coming near they advise and recommend those means by which they themselves got rid of a like disease or seen some other get rid of it: and to pass by the sick man in silence is not permitted to them, nor until one has asked what disease he has.
197. Next in wisdom to that is another custom established 206 among them: they bring the sick out into the marketplace because they don’t rely on physicians. People approach the sick man and offer advice about his illness, especially if they’ve experienced something similar or have seen someone else go through it. They advise and recommend the methods that helped them or someone else recover from a similar condition. It's not acceptable for them to walk past the sick man in silence; they must first ask what illness he has.
198. They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of lamentation are similar to those used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian man has intercourse with his wife, he sits by incense offered, and his wife does the same on the other side, and when it is morning they wash themselves, both of them, for they will touch no vessel until they have washed themselves: and the Arabians do likewise in this matter.
198. They bury their dead in honey, and their ways of mourning are similar to those in Egypt. Whenever a Babylonian man has sex with his wife, he sits by incense being burned, and his wife does the same on the other side. In the morning, they both wash themselves because they won’t touch anything until they have cleaned themselves, and the Arabians do the same in this regard.
199. Now the most shameful of the customs of the Babylonians is as follows: every woman of the country must sit down in the precincts 207 of Aphrodite once in her life and have commerce with a man who is a stranger: and many women who do not deign to mingle with the rest, because they are made arrogant by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs of horses in covered carriages, and so take their place, and a large number of attendants follow after them; but the greater number do thus,—in the sacred enclosure of Aphrodite sit great numbers of women with a wreath of cord about their heads; some come and others go; and there are passages in straight lines going between the women in every direction, 208 through which the strangers pass by and make their choice. Here when a woman takes her seat she does not depart again to her house until one of the strangers has thrown a silver coin into her lap and has had commerce with her outside the temple, and after throwing it he must say these words only: "I demand thee in the name of the goddess Mylitta": 209 now Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to Aphrodite: and the silver coin may be of any value; whatever it is she will not refuse it, for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this coin is made sacred by the act: and she follows the man who has first thrown and does not reject any: and after that she departs to her house, having acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess 210, nor will you be able thenceforth to give any gift so great as to win her. So then as many as have attained to beauty and stature 211 are speedily released, but those of them who are unshapely remain there much time, not being able to fulfil the law; for some of them remain even as much as three or four years: and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a custom similar to this.
199. The most shameful custom of the Babylonians is the following: every woman in the country must sit in the area 207 of Aphrodite at least once in her life and have relations with a stranger. Many women, who think they are too good for this because of their wealth, arrive at the temple in covered carriages pulled by pairs of horses, taking their place with a large entourage following them. However, most women simply sit in the sacred area of Aphrodite with a wreath of cord around their heads; some come and go while pathways between the women allow the strangers to pass and make their choice. When a woman takes her seat, she doesn't leave until a stranger has thrown a silver coin into her lap and had relations with her outside the temple. After throwing the coin, he must say only this: "I demand you in the name of the goddess Mylitta." 209 Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to Aphrodite. The silver coin can be of any value; whatever it is, she cannot refuse it, as it is considered sacred due to the act. She follows the man who first throws the coin and does not reject anyone. After that, she returns home, having fulfilled her duty to the goddess 210, and it will not be possible for anyone to give her a gift substantial enough to win her over afterwards. Those who are beautiful and tall 211 are quickly released, but those who are not attractive remain there for a long time, unable to fulfill the law; some may stay for as long as three or four years. There are also similar customs in some parts of Cyprus.
200. These customs then are established among the Babylonians: and there are of them three tribes 212 which eat nothing but fish only: and when they have caught them and dried them in the sun they do thus,—they throw them into brine, and then pound them with pestles and strain them through muslin; and they have them for food either kneaded into a soft cake, or baked like bread, according to their liking.
200. These customs are then established among the Babylonians: and there are three tribes 212 that eat only fish. When they catch the fish and dry them in the sun, they do the following—they soak them in brine, then pound them with pestles and strain them through muslin. They use this preparation for food, either kneading it into a soft cake or baking it like bread, depending on their preference.
201. When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus, he had a desire to bring the Massagetai into subjection to himself. This nation is reputed to be both great and warlike, and to dwell towards the East and the sunrising, beyond the river Araxes and over against 213 the Issedonians: and some also say that this nation is of Scythian race.
201. When Cyrus had also conquered this nation, he wanted to bring the Massagetai under his control. This nation is known to be both large and fierce, living to the East where the sun rises, beyond the Araxes River and opposite 213 the Issedonians; some also claim that this nation comes from a Scythian background.
202. Now the Araxes is said by some to be larger and by others to be smaller than the Ister: and they say that there are many islands in it about equal in size to Lesbos, and in them people dwelling who feed in the summer upon roots of all kinds which they dig up and certain fruits from trees, which have been discovered by them for food, they store up, it is said, in the season when they are ripe and feed upon them in the winter. Moreover it is said that other trees have been discovered by them which yield fruit of such a kind that when they have assembled together in companies in the same place and lighted a fire, they sit round in a circle and throw some of it into the fire, and they smell the fruit which is thrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated by the scent as the Hellenes are with wine, and when more of the fruit is thrown on they become more intoxicated, until at last they rise up to dance and begin to sing. This is said to be their manner of living: and as to the river Araxes, it flows from the land of the Matienians, whence flows the Gyndes which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels, and it discharges itself by forty branches, of which all except one end in swamps and shallow pools; and among them they say that men dwell who feed on fish eaten raw, and who are wont to use as clothing the skins of seals: but the one remaining branch of the Araxes flows with unimpeded course into the Caspian Sea.
202. Some people say the Araxes is bigger than the Ister, while others claim it’s smaller. They mention many islands in it that are about the size of Lesbos, where people live who survive in the summer by digging up all kinds of roots and gathering certain fruits from trees they've found as food. They reportedly store these fruits when they’re ripe and eat them in winter. Moreover, it’s said that they have discovered other trees that bear fruit which, when they gather together, they throw into a fire. They sit in a circle, enjoy the smell of the burning fruit, and get intoxicated by the scent just like the Greeks do with wine. As more fruit is added to the fire, they become even more intoxicated, eventually getting up to dance and sing. This is said to be their way of life. As for the Araxes river, it originates from the land of the Matienians, from where the Gyndes flows—this is the river that Cyrus split into three hundred sixty channels. The Araxes empties into the Caspian Sea through forty branches, all except one ending in swamps and shallow pools, where people are said to live on raw fish and wear seal skins as clothing. The remaining branch of the Araxes flows freely into the Caspian Sea.
203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection with the other Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Sea beyond the Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are in fact all one, but the Caspian is separate and lies apart by itself. In length it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, 214 and in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the side towards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is of all mountain-ranges both the greatest in extent and the loftiest: and the Caucasus has many various races of men dwelling in it, living for the most part on the wild produce of the forests; and among them there are said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by pounding them and mixing water with them they paint figures upon their garments, and the figures do not wash out, but grow old with the woollen stuff as if they had been woven into it at the first: and men say that the sexual intercourse of these people is open like that of cattle.
203. The Caspian Sea stands alone, not connected to any other sea. All the seas that the Greeks navigate, the sea beyond the Pillars known as Atlantis, and the Erythraean Sea are actually one continuous body of water, while the Caspian is separate and distinct. It takes about fifteen days to cross it using oars, 214, and at its widest point, it takes eight days to cross. To the west of this sea, the Caucasus mountain range runs alongside it, being the largest and highest of all mountain ranges. The Caucasus is home to many different ethnic groups, who mostly live off the wild resources of the forests. Among them, it's said there are trees with leaves that, when crushed and mixed with water, can create designs on their clothing. These designs don't wash out but age with the fabric as if they were woven in from the start. People also say that the sexual practices of these groups are as open as those of cattle.
204. On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus is the boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain succeeds which is of limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain then the Massagetai occupy a large part, against whom Cyrus had become eager to march; for there were many strong reasons which incited him to it and urged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is to say the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man, and next the success which he had met with 215 in his wars, for whithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible for that nation to escape.
204. To the west of the Caspian Sea lies the Caucasus, which serves as a boundary, while to the east and the rising sun stretches a vast plain that seems endless. A significant portion of this great plain is occupied by the Massagetai, whom Cyrus was eager to confront; he had many compelling reasons to do so that pushed him forward—first, his unusual birth, which led people to believe he was more than just an ordinary man, and second, the success he had achieved in his previous battles. Wherever Cyrus marched, it seemed impossible for that nation to evade him.
205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after the death of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent and wooed her, pretending that he desired to have her for his wife: but Tomyris understanding that he was wooing not herself but rather the kingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and Cyrus after this, as he made no progress by craft, marched to the Araxes, and proceeded to make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and building towers upon the vessels which gave them passage across the river.
205. The leader of the Massagetai was a woman named Tomyris, who became queen after her husband died. Cyrus sent her a message, pretending he wanted to marry her. However, Tomyris realized he was really interested in conquering the Massagetai, not her. She turned him down. Since his trickery didn’t work, Cyrus then decided to march towards the Araxes and openly launched a campaign against the Massagetai. He constructed bridges from boats for his army to cross the river and built towers on those vessels to help them get across.
206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent a herald and said thus: "O king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which thou art now pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether these things will be in the end for thy advantage or no; cease to do so, I say, and be king over thine own people, and endure to see us ruling those whom we rule. Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing to receive this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be at rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious to make trial of the Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labour which thou hast in yoking together the banks of the river, and cross over into our land, when we have first withdrawn three days' journey from the river: or if thou desirest rather to receive us into your land, do thou this same thing thyself." Having heard this Cyrus called together the first men among the Persians, and having gathered these together he laid the matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to which of the two things he should do: and their opinions all agreed in one, bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into his country.
206. While he was busy with this task, Tomyris sent a messenger and said this: "O king of the Medes, stop pushing forward with what you're doing; you can't know whether this will ultimately be good for you or not. Just stop and be the king over your own people, and accept seeing us in charge of those we rule. However, since I know you probably won't take this advice and would rather fight than be at peace, if you're really eager to test the Massagetai in battle, then come now, leave what you're doing to bind the riverbanks, and cross into our territory after we’ve moved three days' journey away from the river. Or, if you prefer to have us come into your land, you should do the same yourself." Hearing this, Cyrus gathered the leading men of the Persians and presented the matter for their discussion, asking for their advice on which of the two options he should choose: and they all agreed on one thing, urging him to invite Tomyris and her army into his country.
207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with this opinion, declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth, saying as follows: "O king, I told thee in former time also, that since Zeus had given me over to thee, I would avert according to my power whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy house: and now my sufferings, which have been bitter, 216 have proved to be lessons of wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal and that thou dost command an army which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me to declare to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou art a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so likewise, then learn this first, that for the affairs of men there is a revolving wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons always to have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the matter laid before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we shall consent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee this danger in so doing:—if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt lose in addition all thy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors they will not turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy realm; and on the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not be victor so fully as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after crossing over into their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled. For against that which I said before I will set the same again here, and say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against the realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is a disgrace and not to be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should yield to a woman and so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems good to me that we should cross over and go forward from the crossing as far as they go in their retreat, and endeavour to get the better of them by doing as follows:—The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without experience of Persian good things, and have never enjoyed any great luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle without stint and dress the meat and set out for these men a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide without stint bowls of unmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy army and let the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards the river: for if I am not mistaken in my judgment, they when they see a quantity of good things will fall to the feast, and after that it remains for us to display great deeds."
207. But Croesus the Lydian, who was present and critical of this viewpoint, expressed an opposing view, saying: "O king, I previously told you that since Zeus has entrusted me to you, I would do my best to prevent any misfortune that might approach your home. Now, my experiences, which have been painful, have shown me that they are lessons in wisdom. If you believe you are immortal and command an immortal army, it won't matter what I say to you; but if you recognize that you are a mortal man leading other mortals, then understand this first: for human affairs, there is a cycle, and it doesn’t allow the same people to have good fortune all the time. So now I have an opinion on the matter at hand that runs contrary to what these men say: if we agree to let the enemy into our land, there is a serious risk for you: if you are defeated, you'll lose your entire kingdom because it’s clear that if the Massagetai win, they won’t retreat but will march into your territories. On the other hand, if you emerge victorious, it won’t be a complete victory unless you defeat the Massagetai after invading their land and pursue them as they flee. For what I said before, I will reiterate now: when you conquer, you will march straight against the domain of Tomyris. Moreover, it’s shameful and intolerable for Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, to be outdone by a woman and retreat from her land. Therefore, I believe we should cross over and advance as far as they retreat, and try to outsmart them by doing the following: The Massagetai, as I understand, are unaccustomed to Persian comforts and have never experienced great luxuries. So, let’s slaughter cattle without restraint, prepare the meat, and set up a feast for them in our camp; also provide them with plenty of unmixed wine and provisions of all kinds. Once this is done, leave behind the least valuable part of your army and let the rest begin to retreat towards the river. For if I’m right, when they see a feast laid out, they will indulge, and after that, it’s our turn to perform great acts."
208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the former opinion and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to retire, as he was intending to cross over to her. She then proceeded to retire, as she had at first engaged to do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus into the hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give the kingdom, and gave him charge earnestly to honour him and to treat him well, if the crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be prosperous. Having thus charged him and sent these away to the land of the Persians, he crossed over the river both himself and his army.
208. These were the differing opinions; and Cyrus, abandoning the earlier view and choosing Croesus's suggestion, informed Tomyris that she should retreat, as he was planning to advance towards her. She then began to withdraw, as she had originally agreed to do, but Cyrus handed Croesus over to his son Cambyses, to whom he intended to pass on the kingdom, and instructed him to honor and treat Croesus well, in case the campaign against the Massagetai didn't go well. After giving this charge and sending them back to the Persian territory, he crossed the river with both himself and his army.
209. And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw a vision in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:—in his sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes having upon his shoulders wings, and that with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son was Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age, and he had been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was not yet of full age to go out to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he considered with himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed to him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having taken him apart by himself he said: "Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting against me and against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will declare to thee:—The gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all the evils that threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings, and with the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To judge by this vision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against me. Do thou therefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take care that, when I return thither after having subdued these regions, thou set thy son before me to be examined."
209. After crossing the Araxes, Cyrus had a vision in his sleep while in the land of the Massagetai. In his dream, he saw the eldest son of Hystaspes with wings on his shoulders; with one wing, he overshadowed Asia, and with the other, Europe. Hystaspes, the son of Arsames, was part of the Achaimenid clan, and his eldest son was Dareios, who was around twenty years old and had been left behind in Persia because he was not yet old enough to participate in wars. When Cyrus woke up, he thought about the vision, which he believed was significant. He called Hystaspes aside and said, "Hystaspes, your son is plotting against me and my throne. I know this for certain: the gods look out for me and reveal to me the dangers that approach. Last night while I was sleeping, I saw your eldest son with wings on his shoulders, overshadowing Asia and Europe. Based on this vision, it seems clear that he is scheming against me. Therefore, you must return to Persia as quickly as possible and ensure that when I come back after conquering these lands, your son is brought before me for questioning."
210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him; but in fact the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was destined to find his end there and that his kingdom was coming about to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as follows: "O king, heaven forbid 217 that there should be any man of Persian race who would plot against thee, and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as may be; seeing that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of slaves, and to rule all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if any vision announces to thee that my son is planning rebellion against thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with him whatsoever thou wilt."
210. Cyrus thought that Dareios was conspiring against him; however, the divine forces were actually revealing to him that he was meant to meet his end there and that his kingdom would be passed to Dareios. In response, Hystaspes said: "O king, may it never be that anyone of Persian descent would plot against you, and if there is, I hope they face swift punishment; after all, you made the Persians free instead of enslaved, and gave them the power to rule over all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if any vision tells you that my son is planning to rebel against you, I hand him over to you to do with him as you wish."
211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and having crossed over the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keep watch over his son Dareios for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile went forward and made a march of one day from the Araxes according to the suggestion of Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army 218 of the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were unfit for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of the Massagetai came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not without resistance, 219 those who were left behind of the army of Cyrus; and seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had overcome their enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food and wine they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of them, and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these the son of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai; and his name was Spargapises.
211. Hystaspes, after responding with these words and crossing over the Araxes, was heading to Persian territory to keep an eye on his son Darius for Cyrus. Meanwhile, Cyrus moved forward and made a one-day march from the Araxes based on Croesus’s advice. After this, when Cyrus and the majority of the Persian army had marched back to the Araxes and those unfit for combat had been left behind, a third of the Massagetai army came to attack and proceeded to kill, not without a fight, those who had been left behind from Cyrus’s army. Seeing the banquet that had been set up, after defeating their enemies, they laid down and feasted, and once full from food and wine, they fell asleep. Then the Persians struck them and killed many, while capturing even more than they killed, including the son of Queen Tomyris, who was leading the Massagetai army, and his name was Spargapises.
212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning the army and also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus and said as follows: "Cyrus, insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride by this which has come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the vine, with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the wine descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream,—because setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome my son, and not by valour in fight. Now therefore receive the word which I utter, giving thee good advice:—Restore to me my son and depart from this land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the army of the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee by the Sun, who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of blood, insatiable as thou art."
212. When she heard about what happened to the army and her son, she sent a messenger to Cyrus and said, “Cyrus, you bloodthirsty one, don’t let this victory make you arrogant. You got drunk on wine, which clouds your judgment, and made evil decisions as the alcohol took over your senses. With this poison, you managed to defeat my son, not through bravery in battle. So listen to my advice: Return my son to me and leave this land unharmed, having conquered only a third of the Massagetai’s army. But if you refuse, I swear by the Sun, the lord of the Massagetai, that I will ensure you get your fill of blood, as greedy as you are.”
213. When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of them; and the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left him and he learnt in what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he might be loosed from his chains and gained his request, and then so soon as he was loosed and had got power over his hands he put himself to death.
213. When Cyrus heard these words, he didn’t pay them any mind; and Tomyris’s son, Spargapises, realized what a terrible situation he was in as the effects of the wine wore off. He begged Cyrus to release him from his chains and got his wish. However, as soon as he was free and had control over his hands, he took his own life.
214. He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did not listen to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened thus:—first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one another and engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and so they continued to be in conflict with one another for a long time, and neither side would flee; but at last the Massagetai got the better in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was destroyed there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there, after he had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris filled a skin with human blood and had search made among the Persian dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the same time this: "Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight, nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I according to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood." Now as regards the end of the life of Cyrus there are many tales told, but this which I have related is to my mind the most worthy of belief.
214. He then took his own life this way; however, since Cyrus did not heed her, Tomyris gathered all her forces and fought against Cyrus. I believe this battle was the fiercest of all the battles fought by Barbarians, and I have been told it unfolded like this: first, they stood apart and shot arrows at each other, and once their arrows were used up, they charged at each other and engaged in hand-to-hand combat with spears and daggers. They fought fiercely for a long time, with neither side willing to retreat. In the end, the Massagetai emerged victorious, decimating the majority of the Persian army right there, and Cyrus himself met his end after reigning for almost thirty years. Then Tomyris filled a skin with human blood and searched among the Persian dead for Cyrus's body. Upon finding it, she placed his head into the skin and, desecrating the corpse, declared: "Though I still live and have defeated you in battle, you caused my ruin by deceitfully taking my son. Now, as I promised, I will give you your fill of blood." Many stories are told about the end of Cyrus's life, but this account is, in my opinion, the most credible.
215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of the Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs; and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses (for they have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220 and for everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221 they employ gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they put breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridles and bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in abundance.
215. The Massagetai wear clothing that's similar to the Scythians, and they live a lifestyle that reflects that as well. They have horsemen and people who don't ride horses (since they have both types), and they also have archers and spearmen. Their custom is to carry battle-axes; 220 for all their equipment, they use either gold or bronze. For spear points, arrowheads, and battle-axes, they use bronze, but for headpieces, belts, and arm bands, they decorate with gold. Similarly, for their horses, they put bronze breastplates on their chests, but they use gold for bridles, bits, and cheekpieces. However, they do not use iron or silver at all, as those metals aren't found in their land, but they have plenty of gold and bronze.
216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, but they have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their life, but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together and slaughter him solemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after that they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them the happiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle and on fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes; moreover they are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun alone, and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule 223 of the sacrifice is this:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest of all mortal things.
216. These are their customs: Each man marries a wife, but they share their wives in common; what the Greeks say the Scythians do is actually done by the Massagetai. A man from the Massagetai can have any woman he desires by hanging his quiver in front of the wagon and having relations with her freely. They don't have a specific age limit for life, but when a man becomes very old, his closest relatives gather together and ceremonially slaughter him and cattle along with him; then they boil the meat and feast on it. They believe this to be the happiest fate. However, if a man dies of illness, they don't eat him but bury him, considering it unfortunate that he didn't get to be slaughtered. They don't grow crops but live off cattle and fish, which they catch in abundance from the river Araxes; they also drink milk. They only worship the Sun and sacrifice horses to it. The rule of the sacrifice is this: they dedicate the fastest of mortal things to the swiftest of the gods.
Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links. —————
NOTES TO BOOK I
1 (return)
[ {'Erodotou 'Alikarnesseos
istories apodexis ede, os k.t.l.} The meaning of the word {istorie} passes
gradually from "research" or "inquiry" to "narrative," "history"; cp. vii.
96. Aristotle in quoting these words writes {Thouriou} for
{'Alikarnesseos} ("Herodotus of Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch that
this reading existed in his time as a variation.]
1 (return)
[ {'Herodotus of Halicarnassus' stories demonstrate, etc.} The meaning of the word {history} gradually shifts from "research" or "inquiry" to "narrative," "history"; see vii. 96. Aristotle, when quoting these words, refers to {Thurii} instead of {'Halicarnassus} ("Herodotus of Thurii"), and we know from Plutarch that this version existed in his time as an alternative.]
2 (return)
[ Probably {erga} may here
mean enduring monuments like the pyramids and the works at Samos, cp. i.
93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te alla} refers back to {ta genomena},
though the verb {epolemesan} derives its subject from the mention of
Hellenes and Barbarians in the preceding clause.]
2 (return)
[ Probably {erga} may here mean lasting structures like the pyramids and the projects at Samos, see i. 93, ii. 35, etc.; in that case {ta te alla} refers back to {ta genomena}, though the verb {epolemesan} takes its subject from the earlier mention of Hellenes and Barbarians.]
3 (return)
[ Many Editors have "with the
Phenicians," on the authority of some inferior MSS. and of the Aldine
edition.]
3 (return)
[ Many editors have "with the Phoenicians," based on some lesser manuscripts and the Aldine edition.]
4 (return)
[ {arpages}.]
4 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {arpages}.]
401 (return)
[ "thus or in some other
particular way."]
401 (return)
[ "in this way or in a different specific manner."]
5 (return)
[ {Surion}, see ch. 72.
Herodotus perhaps meant to distinguish {Surioi} from {Suroi}, and to use
the first name for the Cappadokians and the second for the people of
Palestine, cp. ii. 104; but they are naturally confused in the MSS.]
5 (return)
[ {Surion}, see ch. 72.
Herodotus might have intended to differentiate {Surioi} from {Suroi}, using
the first name for the Cappadokians and the second for the people of
Palestine, cp. ii. 104; however, they are understandably mixed up in the manuscripts.]
6 (return)
[ {ex epidromes arpage}.]
6 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {ex epidemic outbreaks}.]
7 (return)
[ {tes anoigomenes thures},
"the door that is opened."]
7 (return)
[ {the opened doors}, "the door that is opened."]
9 (return)
[ {phoitan}.]
9 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {phoitan}.]
10 (return)
[ {upeisdus}: Stein adopts
the conjecture {upekdus}, "slipping out of his hiding-place."]
10 (return)
[ {upeisdus}: Stein takes on the idea {upekdus}, "sneaking out from his hiding spot."]
11 (return)
[ This last sentence is by
many regarded as an interpolation. The line referred to is {Ou moi ta
Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]
11 (return)
[ Many people consider this last sentence as an addition. The line in question is {Ou moi ta Gugeo tou polukhrosou melei}.]
12 (return)
[ See v. 92.]
12 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See v. 92.]
13 (return)
[ i.e. like other kings of
Lydia who came after him.]
13 (return)
[ i.e. similar to other kings of Lydia who followed him.]
14 (return)
[ {Kolophonos to astu}, as
opposed apparently to the acropolis, cp. viii. 51.]
14 (return)
[ {Kolophonos to astu}, in contrast to the acropolis, see viii. 51.]
15 (return)
[ See ch. 73.]
15 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 73.]
16 (return)
[ {o kai esballon tenikauta
es ten Milesien ten stratien}: an allusion apparently to the invasions of
the Milesian land at harvest time, which are described above. All the
operations mentioned in the last chapter have been loosely described to
Alyattes, and a correction is here added to inform the reader that they
belong equally to his father. It will hardly mend matters much if we take
{o Audos} in ch. 17 to include both father and son.]
16 (return)
[ {and they suddenly attacked the Milesian army}: This seems to refer to the invasions of the Milesian territory during harvest season, as described earlier. All the actions mentioned in the last chapter have been vaguely attributed to Alyattes, and a clarification is provided here to inform the reader that they also apply to his father. It probably won't change things much if we consider {o Audos} in ch. 17 to refer to both father and son.]
17 (return)
[ {didaxanta}.]
17 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {didaxanta}.]
18 (return)
[ This name is applied by
Herodotus to the southern part of the peninsula only.]
18 (return)
[ Herodotus refers to this name for just the southern part of the peninsula.]
19 (return)
[ Tarentum.]
19 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Tarentum.]
20 (return)
[ {en toisi edolioisi}:
properly "benches," but probably here the raised deck at the stern.]
20 (return)
[ {in the second part}:
technically "benches," but likely referring to the raised deck at the back.]
21 (return)
[ {ou mega}: many of the
MSS. have {mega}.]
21 (return)
[ {ou mega}: many of the
manuscripts have {mega}.]
22 (return)
[ {stadioi}: furlongs of
about 606 English feet.]
22 (return)
[ {stadioi}: furlongs of about 606 feet.]
23 (return)
[ {to epilogo}.]
23 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {to epilogue}.]
24 (return)
[ This list of nations is
by some suspected as an interpolation; see Stein's note on the passage.]
24 (return)
[Some people think this list of nations might be an addition; refer to Stein's note on the passage.]
25 (return)
[ {sophistai}: cp. ii. 49,
and iv. 95.]
25 (return)
[ {sophistai}: cf. ii. 49, and iv. 95.]
26 (return)
[ {etheto}.]
26 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {etheto}.]
27 (return)
[ {olbiotaton}.]
27 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {olbiotaton}.]
28 (return)
[ {stadious}.]
28 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {stadious}.]
29 (return)
[ {romen}: many of the MSS.
have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]
29 (return)
[ {romen}: many of the manuscripts have {gnomen}, "good disposition."]
30 (return)
[ i.e. their mother: but
some understand it to mean the goddess.]
30 (return)
[ i.e. their mother: but some interpret it to refer to the goddess.]
31 (return)
[ {en telei touto
eskhonto}.]
31 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {it’s done}.]
32 (return)
[ {anolbioi}.]
32 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {anolbioi}.]
33 (return)
[ {eutukhees}.]
33 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {eutukhees}.]
35 (return)
[ {aikhme sideree
blethenta}.]
35 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {aikhme sideree blethenta}.]
37 (return)
[ {'Epistion}.]
37 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {'Message}.]
38 (return)
[ {'Etaireion}.]
38 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {'Member group}.]
39 (return)
[ {suggrapsamenous}, i.e.
have it written down by the {propsetes} (see vii. 111 and viii. 37), who
interpreted and put into regular verse the inspired utterances of the
prophetess {promantis}.]
39 (return)
[ {suggrapsamenous}, meaning have it recorded by the {propsetes} (see vii. 111 and viii. 37), who interpreted and turned the prophetess {promantis}' inspired messages into regular verse.]
40 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]
40 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {es to megaron}.]
41 (return)
[ {oida d' ego}: oracles
often have a word of connection such as {de} or {alla} at the beginning
(cp. ch. 55, 174, etc.), which may indicate that they are part of a larger
connected utterance.]
41 (return)
[ {oida d' ego}: oracles often start with a connecting word like {de} or {alla} (see ch. 55, 174, etc.), which might suggest they are part of a broader connected statement.]
42 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91
("I accept the omen.")]
42 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 178 and ix. 91 ("I'm good with the sign.")]
43 (return)
[ See viii. 134.]
43 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[See viii. 134.]
44 (return)
[ {kai touton}, i.e.
Amphiaraos: many Editors retain the readings of the Aldine edition, {kai
touto}, "that in this too he had found a true Oracle."]
44 (return)
[ {kai touton}, meaning Amphiaraos: many editors keep the readings from the Aldine edition, {kai touto}, "that in this as well he had found a true Oracle."]
45 (return)
[ {emiplinthia}, the plinth
being supposed to be square.]
45 (return)
[ {emiplinthia}, assuming the plinth is square.]
46 (return)
[ {exapalaiota}, the palm
being about three inches, cp. ii. 149.]
46 (return)
[ {exapalaiota}, the palm measuring about three inches, see ii. 149.]
47 (return)
[ {apephthou khrusou},
"refined gold."]
47 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {refined gold}]
48 (return)
[ {triton emitalanton}: the
MSS. have {tria emitalanta}, which has been corrected partly on the
authority of Valla's translation.]
48 (return)
[ {triton emitalanton}: the
manuscripts have {tria emitalanta}, which has been partly corrected based on Valla's translation.]
49 (return)
[ "white gold."]
49 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
["white gold."]
50 (return)
[ Arranged evidently in
stages, of which the highest consisted of the 4 half-plinths of pure gold,
the second of 15 half-plinths, the third of 35, the fourth of 63, making
117 in all: see Stein's note.]
50 (return)
[ Clearly organized in levels, the highest one included 4 half-plinths made of pure gold, the second had 15 half-plinths, the third consisted of 35, and the fourth had 63, totaling 117: see Stein's note.]
51 (return)
[ {elkon stathmon einaton
emitalanton kai eti duodeka mneas}. The {mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60
of them go to a talent.]
51 (return)
[ {the elkon stathmon einaton
emitalanton and also twelve mneas}. The {mnea} (mina) is 15.2 oz., and 60
of them equal a talent.]
52 (return)
[ {epi tou proneiou tes
gonies}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {epi} seems to suggest some kind of
raised corner-stone upon which the offerings stood.]
52 (return)
[ {on the front of the corner}, cp. viii. 122: the use of {on} seems to suggest some kind of raised corner-stone upon which the offerings stood.]
53 (return)
[ The {amphoreus} is about
9 gallons.]
53 (return)
[ The {amphoreus} holds approximately 9 gallons.]
54 (return)
[ Cp. iii. 41.]
54 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Cf. iii. 41.]
55 (return)
[ {perirranteria}.]
55 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {perirranteria}.]
56 (return)
[ {kheumata}, which some
translate "jugs" or "bowls."]
56 (return)
[ {kheumata}, which some translate as "jugs" or "bowls."]
57 (return)
[ {umin}, as if both
Oracles were being addressed together.]
57 (return)
[ {umin}, as if both oracles were being addressed at the same time.]
58 (return)
[ i.e. Delphi.]
58 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. Delphi.]
59 (return)
[ {enephoreeto}, "he filled
himself with it."]
59 (return)
[ {enephoreeto}, "he immersed himself in it."]
60 (return)
[ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would
read {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in Etruria), partly on the authority of
Dionysius: see Stein's note. Two of the best MSS. are defective in this
part of the book.]
60 (return)
[ {Krestona}: Niebuhr would read {Krotona} (Croton or Cortona in Etruria), partly based on the authority of Dionysius: refer to Stein's note. Two of the best manuscripts are incomplete in this section of the book.]
62 (return)
[ {auxetai es plethos ton
ethneon pollon}: "has increased to a multitude of its races, which are
many." Stein and Abicht both venture to adopt the conjecture {Pelasgon}
for {pollon}, "Pelasgians especially being added to them, and also many
other Barbarian nations."]
62 (return)
[ {has increased to a multitude of its races, which are many}: "has increased to a multitude of its races, which are many." Stein and Abicht both suggest the guess {Pelasgon} for {pollon}, "Pelasgians in particular being added to them, along with many other barbarian nations."]
6201 (return)
[ {pros de on emoige
dokeei}: the MSS. have {emoi te}. Some Editors read {os de on} (Stein
{prosthe de on}) for {pros de on}. This whole passage is probably in some
way corrupt, but it can hardly be successfully emended.]
6201 (return)
[ {pros de on emoige dokeei}: the manuscripts have {emoi te}. Some editors read {os de on} (Stein {prosthe de on}) instead of {pros de on}. This entire passage is likely flawed in some way, but it’s difficult to correct it effectively.]
63 (return)
[ i.e. as it is of the
Hellenic race before it parted from the Pelasgian and ceased to be
Barbarian.]
63 (return)
[ i.e. as it is of the Hellenic race before it separated from the Pelasgian and stopped being considered Barbarian.]
64 (return)
[ {katekhomenon te kai
diespasmenon... upo Peisistratou}. Peisistratos was in part at least the
cause of the divisions.]
64 (return)
[ {both the divided and the
fragmented... caused by Peisistratus}. Peisistratus was at least partly responsible for the divisions.]
65 (return)
[ {paralon}.]
65 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {paralon}.]
66 (return)
[ {uperakrion}.]
66 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {uperakrion}.]
67 (return)
[ {toutous}: some read by
conjecture {triekosious}, "three hundred," the number which he actually
had according to Polyænus, i. 21.]
67 (return)
[ {toutous}: some interpret it as {triekosious}, "three hundred," which is the actual number he had according to Polyænus, i. 21.]
68 (return)
[ {doruphoroi}, the usual
word for a body-guard.]
68 (return)
[ {doruphoroi}, the standard term for a bodyguard.]
69 (return)
[ {perielaunomenos de te
stasi}: Stein says "harassed by attacks of his own party," but the passage
to which he refers in ch. 61, {katallasseto ten ekhthren toisi
stasiotesi}, may be referred to in the quarrel made with his party by
Megacles when he joined Peisistratos.]
69 (return)
[ {perielaunomenos de te
stasi}: Stein mentions being "harassed by attacks from his own party," but the section he refers to in ch. 61, {katallasseto ten ekhthren toisi
stasiotesi}, likely relates to the conflict he had with his party when Megacles allied with Peisistratos.]
70 (return)
[ More literally, "since
from ancient time the Hellenic race had been marked off from the
Barbarians as being more skilful and more freed from foolish simplicity,
(and) since at that time among the Athenians, who are accounted the first
of the Hellenes in ability, these men devised a trick as follows."]
70 (return)
[ More literally, "since ancient times, the Greek people have been distinguished from the Barbarians as being more skilled and less naive, (and) since at that time among the Athenians, who are considered the most capable of the Greeks, these individuals came up with a clever scheme as follows."]
71 (return)
[ The cubit is reckoned as
24 finger-breadths, i.e. about 18 inches.]
71 (return)
[A cubit is considered to be 24 finger-breadths or roughly 18 inches.]
72 (return)
[ So Rawlinson.]
72 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ So Rawlinson.]
73 (return)
[ See v. 70.]
73 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See v. 70.]
74 (return)
[ {dia endekatou eteos}.
Not quite the same as {dia evdeka eteon} ("after an interval of eleven
years"); rather "in the eleventh year" (i.e. "after an interval of ten
years").]
74 (return)
[ {dia endekatou eteos}. Not exactly the same as {dia evdeka eteon} ("after a gap of eleven years"); more like "in the eleventh year" (i.e. "after a gap of ten years").]
75 (return)
[ {thein pompe
khreomenos}.]
75 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {thein pompe khreomenos}.]
76 (return)
[ For {'Akarnan} it has
been suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because this man is referred to as an
Athenian by various writers. However Acarnanians were celebrated for
prophetic power, and he might be called an Athenian as resident with
Peisistratos at Athens.]
76 (return)
[ For {'Akarnan} it has
been suggested to read {'Akharneus}, because this man is referred to as an
Athenian by various writers. However, Acarnanians were known for
their prophetic abilities, and he might be called an Athenian since he lived with
Peisistratos in Athens.]
77 (return)
[ Or "for that part of the
land from which the temple could be seen," but cp. Thuc. iii. 104. In
either case the meaning is the same.]
77 (return)
[ Or "for that area of the land where the temple was visible," but see Thuc. iii. 104. In either case, the meaning is the same.]
7701 (return)
[ {enomotias kai
triekadas kai sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the primary division of the
Spartan army: of the {triekas} nothing is known for certain.]
7701 (return)
[ {enomotias and triekadas and sussitia}. The {enomotia} was the main division of the Spartan army: nothing is known for sure about the {triekas}.]
78 (return)
[ {kibdelo}, properly
"counterfeit": cp. ch. 75.]
78 (return)
[ {kibdelo}, correctly
"fake": see ch. 75.]
79 (return)
[ {skhoino
diametresamenoi}: whether actually, for the purpose of distributing the
work among them, or because the rope which fastened them together lay on
the ground like a measuring-tape, is left uncertain.]
79 (return)
[ {skhoino
diametresamenoi}: whether it was actually for distributing the
work among them, or because the rope that connected them lay on
the ground like a measuring tape, remains unclear.]
80 (return)
[ Cp. ix. 70.]
80 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Cp. ix. 70.]
81 (return)
[ {epitarrothos}. Elsewhere
(that is in Homer) the word always means "helper," and Stein translates it
so here, "thou shalt be protector and patron of Tegea" (in the place of
Orestes). Mr. Woods explains it by the parallel of such phrases as
{Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, to mean "thou shalt be a helper (of the
Lacedemonians) in the matter of Tegea," but this perhaps would be a form
of address too personal to the envoy, who is usually addressed in the
second person, but only as representative of those who sent him. The
conjectural reading {epitarrothon exeis}, "thou shalt have him as a helper
against Tegea," is tempting.]
81 (return)
[ {epitarrothos}. In other places (like in Homer), the word always means "helper," and Stein translates it here as "you shall be the protector and patron of Tegea" (instead of Orestes). Mr. Woods explains it through similar phrases like {Danaoisi makhes epitarrothoi}, meaning "you shall be a helper (of the Lacedemonians) regarding Tegea," but this might be too personal of an address for the envoy, who is usually spoken to in the second person, but only as a representative of those who sent him. The suggested reading {epitarrothon exeis}, "you shall have him as a helper against Tegea," is enticing.]
82 (return)
[ {agathoergon}.]
82 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {good work}.]
83 (return)
[ This was to enable him
the better to gain his ends at Tegea.]
83 (return)
[ This was to help him better achieve his goals at Tegea.]
85 (return)
[ See ch. 6.]
85 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[See ch. 6.]
86 (return)
[ {euzono andri}: cp. ch.
104 and ii. 34. The word {euzonos} is used of light-armed troops;
Hesychius says, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]
86 (return)
[ {euzono andri}: see ch. 104 and ii. 34. The term {euzonos} refers to light-armed soldiers; Hesychius states, {euzonos, me ekhon phortion}.]
87 (return)
[ {orgen ouk akros}: this
is the reading of all the best MSS., and it is sufficiently supported by
the parallel of v. 124, {psukhen ouk akros}. Most Editors however have
adopted the reading {orgen akros}, as equivalent to {akrakholos},
"quick-tempered."]
87 (return)
[ {orgen ouk akros}: this is the reading found in all the best manuscripts, and it's well-supported by the parallel in v. 124, {psukhen ouk akros}. Most editors, however, have chosen the reading {orgen akros}, which is equivalent to {akrakholos}, meaning "quick-tempered."]
88 (return)
[ It has been suggested by
some that this clause is not genuine. It should not, however, be taken to
refer to the battle which was interrupted by the eclipse, for (1) that did
not occur in the period here spoken of; (2) the next clause is introduced
by {de} (which can hardly here stand for {gar}); (3) when the eclipse
occurred the fighting ceased, therefore it was no more a {nuktomakhin}
than any other battle which is interrupted by darkness coming on.]
88 (return)
[ Some have suggested that this clause is not authentic. However, it shouldn't be interpreted as referring to the battle that was interrupted by the eclipse, because (1) that battle didn't happen during the timeframe we're discussing; (2) the next clause is introduced by {de} (which can hardly substitute for {gar} here); (3) when the eclipse happened, the fighting stopped, so it was no more a {nuktomakhin} than any other battle interrupted by darkness.]
89 (return)
[ See ch. 188. Nabunita
was his true name.]
89 (return)
[ See ch. 188. Nabunita was his real name.]
91 (return)
[ Not "somewhere near the
city of Sinope," for it must have been at a considerable distance and
probably far inland. Sinope itself is at least fifty miles to the west of
the Halys. I take it to mean that Pteria was nearly due south of Sinope,
i.e. that the nearest road from Pteria to the sea led to Sinope. Pteria no
doubt was the name of a region as well as of a city.]
91 (return)
[ Not "somewhere near the city of Sinope," because it must have been quite far away and likely well inland. Sinope itself is at least fifty miles west of the Halys River. I believe this means that Pteria was almost directly south of Sinope, meaning that the closest road from Pteria to the sea went to Sinope. Pteria was probably the name of both a region and a city.]
92 (return)
[ {anastatous epoiese}.]
92 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {anastatous formation}.]
93 (return)
[ This is the son of the
man mentioned in ch. 74.]
93 (return)
[ This is the son of the man mentioned in chapter 74.]
94 (return)
[ {us en autou xeinikos}.
Stein translates "so much of it as was mercenary," but it may be doubted
if this is possible. Mr. Woods, "which army of his was a foreign one."]
94 (return)
[ {us en autou xeinikos}. Stein translates "as much of it as was paid for," but it might be questionable if this is feasible. Mr. Woods, "which of his armies was a foreign one."]
95 (return)
[ {Metros Dindumenes}, i.e.
Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in Phrygia.]
95 (return)
[ {Metros Dindumenes}, which is Kybele: the mountain is Dindymos in Phrygia.]
96 (return)
[ i.e. the whole strip of
territory to the West of the peninsula of Argolis, which includes Thyrea
and extends southwards to Malea: "westwards as far as Malea" would be
absurd.]
96 (return)
[ i.e. the entire area to the west of the Argolis peninsula, which includes Thyrea and stretches south to Malea: saying "west as far as Malea" would be ridiculous.]
97 (return)
[ {outos}: a conjectural
emendation of {autos}.]
97 (return)
[ {outos}: a proposed correction of {autos}.]
98 (return)
[ {autos}: some MSS. read
{o autos}, "this same man."]
98 (return)
[ {autos}: some manuscripts read
{o autos}, "this same man."]
99 (return)
[ {aneneikamenon}, nearly
equivalent to {anastemaxanta} (cp. Hom. Il. xix. 314), {mnesamenos d'
adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate it here, "he recovered
himself," cp. ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]
99 (return)
[ {aneneikamenon}, almost the same as {anastemaxanta} (see Hom. Il. xix. 314), {mnesamenos d' adinos aneneikato phonesen te}. Some translate it here as "he got himself together," see ch. 116, {aneneikhtheis}.]
100 (return)
[ {ubristai}.]
100 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {ubristai}.]
101 (return)
[ {proesousi}: a
conjectural emendation of {poiesousi}, adopted in most of the modern
editions.]
101 (return)
[ {proesousi}: a
suggested correction of {poiesousi}, used in most of the modern
editions.]
102 (return)
[ {touto oneidisai}: or
{touton oneidisai}, "to reproach the god with these things." The best MSS.
have {touto}.]
102 (return)
[ {touto oneidisai}: or
{touton oneidisai}, "to blame the god for these things." The best MSS.
have {touto}.]
103 (return)
[ {to kai... eipe ta eipe
Loxias k.t.l.}: various emendations have been proposed. If any one is to
be adopted, the boldest would perhaps be the best, {to de kai... eipe
Loxias}.]
103 (return)
[ {to kai... eipe ta eipe
Loxias k.t.l.}: various changes have been suggested. If any are to
be accepted, the most daring might be the best, {to de kai... eipe
Loxias}.]
104 (return)
[ {oia te kai alle
khore}, "such as other lands have."]
104 (return)
[ {oia te kai alle
khore}, "like other lands do."]
105 (return)
[ {stadioi ex kai duo
plethra}.]
105 (return)
[ {there are truly two kinds of abundance.}]
107 (return)
[ {Gugaie}.]
107 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {Gugaie}.]
108 (return)
[ Or "Tyrrhenia."]
108 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "Tyrrhenia."]
109 (return)
[ Or "Umbrians."]
109 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "Umbrians."]
110 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}, i.e.
the parts which are removed from the Mediterranean.]
110 (return)
[ {this year 'Asies}, meaning the areas that are cut off from the Mediterranean.]
111 (return)
[ i.e. nature would not
be likely to supply so many regularly ascending circles. Stein alters the
text so that the sentence runs thus, "and whereas there are seven circles
of all, within the last is the royal palace," etc.]
111 (return)
[ meaning nature wouldn’t usually provide so many neatly arranged circles. Stein changes the text to say, "and since there are seven circles in total, the royal palace is within the last one," etc.]
112 (return)
[ i.e. "to laugh or to
spit is unseemly for those in presence of the king, and this last for all,
whether in the presence of the king or not." Cp. Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. 16,
{aiskhron men gar eti kai nun esti Persais kai to apoptuein kai to
apomuttesthai}, (quoted by Stein, who however gives a different
interpretation).]
112 (return)
[ i.e. "laughing or spitting is inappropriate for anyone in the presence of the king, and this applies to everyone, whether they are in front of the king or not." Compare Xen. Cyrop. i. 2. 16, {it's still considered disgraceful in Persia to both spit and wipe oneself}, (quoted by Stein, who however gives a different interpretation).]
113 (return)
[ {tauta de peri eouton
esemnune}: the translation given is that of Mr. Woods.]
113 (return)
[ {This is about them
as I've remembered it}: the translation provided is that of Mr. Woods.]
114 (return)
[ {allos mentoi eouton eu
ekontes}: the translation is partly due to Mr. Woods.]
114 (return)
[ {you will find those who know}: the translation is partly due to Mr. Woods.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. East of the Halys:
see note on ch. 95.]
115 (return)
[ i.e. East of the Halys: see note on ch. 95.]
116 (return)
[ See iv. 12.]
116 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See iv. 12.]
117 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 72.]
117 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 72.]
118 (return)
[ {ten katuperthe odon},
i.e. further away from the Euxine eastwards.]
118 (return)
[ {ten katuperthe odon}, i.e. further east from the Black Sea.]
119 (return)
[ {o theos}.]
119 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {the God}.]
120 (return)
[ {khoris men gar
phoron}: many Editors substitute {phoron} for {phoron}, but {phoron} may
stand if taken not with {khoris} but with {to ekastoisi epeballon}.]
120 (return)
[ {khoris men gar
phoron}: many Editors replace {phoron} with {phoron}, but {phoron} may
be used if it's considered not with {khoris} but with {to ekastoisi epeballon}.]
121 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 184, "the
Assyrian history."]
121 (return)
[ See ch. 184, "the Assyrian history."]
122 (return)
[ {uperthemenos}, a
conjectural emendation of {upothemenos}, cp. ch. 108 where the MSS. give
{uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written above as a correction).]
122 (return)
[ {uperthemenos}, a suggested correction of {upothemenos}, see ch. 108 where the manuscripts show {uperthemenos}, (the Medicean with {upo} written above as a correction).]
123 (return)
[ Or "expose me to risk,"
"stake my safety."]
123 (return)
[ Or "put me in danger,"
"jeopardize my safety."]
124 (return)
[ Or "thou wilt suffer
the most evil kind of death": cp. ch. 167.]
124 (return)
[ Or "you will endure the worst kind of death": see ch. 167.]
12401 (return)
[ {tas aggelias
pherein}, i.e. to have the office of {aggeliephoros} (ch. 120) or
{esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain through whom communications
passed.]
12401 (return)
[ {tas aggelias
pherein}, meaning to hold the position of {aggeliephoros} (ch. 120) or
{esaggeleus} (iii. 84), the chamberlain through whom messages
were sent.]
125 (return)
[ {dialabein}. So
translated by Mr. Woods.]
125 (return)
[ {dialabein}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
126 (return)
[ {es tas anagkas}, "to
the necessity," mentioned above.]
126 (return)
[ {es tas anagkas}, "to the necessity," mentioned above.]
128 (return)
[ {akreon kheiron te kai
podon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to omo ten kheira}.]
128 (return)
[ {akreon kheiron te kai
podon}: cp. ii. 121 (e), {apotamonta en to omo ten kheira}.]
129 (return)
[ {esti te o pais kai
periesti}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
129 (return)
[ {you consider the country and its surroundings}. So translated by Mr. Woods.]
130 (return)
[ {erkhe}: a few inferior
MSS. have {eikhe}, which is adopted by several Editors.]
130 (return)
[ {erkhe}: a few lesser MSS. have {eikhe}, which is accepted by several Editors.]
131 (return)
[ {para smikra...
kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to trifles."]
131 (return)
[ {para smikra...
kekhoreke}, "have come out equal to small things."]
133 (return)
[ {su nun}, answering to
{se gar theoi eporeousi}: the MSS. and some Editors read {su nun}.]
133 (return)
[ {you now}, responding to {the gods are on their way}: the manuscripts and some editors read {you now}.]
134 (return)
[ i.e. of the race of
Perses: see vii. 61.]
134 (return)
[ i.e. of the race of Perses: see vii. 61.]
135 (return)
[ "how his change from a
throne to slavery was as compared with that feast, etc.," i.e. what did he
think of it as a retribution.]
135 (return)
[ "how his shift from a throne to slavery compared to that feast, etc.," meaning what were his thoughts on it as a form of punishment.]
136 (return)
[ See ch. 106. The actual
duration of the Median supremacy would be therefore a hundred years.]
136 (return)
[ See ch. 106. The actual length of Median control would therefore be a hundred years.]
13601 (return)
[ This is by some
altered to "Alilat," by comparison of iii. 8.]
13601 (return)
[Some have changed this to "Alilat," based on the comparison in iii. 8.]
137 (return)
[ {stemmasi}, i.e. the
chaplets wound round with wool which were worn at Hellenic sacrifices.]
137 (return)
[ {stemmasi}, meaning the garlands made of wool that were worn during Greek sacrifices.]
138 (return)
[ {oulesi}.]
138 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {oulesi}.]
13801 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 61.]
13801 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Cp. vii. 61.]
140 (return)
[ {proskuneei}, i.e.
kisses his feet or the ground.]
140 (return)
[ {proskuneei}, meaning he kisses his feet or the ground.]
141 (return)
[ {ton legomenon}, a
correction of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean MS. has {toi legomenoi} like
the rest, not {toi legomeno}, as stated by Stein.)]
141 (return)
[ {ton legomenon}, a correction of {to legomeno}. (The Medicean manuscript has {toi legomenoi} like the others, not {toi legomeno}, as mentioned by Stein.)]
142 (return)
[ {ekhomenon, kata ton
auton de logon}: the MSS. and most Editors have {ekhomenon}. {kata ton
auton de logon}; "and this same rule the Persians observe in giving
honour." This, however, makes it difficult (though not impossible) to
refer {to ethnos} in the next clause to the Medes, and it can hardly be
referred to the Persians, who certainly had not the same system of
government. Perhaps however we may translate thus, "for each race extended
forward thus their rule or their deputed authority."]
142 (return)
[ {ekhomenon, according to the same principle}: the manuscripts and most editors have {ekhomenon}. {according to the same principle}; "and the Persians follow this same rule in granting honor." However, this makes it tricky (though not impossible) to link {to ethnos} in the next clause to the Medes, and it’s unlikely it refers to the Persians, who certainly didn’t have the same governmental system. Perhaps we could translate it as, "for each race extended their own rule or delegated authority in this way."]
143 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 194.]
143 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See vii. 194.]
144 (return)
[ {polloi}: omitted, or
corrected variously, by Editors. There is, perhaps, something wrong about
the text in the next clause also, for it seems clear that white doves were
not objected to by the Persians. See Stein's note.]
144 (return)
[ {polloi}: left out or changed in different ways by the editors. There might be an issue with the text in the following clause too, since it seems evident that the Persians didn't have a problem with white doves. See Stein's note.]
145 (return)
[ See ch. 95.]
145 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 95.]
146 (return)
[ These words, "neither
those towards the East nor those towards the West" have perhaps been
interpolated as an explanation of {ta ano} and {ta kato}. As an
explanation they can hardly be correct, but the whole passage is vaguely
expressed.]
146 (return)
[ These words, "neither those towards the East nor those towards the West" might have been added later to explain {ta ano} and {ta kato}. As an explanation, they probably aren't accurate, but the entire passage is expressed in a vague manner.]
147 (return)
[ {tropous tesseras
paragogeon}.]
147 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {tropical areas extension}.]
148 (return)
[ i.e. the Asiatic
Ionians who had formed a separate confederacy. Some understand it to mean
the Milesians, but this would give no satisfactory connection with what
follows.]
148 (return)
[ i.e. the Asiatic Ionians who had created their own alliance. Some interpret this as referring to the Milesians, but that would not provide a clear link to what comes next.]
149 (return)
[ {pentapolios}.]
149 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {pentapolios}.]
150 (return)
[ {exapolios}.]
150 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {exapolios}.]
151 (return)
[ {mesogaioi}. Several of
the other cities are at some distance from the coast, but the region is
meant in each case rather than the city (hence such forms as
{Tritaiees}).]
151 (return)
[ {mesogaioi}. Many other cities are located some distance from the coast, but the region is referred to in each case rather than the specific city (which is why you see forms like {Tritaiees}).]
152 (return)
[ {'Elikonio}.]
152 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {'Elikonio}.]
153 (return)
[ This is condemned as an
interpolation by some Editors.]
153 (return)
[ Some editors criticize this as an interpolation.]
156 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: Stein
reads {stesamenoi} by conjecture: cp. vi. 58.]
156 (return)
[ {ktesamenoi}: Stein
interprets {stesamenoi} by assumption: see vi. 58.]
157 (return)
[ {phrontizo me ariston
e}. The translation is Rawlinson's.]
157 (return)
[ {I am thinking hard
e}. The translation is Rawlinson's.]
158 (return)
[ {kephale anamaxas}: cp.
Hom. Od. xix. 92.]
158 (return)
[ {kephale anamaxas}: cp.
Hom. Od. xix. 92.]
159 (return)
[ {es tous Bragkhidas},
i.e. the priests of the temple. The name of the place {Bragkhidai} is
feminine, cp. ch. 92.]
159 (return)
[ {the priests of the temple},
meaning the priests of the temple. The place name {Bragkhidai} is
feminine, see ch. 92.]
160 (return)
[ {onax}, addressing
Apollo.]
160 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {onax}, talking to Apollo.]
161 (return)
[ {exaipee tous
strouthous k.t.l.} The verb is one which is commonly used of the
destruction and depopulation of cities, cp. ch. 176. (Stein.)]
161 (return)
[ {exaipee tous
strouthous etc.} The verb is often used to refer to the destruction and depopulation of cities, see ch. 176. (Stein.)]
162 (return)
[ {tou de 'Atarneos
toutou esti khoros tes Musies}.]
162 (return)
[ {this place of 'Atarneos is the dance of the Muses}.]
163 (return)
[ {ouk oligoi stadioi}.]
163 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {few stages}.]
164 (return)
[ {katirosai}, i.e.
dedicate it to the king as a token of submission.]
164 (return)
[ {katirosai}, meaning dedicate it to the king as a sign of yielding.]
165 (return)
[ i.e. Corsica.]
165 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. Corsica.]
166 (return)
[ {anaphanenai}: the MSS.
have {anaphenai}, which can only be translated by supplying {ton ponton}
from {katepontosan}, "till the sea produced it again," but this is hardly
satisfactory.]
166 (return)
[ {anaphanenai}: the MSS.
have {anaphenai}, which can only be translated by adding {ton ponton}
from {katepontosan}, "until the sea produced it again," but this is barely
adequate.]
167 (return)
[ {Karkhedonioi}.]
167 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {Karkhedonioi}.]
168 (return)
[ {elakhon te auton pollo
pleious}. Several Editors suppose that words have been lost or that the
text is corrupt. I understand it to mean that many more of them fell into
the hands of the enemy than were rescued by their own side. Some translate
"divided most of them by lot"; but this would be {dielakhon}, and the
proceeding would have no object if the prisoners were to be put to death
at once. For {pleious} Stein reads {pleistous}.]
168 (return)
[ {many of them fell into the hands of the enemy}. Several editors think that some words are missing or that the text is corrupted. I interpret it to mean that many more were captured by the enemy than were saved by their own side. Some translate it as "divided most of them by lot"; but this should be {dielakhon}, and there would be no point in that if the prisoners were going to be executed immediately. For {pleious}, Stein reads {pleistous}.]
169 (return)
[ {ton Kurnon... ktisai
eron eonta, all' ou ten neson}.]
169 (return)
[ {ton Kurnon... ktisai
eron eonta, all' ou ten neson}.]
170 (return)
[ {bouleuterion}.]
170 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {bouleuterion}.]
171 (return)
[ {outoi}: the MSS. have
{outo}.]
171 (return)
[ {outoi}: the manuscripts have
{outo}.]
172 (return)
[ {autokhthonas
epeirotas}.]
172 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {indigenous
native}.]
173 (return)
[ Many Editors insert
{oi} before {tes khores tes spheteres} and alter the punctuation
accordingly.]
173 (return)
[ Many editors add
{oi} before {tes khores tes spheteres} and adjust the punctuation
accordingly.]
174 (return)
[ Or "all their land came
within the isthmus."]
174 (return)
[ Or "all their land was located on the isthmus."]
175 (return)
[ {epexiontes}: the MSS.
have {upexiontes}, which Mr. Woods explains to mean "coming forth
suddenly."]
175 (return)
[ {epexiontes}: the manuscripts have {upexiontes}, which Mr. Woods clarifies to mean "coming forth suddenly."]
176 (return)
[ {epexelthontes}: the
MSS. have {upexelthontes}.]
176 (return)
[ {epexelthontes}: the
manuscripts have {upexelthontes}.]
178 (return)
[ The "royal cubit"
appears to have measured about twenty-one inches.]
178 (return)
[ The "royal cubit" seems to have measured around twenty-one inches.]
179 (return)
[ {tous agkhonas}, the
walls on the North and South of the city, called so because built at an
angle with the side walls.]
179 (return)
[ {tous agkhonas}, the walls on the North and South of the city, named that because they were built at an angle to the side walls.]
180 (return)
[ {laurai}, "lanes."]
180 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {laurai}, "lanes."]
181 (return)
[ {kai autai}, but
perhaps the text is not sound.]
181 (return)
[ {kai autai}, but it seems the text might not be accurate.]
182 (return)
[ {thorex}, as opposed to
the inner wall, which would be the {kithon} (cp. vii. 139).]
182 (return)
[ {thorex}, in contrast to the inner wall, which would be known as the {kithon} (see vii. 139).]
183 (return)
[ {steinoteron}: Mr.
Woods says "of less thickness," the top of the wall being regarded as a
road.]
183 (return)
[ {steinoteron}: Mr. Woods says "thinner," considering the top of the wall as a roadway.]
184 (return)
[ {duo stadion pante},
i.e. 404 yards square.]
184 (return)
[ {two stadiums of 404 yards square.}]
185 (return)
[ {tou irou}, i.e. the
sacred precincts; cp. {en to temenei touto}.]
185 (return)
[ {tou irou}, meaning the sacred areas; see {en to temenei touto}.]
186 (return)
[ {neos}, the inner house
of the temple.]
186 (return)
[ {neos}, the inner sanctuary of the temple.]
187 (return)
[ {promantis}.]
187 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {promantis}.]
189 (return)
[ "at that time."]
189 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ "back then."]
18901 (return)
[ {katapleontes ton
Euphreten}: the MSS. have {katapleontes es ton E}. (It is not true, as
stated by Abicht, that the Medicean MS. omits {es}.)]
18901 (return)
[ {katapleontes ton
Euphreten}: the manuscripts have {katapleontes es ton E}. (It is not true, as
stated by Abicht, that the Medicean manuscript omits {es}.)]
190 (return)
[ {oligon ti parateinousa
apo tou potamou}.]
190 (return)
[{the one who was waiting by the river.}]
191 (return)
[ {ou gar ameinon}, an
Epic phrase, cp. iii. 71 and 82.]
191 (return)
[ {or better}, an Epic phrase, see iii. 71 and 82.]
192 (return)
[ {eskeuasmenos}, a
conjectural emendation of {eskeuasmenoisi}, "with provisions well
prepared."]
192 (return)
[ {eskeuasmenos}, a guess at a correction of {eskeuasmenoisi}, "with provisions well prepared."]
193 (return)
[ {kateteine
skhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}. Stein understands {kateteine ten
stratien} (resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he extended his army,
having first marked out channels straight by lines."]
193 (return)
[ {kateteine
skhoinoteneas upodexas diorukhas}. Stein understands {kateteine ten
stratien} (resumed afterwards by {diataxas}), "he extended his army,
having first marked out channels straight by lines."]
194 (return)
[ {proesaxanto}, from
{proesago}: it may be however from {prosatto}, "they had heaped together
provisions for themselves beforehand."]
194 (return)
[ {proesaxanto}, from
{proesago}: it might be from {prosatto}, "they had gathered supplies for themselves in advance."]
195 (return)
[ {ten stratien apasan}.
Stein thinks that some correction is needed.]
195 (return)
[ {ten strategies apply}.
Stein believes some adjustments are necessary.]
196 (return)
[ {oi d' an perudontes
k.t.l.}: the MSS. have {oud' an perudontes}, "they would not even have
allowed them to enter the city (from the river)," but the negative is
awkward referring to the participle alone, and the admission of the enemy
to the river-bed within the city would have been an essential part of the
scheme, not to be omitted in the description.]
196 (return)
[ {they wouldn't let them in
etc.}: the manuscripts say {they wouldn't let them in}, "they would not even have
allowed them to enter the city (from the river)," but the negative feels off referring to the participle alone, and allowing the enemy into the riverbed within the city would have been a crucial part of the plan, not to be left out of the description.]
197 (return)
[ The Attic medimnos
(= 48 choinikes) was rather less than 12 gallons.]
197 (return)
[ The Attic medimnos
(about 48 choinikes) was slightly under 12 gallons.]
199 (return)
[ Stein supposes that
words have fallen out before {ta gar de alla dendrea}, chiefly because
some mention of the palm-trees might have been expected here.]
199 (return)
[ Stein thinks that words might be missing before {ta gar de alla dendrea}, mainly because there should have been some reference to the palm trees here.]
200 (return)
[ {phoinikeious}: some
Editors (following Valla) have altered this to {phoinikeiou} ("casks of
palm-wine"), but it is not likely that palm-wine would have been thus
imported, see ch. 193.]
200 (return)
[ {phoinikeious}: some editors (following Valla) have changed this to {phoinikeiou} ("casks of palm-wine"), but it is unlikely that palm-wine would have been imported in this way, see ch. 193.]
201 (return)
[ {kai o men eso elkei to
plektron o de exo otheei}. I take it to mean that there is one
steering-oar on each side, and the "inside" is the side nearer to the bank
of the river. The current would naturally run faster on the "outside" and
consequently would tend to turn the boat round, and therefore the inside
oarsman pulls his oar constantly towards himself and the outside man
pushes his oar from himself (i.e. backs water), to keep the boat straight.
Various explanations are given. Stein takes {eso, exo} with the verbs,
"one draws the boat towards himself, the other pushes it from himself."
Mr. Woods understands that only one oar is used at a time and by two men
looking different ways, of whom {o men eso} is he who stands nearest to
the side of the boat.]
201 (return)
[ {the one on the inside pulls the oar towards himself while the one on the outside pushes his oar away from himself}. I interpret this to mean that there’s a steering oar on each side, and the "inside" refers to the side closer to the riverbank. The current would naturally flow faster on the "outside," which would cause the boat to turn, so the inside oarsman pulls his oar towards himself and the outside oarsman pushes his oar away (i.e., backs water) to keep the boat on course. Different explanations are offered. Stein interprets {eso, exo} with the verbs, "one pulls the boat towards himself, the other pushes it away from himself." Mr. Woods suggests that only one oar is used at a time by two men facing opposite directions, with {o men eso} referring to the one closest to the side of the boat.]
202 (return)
[ If the talents meant
are Euboic, this would be about 170 tons.]
202 (return)
[ If the talents mentioned are Euboic, this would be around 170 tons.]
204 (return)
[ {os an ai parthenoi
ginoiato}, equivalent to {osai aei parthenoi ginoiato}, which Stein
suggests as a correction.]
204 (return)
[ {as a young girl
it became}, equivalent to {as always a young girl became}, which Stein
suggests as a correction.]
205 (return)
[ This sentence, "in
order that—city," is thought by Stein to be either interpolated or
misplaced.]
205 (return)
[ Stein believes this sentence, "in order that—city," is likely either inserted later or incorrectly placed.]
206 (return)
[ {katestekee}: some
Editors adopt the correction {katesteke}, "is established."]
206 (return)
[ {katestekee}: some
Editors accept the correction {katesteke}, "is established."]
207 (return)
[ {iron}, afterwards
called {temenos}.]
207 (return)
[ {iron}, later known as {temenos}.]
208 (return)
[ {panta tropon odon}:
some MSS. have {odon} for {odon}, and {odon ekhousi} might perhaps mean
"afford a passage." (The reading of the Medicean MS. is {odon}.)]
208 (return)
[ {panta tropon odon}:
some manuscripts have {odon} for {odon}, and {odon ekhousi} might perhaps mean
"provide a passage." (The reading of the Medicean manuscript is {odon}.)]
209 (return)
[ "I call upon Mylitta
against thee"; or perhaps, "I call upon Mylitta to be favourable to
thee."]
209 (return)
[ "I summon Mylitta against you"; or maybe, "I summon Mylitta to be kind to you."]
210 (return)
[ {aposiosamene te
theo}.]
210 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {aposiosamene te theo}.]
211 (return)
[ {eideos te epammenai
eisi kai megatheos}.]
211 (return)
[ {You should consider it to be great and divine.}]
212 (return)
[ {patriai}.]
212 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {patriai}.]
213 (return)
[ {antion}.]
213 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {antion}.]
214 (return)
[ That is perhaps, "if
one rows as well as sails," using oars when the wind is not favourable,
cp. ii. 11.]
214 (return)
[ That might be, "if one rows as well as sails," using oars when the wind isn't favorable, cp. ii. 11.]
215 (return)
[ {genomene}, or
{ginomene}, "which he met with."]
215 (return)
[ {genomene}, or
{ginomene}, "that he encountered."]
216 (return)
[ {eonta akharita}: most
of the MSS. have {ta eonta akharita}, with which reading the sentence
would be, "the sufferings which I have, have proved bitter lessons of
wisdom to me."]
216 (return)
[ {eonta akharita}: most of the manuscripts have {ta eonta akharita}, which would make the sentence read, "the sufferings I have faced have taught me tough lessons of wisdom."]
217 (return)
[ {me eie}.]
217 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {me eie}.]
218 (return)
[ {tou katharou stratou},
perhaps "the effective part," without the encumbrances, cp. iv. 135.]
218 (return)
[ {the pure army},
maybe "the effective part," without the burdens, see iv. 135.]
219 (return)
[ {alexomenous}.]
219 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {alexomenous}.]
220 (return)
[ {sagaris nomizontes
ekhein}: cp. iv. 5.]
220 (return)
[ {those who believe they have discernment}: cp. iv. 5.]
221 (return)
[ {maskhalisteras}.]
221 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {maskhalisteras}.]
222 (return)
[ {thuousi}.]
222 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {thuousi}.]
223 (return)
[ {nomos}: the conjecture
{noos}, "meaning," which is adopted by many Editors, may be right; but
{nomos} seems to mean the "customary rule" which determines this form of
sacrifice, the rule namely of "swift to the swift."]
223 (return)
[ {nomos}: the assumption
{noos}, "meaning," which is accepted by many editors, could be correct; but
{nomos} appears to refer to the "customary rule" that defines this type of
sacrifice, specifically the rule of "swift to the swift."]
BOOK II. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED EUTERPE
1. When Cyrus had brought his life to an end, Cambyses received the royal power in succession, being the son of Cyrus and of Cassandane the daughter of Pharnaspes, for whose death, which came about before his own, Cyrus had made great mourning himself and also had proclaimed to all those over whom he bore rule that they should make mourning for her: Cambyses, I say, being the son of this woman and of Cyrus, regarded the Ionians and Aiolians as slaves inherited from his father; and he proceeded to march an army against Egypt, taking with him as helpers not only the other nations of which he was the ruler, but also those of the Hellenes over whom he had power besides.
1. After Cyrus ended his life, Cambyses took over the royal power as he was the son of Cyrus and Cassandane, the daughter of Pharnaspes. Cyrus had deeply mourned Cassandane's death, which occurred before his own, and he announced to everyone under his authority that they should mourn her too. Cambyses, being the son of this woman and Cyrus, saw the Ionians and Aiolians as slaves he inherited from his father. He then decided to lead an army towards Egypt, enlisting not only the other nations he ruled but also those Greek city-states he had control over.
2. Now the Egyptians, before the time when Psammetichos 1 became king over them, were wont to suppose that they had come into being first of all men; but since the time when Psammetichos having become king desired to know what men had come into being first, they suppose that the Phrygians came into being before themselves, but they themselves before all other men. Now Psammetichos, when he was not able by inquiry to find out any means of knowing who had come into being first of all men, contrived a device of the following kind:—Taking two new-born children belonging to persons of the common sort he gave them to a shepherd to bring up at the place where his flocks were, with a manner of bringing up such as I shall say, charging him namely that no man should utter any word in their presence, and that they should be placed by themselves in a room where none might come, and at the proper time he should bring to them she-goats, and when he had satisfied them with milk he should do for them whatever else was needed. These things Psammetichos did and gave him this charge wishing to hear what word the children would let break forth first, after they had ceased from wailings without sense. And accordingly so it came to pass; for after a space of two years had gone by, during which the shepherd went on acting so, at length, when he opened the door and entered, both the children fell before him in entreaty and uttered the word bekos, stretching forth their hands. At first when he heard this the shepherd kept silence; but since this word was often repeated, as he visited them constantly and attended to them, at last he declared the matter to his master, and at his command he brought the children before his face. Then Psammetichos having himself also heard it, began to inquire about what nation of men named anything bekos, and inquiring he found that the Phrygians had this name for bread. In this manner and guided by an indication such as this, the Egyptians were brought to allow that the Phrygians were a more ancient people than themselves.
2. Before Psammetichos became king of the Egyptians, they believed they were the first people in existence. However, after Psammetichos ascended to the throne and sought to discover which group had existed first, they began to think that the Phrygians preceded them, but that they themselves were still the oldest among all other peoples. Unable to determine who was truly the first, Psammetichos devised the following plan: he took two newborn babies from ordinary families and gave them to a shepherd to raise in the countryside, instructing him that no one should speak to them and that they should be kept alone in a room where no one could enter. At the appropriate time, the shepherd was to bring them she-goats, and after satisfying them with milk, he was to take care of their other needs. Psammetichos did this and instructed the shepherd to pay attention to what word the children would say first after they stopped their nonsensical crying. After two years of following these instructions, when the shepherd finally opened the door and entered, both children reached out to him and said the word bekos. Initially, the shepherd stayed quiet, but as the children repeatedly called for him, he eventually reported this to his master and brought the children before Psammetichos. After hearing the word himself, Psammetichos inquired which nation called anything bekos and discovered that the Phrygians referred to bread by that name. Thus, guided by this clue, the Egyptians came to accept that the Phrygians were an older people than they were.
3. That so it came to pass I heard from the priests of that Hephaistos who dwells at Memphis; 2 but the Hellenes relate, besides many other idle tales, that Psammetichos cut out the tongues of certain women, and then caused the children to live with these women.
3. So it happened that I heard from the priests of Hephaistos who lives in Memphis; 2 but the Greeks also tell many other pointless stories, like that Psammetichos cut out the tongues of some women and then made the children live with these women.
With regard then to the rearing of the children they related so much as I have said: and I heard also other things at Memphis when I had speech with the priests of Hephaistos. Moreover I visited both Thebes and Heliopolis 3 for this very cause, namely because I wished to know whether the priests at these places would agree in their accounts with those at Memphis; for the men of Heliopolis are said to be the most learned in records of the Egyptians. Those of their narrations which I heard with regard to the gods I am not earnest to relate in full, but I shall name them only, 4 because I consider that all men are equally ignorant of these matters: 5 and whatever things of them I may record, I shall record only because I am compelled by the course of the story.
Regarding the raising of children, they shared a lot of what I've mentioned. I also heard other things in Memphis when I spoke with the priests of Hephaistos. Additionally, I visited both Thebes and Heliopolis 3 for this specific reason: I wanted to see if the priests in these places would agree with those in Memphis; the people of Heliopolis are said to be the most knowledgeable about Egyptian records. I’m not eager to recount all the details of their stories about the gods, but I’ll just name them 4 since I believe everyone is equally unaware of these issues: 5 and whatever I do choose to record, I’ll do so only because it’s necessary for the narrative.
4. But as to those matters which concern men, the priests agreed with one another in saying that the Egyptians were the first of all men on earth to find out the course of the year, having divided the seasons into twelve parts to make up the whole; and this they said they found out from the stars: and they reckon to this extent more wisely than the Hellenes, as it seems to me, inasmuch as the Hellenes throw in an intercalated month every other year, to make the seasons right, whereas the Egyptians, reckoning the twelve months at thirty days each, bring in also every year five days beyond the number, and thus the circle of their seasons is completed and comes round to the same point whence it set out. They said moreover that the Egyptians were the first who brought into use appellations for the twelve gods and the Hellenes took up the use from them; and that they were the first who assigned altars and images and temples to the gods, and who engraved figures on stones; and with regard to the greater number of these things they showed me by actual facts that they had happened so. They said also that the first man 6 who became king of Egypt was Min; 7 and that in his time all Egypt except the district of Thebes 8 was a swamp, and none of the regions were then above water which now lie below the lake of Moiris, to which lake it is a voyage of seven days up the river from the sea:
4. But when it comes to matters concerning people, the priests agreed that the Egyptians were the first to figure out the calendar year by dividing the seasons into twelve parts to make a whole. They claimed to have done this by observing the stars, and I think they did this more wisely than the Greeks, since the Greeks add an extra month every other year to keep the seasons in line, while the Egyptians calculate twelve months of thirty days each and add five extra days every year. This way, their seasonal cycle is completed and returns to where it began. They also stated that the Egyptians were the first to create names for the twelve gods, which the Greeks adopted. They were also the first to build altars, images, and temples for the gods, and to carve figures on stones. They showed me real evidence to prove the truth of many of these claims. They also mentioned that the first man who became king of Egypt was Min; and that during his reign, all of Egypt except for the area around Thebes was a swamp, and none of the regions that are now above water were then above the lake of Moiris, which is a seven-day journey up the river from the sea:
5, and I thought that they said well about the land; for it is manifest in truth even to a person who has not heard it beforehand but has only seen, at least if he have understanding, that the Egypt to which the Hellenes come in ships is a land which has been won by the Egyptians as an addition, and that it is a gift of the river: moreover the regions which lie above this lake also for a distance of three days' sail, about which they did not go on to say anything of this kind, are nevertheless another instance of the same thing: for the nature of the land of Egypt is as follows:—First when you are still approaching it in a ship and are distant a day's run from the land, if you let down a sounding-line you will bring up mud and will find yourself in eleven fathoms. This then so far shows that there is a silting forward of the land.
5, and I thought what they said about the land was accurate; for it is clear, even to someone who hasn't heard about it before but has only seen it, at least if they have some understanding, that the Egypt to which the Greeks come by ship is a land that has been expanded by the Egyptians, and that it is a gift from the river. Moreover, the areas that lie beyond this lake, about three days' sail further, which they didn't mention, are yet another example of the same thing. The nature of the land of Egypt is as follows: First, when you are still approaching it in a ship and are a day's journey away from the land, if you lower a sounding line, you will bring up mud and find yourself in eleven fathoms. This indicates that the land is gradually silting up.
6. Then secondly, as to Egypt itself, the extent of it along the sea is sixty schoines, according to our definition of Egypt as extending from the Gulf of Plinthine to the Serbonian lake, along which stretches Mount Casion; from this lake then 9 the sixty schoines are reckoned: for those of men who are poor in land have their country measured by fathoms, those who are less poor by furlongs, those who have much land by parasangs, and those who have land in very great abundance by schoines: now the parasang is equal to thirty furlongs, and each schoine, which is an Egyptian measure, is equal to sixty furlongs. So there would be an extent of three thousand six hundred furlongs for the coast-land of Egypt. 10
6. Then secondly, regarding Egypt itself, the coastline measures sixty schoines, based on our definition of Egypt stretching from the Gulf of Plinthine to the Serbonian Lake, along which Mount Casion runs; from this lake, the sixty schoines are measured: for those who have little land measure their territory in fathoms, those with slightly more by furlongs, those with substantial land by parasangs, and those with vast amounts of land by schoines: now the parasang equals thirty furlongs, and each schoine, which is an Egyptian unit, equals sixty furlongs. So, the coast of Egypt would cover a total of three thousand six hundred furlongs. 10
7. From thence and as far as Heliopolis inland Egypt is broad, and the land is all flat and without springs of water 11 and formed of mud: and the road as one goes inland from the sea to Heliopolis is about the same in length as that which leads from the altar of the twelve gods at Athens to Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus: reckoning up you would find the difference very small by which these roads fail of being equal in length, not more indeed than fifteen furlongs; for the road from Athens to Pisa wants fifteen furlongs of being fifteen hundred, while the road to Heliopolis from the sea reaches that number completely.
7. From there all the way to Heliopolis, inland Egypt is wide, with flat land and no natural springs, composed mainly of mud. The road that goes inland from the sea to Heliopolis is roughly the same length as the one that connects the altar of the twelve gods in Athens to Pisa and the temple of Olympian Zeus. If you measure it, you’ll find the difference in length to be very little—no more than fifteen furlongs. The road from Athens to Pisa is short by fifteen furlongs, whereas the road from the sea to Heliopolis is exactly fifteen hundred furlongs long.
8. From Heliopolis however, as you go up, Egypt is narrow; for on the one side a mountain-range belonging to Arabia stretches along by the side of it, going in a direction from North towards the midday and the South Wind, tending upwards without a break to that which is called the Erythraian Sea, in which range are the stone-quarries which were used in cutting stone for the pyramids at Memphis. On this side then the mountain ends where I have said, and then takes a turn back; 12 and where it is widest, as I was informed, it is a journey of two months across from East to West; and the borders of it which turn towards the East are said to produce frankincense. Such then is the nature of this mountain-range; and on the side of Egypt towards Libya another range extends, rocky and enveloped in sand: in this are the pyramids, and it runs in the same direction as those parts of the Arabian mountains which go towards the midday. So then, I say, from Heliopolis the land has no longer a great extent so far as it belongs to Egypt, 13 and for about four 14 days' sail up the river Egypt properly so called is narrow: and the space between the mountain-ranges which have been mentioned is plain-land, but where it is narrowest it did not seem to me to exceed two hundred furlongs from the Arabian mountains to those which are called the Libyan. After this again Egypt is broad.
8. From Heliopolis, as you head upstream, Egypt gets narrower; on one side, there's a mountain range that belongs to Arabia, extending northward toward the midday and south wind, rising steadily without interruption to what’s known as the Erythraian Sea. This range contains the stone quarries that were used to carve the stones for the pyramids at Memphis. The mountain ends where I mentioned earlier and then bends back; 12 and where it’s widest, I was told, it's a two-month journey from east to west; the eastern borders are said to produce frankincense. This is the nature of the mountain range; on the side of Egypt towards Libya, another range extends, rocky and covered in sand: it is home to the pyramids and runs in the same direction as the parts of the Arabian mountains that extend toward the midday. Therefore, I say, from Heliopolis, the land is no longer very extensive in terms of Egypt, 13 and for about four 14 days' sail up the river, Egypt itself is narrow: and the area between the mentioned mountain ranges is flat land, but at its narrowest point, it seemed to me to be no more than two hundred furlongs from the Arabian mountains to the ones called Libyan. After this, Egypt widens again.
9. Such is the nature of this land: and from Heliopolis to Thebes is a voyage up the river of nine days, and the distance of the journey in furlongs is four thousand eight hundred and sixty, the number of the schoines being eighty-one. If these measures of Egypt in furlongs be put together the result is as follows:—I have already before this shown that the distance along the sea amounts to three thousand six hundred furlongs, and I will now declare what the distance is inland from the sea to Thebes, namely six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs: and again the distance from Thebes to the city called Elephantine is one thousand eight hundred furlongs.
9. This is the nature of this land: traveling from Heliopolis to Thebes takes nine days by river, covering a distance of four thousand eight hundred and sixty furlongs, with a total of eighty-one schoines. If we add up these distances in Egypt measured in furlongs, it results as follows: I have already mentioned that the distance along the sea is three thousand six hundred furlongs, and now I will state that the distance from the sea to Thebes is six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs. Additionally, the distance from Thebes to the city called Elephantine is one thousand eight hundred furlongs.
10. Of this land then, concerning which I have spoken, it seemed to myself also, according as the priests said, that the greater part had been won as an addition by the Egyptians; for it was evident to me that the space between the aforesaid mountain-ranges, which lie above the city of Memphis, once was a gulf of the sea, like the regions about Ilion and Teuthrania and Ephesos and the plain of the Maiander, if it be permitted to compare small things with great; and small these are in comparison, for of the rivers which heaped up the soil in those regions none is worthy to be compared in volume with a single one of the mouths of the Nile, which has five mouths. 15 Moreover there are other rivers also, not in size at all equal to the Nile, which have performed great feats; of which I can mention the names of several, and especially the Acheloös, which flowing through Acarnania and so issuing out into the sea has already made half of the Echinades from islands into mainland.
10. Regarding this land I mentioned, it seemed to me, as the priests said, that most of it was added by the Egyptians; it was clear to me that the area between the mountain ranges above the city of Memphis used to be a sea gulf, similar to the regions around Ilion, Teuthrania, Ephesos, and the plain of the Maiander, if we're allowed to compare small things to large ones; and small they are in comparison because none of the rivers that deposited soil in those areas can compare in volume to just one of the Nile's five mouths. 15 There are also other rivers, not nearly as big as the Nile, that have accomplished great things; I can mention several, particularly the Acheloös, which flows through Acarnania and has already transformed half of the Echinades from islands into mainland.
11. Now there is in the land of Arabia, not far from Egypt, a gulf of the sea running in from that which is called the Erythraian Sea, very long and narrow, as I am about to tell. With respect to the length of the voyage along it, one who set out from the innermost point to sail out through it into the open sea, would spend forty days upon the voyage, using oars; 16 and with respect to breadth, where the gulf is broadest it is half a day's sail across: and there is in it an ebb and flow of tide every day. Just such another gulf I suppose that Egypt was, and that the one ran in towards Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, and the other, the Arabian, of which I am about to speak, 17 tended from the South towards Syria, the gulfs boring in so as almost to meet at their extreme points, and passing by one another with but a small space left between. If then the stream of the Nile should turn aside into this Arabian gulf, what would hinder that gulf from being filled up with silt as the river continued to flow, at all events within a period of twenty thousand years? indeed for my part I am of opinion that it would be filled up even within ten thousand years. How, then, in 18 all the time that has elapsed before I came into being should not a gulf be filled up even of much greater size than this by a river so great and so active?
11. Now, there’s a gulf in Arabia, not far from Egypt, that extends from what’s called the Erythraian Sea. It’s very long and narrow, as I’m about to explain. If someone set out from the innermost point to sail out into the open sea, it would take them forty days using oars. 16 As for its width, at its widest point, it takes half a day to sail across, and there’s a daily ebb and flow of the tide. I believe Egypt had a similar gulf, one that ran towards Ethiopia from the Northern Sea, while the Arabian gulf I’m discussing now 17 extends from the South toward Syria, with the gulfs almost meeting at their ends and only a small space separating them. If the Nile’s waters were to flow into this Arabian gulf, what would stop it from getting filled with silt over time, certainly within twenty thousand years? Personally, I think it could fill up even within ten thousand years. So how is it that 18 all the time before I was born, a river as large and active as this hasn’t filled up a gulf even much bigger than this?
12. As regards Egypt then, I both believe those who say that things are so, and for myself also I am strongly of opinion that they are so; because I have observed that Egypt runs out into the sea further than the adjoining land, and that shells are found upon the mountains of it, and an efflorescence of salt forms upon the surface, so that even the pyramids are being eaten away by it, and moreover that of all the mountains of Egypt, the range which lies above Memphis is the only one which has sand: besides which I notice that Egypt resembles neither the land of Arabia, which borders upon it, nor Libya, nor yet Syria (for they are Syrians who dwell in the parts of Arabia lying along the sea), but that it has soil which is black and easily breaks up, 19 seeing that it is in truth mud and silt brought down from Ethiopia by the river: but the soil of Libya, we know, is reddish in colour and rather sandy, while that of Arabia and Syria is somewhat clayey and rocky. 1901
12. Regarding Egypt, I both believe those who say things are this way and I also strongly think they are; because I've noticed that Egypt extends further into the sea than the neighboring land, and that shells are found on its mountains, with a salt residue forming on the surface, which even wears away the pyramids. Additionally, out of all the mountains in Egypt, the range above Memphis is the only one that has sand. I also see that Egypt is different from the lands of Arabia, Libya, and Syria (since it's Syrians who live in the coastal parts of Arabia), but it has dark, easily crumbled soil, 19 as it is actually mud and silt carried down from Ethiopia by the river. In contrast, we know that the soil of Libya is reddish and sandy, while that of Arabia and Syria is more clayey and rocky. 1901
13. The priests also gave me a strong proof concerning this land as follows, namely that in the reign of king Moiris, whenever the river reached a height of at least eight cubits 20 it watered Egypt below Memphis; and not yet nine hundred years had gone by since the death of Moiris, when I heard these things from the priests: now however, unless the river rises to sixteen cubits, or fifteen at the least, it does not go over the land. I think too that those Egyptians who dwell below the lake of Moiris and especially in that region which is called the Delta, if that land continues to grow in height according to this proportion and to increase similarly in extent, 21 will suffer for all remaining time, from the Nile not overflowing their land, that same thing which they themselves said that the Hellenes would at some time suffer: for hearing that the whole land of the Hellenes has rain and is not watered by rivers as theirs is, they said that the Hellenes would at some time be disappointed of a great hope and would suffer the ills of famine. This saying means that if the god 22 shall not send them rain, but shall allow drought to prevail for a long time, the Hellenes will be destroyed by hunger; for they have in fact no other supply of water to save them except from Zeus alone.
13. The priests also gave me strong evidence about this land, saying that during the reign of King Moiris, whenever the river rose to at least eight cubits 20, it irrigated Egypt below Memphis; and not even nine hundred years had passed since Moiris's death when I heard this from the priests. However, now, unless the river reaches sixteen cubits, or at least fifteen, it doesn't overflow the land. I also think that those Egyptians living below the lake of Moiris, especially in the area known as the Delta, will suffer forever if the land continues to rise in height and expand like this, 21, from the Nile not flooding their land—just like they themselves said the Hellenes would eventually suffer. They believed that since the whole land of the Hellenes gets rain and doesn't rely on rivers like theirs, the Hellenes would one day be let down by a great hope and face starvation. This means that if the god 22 doesn't send them rain and allows a drought to last too long, the Hellenes will perish from hunger; because, in fact, they have no other source of water to save them except from Zeus alone.
14. This has been rightly said by the Egyptians with reference to the Hellenes: but now let me tell how matters are with the Egyptians themselves in their turn. If, in accordance with what I before said, their land below Memphis (for this is that which is increasing) shall continue to increase in height according to the same proportion as in past time, assuredly those Egyptians who dwell here will suffer famine, if their land shall not have rain nor the river be able to go over their fields. It is certain however that now they gather in fruit from the earth with less labour than any other men and also with less than the other Egyptians; for they have no labour in breaking up furrows with a plough nor in hoeing nor in any other of those labours which other men have about a crop; but when the river has come up of itself and watered their fields and after watering has left them again, then each man sows his own field and turns into it swine, and when he has trodden the seed into the ground by means of the swine, after that he waits for the harvest; and when he has threshed the corn by means of the swine, then he gathers it in.
14. The Egyptians have accurately stated this about the Hellenes, but now let me explain the situation for the Egyptians themselves. If, as I mentioned earlier, their land below Memphis (which is the area that's growing) continues to rise in height like it has in the past, those Egyptians living there will definitely face famine if they don't get rain and the river can't flood their fields. However, it's clear that right now, they gather fruit from the earth with less effort than anyone else, including other Egyptians. They don’t need to plow the land or hoe it or do any of the work that others do for a crop; instead, when the river naturally rises and waters their fields, then recedes, each person plants their field and lets pigs into it. After the pigs trample the seeds into the soil, they just wait for the harvest. When it's time to gather the grain, they use the pigs to thresh it.
15. If we desire to follow the opinions of the Ionians as regards Egypt, who say that the Delta alone is Egypt, reckoning its sea-coast to be from the watch-tower called of Perseus to the fish-curing houses of Pelusion, a distance of forty schoines, and counting it to extend inland as far as the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile divides and runs to Pelusion and Canobos, while as for the rest of Egypt, they assign it partly to Libya and partly to Arabia,—if, I say, we should follow this account, we should thereby declare that in former times the Egyptians had no land to live in; for, as we have seen, their Delta at any rate is alluvial, and has appeared (so to speak) lately, as the Egyptians themselves say and as my opinion is. If then at the first there was no land for them to live in, why did they waste their labour to prove that they had come into being before all other men? They needed not to have made trial of the children to see what language they would first utter. However I am not of opinion that the Egyptians came into being at the same time as that which is called by the Ionians the Delta, but that they existed always ever since the human race came into being, and that as their land advanced forwards, many of them were left in their first abodes and many came down gradually to the lower parts. At least it is certain that in old times Thebes had the name of Egypt, and of this 23 the circumference measures six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.
15. If we want to follow the views of the Ionians regarding Egypt, who say that only the Delta is Egypt—considering its coastline to extend from a watchtower called Perseus to the fish-processing areas of Pelusion, a distance of forty schoines, and that it stretches inland to the city of Kercasoros, where the Nile splits and flows to Pelusion and Canobos—while regarding the rest of Egypt as partly belonging to Libya and partly to Arabia—if we accept this account, we would be stating that in the past, the Egyptians had no land to live on. As we can see, their Delta is alluvial and has appeared recently, as the Egyptians themselves say, and I agree. If there was initially no land for them to inhabit, why did they expend effort to prove they existed before anyone else? They shouldn’t have needed to test the children to see what language they could speak first. However, I don’t believe that the Egyptians came into existence at the same time as what the Ionians call the Delta; rather, I think they have always existed since the human race began, and as their land expanded, many of them stayed in their original habitats while others gradually moved to the lower areas. It is certainly true that in ancient times, Thebes was referred to as Egypt, and this 23 has a circumference of six thousand one hundred and twenty furlongs.
16. If then we judge aright of these matters, the opinion of the Ionians about Egypt is not sound: but if the judgment of the Ionians is right, I declare that neither the Hellenes nor the Ionians themselves know how to reckon since they say that the whole earth is made up of three divisions, Europe, Asia, and Libya: for they ought to count in addition to these the Delta of Egypt, since it belongs neither to Asia nor to Libya; for at least it cannot be the river Nile by this reckoning which divides Asia from Libya, 24 but the Nile is cleft at the point of this Delta so as to flow round it, and the result is that this land would come between Asia and Libya. 25
16. If we judge these matters correctly, the Ionians' view of Egypt is off. But if the Ionians are right, then neither the Greeks nor the Ionians really understand how to categorize things, since they say that the whole earth is divided into three parts: Europe, Asia, and Libya. They should also consider the Delta of Egypt, as it doesn't belong to either Asia or Libya; at least, by this logic, the Nile River isn't the boundary that separates Asia from Libya. Instead, the Nile branches off at this Delta to flow around it, meaning this land sits between Asia and Libya. 24 25
17. We dismiss then the opinion of the Ionians, and express a judgment of our own in this matter also, that Egypt is all that land which is inhabited by Egyptians, just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited by Kilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited by Assyrians, and we know of no boundary properly speaking between Asia and Libya except the borders of Egypt. If however we shall adopt the opinion which is commonly held by the Hellenes, we shall suppose that the whole of Egypt, beginning from the Cataract 26 and the city of Elephantine, is divided into two parts and that it thus partakes of both the names, since one side will thus belong to Libya and the other to Asia; for the Nile from the Cataract onwards flows to the sea cutting Egypt through the midst; and as far as the city of Kercasoros the Nile flows in one single stream, but from this city onwards it is parted into three ways; and one, which is called the Pelusian mouth, turns towards the East; the second of the ways goes towards the West, and this is called the Canobic mouth; but that one of the ways which is straight runs thus,—when the river in its course downwards comes to the point of the Delta, then it cuts the Delta through the midst and so issues out to the sea. In this we have 27 a portion of the water of the river which is not the smallest nor the least famous, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. There are also two other mouths which part off from the Sebennytic and go to the sea, and these are called, one the Saïtic, the other the Mendesian mouth. The Bolbitinitic and Bucolic mouths, on the other hand, are not natural but made by digging.
17. We reject the view of the Ionians and share our perspective on this matter as well, stating that Egypt consists of all the land inhabited by Egyptians, just as Kilikia is that which is inhabited by Kilikians and Assyria that which is inhabited by Assyrians. We see no proper boundary between Asia and Libya except for the borders of Egypt. If, however, we go with the commonly held belief among the Hellenes, we assume that all of Egypt, starting from the Cataract 26 and the city of Elephantine, is split into two parts, thus sharing both names; one side belongs to Libya and the other to Asia. The Nile flows from the Cataract to the sea, cutting Egypt in half; as far as the city of Kercasoros, the Nile flows in a single stream, but from this city onward it branches into three paths. The first, known as the Pelusian mouth, flows to the East; the second, heading West, is called the Canobic mouth. The third path runs straight — when the river reaches the Delta, it bisects the Delta and then flows out to the sea. Here we have 27 a significant portion of the river's water, which is neither small nor obscure, known as the Sebennytic mouth. There are also two other mouths branching off from the Sebennytic and heading to the sea, named the Saïtic and the Mendesian mouths. The Bolbitinitic and Bucolic mouths, in contrast, are artificial and created by digging.
18. Moreover also the answer given by the Oracle of Ammon bears witness in support of my opinion that Egypt is of the extent which I declare it to be in my account; and of this answer I heard after I had formed my own opinion about Egypt. For those of the city of Marea and of Apis, dwelling in the parts of Egypt which border on Libya, being of opinion themselves that they were Libyans and not Egyptians, and also being burdened by the rules of religious service, because they desired not to be debarred from the use of cows' flesh, sent to Ammon saying that they had nought in common with the Egyptians, for they dwelt outside the Delta and agreed with them in nothing; and they said they desired that it might be lawful for them to eat everything without distinction. The god however did not permit them to do so, but said that that land which was Egypt which the Nile came over and watered, and that those were Egyptians who dwelling below the city of Elephantine drank of that river. Thus it was answered to them by the Oracle about this:
18. Furthermore, the response from the Oracle of Ammon supports my view that Egypt is as extensive as I describe it in my account. I heard this answer after forming my own opinion about Egypt. The people from the city of Marea and from Apis, living in the parts of Egypt that border Libya, believed they were Libyans and not Egyptians. They were also burdened by religious rules because they didn't want to be restricted from eating beef. So, they sent a message to Ammon claiming they had nothing in common with the Egyptians since they lived outside the Delta and shared no agreements with them. They requested permission to eat everything without restriction. However, the god did not allow this. Instead, he declared that the land known as Egypt is the area that the Nile flows over and irrigates, and that those who live below the city of Elephantine and drink from that river are Egyptians. This was the oracle's response to them:
19, and the Nile, when it is in flood, goes over not only the Delta but also of the land which is called Libyan and of that which is called Arabian sometimes as much as two days' journey on each side, and at times even more than this or at times less.
19, and the Nile, when it floods, covers not only the Delta but also the land known as Libyan and that known as Arabian, sometimes reaching as far as two days' journey on either side, and at times even more or less than this.
As regards the nature of the river, neither from the priests nor yet from any other man was I able to obtain any knowledge: and I was desirous especially to learn from them about these matters, namely why the Nile comes down increasing in volume from the summer solstice onwards for a hundred days, and then, when it has reached the number of these days, turns and goes back, failing in its stream, so that through the whole winter season it continues to be low, and until the summer solstice returns. Of none of these things was I able to receive any account from the Egyptians, when I inquired of them what power the Nile has whereby it is of a nature opposite to that of other rivers. And I made inquiry, desiring to know both this which I say and also why, unlike all other rivers, it does not give rise to any breezes blowing from it.
As for the river, I couldn't get any information from the priests or anyone else. I really wanted to understand why the Nile rises significantly in volume from the summer solstice for about a hundred days, and then, after that time, it reverses course and decreases its flow, remaining low throughout the winter until the summer solstice comes back around. I couldn’t get any answers from the Egyptians when I asked them what makes the Nile different from other rivers. I was curious about both this aspect and why, unlike all other rivers, it doesn't create any breezes.
20. However some of the Hellenes who desired to gain distinction for cleverness have given an account of this water in three different ways: two of these I do not think it worth while even to speak of except only to indicate their nature; of which the one says that the Etesian Winds are the cause that makes the river rise, by preventing the Nile from flowing out into the sea. But often the Etesian Winds fail and yet the Nile does the same work as it is wont to do; and moreover, if these were the cause, all the other rivers also which flow in a direction opposed to the Etesian Winds ought to have been affected in the same way as the Nile, and even more, in as much as they are smaller and present to them a feebler flow of stream: but there are many of these rivers in Syria and many also in Libya, and they are affected in no such manner as the Nile.
20. However, some of the Greeks who wanted to stand out for their cleverness have explained this water in three different ways: I think it’s not even worth discussing two of them, except to briefly mention what they are. One explanation claims that the Etesian Winds cause the river to rise by preventing the Nile from flowing into the sea. But often the Etesian Winds fail, and yet the Nile behaves as it usually does. Moreover, if these winds were the cause, then all the other rivers flowing against the Etesian Winds should be affected like the Nile, and even more so since they are smaller and have a weaker flow. However, there are many such rivers in Syria and many in Libya, and they are not affected in any way like the Nile.
21. The second way shows more ignorance than that which has been mentioned, and it is more marvellous to tell; 28 for it says that the river produces these effects because it flows from the Ocean, and that the Ocean flows round the whole earth.
21. The second way shows even more ignorance than the first, and it’s more amazing to discuss; 28 because it claims that the river causes these effects because it flows from the Ocean, and that the Ocean surrounds the entire earth.
22. The third of the ways is much the most specious, but nevertheless it is the most mistaken of all: for indeed this way has no more truth in it than the rest, alleging as it does that the Nile flows from melting snow; whereas it flows out of Libya through the midst of the Ethiopians, and so comes out into Egypt. How then should it flow from snow, when it flows from the hottest parts to those which are cooler? And indeed most of the facts are such as to convince a man (one at least who is capable of reasoning about such matters), that it is not at all likely that it flows from snow. 29 The first and greatest evidence is afforded by the winds, which blow hot from these regions; the second is that the land is rainless always and without frost, whereas after snow has fallen rain must necessarily come within five days, so that if it snowed in those parts rain would fall there; the third evidence is afforded by the people dwelling there, who are of a black colour by reason of the burning heat. Moreover kites and swallows remain there through the year and do not leave the land; and cranes flying from the cold weather which comes on in the region of Scythia come regularly to these parts for wintering: if then it snowed ever so little in that land through which the Nile flows and in which it has its rise, none of these things would take place, as necessity compels us to admit.
22. The third explanation sounds convincing at first, but it’s actually the most incorrect of all. This theory claims that the Nile flows from melting snow, but in reality, it flows out of Libya through Ethiopia and then into Egypt. How could it come from snow when it flows from hot areas to cooler ones? The evidence is strong enough to convince anyone who can think critically about this issue that it’s unlikely to come from snow. 29 First, the winds blowing from these regions are hot. Second, the land is always dry and doesn’t have frost. Normally, after snow falls, rain must come within five days, so if it snowed there, it would rain. The third piece of evidence is the people who live there; they have dark skin due to the extreme heat. Additionally, kites and swallows stay there all year round and don’t migrate. Cranes fly from the cold areas of Scythia to winter in this region. If it snowed even a little where the Nile starts, none of these things would happen, which we must accept as a fact.
23. As for him who talked about the Ocean, he carried his tale into the region of the unknown, and so he need not be refuted; 30 since I for my part know of no river Ocean existing, but I think that Homer or one of the poets who were before him invented the name and introduced it into his verse.
23. As for the guy who talked about the Ocean, he took his story into uncharted territory, so there's no need to argue against him; 30 because honestly, I don't know of any river called Ocean, but I believe that Homer or one of the poets who came before him made up the name and put it in his poetry.
24. If however after I have found fault with the opinions proposed, I am bound to declare an opinion of my own about the matters which are in doubt, I will tell what to my mind is the reason why the Nile increases in the summer. In the winter season the Sun, being driven away from his former path through the heaven 31 by the stormy winds, comes to the upper parts of Libya. If one would set forth the matter in the shortest way, all has now been said; for whatever region this god approaches most and stands directly above, this it may reasonably be supposed is most in want of water, and its native streams of rivers are dried up most.
24. However, after pointing out the issues with the proposed ideas, I have to share my own thoughts on the matters that are uncertain. I’ll explain what I believe is the reason the Nile rises in the summer. During winter, the Sun, pushed away from its usual path through the sky 31 by strong winds, moves to the higher areas of Libya. To put it simply, that’s all there is to say; for wherever this god moves closest and is directly overhead, it’s reasonable to think that this place needs water the most, and its natural rivers are the most dried up.
25. However, to set it forth at greater length, thus it is:—the Sun passing in his course by the upper parts of Libya, does thus, that is to say, since at all times the air in those parts is clear and the country is warm, because there are no cold winds, 32 in passing through it the Sun does just as he was wont to do in the summer, when going through the midst of the heaven, that is he draws to himself the water, and having drawn it he drives it away to the upper parts of the country, and the winds take it up and scattering it abroad melt it into rain; so it is natural that the winds which blow from this region, namely the South and South-west Winds, should be much the most rainy of all the winds. I think however that the Sun does not send away from himself all the water of the Nile of each year, but that he also lets some remain behind with himself. Then when the winter becomes milder, the Sun returns back again to the midst of the heaven, and from that time onwards he draws equally from all rivers; but in the meanwhile they flow in large volume, since water of rain mingles with them in great quantity, because their country receives rain then and is filled with torrent streams. In summer however they are weak, since not only the showers of rain fail then, but also they are drawn by the Sun. The Nile however, alone of all rivers, not having rain and being drawn by the Sun, naturally flows during this time of winter in much less than its proper volume, that is much less than in summer; 33 for then it is drawn equally with all the other waters, but in winter it bears the burden alone. Thus I suppose the Sun to be the cause of these things.
25. However, to explain it in more detail, here's how it works: the Sun, as it travels through the upper parts of Libya, behaves in a specific way. Since the air there is always clear and the region is warm due to the absence of cold winds, 32 the Sun acts like he does in the summer, when he moves across the sky. He draws in water and then pushes it up into the higher parts of the land, where the winds pick it up, spread it out, and turn it into rain. Therefore, it's natural that the winds blowing from this area, particularly the South and South-west Winds, are the rainiest of all. I believe, however, that the Sun doesn’t release all the water from the Nile each year; he also keeps some for himself. Then, as winter becomes milder, the Sun returns to the center of the sky and starts drawing water from all the rivers equally. In the meantime, those rivers flow abundantly because they receive a lot of rain, causing them to fill with torrents. In summer, though, they are weaker because not only do the rains stop, but they are also drawn on by the Sun. The Nile, however, is unique among rivers; lacking rain and being drawn by the Sun, it naturally flows much less during the winter than it does in summer; 33 because in summer it competes with all the other waters, but in winter, it has to carry the load by itself. So, I believe the Sun is the reason behind all of this.
26. He is also the cause in my opinion that the air in these parts is dry, since he makes it so by scorching up his path through the heaven: 34 thus summer prevails always in the upper parts of Libya. If however the station of the seasons had been changed, and where now in the heaven are placed the North Wind and winter, there was the station of the South Wind and of the midday, and where now is placed the South Wind, there was the North, if this had been so, the Sun being driven from the midst of the heaven by the winter and the North Wind would go to the upper parts of Europe, just as now he comes to the upper parts of Libya, and passing in his course throughout the whole of Europe I suppose that he would do to the Ister that which he now works upon the Nile.
26. In my opinion, he is also the reason why the air in this area is dry, since he makes it so by burning a path through the sky: 34 thus summer always dominates the upper regions of Libya. However, if the positions of the seasons had been reversed, and where the North Wind and winter are now situated, there had been the place of the South Wind and noon, and where the South Wind is now, there had been the North, then the Sun, driven away from the center of the sky by winter and the North Wind, would move to the northern parts of Europe, just as he now travels to the northern parts of Libya. As he crosses all of Europe, I believe he would do to the Danube what he currently does to the Nile.
27. As to the breeze, why none blows from the river, my opinion is that from very hot places it is not natural that anything should blow, and that a breeze is wont to blow from something cold.
27. As for the breeze, I think it's strange that none comes from the river. I believe that in very hot places, it’s not normal for anything to blow, and a breeze usually comes from something cold.
28. Let these matters then be as they are and as they were at the first: but as to the sources of the Nile, not one either of the Egyptians or of the Libyans or of the Hellenes, who came to speech with me, professed to know anything, except the scribe of the sacred treasury of Athene at the city of Saïs in Egypt. To me however this man seemed not to be speaking seriously when he said that he had certain knowledge of it; and he said as follows, namely that there were two mountains of which the tops ran up to a sharp point, situated between the city of Syene, which is in the district of Thebes, and Elephantine, and the names of the mountains were, of the one Crophi and of the other Mophi. From the middle between these two mountains flowed (he said) the sources of the Nile, which were fathomless in depth, and half of the water flowed to Egypt and towards the North Wind, the other half to Ethiopia and the South Wind. As for the fathomless depth of the source, he said that Psammetichos king of Egypt came to a trial of this matter; for he had a rope twisted of many thousands of fathoms and let it down in this place, and it found no bottom. By this the scribe (if this which he told me was really as he said) gave me to understand 35 that there were certain strong eddies there and a backward flow, and that since the water dashed against the mountains, therefore the sounding-line could not come to any bottom when it was let down.
28. Let things be as they are and as they were at first: but when it comes to the sources of the Nile, not one person, whether Egyptian, Libyan, or Greek, who spoke to me claimed to know anything, except for the scribe of the sacred treasury of Athena in the city of Saïs, Egypt. However, this man didn't seem serious when he claimed to have certain knowledge of it. He explained that there were two mountains with sharp peaks located between the city of Syene, in the district of Thebes, and Elephantine, and the names of the mountains were Crophi and Mophi. He said the sources of the Nile flowed from between these two mountains, and they were unfathomably deep, with half the water going to Egypt and the North Wind, and the other half heading to Ethiopia and the South Wind. Regarding the unfathomable depth of the source, he mentioned that Psammetichos, the king of Egypt, tested this matter; he had a rope twisted from many thousands of fathoms and let it down there, but it found no bottom. By this, the scribe (if what he told me was true) made me understand 35 that there were strong eddies and a backward flow, and that since the water crashed against the mountains, the sounding line couldn’t reach any bottom when it was lowered.
29. From no other person was I able to learn anything about this matter; but for the rest I learnt so much as here follows by the most diligent inquiry; 36 for I went myself as an eye-witness as far as the city of Elephantine and from that point onwards I gathered knowledge by report. From the city of Elephantine as one goes up the river there is country which slopes steeply; so that here one must attach ropes to the vessel on both sides, as one fastens an ox, and so make one's way onward; and if the rope break, the vessel is gone at once, carried away by the violence of the stream. Through this country it is a voyage of about four days in length, and in this part the Nile is winding like the river Maiander, and the distance amounts to twelve schoines, which one must traverse in this manner. Then you will come to a level plain, in which the Nile flows round an island named Tachompso. (Now in the regions above Elephantine there dwell Ethiopians at once succeeding, who also occupy half of the island, 37 and Egyptians the other half.) Adjoining this island there is a great lake, round which dwell Ethiopian nomad tribes; and when you have sailed through this you will come to the stream of the Nile again, which flows into this lake. After this you will disembark and make a journey by land of forty days; for in the Nile sharp rocks stand forth out of the water, and there are many reefs, by which it is not possible for a vessel to pass. Then after having passed through this country in the forty days which I have said, you will embark again in another vessel and sail for twelve days; and after this you will come to a great city called Meroe. This city is said to be the mother-city of all the other Ethiopians: and they who dwell in it reverence of the gods Zeus and Dionysos alone, and these they greatly honour; and they have an Oracle of Zeus established, and make warlike marches whensoever this god commands them by prophesyings and to whatsoever place he commands.
29. I couldn't learn anything about this from anyone else; however, I gathered as much information as I could through thorough investigation. I went myself as a witness as far as the city of Elephantine, and beyond that, I collected knowledge through reports. From the city of Elephantine, as you travel up the river, the land slopes steeply, so you have to attach ropes to the vessel on both sides, just like you'd secure an ox, to make your way. If the rope breaks, the vessel is instantly lost, swept away by the strong current. This part of the journey takes about four days, and here the Nile twists and turns like the river Maiander, covering a distance of twelve schoines in this manner. After that, you'll reach a flat area where the Nile flows around an island called Tachompso. (Now, in the regions above Elephantine, there are Ethiopians who inhabit the area and occupy half of the island, while Egyptians take the other half.) Next to this island, there's a large lake, home to nomadic Ethiopian tribes; after sailing through this, you'll rejoin the stream of the Nile, which flows into the lake. Following that, you'll disembark and travel inland for forty days because the Nile has sharp rocks jutting out of the water and many reefs that make it impossible for a vessel to pass. After traversing this region for those forty days, you'll board another vessel and sail for twelve days, eventually arriving at a great city called Meroe. This city is believed to be the mother city of all the other Ethiopians. The people there worship only the gods Zeus and Dionysos, whom they highly honor; they have an Oracle of Zeus established, and they undertake military campaigns whenever this god directs them through prophecies, to whichever place he commands.
30. Sailing from this city you will come to the "Deserters" in another period of time equal to that in which you came from Elephantine to the mother-city of the Ethiopians. Now the name of these "Deserters" is Asmach, and this word signifies, when translated into the tongue of the Hellenes, "those who stand on the left hand of the king." These were two hundred and forty thousand Egyptians of the warrior class, who revolted and went over to the Ethiopians for the following cause:—In the reign of Psammetichos garrisons were set, one towards the Ethiopians at the city of Elephantine, another towards the Arabians and Assyrians at Daphnai of Pelusion, and another towards Libya at Marea: and even in my own time the garrisons of the Persians too are ordered in the same manner as these were in the reign of Psammetichos, for both at Elephantine and at Daphnai the Persians have outposts. The Egyptians then of whom I speak had served as outposts for three years and no one relieved them from their guard; accordingly they took counsel together, and adopting a common plan they all in a body revolted from Psammetichos and set out for Ethiopia. Hearing this Psammetichos set forth in pursuit, and when he came up with them he entreated them much and endeavoured to persuade them not to desert the gods of their country and their children and wives: upon which it is said that one of them pointed to his privy member and said that wherever this was, there would they have both children and wives. When these came to Ethiopia they gave themselves over to the king of the Ethiopians; and he rewarded them as follows:—there were certain of the Ethiopians who had come to be at variance with him; and he bade them drive these out and dwell in their land. So since these men settled in the land of the Ethiopians, the Ethiopians have come to be of milder manners, from having learnt the customs of the Egyptians.
30. If you sail from this city, you'll eventually reach the "Deserters," taking about the same amount of time as your journey from Elephantine to the main city of the Ethiopians. These "Deserters" are called Asmach, which translates to "those who stand on the left side of the king" in Greek. They were two hundred and forty thousand Egyptian warriors who revolted and joined the Ethiopians for the following reasons: During the rule of Psammetichos, garrisons were stationed—one towards the Ethiopians at Elephantine, another towards the Arabians and Assyrians at Daphnai of Pelusion, and another towards Libya at Marea. Even during my time, the Persian garrisons are organized similarly; there are outposts at both Elephantine and Daphnai. The Egyptians I mentioned served as outposts for three years without anyone relieving them, so they consulted each other and decided to collectively revolt against Psammetichos and head for Ethiopia. When Psammetichos learned of this, he pursued them and, upon catching up, begged them not to abandon their gods, children, and wives. In response, one of the men pointed to his private parts and said that wherever this was, they would have both children and wives. After arriving in Ethiopia, they surrendered to the Ethiopian king, who rewarded them by ordering some of his own people, who had opposed him, to be driven out so that the Egyptians could settle in that land. Since then, the Ethiopians have adopted gentler ways, having learned the customs of the Egyptians.
31. The Nile then, besides that part of its course which is in Egypt, is known as far as a four months' journey by river and land: for that is the number of months which are found by reckoning to be spent in going from Elephantine to these "Deserters": and the river runs from the West and the setting of the sun. But what comes after that no one can clearly say; for this land is desert by reason of the burning heat.
31. The Nile, apart from the section that flows through Egypt, is recognized for as far as a four-month journey by river and land. That’s how long it takes to travel from Elephantine to these "Deserters." The river flows from the West, where the sun sets. However, nobody can really explain what lies beyond that, as the land is barren due to the intense heat.
32. Thus much however I heard from men of Kyrene, who told me that they had been to the Oracle of Ammon, and had come to speech with Etearchos king of the Ammonians: and it happened that after speaking of other matters they fell to discourse about the Nile and how no one knew the sources of it; and Etearchos said that once there had come to him men of the Nasamonians (this is a Libyan race which dwells in the Syrtis, and also in the land to the East of the Syrtis reaching to no great distance), and when the Nasamonians came and were asked by him whether they were able to tell him anything more than he knew about the desert parts of Libya, they said that there had been among them certain sons of chief men, who were of unruly disposition; and these when they grew up to be men had devised various other extravagant things and also they had told off by lot five of themselves to go to see the desert parts of Libya and to try whether they could discover more than those who had previously explored furthest: for in those parts of Libya which are by the Northern Sea, beginning from Egypt and going as far as the headland of Soloeis, which is the extreme point of Libya, Libyans (and of them many races) extend along the whole coast, except so much as the Hellenes and Phenicians hold; but in the upper parts, which lie above the sea-coast and above those people whose land comes down to the sea, Libya is full of wild beasts; and in the parts above the land of wild beasts it is full of sand, terribly waterless and utterly desert. These young men then (said they), being sent out by their companions well furnished with supplies of water and provisions, went first through the inhabited country, and after they had passed through this they came to the country of wild beasts, and after this they passed through the desert, making their journey towards the West Wind; and having passed through a great tract of sand in many days, they saw at last trees growing in a level place; and having come up to them, they were beginning to pluck the fruit which was upon the trees: but as they began to pluck it, there came upon them small men, of less stature than men of the common size, and these seized them and carried them away; and neither could the Nasamonians understand anything of their speech nor could those who were carrying them off understand anything of the speech of the Nasamonians: and they led them (so it was said) through very great swamps, and after passing through these they came to a city in which all the men were in size like those who carried them off and in colour of skin black; and by the city ran a great river, which ran from the West towards the sunrising, and in it were seen crocodiles.
32. However, I heard a lot from the men of Kyrene, who told me that they had visited the Oracle of Ammon and spoken with Etearchos, the king of the Ammonians. They discussed various topics, but eventually, the conversation turned to the Nile and how no one knew where it came from. Etearchos shared that men from the Nasamonians, a Libyan tribe living in the Syrtis and the land to the east of it, had once come to him. When he asked them if they had any additional knowledge about the Libyan desert regions, they mentioned that some sons of local leaders, who had wild dispositions, had decided to send five of their own to explore these areas and potentially discover more than those who had explored before them. In the parts of Libya along the Northern Sea, stretching from Egypt to the headland of Soloeis—the farthest point of Libya—many Libyan tribes populated the entire coast, except for areas held by the Greeks and Phoenicians. However, inland, beyond the coastal regions, was a land filled with wild beasts, and further in was an arid desert, desolate and with little water. These young men, as they said, set out equipped with water and provisions. They traveled through inhabited land before entering the territory of wild beasts, and eventually they crossed the desert, heading toward the West Wind. After traveling many days through a vast area of sand, they finally spotted some trees in a flat area. As they approached and began to pick the fruit from the trees, small men, shorter than average humans, appeared and captured them. The Nasamonians couldn’t understand the small men’s language, nor could the small men make sense of the Nasamonians’ speech. They reportedly led them through extensive swamps, eventually arriving at a city where all the inhabitants were the same size as their captors and had black skin. A great river flowed by the city, running from the west toward the sunrise, and crocodiles could be seen in it.
33. Of the account given by Etearchos the Ammonian let so much suffice as is here said, except that, as the men of Kyrene told me, he alleged that the Nasamonians returned safe home, and that the people to whom they had come were all wizards. Now this river which ran by the city, Etearchos conjectured to be the Nile, and moreover reason compels us to think so; for the Nile flows from Libya and cuts Libya through in the midst, and as I conjecture, judging of what is not known by that which is evident to the view, it starts at a distance from its mouth equal to that of the Ister: for the river Ister begins from the Keltoi and the city of Pyrene and so runs that it divides Europe in the midst (now the Keltoi are outside the Pillars of Heracles and border upon the Kynesians, who dwell furthest towards the sunset of all those who have their dwelling in Europe); and the Ister ends, having its course through the whole of Europe, by flowing into the Euxine Sea at the place where the Milesians have their settlement of Istria.
33. Regarding the account from Etearchos the Ammonian, let's just note what is mentioned here, except that, as the people of Kyrene told me, he claimed that the Nasamonians made it back home safely and that the people they encountered were all wizards. Etearchos speculated that the river running by the city was the Nile, and logic supports this idea; the Nile flows from Libya and cuts through it right in the middle. I believe, based on visible evidence, that it starts at a distance from its mouth that is equal to that of the Ister; the Ister begins near the Keltoi and the city of Pyrene and flows in a way that divides Europe in half (the Keltoi are located beyond the Pillars of Heracles and are neighbors to the Kynesians, who live further west than anyone else in Europe). The Ister, after traversing all of Europe, empties into the Euxine Sea at the spot where the Milesians have their settlement named Istria.
34. Now the Ister, since it flows through land which is inhabited, is known by the reports of many; but of the sources of the Nile no one can give an account, for the part of Libya through which it flows is uninhabited and desert. About its course however so much as it was possible to learn by the most diligent inquiry has been told; and it runs out into Egypt. Now Egypt lies nearly opposite to the mountain districts of Kilikia; and from thence to Sinope, which lies upon the Euxine Sea, is a journey in the same straight line of five days for a man without encumbrance; 3701 and Sinope lies opposite to the place where the Ister runs out into the sea: thus I think that the Nile passes through the whole of Libya and is of equal measure with the Ister.
34. The Ister River is well-known because it flows through populated land, but no one can really explain where the Nile comes from since it runs through uninhabited, desert areas of Libya. People have done their best to find out about its course, and we know that it eventually flows into Egypt. Egypt is almost directly across from the mountainous regions of Cilicia, and it takes about five days of walking in a straight line without any heavy loads to get from there to Sinope, which is by the Black Sea; 3701 and Sinope is located opposite the spot where the Ister meets the sea. Therefore, I believe that the Nile goes through all of Libya and is about the same length as the Ister.
Of the Nile then let so much suffice as has been said.
Of the Nile, let's leave it at that for now.
35. Of Egypt however I shall make my report at length, because it has wonders more in number than any other land, and works too it has to show as much as any land, which are beyond expression great: for this reason then more shall be said concerning it.
35. I'm going to talk a lot about Egypt because it has more wonders than any other place, and its works are as impressive as anywhere else, truly beyond words. For this reason, I will say more about it.
The Egyptians in agreement with their climate, which is unlike any other, and with the river, which shows a nature different from all other rivers, established for themselves manners and customs in a way opposite to other men in almost all matters: for among them the women frequent the market and carry on trade, while the men remain at home and weave; and whereas others weave pushing the woof upwards, the Egyptians push it downwards: the men carry their burdens upon their heads and the women upon their shoulders: the women make water standing up and the men crouching down: they ease themselves in their houses and they eat without in the streets, alleging as reason for this that it is right to do secretly the things that are unseemly though necessary, but those which are not unseemly, in public: no woman is a minister either of male or female divinity, but men of all, both male and female: to support their parents the sons are in no way compelled, if they do not desire to do so, but the daughters are forced to do so, be they never so unwilling.
The Egyptians, in harmony with their unique climate and the river, which is different from all other rivers, developed their own customs and practices that contrast sharply with those of other cultures in almost every way: women engage in trade at the market while men stay home and weave; and while others weave by pushing the weft upwards, the Egyptians do it by pushing it downwards. Men carry loads on their heads, while women carry them on their shoulders. Women urinate standing up, while men do so squatting. They relieve themselves in their homes and eat in the streets, justifying that it’s appropriate to do private things that may be seen as improper, but public ones that aren’t. No woman serves as a priest for either male or female deities, but men can serve for both. Sons are not compelled to support their parents unless they choose to, but daughters are obligated to do so, regardless of their reluctance.
36. The priests of the gods in other lands wear long hair, but in Egypt they shave their heads: among other men the custom is that in mourning those whom the matter concerns most nearly have their hair cut short, but the Egyptians, when deaths occur, let their hair grow long, both that on the head and that on the chin, having before been close shaven: other men have their daily living separated from beasts, but the Egyptians have theirs together with beasts: other men live on wheat and barley, but to any one of the Egyptians who makes his living on these it is a great reproach; they make their bread of maize, 38 which some call spelt; 39 they knead dough with their feet and clay with their hands, with which also they gather up dung: and whereas other men, except such as have learnt otherwise from the Egyptians, have their members as nature made them, the Egyptians practise circumcision: as to garments, the men wear two each and the women but one: and whereas others make fast the rings and ropes of the sails outside the ship, the Egyptians do this inside: finally in the writing of characters and reckoning with pebbles, while the Hellenes carry the hand from the left to the right, the Egyptians do this from the right to the left; and doing so they say that they do it themselves rightwise and the Hellenes leftwise: and they use two kinds of characters for writing, of which the one kind is called sacred and the other common. 40
36. The priests of gods in other countries have long hair, but in Egypt, they shave their heads. In other cultures, the custom is that those who are most affected by a mourning have their hair cut short, but Egyptians let their hair grow long—both on their heads and their chins—after previously being clean-shaven. While other people keep their lives separate from animals, Egyptians live alongside them. While most eat wheat and barley, it's considered a huge disgrace for an Egyptian to earn a living from these grains; they make their bread from maize, which some call spelt. They knead dough with their feet and clay with their hands, the same hands they use to collect waste. While other people, unless taught otherwise by Egyptians, keep their bodies as nature intended, Egyptians practice circumcision. As for clothing, the men wear two garments each, while women wear only one. In contrast to others who tie the rings and ropes of sails outside the ship, Egyptians do this inside it. Lastly, in writing and counting with pebbles, while Greeks move their hand from left to right, Egyptians do so from right to left, claiming they do it correctly while Greeks do it incorrectly. They use two types of characters for writing: one is called sacred and the other common.
37. They are religious excessively beyond all other men, and with regard to this they have customs as follows:—they drink from cups of bronze and rinse them out every day, and not some only do this but all: they wear garments of linen always newly washed, and this they make a special point of practice: they circumcise themselves for the sake of cleanliness, preferring to be clean rather than comely. The priests shave themselves all over their body every other day, so that no lice or any other foul thing may come to be upon them when they minister to the gods; and the priests wear garments of linen only and sandals of papyrus, and any other garment they may not take nor other sandals; these wash themselves in cold water twice in the day and twice again in the night; and other religious services they perform (one may almost say) of infinite number. 41 They enjoy also good things not a few, for they do not consume or spend anything of their own substance, but there is sacred bread baked for them and they have each great quantity of flesh of oxen and geese coming in to them each day, and also wine of grapes is given to them; but it is not permitted to them to taste of fish: beans moreover the Egyptians do not at all sow in their land, and those which grow they neither eat raw nor boil for food; nay the priests do not endure even to look upon them, thinking this to be an unclean kind of pulse: and there is not one priest only for each of the gods but many, and of them one is chief-priest, and whenever a priest dies his son is appointed to his place.
37. They are more religious than anyone else, and in this respect, they have the following customs: they drink from bronze cups and clean them out every day; this is done by everyone, not just a few. They always wear freshly washed linen garments, and they are particularly careful about this. They circumcise themselves for hygiene, prioritizing cleanliness over appearance. The priests shave their entire bodies every other day to avoid lice and other impurities while serving the gods. They only wear linen garments and papyrus sandals, and they aren't allowed to wear any other clothing or sandals; they wash themselves in cold water twice a day and twice again at night. They perform many other religious duties—it's almost countless.
38. The males of the ox kind they consider to belong to Epaphos, and on account of him they test them in the following manner:—If the priest sees one single black hair upon the beast he counts it not clean for sacrifice; and one of the priests who is appointed for the purpose makes investigation of these matters, both when the beast is standing upright and when it is lying on its back, drawing out its tongue moreover, to see if it is clean in respect of the appointed signs, which I shall tell of in another part of the history: 42 he looks also at the hairs of the tail to see if it has them growing in the natural manner: and if it be clean in respect of all these things, he marks it with a piece of papyrus, rolling this round the horns, and then when he has plastered sealing-earth over it he sets upon it the seal of his signet-ring, and after that they take the animal away. But for one who sacrifices a beast not sealed the penalty appointed is death.
38. They believe that the male oxen belong to Epaphos, and they test them in the following way: If the priest sees even one black hair on the animal, he deems it unclean for sacrifice. One of the priests assigned to this task inspects the animal both while it's standing and lying on its back, also pulling out its tongue to check if it meets the required signs, which I'll describe later in the history: 42 he also looks at the tail hairs to ensure they grow naturally. If the animal is clean based on all these criteria, he marks it with a piece of papyrus, wrapping it around the horns, and then covers it with sealing clay before stamping it with his signet ring. After that, they take the animal away. The penalty for sacrificing an unsealed animal is death.
39. In this way then the beast is tested; and their appointed manner of sacrifice is as follows:—they lead the sealed beast to the altar where they happen to be sacrificing and then kindle a fire: after that, having poured libations of wine over the altar so that it runs down upon the victim and having called upon the god, they cut its throat, and having cut its throat they sever the head from the body. The body then of the beast they flay, but upon the head 43 they make many imprecations first, and then they who have a market and Hellenes sojourning among them for trade, these carry it to the market-place and sell it, while they who have no Hellenes among them cast it away into the river: and this is the form of imprecation which they utter upon the heads, praying that if any evil be about to befall either themselves who are offering sacrifice or the land of Egypt in general, it may come rather upon this head. Now as regards the heads of the beasts which are sacrificed and the pouring over them of the wine, all the Egyptians have the same customs equally for all their sacrifices; and by reason of this custom none of the Egyptians eat of the head either of this or of any other kind of animal:
39. This is how the beast is tested, and their way of sacrifice goes like this: they bring the sealed beast to the altar where they are sacrificing and start a fire. After that, they pour wine over the altar so it runs down onto the animal, call upon the god, and then cut its throat. Once they’ve done that, they remove the head from the body. They skin the body of the beast, but before they do anything with the head, they make many curses and then those who have a market and Greeks trading among them take it to the marketplace to sell. Meanwhile, those who do not have Greeks around throw it into the river. The curses they say over the heads are prayers that if any misfortune is about to come upon them, the ones making the sacrifice, or on the land of Egypt in general, it should instead fall on this head. When it comes to the heads of the beasts that are sacrificed and the pouring of wine over them, all Egyptians follow the same customs for all their sacrifices; because of this custom, none of the Egyptians eat the head of this or any other kind of animal:
40, but the manner of disembowelling the victims and of burning them is appointed among them differently for different sacrifices; I shall speak however of the sacrifices to that goddess whom they regard as the greatest of all, and to whom they celebrate the greatest feast.—When they have flayed the bullock and made imprecation, they take out the whole of its lower entrails but leave in the body the upper entrails and the fat; and they sever from it the legs and the end of the loin and the shoulders and the neck: and this done, they fill the rest of the body of the animal with consecrated 44 loaves and honey and raisins and figs and frankincense and myrrh and every other kind of spices, and having filled it with these they offer it, pouring over it great abundance of oil. They make their sacrifice after fasting, and while the offerings are being burnt, they all beat themselves for mourning, and when they have finished beating themselves they set forth as a feast that which they left unburnt of the sacrifice.
40, but the way they disembowel the victims and burn them varies for different sacrifices; I’ll talk about the sacrifices to the goddess they consider the greatest of all, for whom they hold the largest celebration. When they have skinned the bull and made a prayer, they remove all of its lower organs but leave the upper organs and fat inside the body; they cut off the legs, the end of the loin, the shoulders, and the neck. Once that’s done, they stuff the rest of the animal's body with consecrated 44 loaves, honey, raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and all sorts of spices, then they pour a lot of oil over it as an offering. They perform their sacrifice after fasting, and while the offerings are burning, everyone mourns by beating themselves. After they finish mourning, they present the parts of the sacrifice that weren’t burned as a feast.
41. The clean males then of the ox kind, both full-grown animals and calves, are sacrificed by all the Egyptians; the females however they may not sacrifice, but these are sacred to Isis; for the figure of Isis is in the form of a woman with cow's horns, just as the Hellenes present Io in pictures, and all the Egyptians without distinction reverence cows far more than any other kind of cattle; for which reason neither man nor woman of Egyptian race would kiss a man who is a Hellene on the mouth, nor will they use a knife or roasting-spits or a caldron belonging to a Hellene, nor taste of the flesh even of a clean animal if it has been cut with the knife of a Hellene. And the cattle of this kind which die they bury in the following manner:—the females they cast into the river, but the males they bury, each people in the suburb of their town, with one of the horns, or sometimes both, protruding to mark the place; and when the bodies have rotted away and the appointed time comes on, then to each city comes a boat 45 from that which is called the island of Prosopitis (this is in the Delta, and the extent of its circuit is nine schoines). In this island of Prosopitis is situated, besides many other cities, that one from which the boats come to take up the bones of the oxen, and the name of the city is Atarbechis, and in it there is set up a holy temple of Aphrodite. From this city many go abroad in various directions, some to one city and others to another, and when they have dug up the bones of the oxen they carry them off, and coming together they bury them in one single place. In the same manner as they bury the oxen they bury also their other cattle when they die; for about them also they have the same law laid down, and these also they abstain from killing.
41. The Egyptians sacrifice clean male oxen, including both adult animals and calves; however, they cannot sacrifice females, as they are sacred to Isis. The representation of Isis is a woman with cow's horns, similar to how the Greeks depict Io in artwork. All Egyptians respect cows far more than any other type of cattle; for this reason, no Egyptian man or woman would kiss a Greek man on the mouth, nor will they use knives, roasting spits, or cauldrons that belong to a Greek, nor will they eat the meat of a clean animal if it has been cut with a Greek knife. When these cattle die, they are buried in the following way: the females are thrown into the river, but the males are buried, each group in the outskirts of their town, with one or sometimes both horns sticking out to mark the spot. Once the bodies have decomposed and the appointed time has arrived, a boat 45 comes from the island of Prosopitis (located in the Delta, with a circuit of nine schoines). The island of Prosopitis houses many other cities, including the one from which the boats come to collect the bones of the oxen; this city is called Atarbechis, and it has a sacred temple of Aphrodite. From this city, people venture out in different directions, some going to one city and others to another, and when they have excavated the oxen's bones, they take them away and bury them all together in one location. They bury their other cattle that die in the same way; they have the same laws regarding them, and they also refrain from killing them.
42. Now all who have a temple set up to the Theban Zeus or who are of the district of Thebes, these, I say, all sacrifice goats and abstain from sheep: for not all the Egyptians equally reverence the same gods, except only Isis and Osiris (who they say is Dionysos), these they all reverence alike: but they who have a temple of Mendes or belong to the Mendesian district, these abstain from goats and sacrifice sheep. Now the men of Thebes and those who after their example abstain from sheep, say that this custom was established among them for the cause which follows:—Heracles (they say) had an earnest desire to see Zeus, and Zeus did not desire to be seen of him; and at last when Heracles was urgent in entreaty Zeus contrived this device, that is to say, he flayed a ram and held in front of him the head of the ram which he had cut off, and he put on over him the fleece and then showed himself to him. Hence the Egyptians make the image of Zeus into the face of a ram; and the Ammonians do so also after their example, being settlers both from the Egyptians and from the Ethiopians, and using a language which is a medley of both tongues: and in my opinion it is from this god that the Ammonians took the name which they have, for the Egyptians call Zeus Amun. The Thebans then do not sacrifice rams but hold them sacred for this reason; on one day however in the year, on the feast of Zeus, they cut up in the same manner and flay one single ram and cover with its skin the image of Zeus, and then they bring up to it another image of Heracles. This done, all who are in the temple beat themselves in lamentation for the ram, and then they bury it in a sacred tomb.
42. Now, everyone who has a temple dedicated to the Theban Zeus or who lives in the Thebes area all sacrifice goats and avoid sheep. Not all Egyptians worship the same gods, except for Isis and Osiris (who they say is Dionysos); these two are revered by everyone. However, those with a temple in Mendes or from the Mendes district avoid goats and sacrifice sheep instead. The people of Thebes, along with those who follow their lead and avoid sheep, say that this custom started for the following reason: they say Heracles was very eager to see Zeus, but Zeus didn’t want to be seen by him. Eventually, when Heracles insisted, Zeus came up with a plan: he skinned a ram, held the ram's head in front of him, covered himself with its fleece, and then revealed himself to Heracles. Because of this, the Egyptians depict Zeus with the face of a ram; the Ammonians do the same, being settlers from both Egyptians and Ethiopians and speaking a mix of both languages. I believe it's from this god that the Ammonians got their name, as the Egyptians call Zeus Amun. So, the Thebans don’t sacrifice rams but treat them as sacred for this reason. However, once a year, during the feast of Zeus, they do slaughter a single ram, skin it, and cover the image of Zeus with its skin, then they bring another image of Heracles to it. After this, everyone in the temple mourns for the ram, and they then bury it in a sacred tomb.
43. About Heracles I heard the account given that he was of the number of the twelve gods; but of the other Heracles whom the Hellenes know I was not able to hear in any part of Egypt: and moreover to prove that the Egyptians did not take the name of Heracles from the Hellenes, but rather the Hellenes from the Egyptians,—that is to say those of the Hellenes who gave the name Heracles to the son of Amphitryon,—of that, I say, besides many other evidences there is chiefly this, namely that the parents of this Heracles, Amphitryon and Alcmene, were both of Egypt by descent, 46 and also that the Egyptians say that they do not know the names either of Poseidon or of the Dioscuroi, nor have these been accepted by them as gods among the other gods; whereas if they had received from the Hellenes the name of any divinity, they would naturally have preserved the memory of these most of all, assuming that in those times as now some of the Hellenes were wont to make voyages 4601 and were sea-faring folk, as I suppose and as my judgment compels me to think; so that the Egyptians would have learnt the names of these gods even more than that of Heracles. In fact however Heracles is a very ancient Egyptian god; and (as they say themselves) it is seventeen thousand years to the beginning of the reign of Amasis from the time when the twelve gods, of whom they count that Heracles is one, were begotten of the eight gods.
43. I've heard that Heracles was considered one of the twelve gods, but I couldn't find any information about the other Heracles known to the Greeks during my time in Egypt. To support the idea that the Egyptians didn't get the name Heracles from the Greeks, but rather the Greeks took it from the Egyptians—specifically those Greeks who named the son of Amphitryon Heracles—one key piece of evidence is that the parents of this Heracles, Amphitryon and Alcmene, were both of Egyptian descent, 46 and the Egyptians also claim they don't recognize the names Poseidon or the Dioscuri, nor have they accepted them as gods among their pantheon. If they had received any divine names from the Greeks, they would likely remember these most clearly, especially considering that back then, just like now, some Greeks were known for their sea voyages 4601 and seafaring, which I believe is true. Therefore, the Egyptians would have likely learned the names of these gods even more than that of Heracles. In reality, however, Heracles is a very ancient Egyptian god, and (as they themselves state) it has been seventeen thousand years from the beginning of Amasis's reign to the time when the twelve gods, including their Heracles, were created by the eight gods.
44. I moreover, desiring to know something certain of these matters so far as might be, made a voyage also to Tyre of Phenicia, hearing that in that place there was a holy temple of Heracles; and I saw that it was richly furnished with many votive offerings besides, and especially there were in it two pillars, 47 the one of pure gold and the other of an emerald stone of such size as to shine by night: 48 and having come to speech with the priests of the god, I asked them how long time it was since their temple had been set up: and these also I found to be at variance with the Hellenes, for they said that at the same time when Tyre was founded, the temple of the god also had been set up, and that it was a period of two thousand three hundred years since their people began to dwell at Tyre. I saw also at Tyre another temple of Heracles, with the surname Thasian; and I came to Thasos also and there I found a temple of Heracles set up by the Phenicians, who had sailed out to seek for Europa and had colonised Thasos; and these things happened full five generations of men before Heracles the son of Amphitryon was born in Hellas. So then my inquiries show clearly that Heracles is an ancient god, and those of the Hellenes seem to me to act most rightly who have two temples of Heracles set up, and who sacrifice to the one as an immortal god and with the title Olympian, and make offerings of the dead 49 to the other as a hero.
44. I also wanted to get some concrete information about these matters, so I took a trip to Tyre in Phoenicia, having heard that there was a holy temple of Heracles there. I saw that it was lavishly decorated with many votive offerings, especially two pillars: 47 one made of pure gold and the other of an emerald stone so large that it shone at night: 48. When I talked to the priests of the god, I asked them how long it had been since their temple was established. I found their answer to be different from what the Greeks said, as they claimed that the temple was built at the same time Tyre was founded and that it had been two thousand three hundred years since their people began living in Tyre. I also saw another temple of Heracles in Tyre, known as Thasian; and I went to Thasos where I discovered a temple of Heracles built by the Phoenicians, who had sailed out in search of Europa and colonized Thasos. These events occurred five generations before Heracles, the son of Amphitryon, was born in Greece. So, my inquiries clearly show that Heracles is an ancient god, and it seems to me that the Greeks are justified in having two temples of Heracles: one where they sacrifice to him as an immortal god with the title Olympian, and the other where they offer the dead 49 as a hero.
45. Moreover, besides many other stories which the Hellenes tell without due consideration, this tale is especially foolish which they tell about Heracles, namely that when he came to Egypt, the Egyptians put on him wreaths and led him forth in procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and he for some time kept quiet, but when they were beginning the sacrifice of him at the altar, he betook himself to prowess and slew them all. I for my part am of opinion that the Hellenes when they tell this tale are altogether without knowledge of the nature and customs of the Egyptians; for how should they for whom it is not lawful to sacrifice even beasts, except swine 50 and the males of oxen and calves (such of them as are clean) and geese, how should these sacrifice human beings? Besides this, how is it in nature possible that Heracles, being one person only and moreover a man (as they assert), should slay many myriads? Having said so much of these matters, we pray that we may have grace from both the gods and the heroes for our speech.
45. Furthermore, aside from many other stories that the Greeks tell without much thought, this particular tale about Heracles is especially silly. They say that when he arrived in Egypt, the Egyptians placed wreaths on him and led him in a procession to sacrifice him to Zeus. He stayed quiet for a while, but when they were about to sacrifice him at the altar, he used his strength and killed them all. I personally believe that the Greeks, in telling this story, completely misunderstand the nature and customs of the Egyptians. How could those who are not allowed to sacrifice even animals, except for swine 50 and clean male oxen, calves, and geese, possibly sacrifice humans? Furthermore, how is it even possible for Heracles, being just one person, to kill so many? Having said all this, we hope to receive grace from both the gods and heroes for our words.
46. Now the reason why those of the Egyptians whom I have mentioned do not sacrifice goats, female or male, is this:—the Mendesians count Pan to be one of the eight gods (now these eight gods they say came into being before the twelve gods), and the painters and image-makers represent in painting and in sculpture the figure of Pan, just as the Hellenes do, with goat's face and legs, not supposing him to be really like this but to resemble the other gods; the cause however why they represent him in this form I prefer not to say. The Mendesians then reverence all goats and the males more than the females (and the goatherds too have greater honour than other herdsmen), but of the goats one especially is reverenced, and when he dies there is great mourning in all the Mendesian district: and both the goat and Pan are called in the Egyptian tongue Mendes. Moreover in my lifetime there happened in that district this marvel, that is to say a he-goat had intercourse with a woman publicly, and this was so done that all men might have evidence of it.
46. The reason why the Egyptians I mentioned don’t sacrifice goats, male or female, is this: the Mendesians consider Pan to be one of the eight gods (and they say these eight gods existed before the twelve gods). Artists and sculptors depict Pan just like the Greeks do, with a goat's face and legs, not believing he actually looks like that but that he resembles the other gods; however, I prefer not to explain why they represent him this way. The Mendesians therefore honor all goats, especially the males more than the females (and the goatherds are held in higher esteem than other herdsmen). However, there’s one goat in particular that is especially revered, and when it dies, there is a great mourning throughout the Mendesian region: both the goat and Pan are called Mendes in the Egyptian language. Furthermore, during my lifetime, an incredible event occurred in that area: a male goat publicly mated with a woman, and it was done in such a way that all the men could witness it.
47. The pig is accounted by the Egyptians an abominable animal; and first, if any of them in passing by touch a pig, he goes into the river and dips himself forthwith in the water together with his garments; and then too swineherds, though they be native Egyptians, unlike all others do not enter any of the temples in Egypt, nor is anyone willing to give his daughter in marriage to one of them or to take a wife from among them; but the swineherds both give in marriage to one another and take from one another. Now to the other gods the Egyptians do not think it right to sacrifice swine; but to the Moon and to Dionysos alone at the same time and on the same full-moon they sacrifice swine, and then eat their flesh: and as to the reason why, when they abominate swine at all their other feasts, they sacrifice them at this, there is a story told by the Egyptians; and this story I know, but it is not a seemly one for me to tell. Now the sacrifice of the swine to the Moon is performed as follows:—when the priest has slain the victim, he puts together the end of the tail and the spleen and the caul, and covers them up with the whole of the fat of the animal which is about the paunch, and then he offers them with fire; and the rest of the flesh they eat on that day of full moon upon which they have held the sacrifice, but on any day after this they will not taste of it: the poor however among them by reason of the scantiness of their means shape pigs of dough and having baked them they offer these as a sacrifice.
47. The Egyptians consider pigs to be vile animals. First, if anyone accidentally touches a pig while passing by, they immediately go to the river and wash themselves and their clothes. Additionally, swineherds, despite being native Egyptians, are not allowed to enter any temples in Egypt. No one wants to marry their daughter to one of them or take a wife from among them. However, swineherds do marry each other. The Egyptians also believe it is wrong to sacrifice pigs to other gods, but for the Moon and Dionysus, they do sacrifice pigs together, specifically on the same full moon, and then they eat the meat. There is a story about why they abhor pigs during all their other feasts but sacrifice them for this occasion, which I know, but it’s not appropriate for me to share. The sacrifice to the Moon is performed this way: when the priest kills the pig, he gathers the tail end, the spleen, and the caul, covers them with the fat from around the belly, and burns them. The rest of the meat is eaten on the day of the full moon when the sacrifice takes place, but they won't eat it on any day after that. However, the poor among them, due to their limited means, make pigs out of dough, bake them, and offer those as sacrifices.
48. Then for Dionysos on the eve of the festival each one kills a pig by cutting its throat before his own doors, and after that he gives the pig to the swineherd who sold it to him, to carry away again; and the rest of the feast of Dionysos is celebrated by the Egyptians in the same way as by the Hellenes in almost all things except choral dances, but instead of the phallos they have invented another contrivance, namely figures of about a cubit in height worked by strings, which women carry about the villages, with the privy member made to move and not much less in size than the rest of the body: and a flute goes before and they follow singing the praises of Dionysos. As to the reason why the figure has this member larger than is natural and moves it, though it moves no other part of the body, about this there is a sacred story told.
48. Then for Dionysos, on the night before the festival, everyone kills a pig by cutting its throat right in front of their own houses. After that, they give the pig to the swineherd who sold it to them, to take away again. The rest of the Dionysos feast is celebrated by the Egyptians in much the same way as it is by the Hellenes, except for the choral dances. Instead of the phallos, they have created another device, which consists of figures about a cubit in height that are operated by strings. Women carry these figures around the villages, with the genitals made to move and not much smaller than the rest of the body. A flute plays ahead, and they follow, singing praises to Dionysos. Regarding why the figure has this oversized member that moves while no other part of the body does, there is a sacred story told about it.
49. Now I think that Melampus the son of Amytheon was not without knowledge of these rites of sacrifice, but was acquainted with them: for Melampus is he who first set forth to the Hellenes the name of Dionysos and the manner of sacrifice and the procession of the phallos. Strictly speaking indeed, he when he made it known did not take in the whole, but those wise men who came after him made it known more at large. Melampus then is he who taught of the phallos which is carried in procession for Dionysos, and from him the Hellenes learnt to do that which they do. I say then that Melampus being a man of ability contrived for himself an art of divination, and having learnt from Egypt he taught the Hellenes many things, and among them those that concern Dionysos, making changes in some few points of them: for I shall not say that that which is done in worship of the god in Egypt came accidentally to be the same with that which is done among the Hellenes, for then these rites would have been in character with the Hellenic worship and not lately brought in; nor certainly shall I say that the Egyptians took from the Hellenes either this or any other customary observance: but I think it most probable that Melampus learnt the matters concerning Dionysos from Cadmos the Tyrian and from those who came with him from Phenicia to the land which we now call Boeotia.
49. Now I believe that Melampus, the son of Amytheon, wasn't completely unaware of these sacrificial rites; he was actually familiar with them. Melampus was the first to introduce the name of Dionysos to the Greeks, along with the way to conduct sacrifices and the procession of the phallos. To be precise, he didn't fully convey everything, but the wise men who followed him expanded on his teachings. Melampus is the one who taught about the phallos carried in the procession for Dionysos, and the Greeks learned from him how to perform these rituals. I assert that Melampus, being a capable man, developed his own skill in divination. After learning from Egypt, he taught the Greeks many things, including those related to Dionysos, while making some modifications. I won't claim that the worship practices of the god in Egypt happened to be the same as those among the Greeks by coincidence; otherwise, these rites would have originated in Greek worship and not been introduced later. Nor will I say that the Egyptians borrowed this or any other customary practice from the Greeks. Instead, I find it most likely that Melampus learned about Dionysos from Cadmos the Tyrian and those who came with him from Phoenicia to the region we now call Boeotia.
50. Moreover the naming 51 of almost all the gods has come to Hellas from Egypt: for that it has come from the Barbarians I find by inquiry is true, and I am of opinion that most probably it has come from Egypt, because, except in the case of Poseidon and the Dioscuroi (in accordance with that which I have said before), and also of Hera and Hestia and Themis and the Charites and Nereïds, the Egyptians have had the names of all the other gods in their country for all time. What I say here is that which the Egyptians think themselves: but as for the gods whose names they profess that they do not know, these I think received their naming from the Pelasgians, except Poseidon; but about this god the Hellenes learnt from the Libyans, for no people except the Libyans have had the name of Poseidon from the first and have paid honour to this god always. Nor, it may be added, have the Egyptians any custom of worshipping heroes.
50. Also, the names of almost all the gods have come to Greece from Egypt. It’s true that they originated from the Barbarians, according to my research, and I believe they most likely came from Egypt. This is because, except for Poseidon and the Dioscuri (as I mentioned earlier), and also Hera, Hestia, Themis, the Charites, and the Nereids, the Egyptians have always had names for all the other gods in their country. What I'm stating reflects what the Egyptians themselves think. However, regarding the gods whose names they claim not to know, I believe those names originated from the Pelasgians, with the exception of Poseidon. The Greeks learned about this god from the Libyans since only the Libyans have known the name Poseidon from the beginning and have consistently honored him. Additionally, it's worth noting that the Egyptians do not have a custom of worshipping heroes.
51. These observances then, and others besides these which I shall mention, the Hellenes have adopted from the Egyptians; but to make, as they do, the images of Hermes with the phallos they have learnt not from the Egyptians but from the Pelasgians, the custom having been received by the Athenians first of all the Hellenes and from these by the rest; for just at the time when the Athenians were beginning to rank among the Hellenes, the Pelasgians became dwellers with them in their land, and from this very cause it was that they began to be counted as Hellenes. Whosoever has been initiated in the mysteries of the Cabeiroi, which the Samothrakians perform having received them from the Pelasgians, that man knows the meaning of my speech; for these very Pelasgians who became dwellers with the Athenians used to dwell before that time in Samothrake, and from them the Samothrakians received their mysteries. So then the Athenians were the first of the Hellenes who made the images of Hermes with the phallos, having learnt from the Pelasgians; and the Pelasgians told a sacred story about it, which is set forth in the mysteries in Samothrake.
51. The Greeks adopted these practices and others I'll mention from the Egyptians. However, they learned to create images of Hermes with the phallos not from the Egyptians but from the Pelasgians. This custom was first embraced by the Athenians among all the Greeks, and from them, it spread to the rest. At the time the Athenians were starting to be recognized as Greeks, the Pelasgians settled in their land, which is why they began to be regarded as Greeks. Anyone who has been initiated into the mysteries of the Cabeiroi, practiced by the Samothrakians who inherited them from the Pelasgians, will understand what I mean. The Pelasgians who settled with the Athenians had previously lived in Samothrake, and the Samothrakians received their mysteries from them. Therefore, the Athenians were the first of the Greeks to make images of Hermes with the phallos, having learned this from the Pelasgians, who shared a sacred story about it that is presented in the mysteries of Samothrake.
52. Now the Pelasgians formerly were wont to make all their sacrifices calling upon the gods in prayer, as I know from that which I heard at Dodona, but they gave no title or name to any of them, for they had not yet heard any, but they called them gods ({theous}) from some such notion as this, that they had set ({thentes}) in order all things and so had the distribution of everything. Afterwards, when much time had elapsed, they learnt from Egypt the names of the gods, all except Dionysos, for his name they learnt long afterwards; and after a time the Pelasgians consulted the Oracle at Dodona about the names, for this prophetic seat is accounted to be the most ancient of the Oracles which are among the Hellenes, and at that time it was the only one. So when the Pelasgians asked the Oracle at Dodona whether they should adopt the names which had come from the Barbarians, the Oracle in reply bade them make use of the names. From this time they sacrificed using the names of the gods, and from the Pelasgians the Hellenes afterwards received them:
52. In the past, the Pelasgians used to make all their sacrifices while calling on the gods in prayer, as I learned from what I heard at Dodona. However, they didn’t give any of the gods a title or name because they hadn’t yet heard any; they referred to them simply as gods ({theous}) based on the idea that they had put everything ({thentes}) in order and thus had control over everything. After a long time, they learned the names of the gods from Egypt, except for Dionysos; they discovered his name much later. Eventually, the Pelasgians consulted the Oracle at Dodona about the names, as this prophetic site is regarded as the oldest Oracle among the Greeks, and at that time it was the only one. So when the Pelasgians asked the Oracle at Dodona whether they should adopt the names that had come from the Barbarians, the Oracle responded by telling them to use the names. From that point on, they sacrificed using the names of the gods, and the Greeks later received them from the Pelasgians:
53, but whence the several gods had their birth, or whether they all were from the beginning, and of what form they are, they did not learn till yesterday, as it were, or the day before: for Hesiod and Homer I suppose were four hundred years before my time and not more, and these are they who made a theogony for the Hellenes and gave the titles to the gods and distributed to them honours and arts, and set forth their forms: but the poets who are said to have been before these men were really in my opinion after them. Of these things the first are said by the priestesses of Dodona, and the latter things, those namely which have regard to Hesiod and Homer, by myself.
53, but where the various gods came from, or whether they all existed from the beginning, and what form they take, people only figured that out recently, like just yesterday or the day before. I think Hesiod and Homer were around four hundred years before my time, or not much more, and they are the ones who created a theogony for the Greeks, gave names to the gods, assigned them honors and skills, and described their appearances. However, the poets who are said to have come before these two were, in my opinion, actually after them. The early stories are told by the priestesses of Dodona, while the later ones, specifically those related to Hesiod and Homer, are recounted by me.
54. As regards the Oracles both that among the Hellenes and that in Libya, the Egyptians tell the following tale. The priests of the Theban Zeus told me that two women in the service of the temple had been carried away from Thebes by Phenicians, and that they had heard that one of them had been sold to go into Libya and the other to the Hellenes; and these women, they said, were they who first founded the prophetic seats among the nations which have been named: and when I inquired whence they knew so perfectly of this tale which they told, they said in reply that a great search had been made by the priests after these women, and that they had not been able to find them, but they had heard afterwards this tale about them which they were telling.
54. Regarding the Oracles, both those among the Greeks and those in Libya, the Egyptians share the following story. The priests of the Theban Zeus told me that two women serving the temple had been taken from Thebes by Phoenicians, and that they had heard one of them was sold to go to Libya and the other to the Greeks. They claimed these women were the ones who first established the prophetic sites among the mentioned nations. When I asked how they knew this story so well, they replied that a thorough search had been made by the priests for these women, but they hadn’t been able to find them. Instead, they later heard this story about them, which they were sharing.
55. This I heard from the priests at Thebes, and what follows is said by the prophetesses 52 of Dodona. They say that two black doves flew from Thebes to Egypt, and came one of them to Libya and the other to their land. And this latter settled upon an oak-tree 53 and spoke with human voice, saying that it was necessary that a prophetic seat of Zeus should be established in that place; and they supposed that that was of the gods which was announced to them, and made one accordingly: and the dove which went away to the Libyans, they say, bade the Libyans to make an Oracle of Ammon; and this also is of Zeus. The priestesses of Dodona told me these things, of whom the eldest was named Promeneia, the next after her Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra; and the other people of Dodona who were engaged about the temple gave accounts agreeing with theirs.
55. I heard this from the priests in Thebes, and what follows comes from the prophetesses of Dodona. They say that two black doves flew from Thebes to Egypt, with one going to Libya and the other coming to their land. The latter settled on an oak tree and spoke with a human voice, declaring that a prophetic seat of Zeus should be established there; they believed that this was a divine message and made one accordingly. The dove that went to the Libyans instructed them to create an Oracle of Ammon, which is also associated with Zeus. The priestesses of Dodona shared this with me, with the eldest named Promeneia, the next Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra; and others at Dodona who worked at the temple confirmed their accounts.
56. I however have an opinion about the matter as follows:—If the Phenicians did in truth carry away the consecrated women and sold one of them into Libya and the other into Hellas, I suppose that in the country now called Hellas, which was formerly called Pelasgia, this woman was sold into the land of the Thesprotians; and then being a slave there she set up a sanctuary of Zeus under a real oak-tree; 54 as indeed it was natural that being an attendant of the sanctuary of Zeus at Thebes, she should there, in the place to which she had come, have a memory of him; and after this, when she got understanding of the Hellenic tongue, she established an Oracle, and she reported, I suppose, that her sister had been sold in Libya by the same Phenicians by whom she herself had been sold.
56. I have an opinion about this matter: If the Phoenicians really did carry away the consecrated women and sold one of them in Libya and the other in Greece, I think that in the area now called Greece, which was once known as Pelasgia, this woman was sold in the land of the Thesprotians. As a slave there, she set up a sanctuary for Zeus under a real oak tree; 54 since it was natural for her, being an attendant of the sanctuary of Zeus in Thebes, to remember him in the place where she ended up. Later, when she learned the Greek language, she established an Oracle and, I suppose, reported that her sister had been sold in Libya by the same Phoenicians who had sold her.
57. Moreover, I think that the women were called doves by the people of Dodona for the reason that they were Barbarians and because it seemed to them that they uttered voice like birds; but after a time (they say) the dove spoke with human voice, that is when the woman began to speak so that they could understand; but so long as she spoke a Barbarian tongue she seemed to them to be uttering voice like a bird: for had it been really a dove, how could it speak with human voice? And in saying that the dove was black, they indicate that the woman was Egyptian. The ways of delivering oracles too at Thebes in Egypt and at Dodona closely resemble one another, as it happens, and also the method of divination by victims has come from Egypt.
57. Also, I think the people of Dodona called the women doves because they were foreign and it seemed to them that the women made sounds like birds. But over time (they say) the dove began to speak in a human voice, meaning the woman started to talk in a way they could understand. As long as she was speaking in a foreign language, it sounded like she was chirping. If it was truly a dove, how could it speak with a human voice? By saying that the dove was black, they imply that the woman was Egyptian. The methods of delivering oracles at Thebes in Egypt and at Dodona are quite similar, and the practice of divination by sacrificing animals also comes from Egypt.
58. Moreover, it is true also that the Egyptians were the first of men who made solemn assemblies 55 and processions and approaches to the temples, 56 and from them the Hellenes have learnt them, and my evidence for this is that the Egyptian celebrations of these have been held from a very ancient time, whereas the Hellenic were introduced 57 but lately.
58. Additionally, it's also true that the Egyptians were the first people to organize formal gatherings 55 and processions and visits to the temples, 56 and the Greeks learned these from them. My evidence for this is that the Egyptians have been celebrating these events for a very long time, while the Greek celebrations were introduced 57 only recently.
59. The Egyptians hold their solemn assemblies not once in the year but often, especially and with the greatest zeal and devotion 58 at the city of Bubastis for Artemis, and next at Busiris for Isis; for in this last-named city there is a very great temple of Isis, and this city stands in the middle of the Delta of Egypt; now Isis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Demeter: thirdly, they have a solemn assembly at the city of Saïs for Athene, fourthly at Heliopolis for the Sun (Helios), fifthly at the city of Buto in honour of Leto, and sixthly at the city of Papremis for Ares.
59. The Egyptians hold their solemn gatherings not just once a year but often, especially with the greatest enthusiasm and devotion at the city of Bubastis for Artemis, and then at Busiris for Isis. In this last city, there is a very large temple of Isis, and it is located in the heart of the Delta of Egypt. Now, Isis is known to the Greeks as Demeter. Third, they have a solemn gathering at the city of Saïs for Athena, fourth at Heliopolis for the Sun (Helios), fifth at the city of Buto in honor of Leto, and sixth at the city of Papremis for Ares.
60. Now, when they are coming to the city of Bubastis they do as follows:—they sail men and women together, and a great multitude of each sex in every boat; and some of the women have rattles and rattle with them, while some of the men play the flute during the whole time of the voyage, and the rest, both women and men, sing and clap their hands; and when as they sail they come opposite to any city on the way they bring the boat to land, and some of the women continue to do as I have said, others cry aloud and jeer at the women in that city, some dance, and some stand up and pull up their garments. This they do by every city along the river-bank; and when they come to Bubastis they hold festival celebrating great sacrifices, and more wine of grapes is consumed upon that festival than during the whole of the rest of the year. To this place (so say the natives) they come together year by year 59 even to the number of seventy myriads 5901 of men and women, besides children.
60. Now, when they arrive at the city of Bubastis, here's what they do: they sail with men and women together, with a large crowd of both sexes in every boat. Some of the women shake rattles, while some of the men play the flute throughout the trip. The rest, both women and men, sing and clap their hands. As they sail, whenever they pass near any city along the way, they pull the boat to shore. Some of the women keep doing what I've mentioned, while others shout and mock the women in that city, some dance, and some stand and lift their skirts. They do this by every city along the riverbank. Once they arrive at Bubastis, they hold a festival with great sacrifices, and more wine is consumed during this celebration than at any other time of the year. According to the locals, they gather here every year 59 with a total of seventy myriads 5901 of men and women, not counting the children.
61. Thus it is done here; and how they celebrate the festival in honour of Isis at the city of Busiris has been told by me before: 60 for, as I said, they beat themselves in mourning after the sacrifice, all of them both men and women, very many myriads of people; but for whom they beat themselves it is not permitted to me by religion to say: and so many as there are of the Carians dwelling in Egypt do this even more than the Egyptians themselves, inasmuch as they cut their foreheads also with knives; and by this it is manifested that they are strangers and not Egyptians.
61. So that's how it's done here; I've already shared how they celebrate the festival in honor of Isis in the city of Busiris: 60 because, as I mentioned, they mourn by beating themselves after the sacrifice, with countless people, both men and women. However, I'm not allowed to say who they mourn for due to religious reasons. The Carians living in Egypt do this even more than the Egyptians themselves, as they also make cuts on their foreheads with knives, showing that they are outsiders and not Egyptians.
62. At the times when they gather together at the city of Saïs for their sacrifices, on a certain night 61 they all kindle lamps many in number in the open air round about the houses; now the lamps are saucers full of salt and oil mixed, and the wick floats by itself on the surface, and this burns during the whole night; and to the festival is given the name Lychnocaia (the lighting of the lamps). Moreover those of the Egyptians who have not come to this solemn assembly observe the night of the festival and themselves also light lamps all of them, and thus not in Saïs alone are they lighted, but over all Egypt: and as to the reason why light and honour are allotted to this night, 62 about this there is a sacred story told.
62. When they gather in the city of Saïs for their sacrifices, on a particular night 61, they all light many lamps outside around the houses. The lamps are saucers filled with a mixture of salt and oil, and the wick floats on the surface, burning throughout the night. The festival is called Lychnocaia (the lighting of the lamps). Additionally, those Egyptians who don’t attend this sacred gathering also celebrate the night of the festival by lighting lamps themselves, so the lights are not only in Saïs but throughout all of Egypt. As for why this night is honored with light, 62, there is a sacred story about it.
63. To Heliopolis and Buto they go year by year and do sacrifice only: but at Papremis they do sacrifice and worship as elsewhere, and besides that, when the sun begins to go down, while some few of the priests are occupied with the image of the god, the greater number of them stand in the entrance of the temple with wooden clubs, and other persons to the number of more than a thousand men with purpose to perform a vow, these also having all of them staves of wood, stand in a body opposite to those: and the image, which is in a small shrine of wood covered over with gold, they take out on the day before to another sacred building. The few then who have been left about the image, draw a wain with four wheels, which bears the shrine and the image that is within the shrine, and the other priests standing in the gateway try to prevent it from entering, and the men who are under a vow come to the assistance of the god and strike them, while the others defend themselves. 63 Then there comes to be a hard fight with staves, and they break one another's heads, and I am of opinion that many even die of the wounds they receive; the Egyptians however told me that no one died. This solemn assembly the people of the place say that they established for the following reason:—the mother of Ares, they say, used to dwell in this temple, and Ares, having been brought up away from her, when he grew up came thither desiring to visit his mother, and the attendants of his mother's temple, not having seen him before, did not permit him to pass in, but kept him away; and he brought men to help him from another city and handled roughly the attendants of the temple, and entered to visit his mother. Hence, they say, this exchange of blows has become the custom in honour of Ares upon his festival.
63. Every year, they go to Heliopolis and Buto to make sacrifices, but at Papremis, they both sacrifice and worship like everywhere else. Additionally, when the sun sets, while a few priests focus on the god's image, most stand at the temple entrance with wooden clubs. There are also over a thousand men there, ready to fulfill a vow, all carrying wooden staffs, standing opposite the priests. The image, housed in a small wooden shrine covered in gold, is taken out the day before to another sacred building. The few left with the image pull a four-wheeled cart carrying the shrine and the image inside, while the priests at the gateway try to stop it from entering. The vow-takers come to support the god and fight back against the priests, who defend themselves. 63 This leads to a fierce fight with their staffs, and they injure each other, with many likely dying from their wounds, though the Egyptians claim no one actually died. The locals say this chaotic gathering was established for the following reason:—they believe the mother of Ares lived in this temple, and when Ares grew up away from her, he came back wanting to visit, but the temple attendants didn’t recognize him and wouldn’t let him in. He then gathered men from another city to force his way in and rough up the attendants to visit his mother. This is said to be the origin of the tradition of fighting in honor of Ares during his festival.
64. The Egyptians were the first who made it a point of religion not to lie with women in temples, nor to enter into temples after going away from women without first bathing: for almost all other men except the Egyptians and the Hellenes lie with women in temples and enter into a temple after going away from women without bathing, since they hold that there is no difference in this respect between men and beasts: for they say that they see beasts and the various kinds of birds coupling together both in the temples and in the sacred enclosures of the gods; if then this were not pleasing to the god, the beasts would not do so.
64. The Egyptians were the first to make it a religious rule not to have sex with women in temples or to enter temples after being with women without first bathing. Almost all other men, except for the Egyptians and the Greeks, have sex with women in temples and enter them after being with women without bathing, as they believe there is no difference in this regard between men and animals. They argue that they see animals and various types of birds mating in both the temples and the sacred spaces of the gods; if this were displeasing to the gods, the animals wouldn't do it.
65. Thus do these defend that which they do, which by me is disallowed: but the Egyptians are excessively careful in their observances, both in other matters which concern the sacred rites and also in those which follow:—Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, 6301 does not very much abound in wild animals, but such as they have are one and all accounted by them sacred, some of them living with men and others not. But if I should say for what reasons the sacred animals have been thus dedicated, I should fall into discourse of matters pertaining to the gods, of which I most desire not to speak; and what I have actually said touching slightly upon them, I said because I was constrained by necessity. About these animals there is a custom of this kind:—persons have been appointed of the Egyptians, both men and women, to provide the food for each kind of beast separately, and their office goes down from father to son; and those who dwell in the various cities perform vows to them thus, that is, when they make a vow to the god to whom the animal belongs, they shave the head of their children either the whole or the half or the third part of it, and then set the hair in the balance against silver, and whatever it weighs, this the man gives to the person who provides for the animals, and she cuts up fish of equal value and gives it for food to the animals. Thus food for their support has been appointed: and if any one kill any of these animals, the penalty, if he do it with his own will, is death, and if against his will, such penalty as the priests may appoint: but whosoever shall kill an ibis or a hawk, whether it be with his will or against his will, must die.
65. So these people defend what they do, which I disapprove of: but the Egyptians are extremely careful in their rituals, both in other aspects related to the sacred rites and also in those that follow:—Egypt, even though it shares a border with Libya, 6301 is not particularly rich in wild animals, but all the ones they do have are considered sacred by them, some living alongside humans and others not. However, if I try to explain why these sacred animals have been designated as such, I would end up discussing matters related to the gods, which I really prefer not to do; and what I've mentioned about them was only because I felt it was necessary. There is a specific custom regarding these animals: certain Egyptians, both men and women, have been assigned to provide food for each type of animal individually, and this role is passed down from father to son. Those living in various cities make vows to them, meaning that when they make a vow to the god associated with the animal, they shave their children’s heads—either entirely, halfway, or a third of it—and then weigh the hair against silver. Whatever the weight is, that amount is given to the person responsible for the animals, and in return, she cuts up fish of equal value to feed the animals. This is how their food provision is arranged: if anyone kills one of these animals, the punishment for doing so voluntarily is death, and if accidentally, the penalty is determined by the priests. However, anyone who kills an ibis or a hawk, whether intentionally or not, must face death.
66. Of the animals that live with men there are great numbers, and would be many more but for the accidents which befall the cats. For when the females have produced young they are no longer in the habit of going to the males, and these seeking to be united with them are not able. To this end then they contrive as follows,—they either take away by force or remove secretly the young from the females and kill them (but after killing they do not eat them), and the females being deprived of their young and desiring more, therefore come to the males, for it is a creature that is fond of its young. Moreover when a fire occurs, the cats seem to be divinely possessed; 64 for while the Egyptians stand at intervals and look after the cats, not taking any care to extinguish the fire, the cats slipping through or leaping over the men, jump into the fire; and when this happens, great mourning comes upon the Egyptians. And in whatever houses a cat has died by a natural death, all those who dwell in this house shave their eyebrows only, but those in whose houses a dog has died shave their whole body and also their head.
66. There are a lot of animals that live with humans, and there would be even more if it weren't for the incidents that happen to cats. Once female cats have kittens, they usually stop going to the males, which prevents the males from mating with them. To solve this, the males either forcefully take the kittens away or secretly remove and kill them (but they don't eat them afterward). By losing their kittens and wanting more, the females then go back to the males because they are instinctively attached to their young. Moreover, during a fire, cats seem to act strangely; while the Egyptians stand by, concerned about the cats rather than putting out the fire, the cats manage to slip away or jump over the people and leap into the flames. When this happens, there is great sorrow among the Egyptians. In any household where a cat has died a natural death, the residents only shave their eyebrows, but those where a dog has died shave their entire body and head.
67. The cats when they are dead are carried away to sacred buildings in the city of Bubastis, where after being embalmed they are buried; but the dogs they bury each people in their own city in sacred tombs; and the ichneumons are buried just in the same way as the dogs. The shrew-mice however and the hawks they carry away to the city of Buto, and the ibises to Hermopolis; 65 the bears (which are not commonly seen) and the wolves, not much larger in size than foxes, they bury on the spot where they are found lying.
67. When cats die, they are taken to sacred buildings in the city of Bubastis, where they are embalmed and buried. However, dogs are buried by each community in their own city in sacred tombs, and ichneumons are buried the same way as dogs. On the other hand, shrew-mice and hawks are taken to the city of Buto, and ibises are sent to Hermopolis; 65 bears (which are rarely seen) and wolves, which are about the size of foxes, are buried right where they are found.
68. Of the crocodile the nature is as follows:—during the four most wintry months this creature eats nothing: she has four feet and is an animal belonging to the land and the water both; for she produces and hatches eggs on the land, and the most part of the day she remains upon dry land, but the whole of the night in the river, for the water in truth is warmer than the unclouded open air and the dew. Of all the mortal creatures of which we have knowledge this grows to the greatest bulk from the smallest beginning; for the eggs which she produces are not much larger than those of geese and the newly-hatched young one is in proportion to the egg, but as he grows he becomes as much as seventeen cubits long and sometimes yet larger. He has eyes like those of a pig and teeth large and tusky, in proportion to the size of his body; but unlike all other beasts he grows no tongue, neither does he move his lower jaw, but brings the upper jaw towards the lower, being in this too unlike all other beasts. He has moreover strong claws and a scaly hide upon his back which cannot be pierced; and he is blind in the water, but in the air he is of very keen sight. Since he has his living in the water he keeps his mouth all full within of leeches; and whereas all other birds and beasts fly from him, the trochilus is a creature which is at peace with him, seeing that from her he receives benefit; for the crocodile having come out of the water to the land and then having opened his mouth (this he is wont to do generally towards the West Wind), the trochilus upon that enters into his mouth and swallows down the leeches, and he being benefited is pleased and does no harm to the trochilus.
68. The crocodile has the following characteristics: during the coldest four months of the year, this creature doesn't eat anything. It has four legs and lives both on land and in water; it lays and hatches its eggs on land and spends most of the day on dry land, but spends the whole night in the river since the water is warmer than the clear open air and the dew. Of all the animals we know, it grows to the largest size from the smallest start; the eggs it lays are not much bigger than goose eggs, and the newly-hatched baby is proportionate to the egg, but as it grows, it can reach lengths of up to seventeen cubits or even larger. It has eyes like a pig and big, tusk-like teeth that match its body size; unlike all other animals, it doesn't have a tongue and doesn't move its lower jaw, but brings the upper jaw down to the lower jaw, which also sets it apart from other creatures. It has strong claws and a tough, scaly skin on its back that can't be pierced; it's blind underwater, but has excellent vision in the air. Since it lives in the water, its mouth is filled with leeches; while all other birds and animals avoid it, the trochilus is one creature that gets along with it, benefiting from the relationship. The crocodile comes out of the water onto land and opens its mouth (usually facing the West Wind), allowing the trochilus to enter and eat the leeches, and the crocodile, pleased and benefited, harms the trochilus not at all.
69. Now for some of the Egyptians the crocodiles are sacred animals, and for others not so, but they treat them on the contrary as enemies: those however who dwell about Thebes and about the lake of Moiris hold them to be most sacred, and each of these two peoples keeps one crocodile selected from the whole number, which has been trained to tameness, and they put hanging ornaments of molten stone and of gold into the ears of these and anklets round the front feet, and they give them food appointed and victims of sacrifices and treat them as well as possible while they live, and after they are dead they bury them in sacred tombs, embalming them: but those who dwell about the city of Elephantine even eat them, not holding them to be sacred. They are called not crocodiles but champsai, and the Ionians gave them the name of crocodile, comparing their form to that of the crocodiles (lizards) which appear in their country in the stone walls.
69. For some Egyptians, crocodiles are sacred animals, while for others, they are seen as enemies. However, those who live near Thebes and the lake of Moiris regard them as very sacred. Each of these two groups chooses one crocodile from the many, which they train to be tame. They decorate it with hanging ornaments made of molten stone and gold in its ears and put anklets on its front feet. They provide it with special food and sacrificial offerings and treat it as well as they can while it’s alive. After it dies, they bury it in sacred tombs and embalm it. In contrast, people around the city of Elephantine actually eat them, not considering them sacred. They call them not crocodiles but champsai, and the Ionians refer to them as crocodiles, comparing them to the lizards that appear in their stone walls.
70. There are many ways in use of catching them and of various kinds: I shall describe that which to me seems the most worthy of being told. A man puts the back of a pig upon a hook as bait, and lets it go into the middle of the river, while he himself upon the bank of the river has a young live pig, which he beats; and the crocodile hearing its cries makes for the direction of the sound, and when he finds the pig's back he swallows it down: then they pull, and when he is drawn out to land, first of all the hunter forthwith plasters up his eyes with mud, and having so done he very easily gets the mastery of him, but if he does not do so he has much trouble.
70. There are many ways to catch them, and they come in various types: I will describe the one that seems the most interesting to me. A man puts the back of a pig on a hook as bait and lets it float in the middle of the river while he stands on the riverbank with a young live pig that he beats. The crocodile, hearing the cries, heads toward the sound, and when it finds the pig's back, it swallows it whole. Then they pull, and when the crocodile is brought to shore, the hunter immediately covers its eyes with mud. Once that's done, he can easily gain control over it, but if he doesn't, he has a lot of trouble.
71. The river-horse is sacred in the district of Papremis, but for the other Egyptians he is not sacred; and this is the appearance which he presents: he is four-footed, cloven-hoofed like an ox, 66 flat-nosed, with a mane like a horse and showing teeth like tusks, with a tail and voice like a horse, and in size as large as the largest ox; and his hide is so exceedingly thick that when it has been dried shafts of javelins are made of it.
71. The hippo is considered sacred in the area of Papremis, but for the other Egyptians, it's not sacred. Here's what it looks like: it has four legs, cloven hooves similar to an ox, a flat nose, a mane like a horse, and teeth that resemble tusks. It has a tail and sound like a horse, and it’s as big as the largest ox. Its skin is so thick that once dried, it’s used to make javelin shafts.
72. There are moreover otters in the river, which they consider to be sacred; and of fish also they esteem that which is called the lepidotos to be sacred, and also the eel; and these they say are sacred to the Nile: and of birds the fox-goose.
72. There are also otters in the river that the locals consider sacred, along with a fish known as the lepidotos and eels; they believe these are sanctified by the Nile. Among birds, the fox-goose is also regarded as sacred.
73. There is also another sacred bird called the phoenix which I did not myself see except in painting, for in truth he comes to them very rarely, at intervals, as the people of Heliopolis say, of five hundred years; and these say that he comes regularly when his father dies; and if he be like the painting, he is of this size and nature, that is to say, some of his feathers are of gold colour and others red, and in outline and size he is as nearly as possible like an eagle. This bird they say (but I cannot believe the story) contrives as follows:—setting forth from Arabia he conveys his father, they say, to the temple of the Sun (Helios) plastered up in myrrh, and buries him in the temple of the Sun; and he conveys him thus:—he forms first an egg of myrrh as large as he is able to carry, and then he makes trial of carrying it, and when he has made trial sufficiently, then he hollows out the egg and places his father within it and plasters over with other myrrh that part of the egg where he hollowed it out to put his father in, and when his father is laid in it, it proves (they say) to be of the same weight as it was; and after he has plastered it up, he conveys the whole to Egypt to the temple of the Sun. Thus they say that this bird does.
73. There's also another sacred bird called the phoenix that I haven't seen in person, only in paintings, because he only appears very rarely, according to the people of Heliopolis, about every five hundred years. They say he shows up regularly when his father dies. If he looks like the paintings, he’s about the size of an eagle, with feathers that are both gold and red. They claim (but I find it hard to believe) that he does the following: starting from Arabia, he takes his father to the temple of the Sun (Helios), wrapped in myrrh, and buries him there. He does this by first making an egg out of myrrh, as large as he can carry, then testing to see if he can carry it. Once he’s sure he can manage it, he hollows out the egg, places his father inside, and seals up the part he hollowed with more myrrh. After his father is laid in it, they say it weighs exactly the same as before, and then he carries the whole thing to Egypt to the temple of the Sun. That’s what they say this bird does.
74. There are also about Thebes sacred serpents, not at all harmful to men, which are small in size and have two horns growing from the top of the head: these they bury when they die in the temple of Zeus, for to this god they say that they are sacred.
74. There are also sacred snakes in Thebes that are completely harmless to humans. They are small and have two horns on top of their heads. When they die, people bury them in the temple of Zeus because they believe these snakes are sacred to this god.
75. There is a region moreover in Arabia, situated nearly over against the city of Buto, to which place I came to inquire about the winged serpents: and when I came thither I saw bones of serpents and spines in quantity so great that it is impossible to make report of the number, and there were heaps of spines, some heaps large and others less large and others smaller still than these, and these heaps were many in number. This region in which the spines are scattered upon the ground is of the nature of an entrance from a narrow mountain pass to a great plain, which plain adjoins the plain of Egypt; and the story goes that at the beginning of spring winged serpents from Arabia fly towards Egypt, and the birds called ibises meet them at the entrance to this country and do not suffer the serpents to go by but kill them. On account of this deed it is (say the Arabians) that the ibis has come to be greatly honoured by the Egyptians, and the Egyptians also agree that it is for this reason that they honour these birds.
75. There's a region in Arabia, located almost directly across from the city of Buto, where I went to ask about the winged serpents. When I arrived there, I saw an incredible amount of serpent bones and spines, so many that it's impossible to count them all. There were piles of spines—some large, some medium, and others even smaller—and these piles were numerous. This area, where the spines are spread across the ground, acts as a gateway from a narrow mountain pass to a vast plain, which borders the plain of Egypt. The story goes that at the start of spring, winged serpents from Arabia fly towards Egypt, and the birds known as ibises meet them at the border and do not allow the serpents to pass, instead killing them. Because of this act, the Arabians say that the ibis is greatly respected by the Egyptians, and the Egyptians themselves agree that this is the reason they honor these birds.
76. The outward form of the ibis is this:—it is a deep black all over, and has legs like those of a crane and a very curved beak, and in size it is about equal to a rail: this is the appearance of the black kind which fight with the serpents, but of those which most crowd round men's feet (for there are two several kinds of ibises) the head is bare and also the whole of the throat, and it is white in feathering except the head and neck and the extremities of the wings and the rump (in all these parts of which I have spoken it is a deep black), while in legs and in the form of the head it resembles the other. As for the serpent its form is like that of the watersnake; and it has wings not feathered but most nearly resembling the wings of the bat. Let so much suffice as has been said now concerning sacred animals.
76. The outward appearance of the ibis is this: it is completely deep black, has legs similar to a crane’s, and a very curved beak. It is about the size of a rail. This description applies to the black kind that fights with snakes. However, of the two types of ibises, the ones that tend to gather around people have bare heads and throats, with white feathers, except for the head, neck, and tips of the wings and tail, which are deep black. In terms of legs and head shape, it resembles the other type. As for the serpent, it looks like a water snake and has wings that aren’t feathered, most closely resembling bat wings. That’s all that needs to be said about sacred animals for now.
77. Of the Egyptians themselves, those who dwell in the part of Egypt which is sown for crops 67 practise memory more than any other men and are the most learned in history by far of all those of whom I have had experience: and their manner of life is as follows:—For three successive days in each month they purge, hunting after health with emetics and clysters, and they think that all the diseases which exist are produced in men by the food on which they live; for the Egyptians are from other causes also the most healthy of all men next after the Libyans (in my opinion on account of the seasons, because the seasons do not change, for by the changes of things generally, and especially of the seasons, diseases are most apt to be produced in men), and as to their diet, it is as follows:—they eat bread, making loaves of maize, which they call kyllestis, and they use habitually a wine made out of barley, for vines they have not in their land. Of their fish some they dry in the sun and then eat them without cooking, others they eat cured in brine. Of birds they eat quails and ducks and small birds without cooking, after first curing them; and everything else which they have belonging to the class of birds or fishes, except such as have been set apart by them as sacred, they eat roasted or boiled.
77. Among the Egyptians, those who live in the fertile regions of Egypt focus on memory more than anyone else and are by far the most knowledgeable about history compared to anyone I've encountered. Their way of life is as follows:—For three consecutive days each month, they cleanse themselves, seeking health through vomiting and enemas. They believe that all diseases come from the food they consume. The Egyptians are, for other reasons as well, the healthiest of all people, second only to the Libyans (in my opinion, due to the consistent seasons, as changes in conditions, especially seasons, are more likely to cause diseases in people). As for their diet, it consists of bread made from corn, which they call kyllestis, and they regularly drink a wine made from barley since there are no grapevines in their land. They prepare some fish by drying them in the sun to eat them raw, while others are eaten after being cured in brine. They eat quails, ducks, and small birds raw after curing them, and everything else in the bird or fish category, except those they consider sacred, is eaten roasted or boiled.
78. In the entertainments of the rich among them, when they have finished eating, a man bears round a wooden figure of a dead body in a coffin, made as like the reality as may be both by painting and carving, and measuring about a cubit or two cubits each way; 68 and this he shows to each of those who are drinking together, saying: "When thou lookest upon this, drink and be merry, for thou shalt be such as this when thou art dead." Thus they do at their carousals.
78. In the parties of the wealthy among them, after finishing their meals, a man walks around with a wooden figure of a dead body in a coffin, crafted to resemble reality as closely as possible through painting and carving, and measuring about a foot or two in each direction; 68 and he shows this to everyone who is drinking together, saying: "When you look at this, drink and enjoy yourself, because you'll be like this when you're dead." This is how they celebrate at their gatherings.
79. The customs which they practise are derived from their fathers and they do not acquire others in addition; but besides other customary things among them which are worthy of mention, they have one song, 6801 that of Linos, the same who is sung of both in Phenicia and in Cyprus and elsewhere, having however a name different according to the various nations. This song agrees exactly with that which the Hellenes sing calling on the name of Linos, 69 so that besides many other things about which I wonder among those matters which concern Egypt, I wonder especially about this, namely whence they got the song of Linos. 70 It is evident however that they have sung this song from immemorial time, and in the Egyptian tongue Linos is called Maneros. The Egyptians told me that he was the only son of him who first became king of Egypt, and that he died before his time and was honoured with these lamentations by the Egyptians, and that this was their first and only song.
79. The customs they follow come from their ancestors, and they don’t adopt any others. Among these customs, what’s notable is one song, 6801, about Linos, who is celebrated in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and other places, although he goes by different names in various cultures. This song is exactly the same as the one the Greeks sing when they mention Linos, 69. So, among many things that intrigue me about Egypt, I find myself particularly curious about where they got the song of Linos. 70 Clearly, they have been singing this song for a very long time, and in the Egyptian language, Linos is referred to as Maneros. The Egyptians told me that he was the only son of the first king of Egypt, and that he died young, honored with these laments by the Egyptians, making this their first and only song.
80. In another respect the Egyptians are in agreement with some of the Hellenes, namely with the Lacedemonians, but not with the rest, that is to say, the younger of them when they meet the elder give way and move out of the path, and when their elders approach they rise out of their seat. In this which follows however they are not in agreement with any of the Hellenes,—instead of addressing one another in the roads they do reverence, lowering their hand down to their knee.
80. In another way, the Egyptians agree with some of the Greeks, specifically the Spartans, but not with the others. The younger ones step aside and move out of the way when the elders pass by, and they stand up when their elders approach. However, in what follows, they don't agree with any of the Greeks—rather than speaking to each other on the roads, they show respect by lowering their hand to their knee.
81. They wear tunics of linen about their legs with fringes, which they call calasiris; above these they have garments of white wool thrown over: woollen garments however are not taken into the temples, nor are they buried with them, for this is not permitted by religion. In these points they are in agreement with the observances called Orphic and Bacchic (which are really Egyptian), 71 and also with those of the Pythagoreans, for one who takes part in these mysteries is also forbidden by religious rule to be buried in woollen garments; and about this there is a sacred story told.
81. They wear linen tunics around their legs with fringes, which they call calasiris; over these, they drape white wool garments. However, wool garments are not allowed in temples, nor can they be buried with them, as this is against their religious practices. They align with the observances known as Orphic and Bacchic (which actually originate from Egypt), 71 and also with those of the Pythagoreans, because anyone participating in these mysteries is also prohibited by religious rules from being buried in wool garments; and there's a sacred story that explains this.
82. Besides these things the Egyptians have found out also to what god each month and each day belongs, and what fortunes a man will meet with who is born on any particular day, and how he will die, and what kind of a man he will be: and these inventions were taken up by those of the Hellenes who occupied themselves about poesy. Portents too have been found out by them more than by all other men besides; for when a portent has happened, they observe and write down the event which comes of it, and if ever afterwards anything resembling this happens, they believe that the event which comes of it will be similar.
82. In addition to this, the Egyptians have figured out which god is associated with each month and each day, what fortunes a person will encounter based on their birth date, how they will die, and what kind of person they will be. These ideas were adopted by the Greeks who were involved in poetry. They have also discovered more omens than anyone else; when an omen occurs, they observe and record what happens as a result, and if anything similar happens later, they believe the outcome will be similar as well.
83. Their divination is ordered thus:—the art is assigned not to any man, but to certain of the gods, for there are in their land Oracles of Heracles, of Apollo, of Athene, of Artemis, of Ares, and of Zeus, and moreover that which they hold most in honour of all, namely the Oracle of Leto which is in the city of Buto. The manner of divination however is not yet established among them according to the same fashion everywhere, but is different in different places.
83. Their method of divination is organized like this: the practice isn't given to any one person, but rather to specific gods. In their land, there are Oracles of Heracles, Apollo, Athene, Artemis, Ares, and Zeus, and above all, they highly regard the Oracle of Leto located in the city of Buto. However, the way divination is conducted is not uniform across the board; it varies in different locations.
84. The art of medicine among them is distributed thus:—each physician is a physician of one disease and of no more; and the whole country is full of physicians, for some profess themselves to be physicians of the eyes, others of the head, others of the teeth, others of the affections of the stomach, and others of the more obscure ailments.
84. The practice of medicine among them is organized like this: each doctor specializes in one specific disease and nothing more; the entire country is filled with doctors, as some claim to be eye doctors, others focus on head issues, some are dentists, others treat stomach problems, and there are still others who deal with more uncommon illnesses.
85. Their fashions of mourning and of burial are these:—Whenever any household has lost a man who is of any regard amongst them, the whole number of women of that house forthwith plaster over their heads or even their faces with mud. Then leaving the corpse within the house they go themselves to and fro about the city and beat themselves, with their garments bound up by a girdle 72 and their breasts exposed, and with them go all the women who are related to the dead man, and on the other side the men beat themselves, they too having their garments bound up by a girdle; and when they have done this, they then convey the body to the embalming.
85. Their mourning and burial customs are as follows: Whenever a household loses a respected man, all the women in that household immediately cover their heads or even their faces with mud. Then, leaving the body inside, they walk around the city, beating themselves, their garments tied up with a belt 72 and their chests exposed. All the women related to the deceased join them, while the men also beat themselves, similarly having their garments tied up. After this, they take the body for embalming.
86. In this occupation certain persons employ themselves regularly and inherit this as a craft. These, whenever a corpse is conveyed to them, show to those who brought it wooden models of corpses made like reality by painting, and the best of the ways of embalming they say is that of him whose name I think it impiety to mention when speaking of a matter of such a kind; 73 the second which they show is less good than this and also less expensive; and the third is the least expensive of all. Having told them about this, they inquire of them in which way they desire the corpse of their friend to be prepared. Then they after they have agreed for a certain price depart out of the way, and the others being left behind in the buildings embalm according to the best of these ways thus:—First with a crooked iron tool they draw out the brain through the nostrils, extracting it partly thus and partly by pouring in drugs; and after this with a sharp stone of Ethiopia they make a cut along the side and take out the whole contents of the belly, and when they have cleared out the cavity and cleansed it with palm-wine they cleanse it again with spices pounded up: then they fill the belly with pure myrrh pounded up and with cassia and other spices except frankincense, and sew it together again. Having so done they keep it for embalming covered up in natron for seventy days, but for a longer time than this it is not permitted to embalm it; and when the seventy days are past, they wash the corpse and roll its whole body up in fine linen 74 cut into bands, smearing these beneath with gum, 75 which the Egyptians use generally instead of glue. Then the kinsfolk receive it from them and have a wooden figure made in the shape of a man, and when they have had this made they enclose the corpse, and having shut it up within, they store it then in a sepulchral chamber, setting it to stand upright against the wall.
86. In this profession, certain people regularly practice and pass it down as a craft. When a corpse is brought to them, they show those who delivered it wooden models of bodies that look realistic due to painting. They claim that the best way to embalm is by a method of a person whose name I think is inappropriate to mention in relation to such a matter; 73 the second method they show is not as good and is also less expensive, while the third is the cheapest of all. After explaining this, they ask how the family wants their loved one's body prepared. Once they agree on a price, the embalmers leave the family behind and proceed with the embalming in the best way: first, they use a curved iron tool to remove the brain through the nostrils, partly by pulling it out and partly by pouring in chemicals. Next, they make a cut along the side with a sharp stone from Ethiopia to remove all the contents of the belly. After emptying the cavity and cleaning it with palm wine, they wash it again with ground spices. Then, they fill the belly with pure, ground myrrh and cassia, as well as other spices except for frankincense, and stitch it up again. After that, they leave the body covered in natron for seventy days, as embalming is not allowed to go on for longer than this; once the seventy days are up, they wash the body and wrap it entirely in fine linen 74 cut into strips, applying gum on the underside 75, which the Egyptians generally use instead of glue. Then, the family receives the body and has a wooden figure made in the shape of a man. Once this is done, they enclose the body within it and place it in a burial chamber, standing it upright against the wall.
87. Thus they deal with the corpses which are prepared in the most costly way; but for those who desire the middle way and wish to avoid great cost they prepare the corpse as follows:—having filled their syringes with the oil which is got from cedar-wood, with this they forthwith fill the belly of the corpse, and this they do without having either cut it open or taken out the bowels, but they inject the oil by the breech, and having stopped the drench from returning back they keep it then the appointed number of days for embalming, and on the last of the days they let the cedar oil come out from the belly, which they before put in; and it has such power that it brings out with it the bowels and interior organs of the body dissolved; and the natron dissolves the flesh, so that there is left of the corpse only the skin and the bones. When they have done this they give back the corpse at once in that condition without working upon it any more.
87. So, they handle the bodies that are prepared in the most expensive way; but for those who prefer a more cost-effective approach, they prepare the body like this: they fill their syringes with oil extracted from cedar wood and use it to fill the belly of the body. They do this without cutting it open or removing the organs; instead, they inject the oil through the rectum. After preventing the liquid from flowing back out, they let it sit for the required number of days for embalming. On the last day, they let the cedar oil drain out from the belly, and it has the ability to bring out the intestines and internal organs completely dissolved. The natron dissolves the flesh, so when they’re done, all that remains of the corpse is the skin and the bones. After this, they return the body in that condition without any further treatment.
88. The third kind of embalming, by which are prepared the bodies of those who have less means, is as follows:—they cleanse out the belly with a purge and then keep the body for embalming during the seventy days, and at once after that they give it back to the bringers to carry away.
88. The third type of embalming, used for people who have fewer resources, is done like this: they clean out the abdomen with a purge and then preserve the body for seventy days. Immediately after that, they return it to the family or friends to take away.
89. The wives of men of rank when they die are not given at once to be embalmed, nor such women as are very beautiful or of greater regard than others, but on the third or fourth day after their death (and not before) they are delivered to the embalmers. They do so about this matter in order that the embalmers may not abuse their women, for they say that one of them was taken once doing so to the corpse of a woman lately dead, and his fellow-craftsman gave information.
89. When the wives of noblemen die, they aren't embalmed right away. This also applies to very beautiful women or those who are held in higher regard than others. Instead, they are handed over to the embalmers on the third or fourth day after their death, but not before. They wait this long so the embalmers won’t take advantage of the women, because they say one of them was once caught doing this to the corpse of a recently deceased woman, and one of his coworkers reported him.
90. Whenever any one, either of the Egyptians themselves or of strangers, is found to have been carried off by a crocodile or brought to his death by the river itself, the people of any city by which he may have been cast up on land must embalm him and lay him out in the fairest way they can and bury him in a sacred burial-place, nor may any of his relations or friends besides touch him, but the priests of the Nile themselves handle the corpse and bury it as that of one who was something more than man.
90. Whenever anyone, whether an Egyptian or a foreigner, is found to have been taken by a crocodile or killed by the river, the people of the city where the body washes up must embalm it and prepare it for burial in the best way they can. They must bury it in a sacred burial place, and no relatives or friends are allowed to touch the body; only the priests of the Nile can handle the remains and bury them as if the person were something greater than human.
91. Hellenic usages they will by no means follow, and to speak generally they follow those of no other men whatever. This rule is observed by most of the Egyptians; but there is a large city named Chemmis in the Theban district near Neapolis, and in this city there is a temple of Perseus the son of Danae which is of a square shape, and round it grow date-palms: the gateway of the temple is built of stone and of very great size, and at the entrance of it stand two great statues of stone. Within this enclosure is a temple-house 76 and in it stands an image of Perseus. These people of Chemmis say that Perseus is wont often to appear in their land and often within the temple, and that a sandal which has been worn by him is found sometimes, being in length two cubits, and whenever this appears all Egypt prospers. This they say, and they do in honour of Perseus after Hellenic fashion thus,—they hold an athletic contest, which includes the whole list of games, and they offer in prizes cattle and cloaks and skins: and when I inquired why to them alone Perseus was wont to appear, and wherefore they were separated from all the other Egyptians in that they held an athletic contest, they said that Perseus had been born of their city, for Danaos and Lynkeus were men of Chemmis and had sailed to Hellas, and from them they traced a descent and came down to Perseus: and they told me that he had come to Egypt for the reason which the Hellenes also say, namely to bring from Libya the Gorgon's head, and had then visited them also and recognised all his kinsfolk, and they said that he had well learnt the name of Chemmis before he came to Egypt, since he had heard it from his mother, and that they celebrated an athletic contest for him by his own command.
91. They will definitely not follow Greek customs, and generally, they don’t follow those of any other people either. Most Egyptians stick to this rule; however, there’s a large city called Chemmis in the Theban region near Neapolis, and in this city, there is a square-shaped temple dedicated to Perseus, the son of Danae, surrounded by date palms. The temple’s entrance features a massive stone gateway, flanked by two large stone statues. Inside this area is a temple-house 76 that houses a statue of Perseus. The people of Chemmis claim that Perseus often appears in their land and even within the temple, and that a sandal he once wore, measuring two cubits in length, occasionally turns up. Whenever this sandal appears, all of Egypt prospers. This is what they say, and in honor of Perseus, they hold athletic competitions in the Greek style, which include a full list of events, offering cattle, cloaks, and skins as prizes. When I asked why Perseus alone was said to appear to them, and why they were distinct from the other Egyptians in hosting athletic contests, they told me that Perseus was born in their city, as Danaos and Lynkeus were from Chemmis and had sailed to Greece, tracing their lineage down to Perseus. They explained that he came to Egypt for the same reason the Greeks say, which was to retrieve the Gorgon’s head from Libya, and after that, he visited them and recognized all his relatives. They said he learned the name of Chemmis before arriving in Egypt, as he had heard it from his mother, and that he commanded them to hold athletic contests in his honor.
92. All these are customs practised by the Egyptians who dwell above the fens: and those who are settled in the fen-land have the same customs for the most part as the other Egyptians, both in other matters and also in that they live each with one wife only, as do the Hellenes; but for economy in respect of food they have invented these things besides:—when the river has become full and the plains have been flooded, there grow in the water great numbers of lilies, which the Egyptians call lotos; these they cut with a sickle and dry in the sun, and then they pound that which grows in the middle of the lotos and which is like the head of a poppy, and they make of it loaves baked with fire. The root also of this lotos is edible and has a rather sweet taste: 77 it is round in shape and about the size of an apple. There are other lilies too, in flower resembling roses, which also grow in the river, and from them the fruit is produced in a separate vessel springing from the root by the side of the plant itself, and very nearly resembles a wasp's comb: in this there grow edible seeds in great numbers of the size of an olive-stone, and they are eaten either fresh 78 or dried. Besides this they pull up from the fens the papyrus which grows every year, and the upper parts of it they cut off and turn to other uses, but that which is left below for about a cubit in length they eat or sell: and those who desire to have the papyrus at its very best bake it in an oven heated red-hot, and then eat it. Some too of these people live on fish alone, which they dry in the sun after having caught them and taken out the entrails, and then when they are dry, they use them for food.
92. All these are customs followed by the Egyptians who live upstream of the marshes: and those who reside in the marshland mostly share the same customs as other Egyptians, in various aspects including that they each have just one wife, like the Greeks; but for saving on food, they have also developed these practices:—when the river overflows and the fields are flooded, a large number of lilies grow in the water, which the Egyptians call lotos; they cut these with a sickle, dry them in the sun, and then pound the part that grows in the middle of the lotos, which resembles a poppy head, to make loaves that are baked. The root of this lotos is also edible and tastes quite sweet: 77 it is round and about the size of an apple. There are other lilies as well, blooming like roses, which also grow in the river, and from them fruit develops in a separate vessel sprouting from the root next to the plant itself, resembling a wasp's nest: in this, a large number of edible seeds, the size of olive pits, grow, and they can be eaten either fresh 78 or dried. Additionally, they harvest papyrus from the marshes every year; they cut off the upper parts for other uses, but what remains below, about a cubit long, is eaten or sold: and those who want the very best papyrus bake it in a hot oven and then eat it. Some of these people only eat fish, which they dry in the sun after catching them and removing the entrails, and then, once dried, they use it as food.
93. Fish which swim in shoals are not much produced in the rivers, but are bred in the lakes, and they do as follows:—When there comes upon them the desire to breed, they swim out in shoals towards the sea; and the males lead the way shedding forth their milt as they go, while the females, coming after and swallowing it up, from it become impregnated: and when they have become full of young in the sea they swim up back again, each shoal to its own haunts. The same however no longer lead the way as before, but the lead comes now to the females, and they leading the way in shoals do just as the males did, that is to say they shed forth their eggs by a few grains at a time, 79 and the males coming after swallow them up. Now these grains are fish, and from the grains which survive and are not swallowed, the fish grow which afterwards are bred up. Now those of the fish which are caught as they swim out to sea are found to be rubbed on the left side of the head, but those which are caught as they swim up again are rubbed on the right side. This happens to them because as they swim down to the sea they keep close to the land on the left side of the river, and again as they swim up they keep to the same side, approaching and touching the bank as much as they can, for fear doubtless of straying from their course by reason of the stream. When the Nile begins to swell, the hollow places of the land and the depressions by the side of the river first begin to fill, as the water soaks through from the river, and so soon as they become full of water, at once they are all filled with little fishes; and whence these are in all likelihood produced, I think that I perceive. In the preceding year, when the Nile goes down, the fish first lay eggs in the mud and then retire with the last of the retreating waters; and when the time comes round again, and the water once more comes over the land, from these eggs forthwith are produced the fishes of which I speak.
93. Fish that swim in schools aren’t usually found in rivers; they breed in lakes. Here’s how it works: When they feel the need to spawn, they swim out in schools toward the sea. The males lead the way, releasing their milt as they go, and the females follow, swallowing it to become fertilized. Once they’re full of young fish in the sea, they swim back, each school returning to its own spot. However, this time the females take the lead. They swim in schools and, like the males, release their eggs a few grains at a time, 79, while the males follow and swallow them. These grains become fish, and from the surviving grains that aren’t eaten, the fish grow and are later bred. The fish that are caught on their way to the sea have a mark on the left side of their heads, while those caught on their way back have a mark on the right. This happens because as they swim down to the sea, they stick close to the land on the left side of the river, and as they swim back up, they do the same, brushing against the bank as much as possible to avoid getting lost in the current. When the Nile starts to rise, the low areas of land and depressions by the river fill up first as the water seeps in. As soon as these areas are filled, they are swarmed with little fish. I believe I can explain where these fish come from. The previous year, when the Nile recedes, the fish lay their eggs in the mud and then move back with the last of the retreating water. When the time comes around again, and the water covers the land once more, those eggs quickly produce the fish I mentioned.
94. Thus it is as regards the fish. And for anointing those of the Egyptians who dwell in the fens use oil from the castor-berry, 80 which oil the Egyptians call kiki, and thus they do:—they sow along the banks of the rivers and pools these plants, which in a wild form grow of themselves in the land of the Hellenes; these are sown in Egypt and produce berries in great quantity but of an evil smell; and when they have gathered these, some cut them up and press the oil from them, others again roast them first and then boil them down and collect that which runs away from them. The oil is fat and not less suitable for burning than olive-oil, but it gives forth a disagreeable smell.
94. So it is with the fish. The Egyptians who live in the marshes use oil from the castor plant, 80 which they call kiki. Here's how they do it: they plant these plants along the banks of rivers and ponds. These plants grow wild in Greece, but they cultivate them in Egypt and produce a lot of berries that smell bad. After they gather these berries, some chop them up to squeeze out the oil, while others roast them first and then boil them down to collect the oil that drains out. The oil is greasy and just as good for burning as olive oil, but it has an unpleasant smell.
95. Against the gnats, which are very abundant, they have contrived as follows:—those who dwell above the fen-land are helped by the towers, to which they ascend when they go to rest; for the gnats by reason of the winds are not able to fly up high: but those who dwell in the fen-land have contrived another way instead of the towers, and this is it:—every man of them has got a casting net, with which by day he catches fish, but in the night he uses it for this purpose, that is to say he puts the casting-net round about the bed in which he sleeps, and then creeps in under it and goes to sleep: and the gnats, if he sleeps rolled up in a garment or a linen sheet, bite through these, but through the net they do not even attempt to bite.
95. To deal with the pesky gnats, which are really common, people have come up with a few solutions: those living in the higher ground use towers to escape to when they go to sleep because the gnats can’t fly very high due to the winds. However, those who live in the marshy areas have figured out a different method instead of using towers. Each person has a casting net that they use to catch fish during the day, but at night, they set it around their bed and crawl underneath to sleep. The gnats can bite through any clothing or sheets they use, but they don’t even try to bite through the net.
96. Their boats with which they carry cargoes are made of the thorny acacia, of which the form is very like that of the Kyrenian lotos, and that which exudes from it is gum. From this tree they cut pieces of wood about two cubits in length and arrange them like bricks, fastening the boat together by running a great number of long bolts through the two-cubit pieces; and when they have thus fastened the boat together, they lay cross-pieces 81 over the top, using no ribs for the sides; and within they caulk the seams with papyrus. They make one steering-oar for it, which is passed through the bottom of the boat; and they have a mast of acacia and sails of papyrus. These boats cannot sail up the river unless there be a very fresh wind blowing, but are towed from the shore: down-stream however they travel as follows:—they have a door-shaped crate made of tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, and also a stone of about two talents weight bored with a hole; and of these the boatman lets the crate float on in front of the boat, fastened with a rope, and the stone drag behind by another rope. The crate then, as the force of the stream presses upon it, goes on swiftly and draws on the baris (for so these boats are called), while the stone dragging after it behind and sunk deep in the water keeps its course straight. These boats they have in great numbers and some of them carry many thousands of talents' burden.
96. Their boats for transporting cargo are made from the thorny acacia tree, which looks quite similar to the Cyrene lotus, and it produces gum. They cut pieces of wood around two cubits long and arrange them like bricks, securing the boat together by driving numerous long bolts through the two-cubit pieces. Once the boat is fastened, they place cross-pieces 81 on top, without using ribs for the sides; they seal the seams inside with papyrus. They create one steering oar that goes through the bottom of the boat, and they have a mast made of acacia and sails made of papyrus. These boats cannot sail upstream unless there’s a strong wind, so they are towed from the shore. However, going downstream works like this: they use a door-shaped crate made of tamarisk wood and reed mats sewn together, along with a stone weighing about two talents that has a hole bored through it. The boatman lets the crate float ahead of the boat, secured with a rope, while the stone drags behind with another rope. As the current pushes against the crate, it moves quickly, pulling the baris (the name for these boats) along, while the stone trailing behind and submerged in the water keeps it on a straight course. They have many of these boats, and some can carry thousands of talents of cargo.
97. When the Nile comes over the land, the cities alone are seen rising above the water, resembling more nearly than anything else the islands in the Egean sea; for the rest of Egypt becomes a sea and the cities alone rise above water. Accordingly, whenever this happens, they pass by water not now by the channels of the river but over the midst of the plain: for example, as one sails up from Naucratis to Memphis the passage is then close by the pyramids, whereas the usual passage is not the same even here, 82 but goes by the point of the Delta and the city of Kercasoros; while if you sail over the plain to Naucratis from the sea and from Canobos, you will go by Anthylla and the city called after Archander.
97. When the Nile floods the land, only the cities can be seen rising above the water, looking more like islands in the Aegean Sea than anything else; the rest of Egypt turns into a sea, with just the cities sticking out. So, when this happens, people travel by water not through the river's channels but across the plains: for instance, when sailing from Naucratis to Memphis, the path passes close by the pyramids, whereas the usual route is different even here, 82 but goes by the tip of the Delta and the city of Kercasoros; and if you sail over the plain from the sea to Naucratis and from Canobos, you will pass by Anthylla and the city named after Archander.
98. Of these Anthylla is a city of note and is especially assigned to the wife of him who reigns over Egypt, to supply her with sandals, (this is the case since the time when Egypt came to be under the Persians): the other city seems to me to have its name from Archander the son-in-law of Danaos, who was the son of Phthios, the son of Achaios; for it is called the City of Archander. There might indeed be another Archander, but in any case the name is not Egyptian.
98. Among these, Anthylla is a notable city specifically designated for the wife of the ruler of Egypt, providing her with sandals (this has been the case since Egypt came under Persian control). The other city seems to be named after Archander, the son-in-law of Danaos, who was the son of Phthios, the son of Achaios; it is known as the City of Archander. There may be another Archander, but regardless, the name is not Egyptian.
99. Hitherto my own observation and judgment and inquiry are the vouchers for that which I have said; but from this point onwards I am about to tell the history of Egypt according to that which I heard, to which will be added also something of that which I have myself seen.
99. Until now, my own observations, judgments, and inquiries have been the basis for what I've stated; but from this point on, I'm going to share the history of Egypt based on what I've heard, along with some of what I've personally witnessed.
Of Min, who first became king of Egypt, the priests said that on the one hand he banked off the site of Memphis from the river: for the whole stream of the river used to flow along by the sandy mountain-range on the side of Libya, but Min formed by embankments that bend of the river which lies to the South about a hundred furlongs above Memphis, and thus he dried up the old stream and conducted the river so that it flowed in the middle between the mountains: and even now this bend of the Nile is by the Persians kept under very careful watch, that it may flow in the channel to which it is confined, 83 and the bank is repaired every year; for if the river should break through and overflow in this direction, Memphis would be in danger of being overwhelmed by flood. When this Min, who first became king, had made into dry land the part which was dammed off, on the one hand, I say, he founded in it that city which is now called Memphis; for Memphis too is in the narrow part of Egypt; 84 and outside the city he dug round it on the North and West a lake communicating with the river, for the side towards the East is barred by the Nile itself. Then secondly he established in the city the temple of Hephaistos a great work and most worthy of mention.
Of Min, who was the first king of Egypt, the priests said that he diverted the river away from the site of Memphis. At that time, the river used to flow along the sandy mountain range on the Libyan side, but Min built embankments to redirect the river about a hundred furlongs south of Memphis, drying up the old stream and allowing the river to flow between the mountains. Even now, this bend of the Nile is closely monitored by the Persians to ensure it stays within its designated channel, and the banks are repaired every year; if the river were to break through and flood in that direction, Memphis would be at risk of being submerged. After Min had turned the dammed area into dry land, he founded the city we now call Memphis, which is located in the narrow part of Egypt; and outside the city, he excavated a lake to the north and west that connects with the river, as the eastern side is blocked by the Nile itself. Furthermore, he established in the city a temple for Hephaistos, a significant and noteworthy achievement.
100. After this man the priests enumerated to me from a papyrus roll the names of other kings, three hundred and thirty in number; and in all these generations of men eighteen were Ethiopians, one was a woman, a native Egyptian, and the rest were men and of Egyptian race: and the name of the woman who reigned was the same as that of the Babylonian queen, namely Nitocris. Of her they said that desiring to take vengeance for her brother, whom the Egyptians had slain when he was their king and then, after having slain him, had given his kingdom to her,—desiring, I say, to take vengeance for him, she destroyed by craft many of the Egyptians. For she caused to be constructed a very large chamber under ground, and making as though she would handsel it but in her mind devising other things, she invited those of the Egyptians whom she knew to have had most part in the murder, and gave a great banquet. Then while they were feasting, she let in the river upon them by a secret conduit of large size. Of her they told no more than this, except that, when this had been accomplished, she threw herself into a room full of embers, in order that she might escape vengeance.
100. After this man, the priests listed the names of other kings from a papyrus scroll, totaling three hundred and thirty. Among all these generations of people, eighteen were Ethiopians, one was a woman, a native Egyptian, and the rest were men of Egyptian descent. The name of the woman who ruled was the same as that of the Babylonian queen, Nitocris. They said that she sought revenge for her brother, whom the Egyptians had killed when he was their king, and after killing him, they had given the kingdom to her. To take vengeance for him, she cunningly destroyed many Egyptians. She had a very large chamber built underground, pretending she would use it for a different purpose while secretly planning something else. She invited the Egyptians she knew were most involved in the murder and hosted a great banquet. While they were feasting, she flooded the area with the river through a large secret passage. They didn’t say much more about her, except that once this was done, she threw herself into a room full of embers to avoid punishment.
101. As for the other kings, they could tell me of no great works which had been produced by them, and they said that they had no renown 85 except only the last of them, Moris: he (they said) produced as a memorial of himself the gateway of the temple of Hephaistos which is turned towards the North Wind, and dug a lake, about which I shall set forth afterwards how many furlongs of circuit it has, and in it built pyramids of the size which I shall mention at the same time when I speak of the lake itself. He, they said, produced these works, but of the rest none produced any.
101. As for the other kings, they couldn’t tell me about any significant achievements they had made, and they said they had no fame 85 except for the last of them, Moris. They said he built the gateway to the temple of Hephaistos facing the North Wind as a lasting tribute to himself, and he dug a lake. Later, I’ll describe how many furlongs around it are, and he also built pyramids that I'll mention at the same time I talk about the lake itself. They said he was the only one who accomplished these things; none of the others did anything noteworthy.
102. Therefore passing these by I shall make mention of the king who came after these, whose name was Sesostris. He (the priests said) first of all set out with ships of war from the Arabian gulf and subdued those who dwelt by the shores of the Erythraian Sea, until as he sailed he came to a sea which could no further be navigated by reason of shoals: then secondly, after he had returned to Egypt, according to the report of the priests he took a great army 86 and marched over the continent, subduing every nation which stood in his way: and those of them whom he found valiant and fighting desperately for their freedom, in their lands he set up pillars which told by inscriptions his own name and the name of his country, and how he had subdued them by his power; but as to those of whose cities he obtained possession without fighting or with ease, on their pillars he inscribed words after the same tenor as he did for the nations which had shown themselves courageous, and in addition he drew upon them the hidden parts of a woman, desiring to signify by this that the people were cowards and effeminate.
102. So, moving past those, I’ll talk about the king who came after them, named Sesostris. He (according to the priests) was the first to set out with warships from the Arabian Gulf and conquered those living along the shores of the Erythraian Sea, until he sailed into a sea that was no longer navigable because of shallow waters. Then, after returning to Egypt, he reportedly took a large army 86 and marched across the land, conquering every nation in his path. For those who fought bravely and desperately for their freedom, he erected pillars in their territories inscribed with his name, the name of his country, and how he had defeated them with his strength. For those whose cities he captured easily or without a fight, he inscribed similar words on their pillars, but also added images of the private parts of a woman, indicating that those people were cowards and weak.
103. Thus doing he traversed the continent, until at last he passed over to Europe from Asia and subdued the Scythians and also the Thracians. These, I am of opinion, were the furthest 87 people to which the Egyptian army came, for in their country the pillars are found to have been set up, but in the land beyond this they are no longer found. From this point he turned and began to go back; and when he came to the river Phasis, what happened then I cannot say for certain, whether the king Sesostris himself divided off a certain portion of his army and left the men there as settlers in the land, or whether some of his soldiers were wearied by his distant marches and remained by the river Phasis.
103. He traveled across the continent until he finally crossed over from Asia to Europe and defeated the Scythians and the Thracians. I believe these were the farthest 87 people the Egyptian army reached, because in their territory, the pillars can still be found, but beyond that land, they no longer exist. From this point, he turned around and started heading back; and when he arrived at the river Phasis, I can't say for sure what happened next, whether King Sesostris himself separated a part of his army and left them there as settlers, or if some of his soldiers were just tired from their long journey and decided to stay by the river Phasis.
104. For the people of Colchis are evidently Egyptian, and this I perceived for myself before I heard it from others. So when I had come to consider the matter I asked them both; and the Colchians had remembrance of the Egyptians more than the Egyptians of the Colchians; but the Egyptians said they believed that the Colchians were a portion of the army of Sesostris. That this was so I conjectured myself not only because they are dark-skinned and have curly hair (this of itself amounts to nothing, for there are other races which are so), but also still more because the Colchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians alone of all the races of men have practised circumcision from the first. The Phenicians and the Syrians 88 who dwell in Palestine confess themselves that they have learnt it from the Egyptians, and the Syrians 89 about the river Thermodon and the river Parthenios, and the Macronians, who are their neighbours, say that they have learnt it lately from the Colchians. These are the only races of men who practise circumcision, and these evidently practise it in the same manner as the Egyptians. Of the Egyptians themselves however and the Ethiopians, I am not able to say which learnt from the other, for undoubtedly it is a most ancient custom; but that the other nations learnt it by intercourse with the Egyptians, this among others is to me a strong proof, namely that those of the Phenicians who have intercourse with Hellas cease to follow the example of the Egyptians in this matter, and do not circumcise their children.
104. The people of Colchis are clearly Egyptian, and I noticed this myself before I heard it from anyone else. So when I thought it over, I asked both groups; the Colchians remembered the Egyptians more than the Egyptians remembered the Colchians. However, the Egyptians believed that the Colchians were part of Sesostris's army. I guessed this not just because they have dark skin and curly hair (though that alone doesn’t mean much, as other races have similar traits), but mostly because the Colchians, Egyptians, and Ethiopians are the only groups of people who have practiced circumcision from the beginning. The Phoenicians and the Syrians 88 who live in Palestine admit they learned it from the Egyptians, while the Syrians 89 near the Thermodon and Parthenios rivers, and the Macronians, their neighbors, claim they recently learned it from the Colchians. These are the only groups that practice circumcision, and they clearly do so in the same way as the Egyptians. However, I can't say whether the Egyptians or the Ethiopians taught it to the other, since it's clearly an ancient tradition; but the fact that other nations learned it through interaction with the Egyptians is a strong indicator. For instance, those Phoenicians who interact with Greece stop following the Egyptians’ example in this regard and do not circumcise their children.
105. Now let me tell another thing about the Colchians to show how they resemble the Egyptians:—they alone work flax in the same fashion as the Egyptians, 90 and the two nations are like one another in their whole manner of living and also in their language: now the linen of Colchis is called by the Hellenes Sardonic, whereas that from Egypt is called Egyptian.
105. Now let me share something else about the Colchians to show how they are similar to the Egyptians: they are the only ones who process flax in the same way as the Egyptians, 90 and both nations live similarly and even share parts of their language. The linen from Colchis is referred to by the Greeks as Sardonic, while the linen from Egypt is called Egyptian.
106. The pillars which Sesostris of Egypt set up in the various countries are for the most part no longer to be seen extant; but in Syria Palestine I myself saw them existing with the inscription upon them which I have mentioned and the emblem. Moreover in Ionia there are two figures of this man carved upon rocks, one on the road by which one goes from the land of Ephesos to Phocaia, and the other on the road from Sardis to Smyrna. In each place there is a figure of a man cut in the rock, of four cubits and a span in height, holding in his right hand a spear and in his left a bow and arrows, and the other equipment which he has is similar to this, for it is both Egyptian and Ethiopian: and from the one shoulder to the other across the breast runs an inscription carved in sacred Egyptian characters, saying thus, "This land with my shoulders I won for myself." But who he is and from whence, he does not declare in these places, though in other places he has declared this. Some of those who have seen these carvings conjecture that the figure is that of Memnon, but herein they are very far from the truth.
106. The pillars that Sesostris of Egypt set up in various countries are mostly no longer visible; however, in Syria Palestine, I personally saw them still standing with the inscription I've mentioned and the symbol. Additionally, in Ionia, there are two figures of this man carved into rocks—one located on the road from Ephesos to Phocaia, and the other on the road from Sardis to Smyrna. In each location, there’s a figure of a man carved in the rock, standing about four cubits and a span tall, holding a spear in his right hand and a bow and arrows in his left, with other equipment of a similar style, reflecting both Egyptian and Ethiopian influences. Across his chest, from one shoulder to the other, runs an inscription carved in sacred Egyptian characters, which reads, "This land I won for myself with these shoulders." However, he does not specify who he is or where he comes from in these places, even though he has declared this elsewhere. Some people who have seen these carvings speculate that the figure is of Memnon, but they are quite mistaken.
107. As this Egyptian Sesostris was returning and bringing back many men of the nations whose lands he had subdued, when he came (said the priests) to Daphnai in the district of Pelusion on his journey home, his brother to whom Sesostris had entrusted the charge of Egypt invited him and with him his sons to a feast; and then he piled the house round with brushwood and set it on fire: and Sesostris when he discovered this forthwith took counsel with his wife, for he was bringing with him (they said) his wife also; and she counselled him to lay out upon the pyre two of his sons, which were six in number, and so to make a bridge over the burning mass, and that they passing over their bodies should thus escape. This, they said, Sesostris did, and two of his sons were burnt to death in this manner, but the rest got away safe with their father.
107. As this Egyptian Sesostris was returning and bringing back many men from the nations he had conquered, when he arrived (the priests said) at Daphnai in the Pelusion area on his way home, his brother, who had been in charge of Egypt while Sesostris was away, invited him and his sons to a feast. Then he surrounded the house with brushwood and set it on fire. When Sesostris realized what was happening, he immediately consulted with his wife, whom he was said to be bringing back with him. She advised him to lay two of his six sons on the pyre to create a bridge over the burning wood, so that they could escape by crossing over their bodies. According to their account, Sesostris followed her advice, and two of his sons were burned to death this way, but the rest managed to escape safely with their father.
108. Then Sesostris, having returned to Egypt and having taken vengeance on his brother, employed the multitude which he had brought in of those whose lands he had subdued, as follows:—these were they who drew the stones which in the reign of this king were brought to the temple of Hephaistos, being of very great size; and also these were compelled to dig all the channels which now are in Egypt; and thus (having no such purpose) they caused Egypt, which before was all fit for riding and driving, to be no longer fit for this from thenceforth: for from that time forward Egypt, though it is plain land, has become all unfit for riding and driving, and the cause has been these channels, which are many and run in all directions. But the reason why the king cut up the land was this, namely because those of the Egyptians who had their cities not on the river but in the middle of the country, being in want of water when the river went down from them, found their drink brackish because they had it from wells.
108. After Sesostris returned to Egypt and took revenge on his brother, he used the huge number of people he had brought from the lands he had conquered for the following purposes: these individuals were tasked with transporting the massive stones that were brought to the temple of Hephaistos during this king's reign; they were also forced to dig all the channels that exist in Egypt today. As a result, even though they didn’t intend to, they made Egypt, which had previously been suitable for riding and driving, no longer fit for that purpose from then on. Since that time, Egypt, despite being flat land, has become unsuitable for riding and driving due to these numerous channels that crisscross in all directions. The reason the king altered the landscape was that the Egyptians whose cities were not located on the river but in the interior of the country, found themselves in need of water when the river receded and ended up with brackish drinking water because they relied on wells.
109. For this reason Egypt was cut up; and they said that this king distributed the land to all the Egyptians, giving an equal square portion to each man, and from this he made his revenue, having appointed them to pay a certain rent every year: and if the river should take away anything from any man's portion, he would come to the king and declare that which had happened, and the king used to send men to examine and to find out by measurement how much less the piece of land had become, in order that for the future the man might pay less, in proportion to the rent appointed: and I think that thus the art of geometry was found out and afterwards came into Hellas also. For as touching the sun-dial 91 and the gnomon 92 and the twelve divisions of the day, they were learnt by the Hellenes from the Babylonians.
109. For this reason, Egypt was divided up; and it was said that this king distributed the land to all the Egyptians, giving each man an equal square portion. He collected his revenue by having them pay a certain rent every year. If the river eroded any man's portion, he would come to the king and explain what had happened. The king would then send people to investigate and measure how much the land had diminished, so that in the future, the man could pay less, proportional to the set rent. I believe this is how the art of geometry was discovered and later introduced to Greece as well. Regarding the sundial 91 and the gnomon 92 and the twelve divisions of the day, the Greeks learned about them from the Babylonians.
110. He moreover alone of all the Egyptian kings had rule over Ethiopia; and he left as memorials of himself in front of the temple of Hephaistos two stone statues of thirty cubits each, representing himself and his wife, and others of twenty cubits each representing his four sons: and long afterwards the priest of Hephaistos refused to permit Dareios the Persian to set up a statue of himself in front of them, saying that deeds had not been done by him equal to those which were done by Sesostris the Egyptian; for Sesostris had subdued other nations besides, not fewer than he, and also the Scythians; but Dareios had not been able to conquer the Scythians: wherefore it was not just that he should set up a statue in front of those which Sesostris had dedicated, if he did not surpass him in his deeds. Which speech, they say, Dareios took in good part.
110. He was the only one of all the Egyptian kings who ruled over Ethiopia; and he left behind two stone statues standing thirty cubits tall in front of the temple of Hephaistos, representing him and his wife, along with statues of twenty cubits each depicting his four sons. Long after, the priest of Hephaistos wouldn't allow Dareios the Persian to put up a statue of himself in front of them, stating that he hadn’t accomplished deeds equal to those of Sesostris the Egyptian. Sesostris had not only conquered other nations, but also the Scythians, while Dareios was unable to defeat the Scythians. Therefore, it wasn’t fair for him to erect a statue in front of those dedicated by Sesostris if he hadn’t surpassed him in achievements. They say Dareios took this well.
111. Now after Sesostris had brought his life to an end, his son Pheros, they told me, received in succession the kingdom, and he made no warlike expedition, and moreover it chanced to him to become blind by reason of the following accident:—when the river had come down in flood rising to a height of eighteen cubits, higher than ever before that time, and had gone over the fields, a wind fell upon it and the river became agitated by waves: and this king (they say) moved by presumptuous folly took a spear and cast it into the midst of the eddies of the stream; and immediately upon this he had a disease of the eyes and was by it made blind. For ten years then he was blind, and in the eleventh year there came to him an oracle from the city of Buto saying that the time of his punishment had expired, and that he should see again if he washed his eyes with the water of a woman who had accompanied with her own husband only and had not knowledge of other men: and first he made trial of his own wife, and then, as he continued blind, he went on to try all the women in turn; and when he had at last regained his sight he gathered together all the women of whom he had made trial, excepting her by whose means he had regained his sight, to one city which now is named Erythrabolos, 93 and having gathered them to this he consumed them all by fire, as well as the city itself; but as for her by whose means he had regained his sight, he had her himself to wife. Then after he had escaped the malady of his eyes he dedicated offerings at each one of the temples which were of renown, and especially (to mention only that which is most worthy of mention) he dedicated at the temple of the Sun works which are worth seeing, namely two obelisks of stone, each of a single block, measuring in length a hundred cubits each one and in breadth eight cubits.
111. After Sesostris passed away, his son Pheros took over the kingdom. He didn’t go on any military campaigns, and he eventually became blind due to an unfortunate incident: when the river flooded to a height of eighteen cubits, higher than ever before, a strong wind hit it, causing the water to churn. This king, driven by reckless pride, took a spear and hurled it into the turbulent waters. Immediately after, he developed an eye disease that caused him to go blind. He remained blind for ten years, and in the eleventh year, he received an oracle from the city of Buto saying his punishment was over and that he would regain his sight if he washed his eyes with water from a woman who had only been with her husband and had not had relations with any other men. He first tried his own wife, and when that didn’t work, he went through all the women available to him. Once he finally regained his sight, he gathered all the women he had tested, except for the one who restored his vision, in one city which is now called Erythrabolos, 93, and burned them all along with the city itself. However, he married the woman who had helped him see again. After he recovered from his blindness, he dedicated offerings at all the famous temples, especially at the temple of the Sun, where he erected two impressive stone obelisks, each made from a single block, standing a hundred cubits tall and eight cubits wide.
112. After him, they said, there succeeded to the throne a man of Memphis, whose name in the tongue of the Hellenes was Proteus; for whom there is now a sacred enclosure at Memphis, very fair and well ordered, lying on that side of the temple of Hephaistos which faces the North Wind. Round about this enclosure dwell Phenicians of Tyre, and this whole region is called the Camp of the Tyrians. 94 Within the enclosure of Proteus there is a temple called the temple of the "foreign Aphrodite," which temple I conjecture to be one of Helen the daughter of Tyndareus, not only because I have heard the tale how Helen dwelt with Proteus, but also especially because it is called by the name of the "foreign Aphrodite," for the other temples of Aphrodite which there are have none of them the addition of the word "foreign" to the name.
112. After him, they said, a man from Memphis took the throne, known to the Greeks as Proteus. There’s now a beautiful and well-kept sacred site in Memphis dedicated to him, located on the side of the Hephaistos temple that faces the North Wind. Surrounding this site are Phoenicians from Tyre, and the entire area is referred to as the Camp of the Tyrians. 94 Inside the enclosure of Proteus, there is a temple called the "foreign Aphrodite," which I believe to be associated with Helen, the daughter of Tyndareus. This belief comes not only from the story of Helen living with Proteus but also because this temple is referred to as the "foreign Aphrodite," while the other temples dedicated to Aphrodite do not carry the term "foreign" in their names.
113. And the priests told me, when I inquired, that the things concerning Helen happened thus:—Alexander having carried off Helen was sailing away from Sparta to his own land, and when he had come to the Egean Sea contrary winds drove him from his course to the Sea of Egypt; and after that, since the blasts did not cease to blow, he came to Egypt itself, and in Egypt to that which is now named the Canobic mouth of the Nile and to Taricheiai. Now there was upon the shore, as still there is now, a temple of Heracles, in which if any man's slave take refuge and have the sacred marks set upon him, giving himself over to the god, it is not lawful to lay hands upon him; and this custom has continued still unchanged from the beginning down to my own time. Accordingly the attendants of Alexander, having heard of the custom which existed about the temple, ran away from him, and sitting down as suppliants of the god, accused Alexander, because they desired to do him hurt, telling the whole tale how things were about Helen and about the wrong done to Menelaos; and this accusation they made not only to the priests but also to the warden of this river-mouth, whose name was Thonis.
113. When I asked the priests about the story of Helen, they told me this: Alexander took Helen and was sailing away from Sparta to his homeland. However, strong winds blew him off course to the Sea of Egypt. Since the winds wouldn’t stop, he ended up in Egypt, specifically at what is now called the Canobic mouth of the Nile and Taricheiai. On the shore, there was a temple of Heracles, just like there is today. If any man’s slave sought refuge there and marked himself as sacred by surrendering to the god, it was illegal to capture him. This tradition has remained unchanged from the beginning until my time. When Alexander’s attendants learned about this custom, they deserted him, sat as suppliants at the temple, and accused Alexander out of spite, recounting everything that had happened regarding Helen and the injustice done to Menelaos. They made their accusations not only to the priests but also to the keeper of the river mouth, whose name was Thonis.
114. Thonis then having heard their tale sent forthwith a message to Proteus at Memphis, which said as follows: "There hath come a stranger, a Teucrian by race, who hath done in Hellas an unholy deed; for he hath deceived the wife of his own host, and is come hither bringing with him this woman herself and very much wealth, having been carried out of his way by winds to thy land. 95 Shall we then allow him to sail out unharmed, or shall we first take away from him that which he brought with him?" In reply to this Proteus sent back a messenger who said thus: "Seize this man, whosoever he may be, who has done impiety to his own host, and bring him away into my presence, that I may know what he will find to say."
114. Thonis then, after hearing their story, immediately sent a message to Proteus in Memphis, which said: "A stranger has arrived, a Teucrian by birth, who has committed an outrageous act in Hellas; he has betrayed the wife of his own host and has come here bringing her with him along with a lot of wealth, having been blown off course by the winds to your land. 95 Should we let him sail away unharmed, or should we first take back what he brought with him?" In response, Proteus sent back a messenger who said: "Capture this man, whoever he is, who has wronged his own host, and bring him to me so that I can hear what he has to say."
115. Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexander and detained his ships, and after that he brought the man himself up to Memphis and with him Helen and the wealth he had, and also in addition to them the suppliants. So when all had been conveyed up thither, Proteus began to ask Alexander who he was and from whence he was voyaging; and he both recounted to him his descent and told him the name of his native land, and moreover related of his voyage, from whence he was sailing. After this Proteus asked him whence he had taken Helen; and when Alexander went astray in his account and did not speak the truth, those who had become suppliants convicted him of falsehood, relating in full the whole tale of the wrong done. At length Proteus declared to them this sentence, saying, "Were it not that I count it a matter of great moment not to slay any of those strangers who being driven from their course by winds have come to my land hitherto, I should have taken vengeance on thee on behalf of the man of Hellas, seeing that thou, most base of men, having received from him hospitality, didst work against him a most impious deed. For thou didst go in to the wife of thine own host; and even this was not enough for thee, but thou didst stir her up with desire and hast gone away with her like a thief. Moreover not even this by itself was enough for thee, but thou art come hither with plunder taken from the house of thy host. Now therefore depart, seeing that I have counted it of great moment not to be a slayer of strangers. This woman indeed and the wealth which thou hast I will not allow thee to carry away, but I shall keep them safe for the Hellene who was thy host, until he come himself and desire to carry them off to his home; to thyself however and thy fellow-voyagers I proclaim that ye depart from your anchoring within three days and go from my land to some other; and if not, that ye will be dealt with as enemies."
115. Hearing this, Thonis captured Alexander and detained his ships. He then brought Alexander to Memphis along with Helen, the wealth he had, and the supplicants. Once everyone was gathered there, Proteus began to ask Alexander who he was and where he was traveling from. Alexander explained his lineage and mentioned his homeland, as well as the details of his voyage. Afterward, Proteus asked him where he had taken Helen. When Alexander faltered and didn't tell the truth, the supplicants accused him of lying, recounting the whole story of the wrong that had been done. Finally, Proteus issued this statement: "If I didn't think it was important not to harm any strangers who have been blown off course to my land, I would seek revenge on you for the man from Hellas. You, the most despicable of men, received hospitality from him and then committed an awful act against him. You went after the wife of your own host; and even that wasn't enough for you—you stirred her desires and ran off with her like a thief. Furthermore, that alone wasn't enough for you, as you also arrived here with plunder taken from your host's house. Therefore, I demand that you leave, as it is crucial for me not to be a killer of strangers. I will not allow you to take this woman and the wealth you possess; instead, I will keep them safe for the Hellene who was your host until he himself comes and wishes to take them home. As for you and your companions, I declare that you must leave your anchorage within three days and depart from my land; if not, you will be treated as enemies."
116. This the priests said was the manner of Helen's coming to Proteus; and I suppose that Homer also had heard this story, but since it was not so suitable to the composition of his poem as the other which he followed, he dismissed it finally, 96 making it clear at the same time that he was acquainted with that story also: and according to the manner in which he described 97 the wanderings of Alexander in the Iliad (nor did he elsewhere retract that which he had said) it is clear that when he brought Helen he was carried out of his course, wandering to various lands, and that he came among other places to Sidon in Phenicia. Of this the poet has made mention in the "prowess of Diomede," and the verses run this: 98
116. This is how the priests described Helen's arrival to Proteus; I believe Homer had also heard this story, but since it didn't fit as well with the structure of his poem as the other one he chose, he ultimately left it out, 96 while making it clear that he knew that story too. Based on how he portrayed 97 Alexander's journeys in the Iliad (and he didn't take back anything he'd said elsewhere), it’s evident that when he brought Helen, he strayed from his path, wandering through different lands, and he ended up in places like Sidon in Phoenicia. The poet referenced this in the "prowess of Diomede," and these are the lines: 98
"There she had robes many-coloured, the works of women of Sidon, Those whom her son himself the god-like of form Alexander Carried from Sidon, what time the broad sea-path he sailed over Bringing back Helene home, of a noble father begotten."
"There she had many-colored robes, made by the women of Sidon, Those that her son, the god-like Alexander, Brought back from Sidon when he sailed over the wide sea, Returning home with Helene, born of a noble father."
And in the Odyssey also he has made mention of it in these verses: 99
And in the Odyssey, he also references it in these lines: 99
"Such had the daughter of Zeus, such drugs of exquisite cunning, Good, which to her the wife of Thon, Polydamna, had given, Dwelling in Egypt, the land where the bountiful meadow produces Drugs more than all lands else, many good being mixed, many evil."
"Such were the skills of Zeus's daughter, such were the amazing potions, Good ones that Polydamna, the wife of Thon, had given her, Living in Egypt, the land where the fertile fields produce More remedies than anywhere else, many good ones mixed with many bad."
"Still the gods stayed me in Egypt, to come back hither desiring, Stayed me from voyaging home, since sacrifice was due I performed not."
"Yet the gods kept me in Egypt, wanting me to come back here, They prevented me from sailing home, since I hadn’t made the sacrifice that was required."
In these lines he makes it clear that he knew of the wandering of Alexander to Egypt, for Syria borders upon Egypt and the Phenicians, of whom is Sidon, dwell in Syria.
In these lines, he clearly states that he was aware of Alexander's travels to Egypt, since Syria is next to Egypt and the Phoenicians, including those from Sidon, live in Syria.
117. By these lines and by this passage 101 it is also most clearly shown that the "Cyprian Epic" was not written by Homer but by some other man: for in this it is said that on the third day after leaving Sparta Alexander came to Ilion bringing with him Helen, having had a "gently-blowing wind and a smooth sea," whereas in the Iliad it says that he wandered from his course when he brought her.
117. By these lines and by this passage 101 it is also clearly shown that the "Cyprian Epic" was not written by Homer but by someone else: for it states that on the third day after leaving Sparta, Alexander arrived in Ilion with Helen, having experienced a "gentle breeze and calm sea," whereas in the Iliad, it mentions that he strayed from his path when he took her.
118. Let us now leave Homer and the "Cyprian" Epic; but this I will say, namely that I asked the priests whether it is but an idle tale which the Hellenes tell of that which they say happened about Ilion; and they answered me thus, saying that they had their knowledge by inquiries from Menelaos himself. After the rape of Helen there came indeed, they said, to the Teucrian land a large army of Hellenes to help Menelaos; and when the army had come out of the ships to land and had pitched its camp there, they sent messengers to Ilion, with whom went also Menelaos himself; and when these entered within the wall they demanded back Helen and the wealth which Alexander had stolen from Menelaos and had taken away; and moreover they demanded satisfaction for the wrongs done: and the Teucrians told the same tale then and afterwards, both with oath and without oath, namely that in deed and in truth they had not Helen nor the wealth for which demand was made, but that both were in Egypt; and that they could not justly be compelled to give satisfaction for that which Proteus the king of Egypt had. The Hellenes however thought that they were being mocked by them and besieged the city, until at last they took it; and when they had taken the wall and did not find Helen, but heard the same tale as before, then they believed the former tale and sent Menelaos himself to Proteus.
118. Let’s now move on from Homer and the "Cyprian" Epic; however, I will mention that I asked the priests whether the story the Greeks tell about what happened in Ilium is just a myth. They answered me that their knowledge came from inquiries with Menelaus himself. After Helen was taken, they said, a large army of Greeks came to the Teucrian land to assist Menelaus. When the army disembarked from their ships and set up camp, they sent messengers to Ilium, including Menelaus himself. When these messengers entered the city, they demanded the return of Helen and the wealth that Alexander had stolen from Menelaus. They also asked for compensation for the grievances suffered. The Teucrians insisted then and later, both under oath and not, that they neither had Helen nor the stolen wealth, but claimed that both were in Egypt. They argued that they could not justly be forced to provide compensation for what Proteus, the king of Egypt, possessed. The Greeks, however, felt they were being mocked and besieged the city until they eventually took it. When they breached the walls and did not find Helen, but heard the same story as before, they began to believe that initial tale and sent Menelaus himself to Proteus.
119. And Menelaos having come to Egypt and having sailed up to Memphis, told the truth of these matters, and not only found great entertainment, but also received Helen unhurt, and all his own wealth besides. Then however, after he had been thus dealt with, Menelaos showed himself ungrateful to the Egyptians; for when he set forth to sail away, contrary winds detained him, and as this condition of things lasted long, he devised an impious deed; for he took two children of natives and made sacrifice of them. After this, when it was known that he had done so, he became abhorred, and being pursued he escaped and got away in his ships to Libya; but whither he went besides after this, the Egyptians were not able to tell. Of these things they said that they found out part by inquiries, and the rest, namely that which happened in their own land, they related from sure and certain knowledge.
119. Menelaus arrived in Egypt and sailed up to Memphis, where he told the truth about everything that happened. Not only was he warmly welcomed, but he also received Helen back unharmed, along with all his wealth. However, after this favorable treatment, Menelaus turned ungrateful towards the Egyptians. When he attempted to sail away but was held back by contrary winds for a long time, he devised a terrible plan and sacrificed two local children. Once it became known that he had done this, he was despised, and while being pursued, he managed to escape to Libya on his ships. But the Egyptians couldn't tell where he went after that. They said they learned some of this through inquiries, while the rest, especially what happened in their own land, they recounted with complete certainty.
120. Thus the priests of the Egyptians told me; and I myself also agree with the story which was told of Helen, adding this consideration, namely that if Helen had been in Ilion she would have been given up to the Hellenes, whether Alexander consented or no; for Priam assuredly was not so mad, nor yet the others of his house, that they were desirous to run risk of ruin for themselves and their children and their city, in order that Alexander might have Helen as his wife: and even supposing that during the first part of the time they had been so inclined, yet when many others of the Trojans besides were losing their lives as often as they fought with the Hellenes, and of the sons of Priam himself always two or three or even more were slain when a battle took place (if one may trust at all to the Epic poets),—when, I say, things were coming thus to pass, I consider that even if Priam himself had had Helen as his wife, he would have given her back to the Achaians, if at least by so doing he might be freed from the evils which oppressed him. Nor even was the kingdom coming to Alexander next, so that when Priam was old the government was in his hands; but Hector, who was both older and more of a man than he, would have received it after the death of Priam; and him it behoved not to allow his brother to go on with his wrong-doing, considering that great evils were coming to pass on his account both to himself privately and in general to the other Trojans. In truth however they lacked the power to give Helen back; and the Hellenes did not believe them, though they spoke the truth; because, as I declare my opinion, the divine power was purposing to cause them utterly to perish, and so make it evident to men that for great wrongs great also are the chastisements which come from the gods. And thus have I delivered my opinion concerning these matters.
120. So the Egyptian priests told me, and I also agree with the story about Helen. I believe that if Helen had been in Troy, she would have been handed over to the Greeks, whether Alexander agreed or not. Priam surely wasn’t crazy, nor were the others in his family, enough to risk destruction for themselves, their children, and their city just so Alexander could have Helen as his wife. Even if at first they were inclined to do so, when many Trojans were dying in battle against the Greeks, and two or three or even more of Priam’s sons were getting killed in fights (if we can trust the Epic poets at all), I think that even if Priam himself had Helen as his wife, he would have returned her to the Achaeans if doing so would free him from the suffering that plagued him. Moreover, the kingdom wasn’t going to pass to Alexander, so when Priam grew old, the rule would be in the hands of Hector, who was both older and a man of more substance. He would not let his brother continue his wrongdoing, especially since it brought great misfortune to him and the other Trojans. In truth, they did not have the power to return Helen; and the Greeks did not believe them, even though they were speaking the truth. I believe that a divine force intended for them to completely perish to show that for great wrongs, there are also great punishments from the gods. And that is my opinion on these matters.
121. After Proteus, they told me, Rhampsinitos received in succession the kingdom, who left as a memorial of himself that gateway to the temple of Hephaistos which is turned towards the West, and in front of the gateway he set up two statues, in height five-and-twenty cubits, of which the one which stands on the North side is called by the Egyptians Summer and the one on the South side Winter; and to that one which they call Summer they do reverence and make offerings, while to the other which is called Winter they do the opposite of these things. (a) This king, they said, got great wealth of silver, which none of the kings born after him could surpass or even come near to; and wishing to store his wealth in safety he caused to be built a chamber of stone, one of the walls whereof was towards the outside of his palace: and the builder of this, having a design against it, contrived as follows, that is, he disposed one of the stones in such a manner that it could be taken out easily from the wall either by two men or even by one. So when the chamber was finished, the king stored his money in it, and after some time the builder, being near the end of his life, called to him his sons (for he had two) and to them he related how he had contrived in building the treasury of the king, and all in forethought for them, that they might have ample means of living. And when he had clearly set forth to them everything concerning the taking out of the stone, he gave them the measurements, saying that if they paid heed to this matter they would be stewards of the king's treasury. So he ended his life, and his sons made no long delay in setting to work, but went to the palace by night, and having found the stone in the wall of the chamber they dealt with it easily and carried forth for themselves great quantity of the wealth within. (b) And the king happening to open the chamber, he marvelled when he saw the vessels falling short of the full amount, and he did not know on whom he should lay the blame, since the seals were unbroken and the chamber had been close shut; but when upon his opening the chamber a second and a third time the money was each time seen to be diminished, for the thieves did not slacken in their assaults upon it, he did as follows:—having ordered traps to be made he set these round about the vessels in which the money was; and when the thieves had come as at former times and one of them had entered, then so soon as he came near to one of the vessels he was straightway caught in the trap: and when he perceived in what evil case he was, straightway calling his brother he showed him what the matter was, and bade him enter as quickly as possible and cut off his head, for fear lest being seen and known he might bring about the destruction of his brother also. And to the other it seemed that he spoke well, and he was persuaded and did so; and fitting the stone into its place he departed home bearing with him the head of his brother. (c) Now when it became day, the king entered into the chamber and was very greatly amazed, seeing the body of the thief held in the trap without his head, and the chamber unbroken, with no way to come in or go out: and being at a loss he hung up the dead body of the thief upon the wall and set guards there, with charge if they saw any one weeping or bewailing himself to seize him and bring him before the king. And when the dead body had been hung up, the mother was greatly grieved, and speaking with the son who survived she enjoined him, in whatever way he could, to contrive means by which he might take down and bring home the body of his dead brother; and if he should neglect to do this, she earnestly threatened that she would go and give information to the king that he had the money. (d) So as the mother dealt hardly with the surviving son, and he though saying many things to her did not persuade her, he contrived for his purpose a device as follows:—Providing himself with asses he filled some skins with wine and laid them upon the asses, and after that he drove them along: and when he came opposite to those who were guarding the corpse hung up, he drew towards him two or three of the necks 102 of the skins and loosened the cords with which they were tied. Then when the wine was running out, he began to beat his head and cry out loudly, as if he did not know to which of the asses he should first turn; and when the guards saw the wine flowing out in streams, they ran together to the road with drinking vessels in their hands and collected the wine that was poured out, counting it so much gain; and he abused them all violently, making as if he were angry, but when the guards tried to appease him, after a time he feigned to be pacified and to abate his anger, and at length he drove his asses out of the road and began to set their loads right. Then more talk arose among them, and one or two of them made jests at him and brought him to laugh with them; and in the end he made them a present of one of the skins in addition to what they had. Upon that they lay down there without more ado, being minded to drink, and they took him into their company and invited him to remain with them and join them in their drinking: so he (as may be supposed) was persuaded and stayed. Then as they in their drinking bade him welcome in a friendly manner, he made a present to them also of another of the skins; and so at length having drunk liberally the guards became completely intoxicated; and being overcome by sleep they went to bed on the spot where they had been drinking. He then, as it was now far on in the night, first took down the body of his brother, and then in mockery shaved the right cheeks of all the guards; and after that he put the dead body upon the asses and drove them away home, having accomplished that which was enjoined him by his mother. (e) Upon this the king, when it was reported to him that the dead body of the thief had been stolen away, displayed great anger; and desiring by all means that it should be found out who it might be who devised these things, did this (so at least they said, but I do not believe the account),—he caused his own daughter to sit in the stews, and enjoined her to receive all equally, and before having commerce with any one to compel him to tell her what was the most cunning and what the most unholy deed which had been done by him in all his life-time; and whosoever should relate that which had happened about the thief, him she must seize and not let him go out. Then as she was doing that which was enjoined by her father, the thief, hearing for what purpose this was done and having a desire to get the better of the king in resource, did thus:—from the body of one lately dead he cut off the arm at the shoulder and went with it under his mantle: and having gone in to the daughter of the king, and being asked that which the others also were asked, he related that he had done the most unholy deed when he cut off the head of his brother, who had been caught in a trap in the king's treasure-chamber, and the most cunning deed in that he made drunk the guards and took down the dead body of his brother hanging up; and she when she heard it tried to take hold of him, but the thief held out to her in the darkness the arm of the corpse, which she grasped and held, thinking that she was holding the arm of the man himself; but the thief left it in her hands and departed, escaping through the door. (f) Now when this also was reported to the king, he was at first amazed at the ready invention and daring of the fellow, and then afterwards he sent round to all the cities and made proclamation granting a free pardon to the thief, and also promising a great reward if he would come into his presence. The thief accordingly trusting to the proclamation came to the king, and Rhampsinitos greatly marvelled at him, and gave him this daughter of his to wife, counting him to be the most knowing of all men; for as the Egyptians were distinguished from all other men, so was he from the other Egyptians.
121. After Proteus, they told me, Rhampsinitos took over the kingdom, leaving behind the gateway to the temple of Hephaistos facing the West as a monument to himself. In front of that gateway, he erected two statues, each standing twenty-five cubits tall. The statue on the North side is called Summer, and the one on the South side is called Winter. They honor the Summer statue with reverence and offerings, while for the Winter statue, they do the opposite. (a) They said this king amassed immense wealth in silver, so much that no other kings after him could match it. Wanting to keep his riches safe, he had a stone chamber built, with one wall facing outside his palace. The builder, who had a plan against it, cleverly arranged one of the stones so it could be easily removed by either two men or even one. Once the chamber was finished, the king stored his money there. After a while, the builder, nearing the end of his life, called his two sons and explained how he had designed the treasury, planning for their future prosperity. He thoroughly described how to remove the stone and gave them specific measurements, saying that if they paid attention to this, they would manage the king's treasury. After he passed away, his sons wasted no time and, under the cover of night, went to the palace. They quickly found the stone in the wall of the chamber and took out a large amount of the wealth inside. (b) When the king opened the chamber, he was astonished to see the quantity of money diminished and couldn't figure out who was to blame, especially since the seals were intact and the chamber was locked tight. But when he opened the chamber a second and third time to find the money missing again, since the thieves kept stealing, he decided to set traps around the vessels holding the money. When the thieves came again, one of them entered and was immediately caught in a trap. Realizing his predicament, he called for his brother and told him to hurry in and behead him, fearing that if caught, he might expose his brother as well. The other brother agreed and did as he was told; he fitted the stone back into place and went home, carrying his brother's head. (c) The next day, the king entered the chamber and was greatly amazed to see the thief's body trapped without a head, the chamber still unopened with no way to enter or exit. Confused, he hung the dead thief's body on the wall and stationed guards there, instructing them to apprehend anyone seen mourning or crying. When the body was hung up, the mother was devastated and urged her surviving son to find a way to retrieve his brother's body. She threatened that if he didn't act, she would inform the king that he had taken the money. (d) As the mother pressured her son relentlessly and he couldn't persuade her otherwise, he devised a plan: he got some donkeys, filled skins with wine, and loaded them onto the donkeys. When he approached the guards watching the hung corpse, he loosened the cords of the wine skins. As the wine began to spill out, he pretended to panic, crying out loudly, unsure which donkey to tend to first. The guards, seeing the wine flowing out, rushed over with their vessels to collect it, thinking it was free gain. He berated them for their greed, and when they tried to calm him down, he feigned anger until he eventually pretended to cool off. Then, as they chatted and joked, he gifted them one of the skins of wine. They then settled down to drink, inviting him to join them, and he, of course, agreed. He eventually offered them another skin. After drinking heavily, the guards became completely drunk and ended up falling asleep right where they were. Later that night, he first removed his brother's body from the trap, then mockingly shaved the right cheeks of the guards, and finally loaded the dead body onto the donkeys and drove them home, fulfilling his mother’s wishes. (e) When the king heard that the thief's body was stolen, he was furious and determined to find out who was responsible. To discover the culprit, he had his own daughter work as a prostitute, telling her to treat all visitors equally and to demand they confess the most cunning and the most wicked thing they had ever done in their lives. If any admitted to the theft, she was to capture and detain them. While she was carrying out her father's orders, the thief, wanting to outsmart the king, cut off the arm from a recently deceased body and hid it under his cloak. When he entered the king’s daughter’s quarters and was asked the same questions, he claimed the most wicked deed he did was beheading his brother who was trapped in the king's treasury, and the most cunning thing was getting the guards drunk to take down his brother's hanging body. Upon hearing this, she tried to grab him, but he offered her the corpse’s arm in the dark, which she clutched, thinking it was the thief's arm. He slipped away and escaped through the door. (f) When the king learned of this, he was initially impressed by the cleverness and audacity of the thief, and then he sent messengers to all the cities announcing a pardon for the thief and offering a huge reward if he came before him. The thief, confident in the proclamation, approached the king, who was greatly impressed and gave him his daughter in marriage, considering him the smartest of all men, as he was distinct from all other Egyptians.
122. After these things they said this king went down alive to that place which by the Hellenes is called Hades, and there played at dice with Demeter, and in some throws he overcame her and in others he was overcome by her; and he came back again having as a gift from her a handkerchief of gold: and they told me that because of the going down of Rhampsinitos the Egyptians after he came back celebrated a feast, which I know of my own knowledge also that they still observe even to my time; but whether it is for this cause that they keep the feast or for some other, I am not able to say. However, the priests weave a robe completely on the very day of the feast, and forthwith they bind up the eyes of one of them with a fillet, and having led him with the robe to the way by which one goes to the temple of Demeter, they depart back again themselves. This priest, they say, with his eyes bound up is led by two wolves to the temple of Demeter, which is distant from the city twenty furlongs, and then afterwards the wolves lead him back again from the temple to the same spot.
122. After these things, they said that this king went down alive to the place that the Greeks call Hades, and there he played dice with Demeter. In some rounds, he won against her, and in others, she won against him; and he came back with a golden handkerchief as a gift from her. They told me that because Rhampsinitos went down there, the Egyptians, after he returned, celebrated a feast, which I know from my own experience they still observe to this day. However, I can't say if they keep the feast for this reason or for another. Anyway, the priests weave a robe on the very day of the feast, and immediately they cover one of their eyes with a strip of cloth. Then, they lead him with the robe to the path that goes to the temple of Demeter, and they return themselves. This priest, they say, with his eyes covered, is guided by two wolves to the temple of Demeter, which is twenty furlongs away from the city, and afterward, the wolves bring him back from the temple to the same spot.
123. Now as to the tales told by the Egyptians, any man may accept them to whom such things appear credible; as for me, it is to be understood throughout the whole of the history 103 that I write by hearsay that which is reported by the people in each place. The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysos are rulers of the world below; and the Egyptians are also the first who reported the doctrine that the soul of man is immortal, and that when the body dies, the soul enters into another creature which chances then to be coming to the birth, and when it has gone the round of all the creatures of land and sea and of the air, it enters again into a human body as it comes to the birth; and that it makes this round in a period of three thousand years. This doctrine certain Hellenes adopted, some earlier and some later, as if it were of their own invention, and of these men I know the names but I abstain from recording them.
123. Now regarding the stories shared by the Egyptians, anyone can choose to believe them if they find them credible; as for me, it's important to note throughout this entire history 103 that I am reporting what I hear from the people in each location. The Egyptians say that Demeter and Dionysos rule the underworld; they are also the first to claim that the soul of a person is immortal, and when the body dies, the soul enters another being that is just being born. After going through all creatures of land, sea, and air, it eventually returns to a human body at the time of its birth, going through this cycle in three thousand years. Some Greeks adopted this belief, some earlier and some later, as if it were their own idea, and I know the names of these individuals, but I will refrain from mentioning them.
124. Down to the time when Rhampsinitos was king, they told me there was in Egypt nothing but orderly rule, and Egypt prospered greatly; but after him Cheops became king over them and brought them 104 to every kind of evil: for he shut up all the temples, and having first kept them from sacrificing there, he then bade all the Egyptians work for him. So some were appointed to draw stones from the stone-quarries in the Arabian mountains to the Nile, and others he ordered to receive the stones after they had been carried over the river in boats, and to draw them to those which are called the Libyan mountains; and they worked by a hundred thousand men at a time, for each three months continually. Of this oppression there passed ten years while the causeway was made by which they drew the stones, which causeway they built, and it is a work not much less, as it appears to me, than the pyramid; for the length of it is five furlongs 105 and the breadth ten fathoms and the height, where it is highest, eight fathoms, and it is made of stone smoothed and with figures carved upon it. For this, they said, the ten years were spent, and for the underground chambers on the hill upon which the pyramids stand, which he caused to be made as sepulchral chambers for himself in an island, having conducted thither a channel from the Nile. For the making of the pyramid itself there passed a period of twenty years; and the pyramid is square, each side measuring eight hundred feet, and the height of it is the same. It is built of stone smoothed and fitted together in the most perfect manner, not one of the stones being less than thirty feet in length.
124. Up until the time when Rhampsinitos was king, people said there was nothing but orderly rule in Egypt, and the country thrived; but after him, Cheops took over and brought all sorts of trouble: he shut down all the temples, and first prevented them from making sacrifices there, then forced all the Egyptians to work for him. Some were told to haul stones from the stone quarries in the Arabian mountains to the Nile, while others were ordered to receive the stones after they were transported across the river in boats and drag them to what are known as the Libyan mountains; and they worked in teams of hundreds of thousands at a time, for three months straight. This oppression lasted for ten years while they built the causeway used to transport the stones, which is almost as impressive as the pyramid itself; it measures five furlongs in length 105, ten fathoms in width, and eight fathoms in height at its tallest point, constructed of smooth stone with carved figures on it. They claimed that those ten years were spent on this, and on the underground chambers located on the hill where the pyramids are, which he had created as burial chambers for himself on an island, having dug a channel from the Nile to there. Building the pyramid itself took twenty years; it is square with each side measuring eight hundred feet, and its height matches that. It is made of perfectly smooth and fitted stones, with none of the stones being less than thirty feet long.
125. This pyramid was made after the manner of steps, which some call "rows" 106 and others "bases": 107 and when they had first made it thus, they raised the remaining stones with machines made of short pieces of timber, raising them first from the ground to the first stage of the steps, and when the stone got up to this it was placed upon another machine standing on the first stage, and so from this it was drawn to the second upon another machine; for as many as were the courses of the steps, so many machines there were also, or perhaps they transferred one and the same machine, made so as easily to be carried, to each stage successively, in order that they might take up the stones; for let it be told in both ways, according as it is reported. However that may be, the highest parts of it were finished first, and afterwards they proceeded to finish that which came next to them, and lastly they finished the parts of it near the ground and the lowest ranges. On the pyramid it is declared in Egyptian writing how much was spent on radishes and onions and leeks for the workmen, and if I rightly remember that which the interpreter said in reading to me this inscription, a sum of one thousand six hundred talents of silver was spent; and if this is so, how much besides is likely to have been expended upon the iron with which they worked, and upon bread and clothing for the workmen, seeing that they were building the works for the time which has been mentioned and were occupied for no small time besides, as I suppose, in the cutting and bringing of the stones and in working at the excavation under the ground?
125. This pyramid was built in a step-like fashion, which some refer to as "rows" and others as "bases." After they constructed the initial structure, they used machines made of short timber pieces to raise the remaining stones. First, they lifted the stones from the ground to the first step; once a stone reached this level, it was placed onto another machine on the first step. They continued this process, moving the stones to the second step with a different machine. There were as many machines as there were steps, or they might have used the same machine, designed for easy transport, for each step in succession to lift the stones. Regardless, the uppermost parts were completed first, followed by the next levels, and finally the sections closest to the ground. On the pyramid, there is an inscription in Egyptian writing detailing the expenses for radishes, onions, and leeks for the workers. If I remember correctly what the interpreter told me about this inscription, a total of sixteen hundred talents of silver were spent. If that’s the case, think about how much more was likely spent on the iron used for the work, as well as on bread and clothing for the laborers, especially considering the extensive time spent on the construction and the cutting and transporting of stones, plus the digging required underground.
126. Cheops moreover came, they said, to such a pitch of wickedness, that being in want of money he caused his own daughter to sit in the stews, and ordered her to obtain from those who came a certain amount of money (how much it was they did not tell me); but she not only obtained the sum appointed by her father, but also she formed a design for herself privately to leave behind her a memorial, and she requested each man who came in to her to give her one stone upon her building: and of these stones, they told me, the pyramid was built which stands in front of the great pyramid in the middle of the three, 108 each side being one hundred and fifty feet in length.
126. Cheops reportedly reached such a level of wickedness that, in desperate need of money, he forced his own daughter to work in a brothel and instructed her to collect a specific amount from the visitors (the exact amount wasn't mentioned to me); however, she not only met her father's demand but also secretly devised her own plan to leave behind a legacy. She asked each man who visited her to give her one stone for her construction project: and with those stones, they told me, the pyramid was built that stands in front of the great pyramid among the three, 108 each side measuring one hundred and fifty feet in length.
127. This Cheops, the Egyptians said, reigned fifty years; and after he was dead his brother Chephren succeeded to the kingdom. This king followed the same manner as the other, both in all the rest and also in that he made a pyramid, not indeed attaining to the measurements of that which was built by the former (this I know, having myself also measured it), and moreover 109 there are no underground chambers beneath nor does a channel come from the Nile flowing to this one as to the other, in which the water coming through a conduit built for it flows round an island within, where they say that Cheops himself is laid: but for a basement he built the first course of Ethiopian stone of divers colours; and this pyramid he made forty feet lower than the other as regards size, 110 building it close to the great pyramid. These stand both upon the same hill, which is about a hundred feet high. And Chephren they said reigned fifty and six years.
127. The Egyptians said that Cheops ruled for fifty years, and after his death, his brother Chephren took over the kingdom. This king followed the same approach as the previous one, including building a pyramid, although it didn't match the size of the one built by Cheops (I know this because I've measured it myself). Additionally, 109 there are no underground chambers beneath this pyramid, and there’s no channel coming from the Nile flowing to this one like there is for the other, where the water flows through a conduit around an island inside, where they say Cheops himself is buried. Instead, he created the first layer of the pyramid using Ethiopian stone of various colors; this pyramid is forty feet shorter than Cheops' in height, 110 and it's built right next to the great pyramid. Both pyramids are on the same hill, which is about a hundred feet high. Chephren is said to have reigned for fifty-six years.
128. Here then they reckon one hundred and six years, during which they say that there was nothing but evil for the Egyptians, and the temples were kept closed and not opened during all that time. These kings the Egyptians by reason of their hatred of them are not very willing to name; nay, they even call the pyramids after the name of Philitis 111 the shepherd, who at that time pastured flocks in those regions.
128. Here they count one hundred and six years, during which they claim there was nothing but suffering for the Egyptians, and the temples remained closed the entire time. The Egyptians, because of their hatred for these kings, are reluctant to mention their names; in fact, they even refer to the pyramids by the name of Philitis 111 the shepherd, who was tending flocks in those areas at that time.
129. After him, they said, Mykerinos became king over Egypt, who was the son of Cheops; and to him his father's deeds were displeasing, and he both opened the temples and gave liberty to the people, who were ground down to the last extremity of evil, to return to their own business and to their sacrifices;: also he gave decisions of their causes juster than those of all the other kings besides. In regard to this then they commend this king more than all the other kings who had arisen in Egypt before him; for he not only gave good decisions, but also when a man complained of the decision, he gave him recompense from his own goods and thus satisfied his desire. But while Mykerinos was acting mercifully to his subjects and practising this conduct which has been said, calamities befell him, of which the first was this, namely that his daughter died, the only child whom he had in his house: and being above measure grieved by that which had befallen him, and desiring to bury his daughter in a manner more remarkable than others, he made a cow of wood, which he covered over with gold, and then within it he buried this daughter who, as I said, had died.
129. After him, they said, Mykerinos became king of Egypt. He was the son of Cheops, and he was displeased with his father's actions. He opened the temples and gave freedom to the people, who had been suffering greatly, allowing them to return to their own lives and their sacrifices. He also made fairer decisions in their cases than any other king before him. Because of this, people praised this king more than any of the other kings in Egypt's history. Not only did he provide just rulings, but when someone complained about a decision, he would compensate them from his own wealth, thus fulfilling their wishes. However, while Mykerinos was showing mercy to his subjects and practicing this compassionate behavior, calamities struck him. The first was the death of his daughter, his only child. Overwhelmed with grief from this loss and wanting to honor her with a burial unlike any other, he crafted a wooden cow, covered it in gold, and buried his daughter inside it, as I mentioned.
130. This cow was not covered up in the ground, but it might be seen even down to my own time in the city of Saïs, placed within the royal palace in a chamber which was greatly adorned; and they offer incense of all kinds before it every day, and each night a lamp burns beside it all through the night. Near this cow in another chamber stand images of the concubines of Mykerinos, as the priests at Saïs told me; for there are in fact colossal wooden statues, in number about twenty, made with naked bodies; but who they are I am not able to say, except only that which is reported.
130. This cow wasn’t buried in the ground, but you could see it even up until my time in the city of Saïs, placed in a beautifully decorated room within the royal palace. They offer all kinds of incense before it every day, and each night a lamp burns beside it throughout the night. Near this cow, in another room, stand images of Mykerinos' concubines, according to the priests in Saïs; there are actually about twenty colossal wooden statues with naked bodies. I can’t say who they are, other than what’s been reported.
131. Some however tell about this cow and the colossal statues the following tale, namely that Mykerinos was enamoured of his own daughter and afterwards ravished her; and upon this they say that the girl strangled herself for grief, and he buried her in this cow; and her mother cut off the hands of the maids who had betrayed the daughter to her father; wherefore now the images of them have suffered that which the maids suffered in their life. In thus saying they speak idly, as it seems to me, especially in what they say about the hands of the statues; for as to this, even we ourselves saw that their hands had dropped off from lapse of time, and they were to be seen still lying at their feet even down to my time.
131. Some people tell a story about this cow and the giant statues, claiming that Mykerinos was in love with his own daughter and later assaulted her. They say that the girl, devastated, ended her own life, and he buried her in this cow. Her mother then cut off the hands of the maids who had betrayed their daughter to him; that’s why the statues have suffered the same fate as the maids did in life. I think they’re just talking nonsense, especially regarding the hands of the statues. We even saw that the hands had fallen off over time, and they were still lying at their feet even up to my day.
132. The cow is covered up with a crimson robe, except only the head and the neck, which are seen, overlaid with gold very thickly; and between the horns there is the disc of the sun figured in gold. The cow is not standing up but kneeling, and in size it is equal to a large living cow. Every year it is carried forth from the chamber, at those times, I say, the Egyptians beat themselves for that god whom I will not name upon occasion of such a matter; at these times, I say, they also carry forth the cow to the light of day, for they say that she asked of her father Mykerinos, when she was dying, that she might look upon the sun once in the year.
132. The cow is dressed in a red robe, with only its head and neck showing, which are heavily covered in gold; between its horns is a golden sun disc. The cow knelt down, and its size is similar to that of a large live cow. Every year, it is brought out of the chamber. During this time, the Egyptians beat themselves for that god whose name I won’t mention because of the nature of the occasion; during this time, they also bring the cow out into the light, as they say she asked her father Mykerinos, when she was dying, to see the sun once a year.
133. After the misfortune of his daughter it happened, they said, secondly to this king as follows:—An oracle came to him from the city of Buto, saying that he was destined to live but six years more, in the seventh year to end his life: and he being indignant at it sent to the Oracle a reproach against the god, 112 making complaint in reply that whereas his father and uncle, who had shut up the temples and had not only not remembered the gods, but also had been destroyers of men, had lived for a long time, he himself, who practised piety, was destined to end his life so soon: and from the Oracle there came a second message, which said that it was for this very cause that he was bringing his life to a swift close; 113 for he had not done that which it was appointed for him to do, since it was destined that Egypt should suffer evils for a hundred and fifty years, and the two kings who had risen before him had perceived this, but he had not. Mykerinos having heard this, and considering that this sentence had been passed upon him beyond recall, procured many lamps, and whenever night came on he lighted these and began to drink and take his pleasure, ceasing neither by day nor by night; and he went about to the fen-country and to the woods and wherever he heard there were the most suitable places for enjoyment. This he devised (having a mind to prove that the Oracle spoke falsely) in order that he might have twelve years of life instead of six, the nights being turned into days.
133. After the tragedy involving his daughter, it was reported that the following happened to this king: An oracle from the city of Buto warned him that he was destined to live only six more years, and in the seventh year, he would die. Angered by this, he sent a complaint to the Oracle, expressing his outrage that while his father and uncle, who had closed the temples and disregarded the gods, had lived long lives, he, who was devout, was fated to die so soon. The Oracle responded with a second message, stating that it was precisely because of this attitude that his life was coming to an end swiftly; he had failed to do what he was meant to do. Egypt was meant to suffer hardships for 150 years, and the two kings before him had understood this, but he had not. Hearing this, Mykerinos realized that this fate was fixed and he could not change it. He gathered many lamps and, when night fell, lit them, indulging in drinking and pleasure, doing so day and night. He roamed the marshes and forests, seeking out the best spots for enjoyment. He planned this in hopes of proving the Oracle wrong, aiming to live twelve years instead of six by making the nights feel like days.
134. This king also left behind him a pyramid, much smaller than that of his father, of a square shape and measuring on each side three hundred feet lacking twenty, built moreover of Ethiopian stone up to half the height. This pyramid some of the Hellenes say was built by the courtesan Rhodopis, not therein speaking rightly: and besides this it is evident to me that they who speak thus do not even know who Rhodopis was, for otherwise they would not have attributed to her the building of a pyramid like this, on which have been spent (so to speak) innumerable thousands of talents: moreover they do not know that Rhodopis flourished in the reign of Amasis, and not in this king's reign; for Rhodopis lived very many years later than the kings who left behind the pyramids. By descent she was of Thrace, and she was a slave of Iadmon the son of Hephaistopolis a Samian, and a fellow-slave of Esop the maker of fables; for he too was once the slave of Iadmon, as was proved especially in this fact, namely that when the people of Delphi repeatedly made proclamation in accordance with an oracle, to find some one who would take up 114 the blood-money for the death of Esop, no one else appeared, but at length the grandson of Iadmon, called Iadmon also, took it up; and thus it is shown that Esop too was the slave of Iadmon.
134. This king also left behind a pyramid, much smaller than his father's, square in shape and measuring nearly three hundred feet on each side, built mostly of Ethiopian stone up to half its height. Some of the Greeks say this pyramid was built by the courtesan Rhodopis, which is incorrect. It’s clear to me that those who say this don’t even know who Rhodopis was; otherwise, they wouldn’t claim she built a pyramid like this, on which countless thousands of talents were spent. They also don’t realize that Rhodopis lived during the reign of Amasis, not during this king's reign, as she actually lived many years after the kings who built the pyramids. She was from Thrace and was a slave of Iadmon, son of Hephaistopolis, a Samian, and a fellow slave of Aesop, the famous fable-maker; he too was once a slave of Iadmon, as evidenced by the fact that when the people of Delphi repeatedly called for someone to take up the blood-money for Aesop’s death according to an oracle, no one else came forward. Eventually, Iadmon’s grandson, also named Iadmon, accepted it; this shows that Aesop was indeed a slave of Iadmon.
135. As for Rhodopis, she came to Egypt brought by Xanthes the Samian, and having come thither to exercise her calling she was redeemed from slavery for a great sum by a man of Mytilene, Charaxos son of Scamandronymos and brother of Sappho the lyric poet. Thus was Rhodopis set free, and she remained in Egypt and by her beauty won so much liking that she made great gain of money for one like Rhodopis, 115 though not enough to suffice for the cost of such a pyramid as this. In truth there is no need to ascribe to her very great riches, considering that the tithe of her wealth may still be seen even to this time by any one who desires it: for Rhodopis wished to leave behind her a memorial of herself in Hellas, namely to cause a thing to be made such as happens not to have been thought of or dedicated in a temple by any besides, and to dedicate this at Delphi as a memorial of herself. Accordingly with the tithe of her wealth she caused to be made spits of iron of size large enough to pierce a whole ox, and many in number, going as far therein as her tithe allowed her, and she sent them to Delphi: these are even at the present time lying there, heaped all together behind the altar which the Chians dedicated, and just opposite to the cell of the temple. 116 Now at Naucratis, as it happens, the courtesans are rather apt to win credit; 117 for this woman first, about whom the story to which I refer is told, became so famous that all the Hellenes without exception come to know the name of Rhodopis, and then after her one whose name was Archidiche became a subject of song over all Hellas, though she was less talked of than the other. As for Charaxos, when after redeeming Rhodopis he returned back to Mytilene, Sappho in an ode violently abused him. 118 Of Rhodopis then I shall say no more.
135. As for Rhodopis, she arrived in Egypt brought by Xanthes the Samian, and after coming there to pursue her work, she was bought out of slavery for a large sum by Charaxos, the son of Scamandronymos from Mytilene, and brother of Sappho the lyric poet. This freed Rhodopis, and she stayed in Egypt where her beauty gained her considerable admiration, allowing her to earn a significant amount of money for someone like her, 115 though not enough to cover the cost of such a pyramid as this. In truth, there’s no need to claim she had immense wealth, since even today anyone who wants can see a portion of her riches: Rhodopis wanted to leave a lasting tribute to herself in Hellas, specifically to create something that hadn’t been conceived or dedicated by anyone else in a temple, and to dedicate this at Delphi as her memorial. So, with a tenth of her wealth, she had large iron spits made that were big enough to pierce an entire ox, and made as many as her tithe allowed, sending them to Delphi: they remain there even now, piled together behind the altar that the Chians dedicated, just opposite the temple's cell. 116 Now in Naucratis, it turns out that courtesans tend to gain recognition; 117 for this woman, about whom the story I’m referring to is told, became so famous that all the Hellenes came to know the name of Rhodopis, and after her, another named Archidiche became a topic of songs throughout Hellas, although she was less talked about than the former. After redeeming Rhodopis, when Charaxos returned to Mytilene, Sappho harshly criticized him in an ode. 118 I shall say nothing more about Rhodopis.
136. After Mykerinos the priests said Asychis became king of Egypt, and he made for Hephaistos the temple gateway 119 which is towards the sunrising, by far the most beautiful and the largest of the gateways; for while they all have figures carved upon them and innumerable ornaments of building 120 besides, this has them very much more than the rest. In this king's reign they told me that, as the circulation of money was very slow, a law was made for the Egyptians that a man might have that money lent to him which he needed, by offering as security the dead body of his father; and there was added moreover to this law another, namely that he who lent the money should have a claim also to the whole sepulchral chamber belonging to him who received it, and that the man who offered that security should be subject to this penalty, if he refused to pay back the debt, namely that neither the man himself should be allowed to have burial when he died, either in that family burial-place or in any other, nor should he be allowed to bury any one of his kinsmen whom he lost by death. This king desiring to surpass the kings of Egypt who had arisen before him left as a memorial of himself a pyramid which he made of bricks, and on it there is an inscription carved in stone and saying thus: "Despise not me in comparison with the pyramids of stone, seeing that I excel them as much as Zeus excels the other gods; for with a pole they struck into the lake, and whatever of the mud attached itself to the pole, this they gathered up and made bricks, and in such manner they finished me."
136. After Mykerinos, the priests said Asychis became king of Egypt, and he created the temple gateway 119 that faces the sunrise, which is by far the most beautiful and the largest of the gateways; while all the others have figures carved on them and countless building ornaments 120 in addition, this one has much more than the rest. During this king's reign, I was told that because money circulation was very slow, a law was established for the Egyptians allowing a man to borrow the money he needed by offering the dead body of his father as collateral; and it was added to this law that the lender would also have rights to the entire burial chamber belonging to the borrower, and if the man who offered that collateral failed to repay the debt, he would face this penalty: he would not be allowed to have a burial when he died, either in that family burial place or any other, and he wouldn’t be allowed to bury any of his relatives who passed away. This king, wanting to outdo previous Egyptian kings, built a pyramid out of bricks as a memorial to himself, and on it, there is an inscription carved in stone saying: "Do not despise me compared to the stone pyramids, for I surpass them as much as Zeus surpasses the other gods; for they took a pole, struck it into the lake, and whatever mud stuck to the pole, they gathered up and made bricks, and in this way, they completed me."
Such were the deeds which this king performed;
Such were the actions that this king took;
137, and after him reigned a blind man of the city of Anysis, whose name was Anysis. In his reign the Ethiopians and Sabacos the king of the Ethiopians marched upon Egypt with a great host of men; so this blind man departed, flying to the fen-country, and the Ethiopian was king over Egypt for fifty years, during which he performed deeds as follows:—whenever any man of the Egyptians committed any transgression, he would never put him to death, but he gave sentence upon each man according to the greatness of the wrong-doing, appointing them work at throwing up an embankment before that city from whence each man came of those who committed wrong. Thus the cities were made higher still than before; for they were embanked first by those who dug the channels in the reign of Sesostris, and then secondly in the reign of the Ethiopian, and thus they were made very high: and while other cities in Egypt also stood 121 high, I think in the town at Bubastis especially the earth was piled up. In this city there is a temple very well worthy of mention, for though there are other temples which are larger and built with more cost, none more than this is a pleasure to the eyes. Now Bubastis in the Hellenic tongue is Artemis,
137, and after him ruled a blind man from the city of Anysis, whose name was Anysis. During his reign, the Ethiopians, led by King Sabacos, invaded Egypt with a large army. So, this blind man fled to the marshy areas, and the Ethiopian became king of Egypt for fifty years. During that time, he acted as follows: whenever an Egyptian committed a wrongdoing, he never executed them. Instead, he judged each individual based on the severity of their offense, assigning them work to build an embankment in front of the city from which they came. As a result, the cities were elevated even more than before; they were first raised by those who dug the canals during the reign of Sesostris, and then again during the Ethiopian's reign, making them very high. While other cities in Egypt were also elevated, in the town of Bubastis, especially, the earth was piled up significantly. In this city, there is a temple that deserves special mention, for even though there are larger and more elaborately constructed temples, none is more visually pleasing than this one. Now, in Greek, Bubastis is known as Artemis,
138, and her temple is ordered thus:—Except the entrance it is completely surrounded by water; for channels come in from the Nile, not joining one another, but each extending as far as the entrance of the temple, one flowing round on the one side and the other on the other side, each a hundred feet broad and shaded over with trees; and the gateway has a height of ten fathoms, and it is adorned with figures six cubits high, very noteworthy. This temple is in the middle of the city and is looked down upon from all sides as one goes round, for since the city has been banked up to a height, while the temple has not been moved from the place where it was at the first built, it is possible to look down into it: and round it runs a stone wall with figures carved upon it, while within it there is a grove of very large trees planted round a large temple-house, within which is the image of the goddess: and the breadth and length of the temple is a furlong every way. Opposite the entrance there is a road paved with stone for about three furlongs, which leads through the market-place towards the East, with a breadth of about four hundred feet; and on this side and on that grow trees of height reaching to heaven: and the road leads to the temple of Hermes. This temple then is thus ordered.
138, and her temple is arranged like this:—Except for the entrance, it’s completely surrounded by water; channels come in from the Nile, not connecting with each other, but each extending all the way to the temple's entrance, one flowing around on one side and the other on the other side, each about a hundred feet wide and shaded by trees; the gateway stands ten fathoms tall, and it's decorated with figures that are six cubits high, which are quite impressive. This temple is located in the center of the city and is looked down upon from all sides as you walk around, because the city has been raised to a height, while the temple has stayed in its original place, allowing people to look down into it. Surrounding it is a stone wall with carvings, while inside is a grove of very large trees planted around a large temple building, which houses the image of the goddess. The temple measures a furlong in both width and length. Directly opposite the entrance is a three-furlong-long stone-paved road that leads through the market to the East, about four hundred feet wide; on either side grow trees that reach up to the sky: and this road leads to the temple of Hermes. So this is how the temple is arranged.
139. The final deliverance from the Ethiopian came about (they said) as follows:—he fled away because he had seen in his sleep a vision, in which it seemed to him that a man came and stood by him and counselled him to gather together all the priests of Egypt and cut them asunder in the midst. Having seen this dream, he said that it seemed to him that the gods were foreshowing him this to furnish an occasion against him, 122 in order that he might do an impious deed with respect to religion, and so receive some evil either from the gods or from men: he would not however do so, but in truth (he said) the time had expired, during which it had been prophesied to him that he should rule Egypt before he departed thence. For when he was in Ethiopia the Oracles which the Ethiopians consult had told him that it was fated for him to rule Egypt fifty years: since then this time was now expiring, and the vision of the dream also disturbed him, Sabacos departed out of Egypt of his own free will.
139. The final escape from the Ethiopian happened (they say) like this:—he ran away because he had a dream, where it seemed to him that a man appeared and advised him to gather all the priests of Egypt and cut them in half. After having this dream, he thought the gods were hinting at him to create an opportunity against himself, 122 so he might commit an act against religion and consequently face some harm from either the gods or from people. However, he refused to do that, and truthfully (he said) the time he had been told he could rule Egypt was coming to an end before he left. While he was in Ethiopia, the Oracles that the Ethiopians consult had informed him that he was destined to rule Egypt for fifty years: since that time was now ending, and the dream’s vision also troubled him, Sabacos left Egypt of his own accord.
140. Then when the Ethiopian had gone away out of Egypt, the blind man came back from the fen-country and began to rule again, having lived there during fifty years upon an island which he had made by heaping up ashes and earth: for whenever any of the Egyptians visited him bringing food, according as it had been appointed to them severally to do without the knowledge of the Ethiopian, he bade them bring also some ashes for their gift. 123 This island none was able to find before Amyrtaios; that is, for more than seven hundred years 124 the kings who arose before Amyrtaios were not able to find it. Now the name of this island is Elbo, and its size is ten furlongs each way.
140. After the Ethiopian left Egypt, the blind man returned from the marshlands and took control again, having lived for fifty years on an island he created by piling up ashes and dirt. Whenever any Egyptians came to visit him with food, as they had been instructed to do without the Ethiopian's knowledge, he would ask them to bring some ashes as part of their offering. 123 No one could find this island until Amyrtaios; for over seven hundred years, 124 the kings who came before Amyrtaios were unable to locate it. The island is called Elbo, and it measures ten furlongs in each direction.
141. After him there came to the throne the priest of Hephaistos, whose name was Sethos. This man, they said, neglected and held in no regard the warrior class of the Egyptians, considering that he would have no need of them; and besides other slights which he put upon them, he also took from them the yokes of corn-land 125 which had been given to them as a special gift in the reigns of the former kings, twelve yokes to each man. After this, Sanacharib king of the Arabians and of the Assyrians marched a great host against Egypt. Then the warriors of the Egyptians refused to come to the rescue, and the priest, being driven into a strait, entered into the sanctuary of the temple 126 and bewailed to the image of the god the danger which was impending over him; and as he was thus lamenting, sleep came upon him, and it seemed to him in his vision that the god came and stood by him and encouraged him, saying that he should suffer no evil if he went forth to meet the army of the Arabians; for he himself would send him helpers. Trusting in these things seen in sleep, he took with him, they said, those of the Egyptians who were willing to follow him, and encamped in Pelusion, for by this way the invasion came: and not one of the warrior class followed him, but shop-keepers and artisans and men of the market. Then after they came, there swarmed by night upon their enemies mice of the fields, and ate up their quivers and their bows, and moreover the handles of their shields, so that on the next day they fled, and being without defence of arms great numbers fell. And at the present time this king stands in the temple of Hephaistos in stone, holding upon his hand a mouse, and by letters inscribed he says these words: "Let him who looks upon me learn to fear the gods."
141. After him, the priest of Hephaistos, named Sethos, took the throne. This man supposedly disregarded and dismissed the warrior class of the Egyptians, believing he wouldn’t need them. Besides other insults he directed at them, he also took away their yokes of farmland 125 that had been granted to them as a special gift during the reigns of the previous kings, twelve yokes for each man. Following this, Sanacharib, king of the Arabians and Assyrians, led a large army against Egypt. The Egyptian warriors then refused to come to the rescue, and the priest, finding himself in a tough situation, entered the sanctuary of the temple 126 and cried out to the image of the god about the impending danger. As he mourned, he fell asleep, and in his dream, it seemed that the god appeared beside him and encouraged him, saying he would suffer no harm if he went out to meet the Arabian army; for the god himself would provide him with helpers. Trusting in what he saw in his dream, he gathered those Egyptians willing to join him and camped in Pelusion, the route of the invasion. Not one of the warriors followed him; instead, shopkeepers, artisans, and market men joined him. That night, swarms of field mice attacked their enemies, eating through their quivers, bows, and the handles of their shields, causing them to flee the next day. Without their weapons, many were killed. Today, this king is depicted in stone in the temple of Hephaistos, holding a mouse in his hand, and the inscription reads: "Let him who looks upon me learn to fear the gods."
142. So far in the story the Egyptians and the priests were they who made the report, declaring that from the first king down to this priest of Hephaistos who reigned last, there had been three hundred and forty-one generations of men, and that in them there had been the same number of chief-priests and of kings: but three hundred generations of men are equal to ten thousand years, for a hundred years is three generations of men; and in the one-and-forty generations which remain, those I mean which were added to the three hundred, there are one thousand three hundred and forty years. Thus in the period of eleven thousand three hundred and forty years they said that there had arisen no god in human form; nor even before that time or afterwards among the remaining kings who arose in Egypt, did they report that anything of that kind had come to pass. In this time they said that the sun had moved four times from his accustomed place of rising, and where he now sets he had thence twice had his rising, and in the place from whence he now rises he had twice had his setting; 127 and in the meantime nothing in Egypt had been changed from its usual state, neither that which comes from the earth nor that which comes to them from the river nor that which concerns diseases or deaths.
142. So far in the story, the Egyptians and the priests reported that from the first king to the last priest of Hephaistos, there had been three hundred and forty-one generations of people, and in that time, there had been the same number of chief priests and kings. Three hundred generations of people equal ten thousand years, since a hundred years is three generations of people. In the remaining forty-one generations, which were added to the three hundred, there are one thousand three hundred and forty years. They claimed that in the period of eleven thousand three hundred and forty years, no god had appeared in human form. Furthermore, they reported that neither before nor after that time, among the kings who ruled in Egypt, had anything like that occurred. During this time, they said the sun moved from its usual place of rising four times; where it sets now, it rose from twice, and where it rises now, it set from twice as well; 127 and in the meantime, nothing in Egypt had changed from its usual state—neither what comes from the earth, nor what comes from the river, nor anything related to diseases or deaths.
143. And formerly when Hecataios the historian was in Thebes, and had traced his descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenth generation before, the priests of Zeus did for him much the same as they did for me (though I had not traced my descent). They led me into the sanctuary of the temple, which is of great size, and they counted up the number, showing colossal wooden statues in number the same as they said; for each chief-priest there sets up in his lifetime an image of himself: accordingly the priests, counting and showing me these, declared to me that each one of them was a son succeeding his own father, and they went up through the series of images from the image of the one who had died last, until they had declared this of the whole number. And when Hecataios had traced his descent and connected his family with a god in the sixteenth generation, they traced a descent in opposition to this, besides their numbering, not accepting it from him that a man had been born from a god; and they traced their counter-descent thus, saying that each one of the statues had been piromis son of piromis, until they had declared this of the whole three hundred and forty-five statues, each one being surnamed piromis; and neither with a god nor a hero did they connect their descent. Now piromis means in the tongue of Hellas "honourable and good man."
143. Back when Hecataios the historian was in Thebes and traced his ancestry all the way back to a god in the sixteenth generation, the priests of Zeus treated him much like they did me (even though I hadn't traced my lineage). They took me into the large temple sanctuary and counted up the number of colossal wooden statues, matching the number they claimed; each high priest sets up a statue of himself during his lifetime. As the priests counted and showed me these statues, they said that each one represented a son following in his father's footsteps, going back through the series of statues from the most recently deceased to the entire group. When Hecataios established his lineage connected to a god in the sixteenth generation, they traced a different ancestry against this, rejecting his claim that a man had been born from a god. They traced their alternative lineage this way, stating that each of the statues had been piromis son of piromis, until they had accounted for all three hundred and forty-five statues, each named piromis; and they didn't link their lineage to either a god or a hero. Now, piromis means "honorable and good man" in the Greek language.
144. From their declaration then it followed, that they of whom the images were had been of form like this, and far removed from being gods: but in the time before these men they said that gods were the rulers in Egypt, not mingling 128 with men, and that of these always one had power at a time; and the last of them who was king over Egypt was Oros the son of Osiris, whom the Hellenes call Apollo: he was king over Egypt last, having deposed Typhon. Now Osiris in the tongue of Hellas is Dionysos.
144. From their statement, it followed that the ones depicted in the images resembled this form and were far from being gods. They claimed that before these individuals, the gods ruled over Egypt without mixing with humans, and that only one god held power at a time. The last of these gods to reign over Egypt was Oros, the son of Osiris, whom the Greeks call Apollo. He was the final king of Egypt, having overthrown Typhon. In Greek, Osiris is known as Dionysus.
145. Among the Hellenes Heracles and Dionysos and Pan are accounted the latest-born of the gods; but with the Egyptians Pan is a very ancient god, and he is one of those which are called the eight gods, while Heracles is of the second rank, who are called the twelve gods, and Dionysos is of the third rank, namely of those who were born of the twelve gods. Now as to Heracles I have shown already how many years old he is according to the Egyptians themselves, reckoning down to the reign of Amasis, and Pan is said to have existed for yet more years than these, and Dionysos for the smallest number of years as compared with the others; and even for this last they reckon down to the reign of Amasis fifteen thousand years. This the Egyptians say that they know for a certainty, since they always kept a reckoning and wrote down the years as they came. Now the Dionysos who is said to have been born of Semele the daughter of Cadmos, was born about sixteen hundred years before my time, and Heracles who was the son of Alcmene, about nine hundred years, and that Pan who was born of Penelope, for of her and of Hermes Pan is said by the Hellenes to have been born, came into being later than the wars of Troy, about eight hundred years before my time.
145. Among the Greeks, Heracles, Dionysos, and Pan are considered the most recent gods. However, in Egypt, Pan is an ancient deity and one of the eight gods. Heracles is in the second tier, which includes the twelve gods, while Dionysos is in the third tier, born from the twelve gods. Regarding Heracles, I've already shown how old he is according to the Egyptians, counting down to the reign of Amasis. Pan is said to have existed even longer, while Dionysos is the youngest compared to the others; for him, they account fifteen thousand years back to the reign of Amasis. The Egyptians claim to know this for sure since they kept records and wrote down the years as they passed. The Dionysos said to be born of Semele, the daughter of Cadmos, was born about sixteen hundred years before my time. Heracles, the son of Alcmene, came about nine hundred years ago, and Pan, who was said to be born of Penelope and Hermes, appeared later than the Trojan Wars, approximately eight hundred years before my time.
146. Of these two accounts every man may adopt that one which he shall find the more credible when he hears it. I however, for my part, have already declared my opinion about them. 129 For if these also, like Heracles the son of Amphitryon, had appeared before all men's eyes and had lived their lives to old age in Hellas, I mean Dionysos the son of Semele and Pan the son of Penelope, then one would have said that these also 130 had been born mere men, having the names of those gods who had come into being long before: but as it is, with regard to Dionysos the Hellenes say that as soon as he was born Zeus sewed him up in his thigh and carried him to Nysa, which is above Egypt in the land of Ethiopia; and as to Pan, they cannot say whither he went after he was born. Hence it has become clear to me that the Hellenes learnt the names of these gods later than those of the other gods, and trace their descent as if their birth occurred at the time when they first learnt their names.
146. Of these two stories, each person can choose the one they find more believable when they hear it. However, I’ve already shared my thoughts on them. 129 For if these two, like Heracles, the son of Amphitryon, had appeared before everyone and lived out their lives to old age in Greece—specifically, Dionysos, the son of Semele, and Pan, the son of Penelope—then people would have thought that these figures were just ordinary men, sharing the names of gods that existed long before. But as it stands, regarding Dionysos, the Greeks say that as soon as he was born, Zeus sewed him into his thigh and took him to Nysa, which is above Egypt in Ethiopia; and as for Pan, there’s no clear account of where he went after his birth. Thus, it seems obvious to me that the Greeks learned the names of these gods later than those of the other gods and trace their lineage as if their births happened when they first heard their names.
Thus far then the history is told by the Egyptians themselves;
Thus far, the history is told by the Egyptians themselves;
147, but I will now recount that which other nations also tell, and the Egyptians in agreement with the others, of that which happened in this land: and there will be added to this also something of that which I have myself seen.
147, but I will now share what other nations also say, and the Egyptians agree with them, about what happened in this land: and I will also include some things that I have personally witnessed.
Being set free after the reign of the priest of Hephaistos, the Egyptians, since they could not live any time without a king, set up over them twelve kings, having divided all Egypt into twelve parts. These made intermarriages with one another and reigned, making agreement that they would not put down one another by force, nor seek to get an advantage over one another, but would live in perfect friendship: and the reason why they made these agreements, guarding them very strongly from violation, was this, namely that an oracle had been given to them at first when they began to exercise their rule, that he of them who should pour a libation with a bronze cup in the temple of Hephaistos, should be king of all Egypt (for they used to assemble together in all the temples).
After being freed from the rule of the priest of Hephaistos, the Egyptians, unable to live for long without a king, appointed twelve kings to govern them, dividing all of Egypt into twelve regions. These kings intermarried and agreed not to attack or seek advantage over each other, choosing instead to live in complete harmony. They established these agreements firmly to prevent any violation because an oracle had promised that whoever among them poured a libation with a bronze cup in the temple of Hephaistos would become the king of all Egypt (as they would gather together in all the temples).
148. Moreover they resolved to join all together and leave a memorial of themselves; and having so resolved they caused to be made a labyrinth, situated a little above the lake of Moiris and nearly opposite to that which is called the City of Crocodiles. This I saw myself, and I found it greater than words can say. For if one should put together and reckon up all the buildings and all the great works produced by the Hellenes, they would prove to be inferior in labour and expense to this labyrinth, though it is true that both the temple at Ephesos and that at Samos are works worthy of note. The pyramids also were greater than words can say, and each one of them is equal to many works of the Hellenes, great as they may be; but the labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. It has twelve courts covered in, with gates facing one another, six upon the North side and six upon the South, joining on one to another, and the same wall surrounds them all outside; and there are in it two kinds of chambers, the one kind below the ground and the other above upon these, three thousand in number, of each kind fifteen hundred. The upper set of chambers we ourselves saw, going through them, and we tell of them having looked upon them with our own eyes; but the chambers under ground we heard about only; for the Egyptians who had charge of them were not willing on any account to show them, saying that here were the sepulchres of the kings who had first built this labyrinth and of the sacred crocodiles. Accordingly we speak of the chambers below by what we received from hearsay, while those above we saw ourselves and found them to be works of more than human greatness. For the passages through the chambers, and the goings this way and that way through the courts, which were admirably adorned, afforded endless matter for marvel, as we went through from a court to the chambers beyond it, and from the chambers to colonnades, and from the colonnades to other rooms, and then from the chambers again to other courts. Over the whole of these is a roof made of stone like the walls; and the walls are covered with figures carved upon them, each court being surrounded with pillars of white stone fitted together most perfectly; and at the end of the labyrinth, by the corner of it, there is a pyramid of forty fathoms, upon which large figures are carved, and to this there is a way made under ground.
148. They decided to come together and create a lasting monument to themselves. To carry out this decision, they built a labyrinth located slightly above the lake of Moiris and nearly across from the City of Crocodiles. I saw it myself, and I can say it’s beyond description. If you try to add up all the buildings and impressive works created by the Greeks, they would still fall short in effort and cost compared to this labyrinth, although the temples at Ephesus and Samos are certainly remarkable. The pyramids were also astonishing, and each one is equivalent to many Greek achievements, no matter how significant; yet the labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. It has twelve enclosed courts with gates facing each other—six on the North side and six on the South—joining together with an outer wall that surrounds them all. Inside, there are two types of chambers, one beneath the ground and the other above, totaling three thousand, with fifteen hundred of each type. We explored the upper chambers ourselves and can speak about what we saw firsthand; however, we only heard about the underground chambers because the Egyptians responsible for them refused to show them, claiming they housed the tombs of the kings who first built the labyrinth and the sacred crocodiles. Therefore, we can only talk about the chambers below based on what we heard, while the ones above we witnessed ourselves, finding them to be works of extraordinary greatness. The passages through the chambers and the winding paths through the beautifully adorned courts provided endless wonders as we moved from one court to the adjoining chambers, then to colonnades, and onto other rooms, and back to more courts again. A stone roof covers all of this, made like the walls, which are adorned with carved figures. Each court is surrounded by perfectly fitted white stone pillars, and at the end of the labyrinth, by a corner, stands a pyramid that is forty fathoms high, featuring large carvings and an underground passage leading to it.
149. Such is this labyrinth; but a cause for marvel even greater than this is afforded by the lake, which is called the lake of Moiris, along the side of which this labyrinth is built. The measure of its circuit is three thousand six hundred furlongs 131 (being sixty schoines), and this is the same number of furlongs as the extent of Egypt itself along the sea. The lake lies extended lengthwise from North to South, and in depth where it is deepest it is fifty fathoms. That this lake is artificial and formed by digging is self-evident, for about in the middle of the lake stand two pyramids, each rising above the water to a height of fifty fathoms, the part which is built below the water being of just the same height; and upon each is placed a colossal statue of stone sitting upon a chair. Thus the pyramids are a hundred fathoms high; and these hundred fathoms are equal to a furlong of six hundred feet, the fathom being measured as six feet or four cubits, the feet being four palms each, and the cubits six. The water in the lake does not come from the place where it is, for the country there is very deficient in water, but it has been brought thither from the Nile by a canal: and for six months the water flows into the lake, and for six months out into the Nile again; and whenever it flows out, then for the six months it brings into the royal treasury a talent of silver a day from the fish which are caught, and twenty pounds 132 when the water comes in.
149. This is the labyrinth; however, an even greater marvel is the lake, known as the lake of Moiris, alongside which this labyrinth is constructed. Its circumference measures three thousand six hundred furlongs 131 (which is sixty schoines), a distance that matches the length of Egypt itself along the coastline. The lake stretches from north to south, and where it's deepest, it reaches fifty fathoms. It’s clearly artificial, created by excavation, as two pyramids stand in the middle of the lake, each rising above the water to a height of fifty fathoms, with an equal height below the surface; on top of each pyramid sits a massive stone statue in a chair. Therefore, the pyramids total one hundred fathoms in height, which is equivalent to a furlong of six hundred feet, with each fathom measuring six feet or four cubits—where a foot equals four palms and a cubit equals six palms. The water in this lake doesn’t originate from that area since the land there is very dry; it has been channeled from the Nile. For six months, water flows into the lake, and for the following six months, it flows back into the Nile. During the outflow, the lake brings in a daily yield of a talent of silver from the fish caught, and twenty pounds 132 when the water flows in.
150. The natives of the place moreover said that this lake had an outlet under ground to the Syrtis which is in Libya, turning towards the interior of the continent upon the Western side and running along by the mountain which is above Memphis. Now since I did not see anywhere existing the earth dug out of this excavation (for that was a matter which drew my attention), I asked those who dwelt nearest to the lake where the earth was which had been dug out. These told me to what place it had been carried away; and I readily believed them, for I knew by report that a similar thing had been done at Nineveh, the city of the Assyrians. There certain thieves formed a design once to carry away the wealth of Sardanapallos son of Ninos, the king, which wealth was very great and was kept in treasure-houses under the earth. Accordingly they began from their own dwelling, and making estimate of their direction they dug under ground towards the king's palace; and the earth which was brought out of the excavation they used to carry away, when night came on, to the river Tigris which flows by the city of Nineveh, until at last they accomplished that which they desired. Similarly, as I heard, the digging of the lake in Egypt was effected, except that it was done not by night but during the day; for as they dug the Egyptians carried to the Nile the earth which was dug out; and the river, when it received it, would naturally bear it away and disperse it. Thus is this lake said to have been dug out.
150. The locals said that this lake has an underground outlet to the Syrtis in Libya, flowing towards the interior of the continent on the western side and running alongside the mountain above Memphis. I noticed that there was no visible earth from this excavation, which caught my attention, so I asked those living closest to the lake where the excavated earth had gone. They told me where it had been taken, and I believed them since I had heard a similar story about Nineveh, the Assyrian city. There, some thieves once plotted to steal the wealth of Sardanapallos, son of Ninos, the king, which was enormous and kept in underground treasure houses. They started from their homes and carefully calculated their path, digging underground towards the king's palace; they took the earth from the excavation and transported it at night to the Tigris river, which flows near Nineveh, until they finally achieved their goal. Similarly, I heard that the digging of the lake in Egypt was done, but during the day instead of at night. As the Egyptians dug, they carried the excavated earth to the Nile, which would naturally carry it away and spread it out. This is how the lake is said to have been created.
151. Now the twelve kings continued to rule justly, but in course of time it happened thus:—After sacrifice in the temple of Hephaistos they were about to make libation on the last day of the feast, and the chief-priest, in bringing out for them the golden cups with which they had been wont to pour libations, missed his reckoning and brought eleven only for the twelve kings. Then that one of them who was standing last in order, namely Psammetichos, since he had no cup took off from his head his helmet, which was of bronze, and having held it out to receive the wine he proceeded to make libation: likewise all the other kings were wont to wear helmets and they happened to have them then. Now Psammetichos held out his helmet with no treacherous meaning; but they taking note of that which had been done by Psammetichos and of the oracle, namely how it had been declared to them that whosoever of them should make libation with a bronze cup should be sole king of Egypt, recollecting, I say, the saying of the Oracle, they did not indeed deem it right to slay Psammetichos, since they found by examination that he had not done it with any forethought, but they determined to strip him of almost all his power and to drive him away into the fen-country, and that from the fen-country he should not hold any dealings with the rest of Egypt.
151. The twelve kings continued to rule fairly, but over time, this happened: After a sacrifice in the temple of Hephaistos, they were about to make a libation on the final day of the festival, and the chief priest, while bringing out the golden cups they usually used for pouring libations, lost count and only brought out eleven for the twelve kings. So, the last king in line, Psammetichos, who didn't have a cup, took off his bronze helmet and held it out to catch the wine, proceeding to make the libation. The other kings were also wearing helmets at the time. Psammetichos didn’t have any deceitful intentions when he held out his helmet. However, noticing what Psammetichos had done and recalling the oracle’s declaration that whoever made a libation with a bronze cup would become the sole king of Egypt, they remembered the words of the Oracle. They didn't think it right to kill Psammetichos, since they found through investigation that he hadn't acted with any forethought, but they decided to strip him of most of his power and banish him to the marshes, ensuring he wouldn't have any connections with the rest of Egypt from there.
152. This Psammetichos had formerly been a fugitive from the Ethiopian Sabacos who had killed his father Necos, from him, I say, he had then been a fugitive in Syria; and when the Ethiopian had departed in consequence of the vision of the dream, the Egyptians who were of the district of Saïs brought him back to his own country. Then afterwards, when he was king, it was his fate to be a fugitive a second time on account of the helmet, being driven by the eleven kings into the fen-country. So then holding that he had been grievously wronged by them, he thought how he might take vengeance on those who had driven him out: and when he had sent to the Oracle of Leto in the city of Buto, where the Egyptians have their most truthful Oracle, there was given to him the reply that vengeance would come when men of bronze appeared from the sea. And he was strongly disposed not to believe that bronze men would come to help him; but after no long time had passed, certain Ionians and Carians who had sailed forth for plunder were compelled to come to shore in Egypt, and they having landed and being clad in bronze armour, one of the Egyptians, not having before seen men clad in bronze armour, came to the fen-land and brought a report to Psammetichos that bronze men had come from the sea and were plundering the plain. So he, perceiving that the saying of the Oracle was coming to pass, dealt in a friendly manner with the Ionians and Carians, and with large promises he persuaded them to take his part. Then when he had persuaded them, with the help of those Egyptians who favoured his cause and of these foreign mercenaries he overthrew the kings.
152. Psammetichos had previously been a runaway from the Ethiopian Sabacos, who had killed his father, Necos. He had fled to Syria. After the Ethiopian left due to a dream vision, the Egyptians from the Saïs region brought him back to his homeland. Later, when he was king, he found himself a fugitive again because of the eleven kings, being forced into the marshlands. Feeling deeply wronged by them, he plotted his revenge against those who had driven him out. He sent a message to the Oracle of Leto in Buto, the most reliable Oracle among the Egyptians, and received a prophecy that vengeance would come when men of bronze appeared from the sea. At first, he was skeptical about the arrival of bronze men to aid him. However, not long after, some Ionians and Carians, who had set sail for loot, were forced to land in Egypt. They arrived wearing bronze armor, and one Egyptian, who had never seen such armored men, reported to Psammetichos that bronze men had come from the sea and were raiding the land. Realizing that the Oracle’s prediction was coming true, he approached the Ionians and Carians positively and, with generous promises, convinced them to join his side. After winning them over, alongside supportive Egyptians and these foreign mercenaries, he defeated the kings.
153. Having thus got power over all Egypt, Psammetichos made for Hephaistos that gateway of the temple at Memphis which is turned towards the South Wind; and he built a court for Apis, in which Apis is kept when he appears, opposite to the gateway of the temple, surrounded all with pillars and covered with figures; and instead of columns there stand to support the roof of the court colossal statues twelve cubits high. Now Apis is in the tongue of the Hellenes Epaphos.
153. After gaining control over all of Egypt, Psammetichos constructed a gateway for Hephaistos at the temple in Memphis that faces the South Wind. He also built a court for Apis, where Apis is kept during his appearances, directly opposite the temple's gateway, surrounded by pillars and adorned with carvings. Instead of regular columns, massive statues twelve cubits high support the roof of the court. Apis is known as Epaphos in Greek.
154. To the Ionians and to the Carians who had helped him Psammetichos granted portions of land to dwell in, opposite to one another with the river Nile between, and these were called "Encampments": 133 these portions of land he gave them, and he paid them besides all that he had promised: moreover he placed with them Egyptian boys to have them taught the Hellenic tongue; and from these, who learnt the language thoroughly, are descended the present class of interpreters in Egypt. Now the Ionians and Carians occupied these portions of land for a long time, and they are towards the sea a little below the city of Bubastis, on that which is called the Pelusian mouth of the Nile. These men king Amasis afterwards removed from thence and established them at Memphis, making them into a guard for himself against the Egyptians: and they being settled in Egypt, we who are Hellenes know by intercourse with them the certainty of all that which happened in Egypt beginning from king Psammetichos and afterwards; for these were the first men of foreign tongue who settled in Egypt: and in the land from which they were removed there still remained down to my time the sheds where their ships were drawn up and the ruins of their houses.
154. Psammetichos gave portions of land to the Ionians and Carians who had helped him, allowing them to live opposite each other with the Nile River in between, and these lands were called "Encampments": 133. He provided them with these lands and fulfilled all his promises to them. Additionally, he placed Egyptian boys with them to teach them the Greek language; those who learned the language well became the ancestors of today's interpreters in Egypt. The Ionians and Carians lived on these lands for a long time, located close to the sea, a little below the city of Bubastis, at what is known as the Pelusian mouth of the Nile. Later, King Amasis moved them from there and settled them in Memphis, turning them into his guards against the Egyptians. Since they settled in Egypt, we Hellenes have learned from interacting with them about everything that happened in Egypt starting from King Psammetichos onward; they were the first foreign speakers to settle in Egypt. Even in the area they were taken from, down to my time, there were still remains of the sails for their ships and the ruins of their houses.
Thus then Psammetichos obtained Egypt:
Thus, Psammetichos gained Egypt:
155, and of the Oracle which is in Egypt I have made mention often before this, and now I will give an account of it, seeing that it is worthy to be described. This Oracle which is in Egypt is sacred to Leto, and it is established in a great city near that mouth of the Nile which is called Sebennytic, as one sails up the river from the sea; and the name of this city where the Oracle is found is Buto, as I have said before in mentioning it. In this Buto there is a temple of Apollo and Artemis; and the temple-house 134 of Leto, in which the Oracle is, is both great in itself and has a gateway of the height of ten fathoms: but that which caused me most to marvel of the things to be seen there, I will now tell. There is in this sacred enclosure a house of Leto made of one single stone as regards both height and length, and of which all the walls are in these two directions equal, each being forty cubits; and for the covering in of the roof there lies another stone upon the top, the cornice measuring four cubits. 135
155, and I've mentioned the Oracle in Egypt many times before, and now I will describe it since it’s worth talking about. This Oracle in Egypt is dedicated to Leto, and it’s located in a large city near the mouth of the Nile called Sebennytic, as you sail up the river from the sea. The name of this city where the Oracle is found is Buto, as I mentioned earlier. In Buto, there is a temple of Apollo and Artemis; and the temple of Leto, where the Oracle is, is both impressive in size and has a gateway that reaches ten fathoms high. But what amazed me the most among the things to see there is what I will now describe. Inside this sacred area, there is a house of Leto made from a single stone in terms of both height and length, with all the walls being equal in these two dimensions, each measuring forty cubits; and on top, there is another stone covering the roof, with the cornice measuring four cubits. 135
156. This house then of all the things that were to be seen by me in that temple is the most marvellous, and among those which come next is the island called Chemmis. This is situated in a deep and broad lake by the side of the temple at Buto, and it is said by the Egyptians that this island is a floating island. I myself did not see it either floating about or moved from its place, and I feel surprise at hearing of it, wondering if it be indeed a floating island. In this island of which I speak there is a great temple-house of Apollo, and three several altars are set up within, and there are planted in the island many palm-trees and other trees, both bearing fruit and not bearing fruit. And the Egyptians, when they say that it is floating, add this story, namely that in this island, which formerly was not floating, Leto, being one of the eight gods who came into existence first, and dwelling in the city of Buto where she has this Oracle, received Apollo from Isis as a charge and preserved him, concealing him in the island which is said now to be a floating island, at that time when Typhon came after him seeking everywhere and desiring to find the son of Osiris. Now they say that Apollo and Artemis are children of Dionysos and of Isis, and that Leto became their nurse and preserver; and in the Egyptian tongue Apollo is Oros, Demeter is Isis, and Artemis is Bubastis. From this story and from no other Æschylus the son of Euphorion took 136 this which I shall say, wherein he differs from all the preceding poets; he represented namely that Artemis was the daughter of Demeter. For this reason then, they say, it became a floating island.
156. This house is the most amazing thing I saw in that temple, and the next most fascinating thing is the island called Chemmis. It’s located in a deep, wide lake next to the temple at Buto, and the Egyptians say it’s a floating island. I didn’t see it floating or moving from its spot, and I’m surprised to hear about it, wondering if it really is a floating island. On this island, there’s a large temple dedicated to Apollo, with three separate altars inside, and many palm trees and other trees, some bearing fruit and some not. The Egyptians, when they say it floats, tell a story that this island, which wasn’t floating before, was where Leto, one of the first eight gods, lived in the city of Buto with her Oracle, and where she received Apollo from Isis, hiding him on the island when Typhon was searching everywhere to find the son of Osiris. They claim that Apollo and Artemis are the children of Dionysos and Isis, and that Leto was their nurse and protector; in the Egyptian language, Apollo is called Oros, Demeter is Isis, and Artemis is Bubastis. From this story—and no other—Æschylus, the son of Euphorion, took 136 this which I will mention, where he differs from all the earlier poets; specifically, he depicted Artemis as the daughter of Demeter. For this reason, they say it became a floating island.
Such is the story which they tell;
Such is the story they tell;
157, but as for Psammetichos, he was king over Egypt for four-and-fifty years, of which for thirty years save one he was sitting before Azotos, a great city of Syria, besieging it, until at last he took it: and this Azotos of all cities about which we have knowledge held out for the longest time under a siege.
157, but Psammetichos was king of Egypt for fifty-four years, and for thirty years minus one, he was sitting before Azotos, a major city in Syria, besieging it until he finally captured it. Of all the cities we know about, Azotos held out the longest under siege.
158. The son of Psammetichos was Necos, and he became king of Egypt. This man was the first who attempted the channel leading to the Erythraian Sea, which Dareios the Persian afterwards completed: the length of this is a voyage of four days, and in breadth it was so dug that two triremes could go side by side driven by oars; and the water is brought into it from the Nile. The channel is conducted a little above the city of Bubastis by Patumos the Arabian city, and runs into the Erythraian Sea: and it is dug first along those parts of the plain of Egypt which lie towards Arabia, just above which run the mountains which extend opposite Memphis, where are the stone-quarries,—along the base of these mountains the channel is conducted from West to East for a great way; and after that it is directed towards a break in the hills and tends from these mountains towards the noon-day and the South Wind to the Arabian gulf. Now in the place where the journey is least and shortest from the Northern to the Southern Sea (which is also called Erythraian), that is from Mount Casion, which is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, the distance is exactly 137 a thousand furlongs to the Arabian gulf; but the channel is much longer, since it is more winding; and in the reign of Necos there perished while digging it twelve myriads 13701 of the Egyptians. Now Necos ceased in the midst of his digging, because the utterance of an Oracle impeded him, which was to the effect that he was working for the Barbarian: and the Egyptians call all men Barbarians who do not agree with them in speech.
158. The son of Psammetichos was Necos, and he became king of Egypt. He was the first to attempt the canal leading to the Red Sea, which Darius the Persian later completed. The length of this canal allows for a four-day voyage, and it was dug wide enough for two triremes to sail side by side propelled by oars; the water from the Nile is channeled into it. The canal starts just above the city of Bubastis near the Arabian city of Patumos and flows into the Red Sea. It is first dug along the areas of the Egyptian plain that face Arabia, just below which rise the mountains opposite Memphis, where the stone quarries are located. Along the base of these mountains, the canal runs from west to east for a considerable distance; after that, it heads towards a break in the hills and continues from these mountains towards noon and the southerly winds to the Arabian Gulf. In the spot where the journey is shortest from the Northern to the Southern Sea (also called the Red Sea), which is from Mount Casion marking the border between Egypt and Syria, the distance is exactly 137 a thousand furlongs to the Arabian Gulf; however, the canal is much longer because it is more winding. During Necos's reign, twelve myriads 13701 of Egyptians died while digging it. Necos stopped the work halfway through because an Oracle warned him that he was working for the Barbarian, and the Egyptians consider anyone who doesn’t speak their language a Barbarian.
159. Thus having ceased from the work of the channel, Necos betook himself to waging wars, and triremes were built by him, some for the Northern Sea and others in the Arabian gulf for the Erythraian Sea; and of these the sheds are still to be seen. These ships he used when he needed them; and also on land Necos engaged battle at Magdolos with the Syrians, and conquered them; and after this he took Cadytis, which is a great city of Syria: and the dress which he wore when he made these conquests he dedicated to Apollo, sending it to Branchidai of the Milesians. After this, having reigned in all sixteen years, he brought his life to an end, and handed on the kingdom to Psammis his son.
159. After finishing the work on the canal, Necos turned to waging wars. He built triremes, some for the Northern Sea and others in the Arabian Gulf for the Erythraian Sea; and the sheds for these ships can still be seen today. He used these ships as needed. On land, Necos fought the Syrians at Magdolos and defeated them. Following this, he captured Cadytis, a major city in Syria. He dedicated the outfit he wore during these conquests to Apollo, sending it to Branchidai of the Milesians. After reigning for a total of sixteen years, he passed away and passed the kingdom on to his son Psammis.
160. While this Psammis was king of Egypt, there came to him men sent by the Eleians, who boasted that they ordered the contest at Olympia in the most just and honourable manner possible and thought that not even the Egyptians, the wisest of men, could find out anything besides, to be added to their rules. Now when the Eleians came to Egypt and said that for which they had come, then this king called together those of the Egyptians who were reputed the wisest, and when the Egyptians had come together they heard the Eleians tell of all that which it was their part to do in regard to the contest; and when they had related everything, they said that they had come to learn in addition anything which the Egyptians might be able to find out besides, which was juster than this. They then having consulted together asked the Eleians whether their own citizens took part in the contest; and they said that it was permitted to any one who desired it, both of their own people and of the other Hellenes equally, to take part in the contest: upon which the Egyptians said that in so ordering the games they had wholly missed the mark of justice; for it could not be but that they would take part with the man of their own State, if he was contending, and so act unfairly to the stranger: but if they really desired, as they said, to order the games justly, and if this was the cause for which they had come to Egypt, they advised them to order the contest so as to be for strangers alone to contend in, and that no Eleian should be permitted to contend. Such was the suggestion made by the Egyptians to the Eleians.
160. While Psammis was king of Egypt, some men sent by the Eleians visited him, claiming that they organized the Olympic games in the most fair and honorable way possible. They believed that even the Egyptians, known for their wisdom, couldn't come up with anything better to add to their rules. When the Eleians arrived in Egypt and stated their purpose, the king gathered the wisest Egyptians. Once they were assembled, the Eleians explained everything related to the games. After sharing their process, they asked if the Egyptians had any additional insights that might make the games fairer. The Egyptians then discussed among themselves and asked the Eleians if their own citizens were allowed to participate in the contests. The Eleians replied that anyone, both their own citizens and other Greeks, was permitted to take part. The Egyptians responded that by allowing this, the Eleians completely missed the point of fairness, as competitors would naturally favor their own citizens over others, creating bias against outsiders. If the Eleians truly wanted to run the games justly, as they claimed, the Egyptians suggested that the contests should be exclusively for non-Eleians, with no Eleian allowed to compete. This was the recommendation the Egyptians made to the Eleians.
161. When Psammis had been king of Egypt for only six years and had made an expedition to Ethiopia and immediately afterwards had ended his life, Apries the son of Psammis received the kingdom in succession. This man came to be the most prosperous of all the kings up to that time except only his forefather Psammetichos; and he reigned five-and-twenty years, during which he led an army against Sidon and fought a sea-fight with the king of Tyre. Since however it was fated that evil should come upon him, it came by occasion of a matter which I shall relate at greater length in the Libyan history, 138 and at present but shortly. Apries having sent a great expedition against the Kyrenians, met with correspondingly great disaster; and the Egyptians considering him to blame for this revolted from him, supposing that Apries had with forethought sent them out to evident calamity, in order (as they said) that there might be a slaughter of them, and he might the more securely rule over the other Egyptians. Being indignant at this, both these men who had returned from the expedition and also the friends of those who had perished made revolt openly.
161. After Psammis had been king of Egypt for just six years, during which he led an expedition to Ethiopia and then passed away, his son Apries took over the throne. Apries became the most successful king up to that time, second only to his ancestor Psammetichos; he ruled for 25 years, during which he led an army against Sidon and fought a naval battle with the king of Tyre. However, it was destined that misfortune would come his way, and this stemmed from an event I’ll discuss in more detail in the Libyan history, 138 but for now, I'll keep it brief. Apries sent a large force against the Cyrenians, which ended in a significant disaster; the Egyptians blamed him for this and revolted, believing he had deliberately sent them to a certain doom to create a massacre so he could rule more securely over the remaining Egyptians. Angry about this, both the soldiers who returned from the expedition and the friends of those who had died openly rebelled.
162. Hearing this Apries sent to them Amasis, to cause them to cease by persuasion; and when he had come and was seeking to restrain the Egyptians, as he was speaking and telling them not to do so, one of the Egyptians stood up behind him and put a helmet 139 upon his head, saying as he did so that he put it on to crown him king. And to him this that was done was in some degree not unwelcome, as he proved by his behaviour; for as soon as the revolted Egyptians had set him up as king, he prepared to march against Apries: and Apries hearing this sent to Amasis one of the Egyptians who were about his own person, a man of reputation, whose name was Patarbemis, enjoining him to bring Amasis alive into his presence. When this Patarbemis came and summoned Amasis, the latter, who happened to be sitting on horseback, lifted up his leg and behaved in an unseemly manner, 140 bidding him take that back to Apries. Nevertheless, they say, Patarbemis made demand of him that he should go to the king, seeing that the king had sent to summon him; and he answered him that he had for some time past been preparing to do so, and that Apries would have no occasion to find fault with him. Then Patarbemis both perceiving his intention from that which he said, and also seeing his preparations, departed in haste, desiring to make known as quickly as possible to the king the things which were being done: and when he came back to Apries not bringing Amasis, the king paying no regard to that which he said, 141 but being moved by violent anger, ordered his ears and his nose to be cut off. And the rest of the Egyptians who still remained on his side, when they saw the man of most repute among them thus suffering shameful outrage, waited no longer but joined the others in revolt, and delivered themselves over to Amasis.
162. Hearing this, Apries sent Amasis to persuade them to stop, and when he arrived and was trying to calm the Egyptians, one of them stood up behind him and put a helmet 139 on his head, claiming he was crowning him king. Amasis didn’t seem to mind this too much, as his actions showed; once the rebellious Egyptians declared him king, he got ready to march against Apries. Apries, hearing this, sent a well-known man among his entourage named Patarbemis to bring Amasis to him alive. When Patarbemis arrived and called for Amasis, Amasis, who was sitting on horseback, lifted his leg and rudely told him to take that back to Apries. Nonetheless, they say Patarbemis insisted that he should go to the king since the king had summoned him, and Amasis replied that he had actually been planning to do so for a while and that Apries would have no reason to criticize him. Understanding his intention and seeing his preparations, Patarbemis hurried away to inform the king about what was happening. When he returned to Apries without bringing Amasis, the king ignored his explanation 141 and, in a fit of rage, ordered that his ears and nose be cut off. The other Egyptians who still supported Apries, seeing this reputable man suffer such disgrace, could no longer hold back and joined the others in revolt, choosing to surrender to Amasis.
163. Then Apries having heard this also, armed his foreign mercenaries and marched against the Egyptians: now he had about him Carian and Ionian mercenaries to the number of thirty thousand; and his royal palace was in the city of Saïs, of great size and worthy to be seen. So Apries and his army were going against the Egyptians, and Amasis and those with him were going against the mercenaries; and both sides came to the city of Momemphis and were about to make trial of one another in fight.
163. After hearing this, Apries gathered his foreign mercenaries and marched against the Egyptians. He had around thirty thousand Carian and Ionian mercenaries with him, and his royal palace was in the city of Saïs, which was large and impressive. So, Apries and his army were advancing toward the Egyptians, while Amasis and his followers were heading toward the mercenaries. Both sides met at the city of Momemphis and were ready to clash in battle.
164. Now of the Egyptians there are seven classes, and of these one class is called that of the priests, and another that of the warriors, while the others are the cowherds, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, and boatmen. This is the number of the classes of the Egyptians, and their names are given them from the occupations which they follow. Of them the warriors are called Calasirians and Hermotybians, and they are of the following districts, 142—for all Egypt is divided into districts.
164. The Egyptians have seven classes, one of which is the priests, another is the warriors, and the others include cowherds, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, and boatmen. These are the classes of Egyptians, and their names come from the jobs they have. The warriors are known as Calasirians and Hermotybians, and they come from specific districts, 142—since all of Egypt is divided into districts.
165. The districts of the Hermotybians are those of Busiris, Saïs, Chemmis, Papremis, the island called Prosopitis, and the half of Natho,—of these districts are the Hermotybians, who reached when most numerous the number of sixteen myriads. 14201 Of these not one has learnt anything of handicraft, but they are given up to war entirely.
165. The areas of the Hermotybians include Busiris, Saïs, Chemmis, Papremis, the island known as Prosopitis, and half of Natho. At their peak, the Hermotybians numbered around sixteen thousand. 14201 None of them learned any trades; they are completely devoted to warfare.
166. Again the districts of the Calasirians are those of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytos, Athribis, Pharbaithos, Thmuïs Onuphis, Anytis, Myecphoris,—this last is on an island opposite to the city of Bubastis. These are the districts of the Calasirians; and they reached, when most numerous, to the number of five-and-twenty myriads 14202 of men; nor is it lawful for these, any more than for the others, to practise any craft; but they practise that which has to do with war only, handing down the tradition from father to son.
166. The regions of the Calasirians include Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes, Sebennytos, Athribis, Pharbaithos, Thmuïs Onuphis, Anytis, and Myecphoris—this last one is on an island across from the city of Bubastis. These are the areas occupied by the Calasirians, and at their peak, they numbered about 250,000 people 14202. Like the others, they are not allowed to engage in any trades; instead, they focus solely on warfare, passing down their traditions from father to son.
167. Now whether the Hellenes have learnt this also from the Egyptians, I am not able to say for certain, since I see that the Thracians also and Scythians and Persians and Lydians and almost all the Barbarians esteem those of their citizens who learn the arts, and the descendants of them, as less honourable than the rest; while those who have got free from all practice of manual arts are accounted noble, and especially those who are devoted to war: however that may be, the Hellenes have all learnt this, and especially the Lacedemonians; but the Corinthians least of all cast slight upon those who practise handicrafts.
167. I'm not sure if the Greeks learned this from the Egyptians, since I've noticed that the Thracians, Scythians, Persians, Lydians, and almost all the other Barbarians also regard their citizens who learn trades as less honorable than others; meanwhile, those who are free from manual labor are seen as noble, especially those focused on war. Regardless, the Greeks have all adopted this belief, particularly the Spartans, though the Corinthians are the least likely to look down on those who engage in crafts.
168. The following privilege was specially granted to this class and to none others of the Egyptians except the priests, that is to say, each man had twelve yokes 143 of land specially granted to him free from imposts: now the yoke of land measures a hundred Egyptian cubits every way, and the Egyptian cubit is, as it happens, equal to that of Samos. This, I say, was a special privilege granted to all, and they also had certain advantages in turn and not the same men twice; that is to say, a thousand of the Calasirians and a thousand of the Hermotybians acted as body-guard to the king during each year; 144 and these had besides their yokes of land an allowance given them for each day of five pounds weight 14401 of bread to each man, and two pounds of beef, and four half-pints 145 of wine. This was the allowance given to those who were serving as the king's bodyguard for the time being.
168. The following privilege was specifically granted to this class and no one else among the Egyptians except the priests: each man received twelve yokes 143 of land granted to him free from taxes. A yoke of land measures a hundred Egyptian cubits in every direction, and the Egyptian cubit is the same as that of Samos. This, I say, was a unique privilege for everyone, and they also had various advantages that rotated among them; specifically, a thousand of the Calasirians and a thousand of the Hermotybians served as the king’s bodyguard each year; 144 and in addition to their yokes of land, they were given a daily allowance of five pounds 14401 of bread per man, two pounds of beef, and four half-pints 145 of wine. This was the allowance given to those who were serving as the king’s bodyguard at that time.
169. So when Apries leading his foreign mercenaries, and Amasis at the head of the whole body of the Egyptians, in their approach to one another had come to the city of Momemphis, they engaged battle: and although the foreign troops fought well, yet being much inferior in number they were worsted by reason of this. But Apries is said to have supposed that not even a god would be able to cause him to cease from his rule, so firmly did he think that it was established. In that battle then, I say, he was worsted, and being taken alive was brought away to the city of Saïs, to that which had formerly been his own dwelling but from thenceforth was the palace of Amasis. There for some time he was kept in the palace, and Amasis dealt well with him; but at last, since the Egyptians blamed him, saying that he acted not rightly in keeping alive him who was the greatest foe both to themselves and to him, therefore he delivered Apries over to the Egyptians; and they strangled him, and after that buried him in the burial-place of his fathers: this is in the temple of Athene, close to the sanctuary, on the left hand as you enter. Now the men of Saïs buried all those of this district who had been kings, within the temple; for the tomb of Amasis also, though it is further from the sanctuary than that of Apries and his forefathers, yet this too is within the court of the temple, and it consists of a colonnade of stone of great size, with pillars carved to imitate date-palms, and otherwise sumptuously adorned; and within the colonnade are double-doors, and inside the doors a sepulchral chamber.
169. When Apries, leading his foreign mercenaries, and Amasis, at the head of all the Egyptians, met in the city of Momemphis, they fought a battle. Although the foreign troops fought bravely, they were outnumbered and ultimately defeated because of this. Apries was said to have believed that not even a god could remove him from power, so convinced was he that his rule was secure. In that battle, he was defeated and captured, and taken to the city of Saïs, which had once been his own residence but was now Amasis's palace. He was held in the palace for some time, and Amasis treated him well; however, eventually, the Egyptians criticized Amasis for keeping alive someone who was their greatest enemy and his as well. Consequently, Amasis handed Apries over to the Egyptians, who then strangled him and buried him in the tomb of his ancestors, which is in the temple of Athene, on the left side as you enter. The people of Saïs buried all the kings from their district within the temple; the tomb of Amasis, while farther from the sanctuary than that of Apries and his forefathers, is also within the temple court. It features a large stone colonnade with pillars carved to resemble date palms and is elaborately decorated. Inside the colonnade are double doors, leading to a burial chamber.
170. Also at Saïs there is the burial-place of him whom I account it not pious to name in connexion with such a matter, which is in the temple of Athene behind the house of the goddess, 146 stretching along the whole wall of it; and in the sacred enclosure stand great obelisks of stone, and near them is a lake adorned with an edging of stone and fairly made in a circle, being in size, as it seemed to me, equal to that which is called the "Round Pool" 147 in Delos.
170. Also at Saïs, there's the burial place of someone I don't think should be named in connection with this matter, located in the temple of Athene behind the goddess's house, 146 running along the entire wall. In the sacred area, there are large stone obelisks, and nearby is a lake surrounded by a stone border and neatly shaped into a circle, which seemed to me to be about the same size as what’s known as the "Round Pool" 147 in Delos.
171. On this lake they perform by night the show of his sufferings, and this the Egyptians call Mysteries. Of these things I know more fully in detail how they take place, but I shall leave this unspoken; and of the mystic rites of Demeter, which the Hellenes call thesmophoria, of these also, although I know, I shall leave unspoken all except so much as piety permits me to tell. The daughters of Danaos were they who brought this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the women of the Pelasgians; then afterwards when all the inhabitants of Peloponnese were driven out by the Dorians, the rite was lost, and only those who were left behind of the Peloponnesians and not driven out, that is to say the Arcadians, preserved it.
171. On this lake, they perform a nighttime show of his sufferings, which the Egyptians call Mysteries. I know more about the details of how this happens, but I’ll keep that to myself; and regarding the mystic rites of Demeter, which the Greeks call thesmophoria, I will also stay silent about everything except what piety allows me to share. The daughters of Danaos were the ones who brought this rite from Egypt and taught it to the women of the Pelasgians. Later, when the Dorians drove out all the inhabitants of the Peloponnese, the rite was lost, and only the Peloponnesians who remained, specifically the Arcadians, kept it alive.
172. Apries having thus been overthrown, Amasis became king, being of the district of Saïs, and the name of the city whence he was is Siuph. Now at the first the Egyptians despised Amasis and held him in no great regard, because he had been a man of the people and was of no distinguished family; but afterwards Amasis won them over to himself by wisdom and not wilfulness. Among innumerable other things of price which he had, there was a foot-basin of gold in which both Amasis himself and all his guests were wont always to wash their feet. This he broke up, and of it he caused to be made the image of a god, and set it up in the city, where it was most convenient; and the Egyptians went continually to visit the image and did great reverence to it. Then Amasis, having learnt that which was done by the men of the city, called together the Egyptians and made known to them the matter, saying that the image had been produced from the foot-basin, into which formerly the Egyptians used to vomit and make water, and in which they washed their feet, whereas now they did to it great reverence; and just so, he continued, had he himself now fared, as the foot-basin; for though formerly he was a man of the people, yet now he was their king, and he bade them accordingly honour him and have regard for him.
172. After Apries was overthrown, Amasis became king. He came from the district of Saïs, and his hometown was Siuph. At first, the Egyptians looked down on Amasis and didn’t think much of him because he was a common man and not from a notable family. However, Amasis eventually won them over with his wisdom rather than his forcefulness. Among many valuable possessions he had, there was a gold foot-basin that both Amasis and his guests always used to wash their feet. He had it melted down and made into a statue of a god, which he set up in a prominent place in the city; the Egyptians frequently visited the statue and honored it greatly. When Amasis learned about this, he gathered the Egyptians and explained the situation, saying that the statue had come from the foot-basin, which the Egyptians used to spit in and relieve themselves, and in which they washed their feet. Now, he pointed out, they showed it great respect. He said that he too had experienced a similar transformation as the foot-basin; although he had once been a common man, he was now their king, and he urged them to honor and respect him accordingly.
173. In such manner he won the Egyptians to himself, so that they consented to be his subjects; and his ordering of affairs was thus:—In the early morning, and until the time of the filling of the market he did with a good will the business which was brought before him; but after this he passed the time in drinking and in jesting at his boon-companions, and was frivolous and playful. And his friends being troubled at it admonished him in some such words as these: "O king, thou dost not rightly govern thyself in thus letting thyself descend to behaviour so trifling; for thou oughtest rather to have been sitting throughout the day stately upon a stately throne and administering thy business; and so the Egyptians would have been assured that they were ruled by a great man, and thou wouldest have had a better report: but as it is, thou art acting by no means in a kingly fashion." And he answered them thus: "They who have bows stretch them at such time as they wish to use them, and when they have finished using them they loose them again; 148 for if they were stretched tight always they would break, so that the men would not be able to use them when they needed them. So also is the state of man: if he should always be in earnest and not relax himself for sport at the due time, he would either go mad or be struck with stupor before he was aware; and knowing this well, I distribute a portion of the time to each of the two ways of living." Thus he replied to his friends.
173. In this way, he won over the Egyptians, and they agreed to be his subjects. His way of managing things was like this: in the early morning and until the market was busy, he handled the work that was presented to him with enthusiasm. But after that, he spent his time drinking and joking with his friends, acting carefree and playful. His friends, concerned about this, advised him with words like these: "Oh king, you're not governing yourself properly by lowering yourself to such trivial behavior. You should be sitting majestically on your throne all day, managing your affairs, so the Egyptians would feel they are ruled by a great leader, and you would gain more respect. But instead, you’re not behaving like a king." He responded to them, saying: "Those who use bows only pull them back when they need to use them, and once they're done, they let them go; for if they stayed stretched all the time, they would break, and the men wouldn't be able to use them when necessary. The same goes for people: if someone is always serious and never takes time to relax and enjoy themselves, they could either lose their mind or become numb without realizing it. Knowing this well, I allocate time for both ways of living." This is what he said to his friends.
174. It is said however that Amasis, even when he was in a private station, was a lover of drinking and of jesting, and not at all seriously disposed; and whenever his means of livelihood failed him through his drinking and luxurious living, he would go about and steal; and they from whom he stole would charge him with having their property, and when he denied it would bring him before the judgment of an Oracle, whenever there was one in their place; and many times he was convicted by the Oracles and many times he was absolved: and then when finally he became king he did as follows:—as many of the gods as had absolved him and pronounced him not to be a thief, to their temples he paid no regard, nor gave anything for the further adornment of them, nor even visited them to offer sacrifice, considering them to be worth nothing and to possess lying Oracles; but as many as had convicted him of being a thief, to these he paid very great regard, considering them to be truly gods, and to present Oracles which did not lie.
174. It is said, however, that Amasis, even when he was just an ordinary guy, loved to drink and joke around, and he wasn’t really serious at all. Whenever his drinking and extravagant lifestyle messed up his income, he would go out and steal. The people he stole from would accuse him of taking their stuff, and when he denied it, they would take him to an Oracle whenever there was one nearby. He was found guilty by the Oracles many times and set free many times as well. Then, when he finally became king, he did the following: he completely ignored the temples of the gods that had absolved him and declared him not a thief. He didn’t care to contribute to their upkeep or even visit them to offer sacrifices, thinking they were worthless and had false Oracles. But he paid a lot of attention to the gods that had declared him a thief, believing they were genuinely divine and had truthful Oracles.
175. First in Saïs he built and completed for Athene a temple-gateway which is a great marvel, and he far surpassed herein all who had done the like before, both in regard to height and greatness, so large are the stones and of such quality. Then secondly he dedicated great colossal statues and man-headed sphinxes very large, and for restoration he brought other stones of monstrous size. Some of these he caused to be brought from the stone-quarries which are opposite Memphis, others of very great size from the city of Elephantine, distant a voyage of not less than twenty days from Saïs: and of them all I marvel most at this, namely a monolith chamber which he brought from the city of Elephantine; and they were three years engaged in bringing this, and two thousand men were appointed to convey it, who all were of the class of boatmen. Of this house the length outside is one-and-twenty cubits, the breadth is fourteen cubits, and the height eight. These are the measures of the monolith house outside; but the length inside is eighteen cubits and five-sixths of a cubit, 149 the breadth twelve cubits, and the height five cubits. This lies by the side of the entrance to the temple; for within the temple they did not draw it, because, as it said, while the house was being drawn along, the chief artificer of it groaned aloud, seeing that much time had been spent and he was wearied by the work; and Amasis took it to heart as a warning and did not allow them to draw it further onwards. Some say on the other hand that a man was killed by it, of those who were heaving it with levers, and that it was not drawn in for that reason.
175. First in Saïs, he built and finished a temple gateway for Athene that is a great wonder, far surpassing anyone who had done similar work before, both in height and grandeur, due to the massive size and quality of the stones. Next, he dedicated large colossal statues and huge man-headed sphinxes, and for restoration, he brought in other enormous stones. Some of these were brought from the quarries opposite Memphis, while others of immense size came from the city of Elephantine, which is at least a twenty-day journey from Saïs. Among all of them, I am most amazed by a monolithic chamber he transported from Elephantine; it took three years to bring this, and he appointed two thousand men, all from the boatmen class, to carry it. The length of this chamber outside is twenty-one cubits, its breadth fourteen cubits, and its height eight cubits. These are the outside measurements of the monolithic chamber, but the inside length is eighteen cubits and five-sixths of a cubit, 149 the breadth is twelve cubits, and the height five cubits. This chamber is located next to the entrance of the temple; they did not bring it inside the temple because, as it’s said, while it was being moved, the chief craftsman groaned aloud, feeling frustrated by the long time spent and the exhausting effort; Amasis took this as a warning and did not allow them to move it further. Others claim that a man was killed by it, among those who were using levers to lift it, and that’s why it was not moved inside.
176. Amasis also dedicated in all the other temples which were of repute, works which are worth seeing for their size, and among them also at Memphis the colossal statue which lies on its back in front of the temple of Hephaistos, whose length is five-and-seventy feet; and on the same base made of the same stone 150 are set two colossal statues, each of twenty feet in length, one on this side and the other on that side of the large statue. 151 There is also another of stone of the same size in Saïs, lying in the same manner as that at Memphis. Moreover Amasis was he who built and finished for Isis her temple at Memphis, which is of great size and very worthy to be seen.
176. Amasis also dedicated impressive works in all the well-known temples, which are definitely worth seeing for their size. Among them is the colossal statue in Memphis, lying on its back in front of the temple of Hephaistos, measuring seventy-five feet long. On the same base, made from the same stone 150, there are two colossal statues, each twenty feet tall, one on each side of the large statue. 151 There's also another statue of the same size in Saïs, lying in the same position as the one in Memphis. Additionally, Amasis was responsible for building and completing a large and impressive temple for Isis at Memphis, which is definitely worth a visit.
177. In the reign of Amasis it is said that Egypt became more prosperous than at any other time before, both in regard to that which comes to the land from the river and in regard to that which comes from the land to its inhabitants, and that at this time the inhabited towns in it numbered in all twenty thousand. It was Amasis too who established the law that every year each one of the Egyptians should declare to the ruler of his district, from what source he got his livelihood, and if any man did not do this or did not make declaration of an honest way of living, he should be punished with death. Now Solon the Athenian received from Egypt this law and had it enacted for the Athenians, and they have continued to observe it, since it is a law with which none can find fault.
177. During Amasis's reign, it’s said that Egypt became more prosperous than ever before, both in terms of what the land received from the river and what it provided for its people. At this time, the number of inhabited towns was around twenty thousand. Amasis was also the one who instituted the law requiring every Egyptian to report to the local ruler every year about how they made a living. If someone failed to do this or didn't declare a lawful way of earning, they would face the death penalty. Solon the Athenian took this law from Egypt and had it enacted for the Athenians, and they have continued to follow it, as it’s a law that nobody can argue against.
178. Moreover Amasis became a lover of the Hellenes; and besides other proofs of friendship which he gave to several among them, he also granted the city of Naucratis for those of them who came to Egypt to dwell in; and to those who did not desire to stay, but who made voyages thither, he granted portions of land to set up altars and make sacred enclosures for their gods. Their greatest enclosure and that one which has most name and is most frequented is called the Hellenion, and this was established by the following cities in common:—of the Ionians Chios, Teos, Phocaia, Clazomenai, of the Dorians Rhodes, Cnidos, Halicarnassos, Phaselis, and of the Aiolians Mytilene alone. To these belongs this enclosure and these are the cities which appoint superintendents of the port; and all other cities which claim a share in it, are making a claim without any right. 152 Besides this the Eginetans established on their own account a sacred enclosure dedicated to Zeus, the Samians one to Hera, and the Milesians one to Apollo.
178. Furthermore, Amasis became fond of the Greeks, and in addition to other gestures of friendship he showed to several of them, he granted the city of Naucratis to those who came to Egypt to live there. For those who didn’t want to stay but visited, he allowed them portions of land to set up altars and create sacred spaces for their gods. The largest and most well-known site is called the Hellenion, which was established together by the following cities: from the Ionians, Chios, Teos, Phocaia, Clazomenai; from the Dorians, Rhodes, Cnidos, Halicarnassos, Phaselis; and from the Aiolians, only Mytilene. This enclosure belongs to them, and these cities appoint the port supervisors; any other cities claiming a share are doing so without any right. 152 Additionally, the Eginetans created a sacred space dedicated to Zeus, the Samians one to Hera, and the Milesians one to Apollo.
179. Now in old times Naucratis alone was an open trading-place, and no other place in Egypt: and if any one came to any other of the Nile mouths, he was compelled to swear that he came not thither of his own will, and when he had thus sworn his innocence he had to sail with his ship to the Canobic mouth, or if it were not possible to sail by reason of contrary winds, then he had to carry his cargo round the head of the Delta in boats to Naucratis: thus highly was Naucratis privileged.
179. Back in the day, Naucratis was the only open trading port, and there was no other place like it in Egypt. If anyone arrived at one of the other mouths of the Nile, they had to swear that they didn't come there willingly. After taking this oath of innocence, they had to either sail their ship to the Canobic mouth or, if the winds were against them and sailing wasn’t possible, transport their cargo by boat around the Delta to Naucratis. This really shows how special Naucratis was.
180. Moreover when the Amphictyons had let out the contract for building the temple which now exists at Delphi, agreeing to pay a sum of three hundred talents, (for the temple which formerly stood there had been burnt down of itself), it fell to the share of the people of Delphi to provide the fourth part of the payment; and accordingly the Delphians went about to various cities and collected contributions. And when they did this they got from Egypt as much as from any place, for Amasis gave them a thousand talents' weight of alum, while the Hellenes who dwelt in Egypt gave them twenty pounds of silver. 153
180. Additionally, when the Amphictyons put out the contract to build the temple that stands at Delphi today, agreeing to pay a total of three hundred talents (since the previous temple had burned down on its own), the people of Delphi were responsible for providing a quarter of the payment. As a result, the Delphians traveled to various cities to gather contributions. In this effort, they received as much from Egypt as from anywhere else, with Amasis providing them a thousand talents of alum, while the Greeks living in Egypt contributed twenty pounds of silver. 153
181. Also with the people of Kyrene Amasis made an agreement for friendship and alliance; and he resolved too to marry a wife from thence, whether because he desired to have a wife of Hellenic race, or apart from that, on account of friendship for the people of Kyrene: however that may be, he married, some say the daughter of Battos, others of Arkesilaos, 154 and others of Critobulos, a man of repute among the citizens; and her name was Ladike. Now whenever Amasis lay with her he found himself unable to have intercourse, but with his other wives he associated as he was wont; and as this happened repeatedly, Amasis said to his wife, whose name was Ladike: "Woman, thou hast given me drugs, and thou shalt surely perish 155 more miserably than any other woman." Then Ladike, when by her denials Amasis was not at all appeased in his anger against her, made a vow in her soul to Aphrodite, that if Amasis on that night had intercourse with her (seeing that this was the remedy for her danger), she would send an image to be dedicated to her at Kyrene; and after the vow immediately Amasis had intercourse, and from thenceforth whenever Amasis came in to her he had intercourse with her; and after this he became very greatly attached to her. And Ladike paid the vow that she had made to the goddess; for she had an image made and sent it to Kyrene, and it was still preserved even to my own time, standing with its face turned away from the city of the Kyrenians. This Ladike Cambyses, having conquered Egypt and heard from her who she was, sent back unharmed to Kyrene.
181. Amasis also made a deal for friendship and alliance with the people of Cyrene, and he decided to marry a wife from there, either because he wanted a wife of Greek heritage or out of friendship for the people of Cyrene. Regardless, he married, some say the daughter of Battos, others say of Arkesilaos, and others claim she was the daughter of Critobulos, a respected man among the citizens; her name was Ladike. Whenever Amasis was with her, he found himself unable to have intercourse, but he was able to with his other wives as usual. After this happened several times, Amasis said to his wife, Ladike, "Woman, you have given me drugs, and you will surely suffer more miserably than any other woman." When Amasis's anger at her did not ease despite her denials, Ladike vowed to Aphrodite that if Amasis had intercourse with her that night (as this was essential to her predicament), she would send an image to be dedicated to her in Cyrene. Immediately after making the vow, Amasis had intercourse with her, and after that, whenever he came to her, he was able to have relations with her; subsequently, he became very attached to her. Ladike fulfilled her vow to the goddess; she had an image made and sent it to Cyrene, and it was still preserved even in my time, facing away from the city of the Cyrenians. This Ladike was sent back unharmed to Cyrene by Cambyses after he conquered Egypt and learned who she was.
182. Amasis also dedicated offerings in Hellas, first at Kyrene an image of Athene covered over with gold and a figure of himself made like by painting; then in the temple of Athene at Lindson two images of stone and a corslet of linen worthy to be seen; and also at Samos two wooden figures of himself dedicated to Hera, which were standing even to my own time in the great temple, behind the doors. Now at Samos he dedicated offerings because of the guest-friendship between himself and Polycrates the son of Aiakes; at Lindos for no guest-friendship but because the temple of Athene at Lindos is said to have been founded by the daughters of Danaos, who had touched land there at the time when they were fleeing from the sons of Aigyptos. These offerings were dedicated by Amasis; and he was the first of men who conquered Cyprus and subdued it so that it paid him tribute.
182. Amasis also made offerings in Greece, starting at Cyrene with a golden statue of Athena and a painted figure of himself; then in the temple of Athena at Lindos, he set up two stone statues and a linen breastplate worth seeing. At Samos, he dedicated two wooden figures of himself to Hera, which were still there in my time, positioned behind the doors in the great temple. At Samos, he made these offerings because of his friendship with Polycrates, the son of Aiakes; at Lindos, though, it wasn’t because of any friendship, but because the temple of Athena at Lindos is said to have been established by the daughters of Danaus, who landed there while fleeing from the sons of Aegyptus. Amasis dedicated these offerings; he was the first to conquer Cyprus and bring it under his control so that it paid him tribute.
NOTES TO BOOK II
1 (return)
[ Some write "Psammitichos"
with less authority.]
1 (return)
[ Some write "Psammitichos" with less certainty.]
2 (return)
[ {tou en Memphi}: many
Editors read {en Memphi}, "I heard at Memphis from the priests of
Hephaistos," but with less authority.]
2 (return)
[ {tou en Memphi}: many
editors interpret {en Memphi} as "I heard at Memphis from the priests of
Hephaistos," but with less authority.]
3 (return)
[ {'Eliou polin} or
{'Elioupolin}, cp. {'Elioupolitai} below.]
3 (return)
[ {'Eliou polin} or
{'Elioupolin}, see {'Elioupolitai} below.]
4 (return)
[ {exo e ta ounamata auton
mounon}. Some understand "them" to mean "the gods"; rather perhaps the
meaning is that accounts of such things will not be related in full, but
only touched upon.]
4 (return)
[ {exo e ta ounamata auton
mounon}. Some interpret "them" as referring to "the gods"; however, it might mean that stories of such matters won't be fully explained, but only briefly mentioned.]
6 (return)
[ {anthropon}, emphatic, for
the rulers before him were gods (ch. 144).]
6 (return)
[ {anthropon}, emphasizing, because the rulers before him were considered gods (ch. 144).]
7 (return)
[ {Mina}: others read
{Mena}, but the authority of the MSS. is strong for {Mina} both here and
in ch. 99.]
7 (return)
[ {Mina}: others read
{Mena}, but the authority of the manuscripts is strong for {Mina} both here and
in ch. 99.]
9 (return)
[ {tautes on apo}: some MSS.
omit {apo}, "this then is the land for which the sixty schoines are
reckoned."]
9 (return)
[ {tautes on apo}: some manuscripts
leave out {apo}, "this is the land for which the sixty schoines are
counted."]
10 (return)
[ For the measures of
length cp. ch. 149. The furlong ({stadion}) is equal to 100 fathoms
({orguiai}), i.e. 606 feet 9 inches.]
10 (return)
[ For the measurements of length see ch. 149. The furlong ({stadion}) is equal to 100 fathoms ({orguiai}), which is 606 feet 9 inches.]
11 (return)
[ Or "without rain": the
word {anudros} is altered by some Editors to {enudros} or {euudros}, "well
watered."]
11 (return)
[ Or "without rain": the word {anudros} is changed by some editors to {enudros} or {euudros}, "well watered."]
12 (return)
[ I have followed Stein in
taking {es ta eiretai} with {legon}, meaning "at the Erythraian Sea,"
{taute men} being a repetition of {te men} above. The bend back would make
the range double, and hence partly its great breadth. Others translate,
"Here (at the quarries) the range stops, and bends round to the parts
mentioned (i.e. the Erythraian Sea)."]
12 (return)
[ I have followed Stein in taking {es ta eiretai} with {legon}, meaning "at the Erythraian Sea," {taute men} being a repetition of {te men} above. The bend back would make the range double, and hence partly its great breadth. Others translate, "Here (at the quarries) the range stops, and bends around to the areas mentioned (i.e. the Erythraian Sea)."]
13 (return)
[ {os einai Aiguptou}: cp.
iv. 81. Others translate, "considering that it belongs to Egypt" (a
country so vast), i.e. "as measures go in Egypt." In any case {Aiguptos
eousa} just below seems to repeat the same meaning.]
13 (return)
[ {that is Egypt}: cp.
iv. 81. Others translate, "considering that it belongs to Egypt" (a
country so vast), i.e. "as measures go in Egypt." In any case {Egypt
being} just below seems to repeat the same meaning.]
14 (return)
[ Some Editors alter this
to "fourteen."]
14 (return)
[ Some Editors change this to "fourteen."]
15 (return)
[ {pentastomou}: some less
good MSS. have {eptastomou}, "which has seven mouths."]
15 (return)
[ {pentastomou}: some lesser-quality manuscripts have {eptastomou}, "which has seven mouths."]
17 (return)
[ {ton erkhomai lexon}:
these words are by many Editors marked as spurious, and they certainly
seem to be out of place here.]
17 (return)
[ {ton erkhomai lexon}:
many editors label these words as fake, and they definitely seem to be out of place here.]
18 (return)
[ {kou ge de}: "where then
would not a gulf be filled up?"]
18 (return)
[ {kou ge de}: "where would a gap not be filled?"]
19 (return)
[ {katarregnumenen}: some
Editors read {katerregmenen} ("broken up by cracks") from
{katerregnumenen}, which is given by many MSS.]
19 (return)
[ {katarregnumenen}: some Editors read {katerregmenen} ("broken up by cracks") from {katerregnumenen}, which is given by many manuscripts.]
1901 (return)
[ Or possibly "with
rock below," in which case perhaps {upopsammoteren} would mean "rather
sandy underneath."]
1901 (return)
[ Or maybe "with rock underneath," in which case perhaps {upopsammoteren} would mean "a bit sandy below."]
20 (return)
[ We do not know whether
these measurements are in the larger Egyptian cubit of 21 inches or the
smaller (equal to the ordinary Hellenic cubit) of 18½ inches, cp. i. 178.]
20 (return)
[ We do not know if these measurements are based on the larger Egyptian cubit of 21 inches or the smaller one (which equals the standard Hellenic cubit) of 18½ inches, see i. 178.]
21 (return)
[ {kai to omoion apodido
es auxesin}, "and to yield the like return as regards increased extent."
(Mr. Woods); but the clause may be only a repetition of the preceding
one.]
21 (return)
[ {and to provide a similar outcome in terms of increased extent}, "and to yield the like return as regards increased extent." (Mr. Woods); but the clause may be only a repetition of the preceding one.]
22 (return)
[ i.e. Zeus.]
22 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. Zeus.]
23 (return)
[ i.e. of the district of
Thebes, the Thebaïs.]
23 (return)
[ i.e. of the district of Thebes, the Thebaïs.]
24 (return)
[ {te Libue}.]
24 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {te Libue}.]
25 (return)
[ The meaning seems to be
this: "The Ionians say that Egypt is the Delta, and at the same time they
divide the world into three parts, Europe, Asia, and Libya, the last two
being divided from one another by the Nile. Thus they have left out Egypt
altogether; and either they must add the Delta as a fourth part of the
world, or they must give up the Nile as a boundary. If the name Egypt be
extended, as it is by the other Hellenes, to the upper course of the Nile,
it is then possible to retain the Nile as a boundary, saying that half of
Egypt belongs to Asia and half to Libya, and disregarding the Delta (ch.
17). This also would be an error of reckoning, but less serious than to
omit Egypt together." The reasoning is obscure because it alludes to
theories (of Hecataios and other writers) which are presumed to be already
known to the reader.]
25 (return)
[ The implication here is that "The Ionians claim that Egypt is the Delta, while they categorize the world into three regions: Europe, Asia, and Libya, with the Nile separating the last two. In doing so, they completely overlook Egypt. They must either recognize the Delta as a fourth region of the world or abandon the Nile as a boundary. If the term Egypt is broadly defined, as other Greeks do, to include the upper reaches of the Nile, then it’s feasible to keep the Nile as a boundary, arguing that half of Egypt belongs to Asia and the other half to Libya, while ignoring the Delta (ch. 17). This, too, would be a miscalculation, but it’s a lesser issue than excluding Egypt entirely." The logic is unclear because it references theories (of Hecataios and other authors) that the reader is expected to already be familiar with.]
26 (return)
[ {Katadoupon}, i.e. the
first cataract.]
26 (return)
[ {Katadoupon}, meaning the first waterfall.]
27 (return)
[ "and it gives us here,
etc." ({parekhomenos}).]
27 (return)
[ "and it gives us here, etc." ({parekhomenos}).]
28 (return)
[ {logo de eipein
thoumasiotere}. Or perhaps, "and it is more marvellous, so to speak."]
28 (return)
[ {eipein logo
thoumasiotere}. Or maybe, "and it’s even more amazing, if you will."]
29 (return)
[ {ton ta polla esti andri
ke k.t.l.} I take {ton} to refer to the nature of the country, as
mentioned above; but the use of {os} can hardly be paralleled, and the
passage probably requires correction. Some Editors read {ton tekmeria
polla esti k.t.l.} "wherein there are many evidences to prove, etc." Stein
omits {ton} and alters the punctuation, so that the clauses run thus,
"when it flows from the hottest parts to those which for the most part are
cooler? For a man who is capable of reasoning about such matters the first
and greatest evidence to prove that it is not likely to flow from snow, is
afforded by the winds, etc."]
29 (return)
[ {there are many things about a man and so on.} I interpret {ton} as referencing the character of the land, as stated earlier; however, the usage of {os} doesn’t really have a parallel, and this section likely needs correction. Some Editors suggest reading {ton tekmeria polla esti and so on.} "where there are many pieces of evidence to demonstrate, etc." Stein removes {ton} and changes the punctuation, allowing the clauses to flow like this: "when it flows from the warmest areas to those that are mostly cooler? For someone who can think critically about these issues, the first and most significant evidence that it’s unlikely to flow from snow comes from the winds, etc."]
30 (return)
[ {ouk ekhei elegkhon},
"cannot be refuted" (because we cannot argue with him), cp. Thuc. iii. 53,
{ta de pseude elegkhon ekhei}. Some translate, "does not prove his case."]
30 (return)
[ {ouk ekhei elegkhon},
"cannot be refuted" (because we cannot argue with him), cp. Thuc. iii. 53,
{ta de pseude elegkhon ekhei}. Some translate, "does not prove his case."]
31 (return)
[ {tes arkhaies diexodou},
"his original (normal) course."]
31 (return)
[ {tes arkhaies diexodou},
"his original (normal) course."]
32 (return)
[ {ouk eonton anemon
psukhron}: the best MSS. read {kai anemon psukhron} ("and there are cold
winds"), which Stein retains, explaining that the cold North winds would
assist evaporation.]
32 (return)
[ {ouk eonton anemon psukhron}: the best manuscripts read {kai anemon psukhron} ("and there are cold winds"), which Stein keeps, explaining that the cold North winds would help with evaporation.]
33 (return)
[ {autos eoutou peei pollo
upodeesteros e tou thereos}.]
33 (return)
[ {this fits better than many of the others}.]
34 (return)
[ {diakaion ten diexodon
auto}, i.e. {to reri}. Some Editors read {autou} (with inferior MSS.) or
alter the word to {eoutou}.]
34 (return)
[ {the right through the approach
itself}, i.e. {to the thing}. Some Editors read {of him} (with lesser manuscripts) or
change the word to {of it}.]
35 (return)
[ "set forth, so far as I
understood."]
35 (return)
[ "explained, as much as I understood."]
36 (return)
[ {epi makrotaton},
"carrying the inquiry as far as possible," cp. ch. 34.]
36 (return)
[ {the biggest and most important},
"taking the investigation as far as it can go," see ch. 34.]
37 (return)
[ I have little doubt that
this means the island of Elephantine; for at this point only would such a
mixture of races be found. To this the writer here goes back
parenthetically, and then resumes the account of the journey upwards from
Tachompso. This view is confirmed by the fact that Strabo relates the same
thing with regard to the island of Philai just above Elephantine.]
37 (return)
[I'm pretty sure this refers to the island of Elephantine; it's the only place where you would find such a mix of races. The writer mentions this briefly before continuing the story about the journey up from Tachompso. This perspective is supported by the fact that Strabo shares the same information about the island of Philai, which is located just above Elephantine.]
38 (return)
[ {oleureon}.]
38 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {oleureon}.]
39 (return)
[ {zeias}.]
39 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {zeias}.]
40 (return)
[ i.e. the hieratic and
the demotic characters.]
40 (return)
[ i.e. the formal and the common characters.]
42 (return)
[ Referring apparently to
iii. 28, where the marks of Apis are given. Perhaps no animal could be
sacrificed which had any of these marks.]
42 (return)
[This seems to refer to iii. 28, where the signs of Apis are mentioned. It’s likely that no animal could be sacrificed if it had any of these signs.]
43 (return)
[ {kephale keine}, "that
head," cp. {koilien keinen} in the next chapter.]
43 (return)
[ {kephale keine}, "that head," cp. {koilien keinen} in the next chapter.]
44 (return)
[ {katharon}.]
44 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {katharon}.]
4601 (return)
[ Or, "assuming that
in those days as now, they were wont to make voyages, and that some of the
Hellenes were seafaring folk."]
4601 (return)
[ Or, "assuming that back then, like today, people used to go on voyages, and that some of the Greeks were sailors."]
47 (return)
[ {stelai}, "upright
blocks."]
47 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {stelai}, "standing blocks."]
48 (return)
[ {lampontos tas nuktas
megathos}: some Editors alter {megathos} to {megalos} or {mega phos}.]
48 (return)
[ {light of the night
greatness}: some editors change {greatness} to {large} or {great light}.]
49 (return)
[ {enagizousi}.]
49 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {enagizousi}.]
50 (return)
[ {uon}: some Editors read
{oion} "sheep," on the authority of one MS.]
50 (return)
[ {uon}: some editors read
{oion} "sheep," based on one manuscript.]
51 (return)
[ {ta ounamata}, which
means here rather the forms of personification than the actual names.]
51 (return)
[ {ta ounamata}, which means here more the representations of personification than the actual names.]
52 (return)
[ {ai pramanteis}.]
52 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {ai pramanteis}.]
53 (return)
[ {phegon}.]
53 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {phegon}.]
54 (return)
[ {upo phego pephukuie},
i.e. the oak-tree of the legend was a real growing tree, though the dove
was symbolical.]
54 (return)
[ {upo phego pephukuie}, i.e. the oak tree from the legend was a real tree that grew, although the dove was symbolic.]
55 (return)
[ {panegurias}.]
55 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {tributes}.]
56 (return)
[ {prosagogas}, with the
idea of bringing offerings or introducing persons.]
56 (return)
[ {prosagogas}, meaning to bring offerings or introduce people.]
57 (return)
[ {epoiethesan}, "were
first celebrated."]
57 (return)
[ {epoiethesan}, "were first celebrated."]
58 (return)
[ So B.R.]
58 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ So B.R.]
59 (return)
[ {sumphoiteousi}.]
59 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {sumphoiteousi}.]
5901 (return)
[ i.e. 700,000.]
5901 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 700K.]
60 (return)
[ See ch. 40.]
60 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See chapter 40.]
61 (return)
[ {tesi thusiesi, en tini
nukti}: some MSS. give {en te nukti}: hence several Editors read {tes
thusies en te nukti}, "on the night of the sacrifice."]
61 (return)
[ {tesi thusiesi, en tini
nukti}: some manuscripts give {en te nukti}: hence several editors read {tes
thusies en te nukti}, "on the night of the sacrifice."]
62 (return)
[ Or, "for what end this
night is held solemn by lighting of lamps" (B.R.), making {phos kai timen}
one idea.]
62 (return)
[ Or, "for what purpose this night is celebrated by lighting lamps" (B.R.), making {phos kai timen} one concept.]
63 (return)
[ {alexomenous}: this,
which is adopted by most Editors, is the reading of some less good MSS.;
the rest have {alexomenoi}, "strike them and defend themselves."]
63 (return)
[ {alexomenous}: this, which is used by most editors, comes from some lesser-quality manuscripts; the others have {alexomenoi}, "attack them and protect themselves."]
6301 (return)
[ {eousa e Aiguptos
k.t.l.}: the MSS. have {eousa de Aiguptos}: Stein reads {eousa gar
Aiguptos}.]
6301 (return)
[ {eousa e Aiguptos
k.t.l.}: the manuscripts have {eousa de Aiguptos}: Stein reads {eousa gar
Aiguptos}.]
64 (return)
[ {theia pregmata
katalambanei tous aielourous}, which may mean only, "a marvellous thing
happens to the cats."]
64 (return)
[ {theia pregmata
katalambanei tous aielourous}, which may mean only, "a marvelous thing
happens to the cats."]
65 (return)
[ {es 'Ermeo polin}.]
65 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {es 'Ermeo polin}.]
66 (return)
[ {dikhelon, oplai boos},
"he is cloven-footed, and his foot is that of an ox." The words {oplai
boos} are marked as spurious by Stein.]
66 (return)
[ {dikhelon, oplai boos}, "he has cloven hooves, and his foot resembles that of an ox." The phrase {oplai boos} is noted as questionable by Stein.]
67 (return)
[ i.e. above the marshes,
cp. ch. 92.]
67 (return)
[ i.e. above the marshes, cp. ch. 92.]
68 (return)
[ {pante}, which by some
is translated "taken all together," "at most." Perhaps there is some
corruption of text, and the writer meant to say that it measured two
cubits by one cubit.]
68 (return)
[ "Pante," which is sometimes translated as "taken all together" or "at most." There might be a text error, and the writer could have intended to say that it was two cubits by one cubit.]
6801 (return)
[ The reading of the
Medicean MS. is {en esti}, not {enesti} as hitherto reported.]
6801 (return)
[ The reading of the Medicean MS. is {en esti}, not {enesti} as previously reported.]
70 (return)
[ {ton Linon okothen
elabon}: the MSS. have {to ounoma} after {elabon}, but this is omitted by
almost all Editors except Stein, who justifies it by a reference to ch.
50, and understands it to mean "the person of Linos." No doubt the song
and the person are here spoken off indiscriminately, but this explanation
would require the reading {tou Linou}, as indeed Stein partly admits by
suggesting the alteration.]
70 (return)
[ {ton Linon okothen elabon}: the manuscripts include {to ounoma} after {elabon}, but almost all editors, except for Stein, have left it out. He justifies its inclusion by referencing ch. 50 and interprets it to mean "the person of Linos." It's clear that the song and the person are being discussed interchangeably here, but this explanation would necessitate reading {tou Linou}, which Stein acknowledges by proposing a modification.]
71 (return)
[ The words "and Bacchic
(which are really Egyptian)," are omitted by several of the best MSS.]
71 (return)
[ The words "and Bacchic (which are actually Egyptian)," are left out by several of the best manuscripts.]
72 (return)
[ {epezosmenai}.]
72 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {epezosmenai}.]
73 (return)
[ In connexion with death
apparently, cp. ch. 132, 170. Osiris is meant.]
73 (return)
[In relation to death apparently, see ch. 132, 170. Osiris is referred to.]
74 (return)
[ {sindonos bussines}.]
74 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {sindonos business}.]
75 (return)
[ {to kommi}.]
75 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {to commi}.]
76 (return)
[ {nros}.]
76 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {nros}.]
78 (return)
[ {apala}, "soft."]
78 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {apala}, "gentle."]
81 (return)
[ {zuga}, to tie the sides
and serve as a partial deck.]
81 (return)
[ {zuga}, to fasten the sides and act as a partial deck.]
82 (return)
[ {esti de oud' outos}: a
few MSS. have {ouk} instead of {oud'}, and most Editors follow them. The
meaning however seems to be that even here the course in time of flood is
different, and much more in the lower parts.]
82 (return)
[ {esti de oud' outos}: a few manuscripts have {ouk} instead of {oud'}, and most editors follow them. The meaning, however, seems to be that even here the flow of time during the flood is different, and especially in the lower areas.]
83 (return)
[ {os apergmenos ree}: the
MSS. mostly have {os apergmenos reei}, in place of which I have adopted
the correction of Stein. Most other Editors read {os apergmenos peei}
(following a few inferior MSS.), "the bend of the Nile which flows thus
confined."]
83 (return)
[ {os apergmenos ree}: the
manuscripts mostly have {os apergmenos reei}, which I have replaced
with Stein's correction. Most other editors read {os apergmenos peei}
(following a few lesser manuscripts), "the bend of the Nile which flows thus
confined."]
84 (return)
[ Not therefore in the
Delta, to which in ch. 15 was assigned a later origin than this.]
84 (return)
[ So, not in the Delta, which was assigned a later origin than this in chapter 15.]
85 (return)
[ {kat' ouden einai
lamprotetos}: Stein reads {kai} for {kat'}, thus making the whole chapter
parenthetical, with {ou gar elegon} answered by {parameipsamenos on}, a
conjecture which is ingenious but not quite convincing.]
85 (return)
[ {nothing can be brighter}: Stein reads {and} for {nothing}, making the whole chapter parenthetical, with {for he was not speaking} answered by {having remained on}, a clever but not entirely convincing conjecture.]
86 (return)
[ {stratien pollen labon}:
most of the MSS. have {ton} after {pollen}, which perhaps indicates that
some words are lost.]
86 (return)
[ {stratien pollen labon}:
most of the manuscripts have {ton} after {pollen}, which might suggest that
some words are missing.]
87 (return)
[ {kai prosotata}: many
MSS. have {kai ou prosotata}, which is defended by some Editors in the
sense of a comparative, "and not further."]
87 (return)
[ {and not further}: many
manuscripts have {and not further}, which is supported by some editors in the
sense of a comparison, "and not further."]
88 (return)
[ {Suroi} in the better
MSS.; see note in i.6.]
88 (return)
[ {Suroi} in the better
MSS.; see note in i.6.]
89 (return)
[ {Surioi}.]
89 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {Surioi}.]
90 (return)
[ {kata tauta}: the better
MSS. have {kai kata tauta}, which might be taken with what follows,
punctuating after {ergazontai} (as in the Medicean MS.): "they and the
Egyptians alone of all nations work flax; and so likewise they resemble
one another in their whole manner of living."]
90 (return)
[ {these things}: the better
manuscripts have {and these things}, which could be connected with what follows,
punctuating after {they work} (as in the Medicean manuscript): "they and the
Egyptians alone among all nations work with flax; and similarly, they are alike
in their entire way of life."]
91 (return)
[ {polon}, i.e. the
concave sun-dial, in shape like the vault of heaven.]
91 (return)
[ {polon}, meaning the concave sun-dial, shaped like the dome of the sky.]
92 (return)
[ The gnomon would be an
upright staff or an obelisk for observation of the length of the shadow.]
92 (return)
[ The gnomon would be a vertical stick or an obelisk used to observe the length of the shadow.]
93 (return)
[ i.e. Red Clod.]
93 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. Red Cloud.]
94 (return)
[ {Turion stratopedon},
i.e. "the Tyrian quarter" of the town: cp. ch. 154.]
94 (return)
[ {Turion stratopedon}, i.e. "the Tyrian quarter" of the town: see ch. 154.]
95 (return)
[ {ten sen}, or {tauten},
"this land."]
95 (return)
[ {ten sen}, or {tauten}, "this land."]
96 (return)
[ {es o meteke auton},
"until at last he dismissed it"; but the construction is very irregular,
and there is probably some corruption of text. Stein reads {ekon} by
conjecture for {es o}.]
96 (return)
[ {es o meteke auton},
"until finally he let it go"; but the structure is quite unusual,
and there may be some text corruption. Stein suggests {ekon} as a guess for {es o}.]
97 (return)
[ {delon de kata per
epoiese}: a conjectural emendation of {delon de' kata gar epoiese}, which
some editors retain, translating thus, "and this is clear; for according
to the manner in which Homer described the wanderings of Alexander, etc.,
it is clear how, etc."]
97 (return)
[ {delon de kata per
epoiese}: a proposed correction of {delon de' kata gar epoiese}, which
some editors keep, translating it as, "and this is obvious; for based
on the way Homer depicted Alexander's journeys, etc., it's evident how, etc."]
98 (return)
[ Il. vi. 289. The sixth
book is not ordinarily included in the {Diomedeos aristeia}.]
98 (return)
[ Il. vi. 289. The sixth book is usually not part of the {Diomedeos aristeia}.]
99 (return)
[ Od. iv. 227. These
references to the Odyssey are by some thought to be interpolations,
because they refer only to the visit of Menelaos to Egypt after the fall
of Troy; but Herodotus is arguing that Homer, while rejecting the legend
of Helen's stay in Egypt during the war, yet has traces of it left in this
later visit to Egypt of Menelaos and Helen, as well as in the visit of
Paris and Helen to Sidon.]
99 (return)
[ Od. iv. 227. Some people think these references to the Odyssey were added later because they only mention Menelaus's trip to Egypt after the fall of Troy. However, Herodotus argues that Homer, while dismissing the story of Helen's time in Egypt during the war, still leaves hints of it in Menelaus and Helen's later visit to Egypt, as well as in Paris and Helen's trip to Sidon.]
100 (return)
[ Od. iv. 351.]
100 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Od. iv. 351.]
101 (return)
[ {kai tode to khorion}:
probably {to khorion} ought to be struck out: "this also is evident."]
101 (return)
[ {and this region}:
probably {the region} should be removed: "this is also clear."]
102 (return)
[ {podeonas}, being the
feet of the animals whose skins they were.]
102 (return)
[ {podeonas}, referring to the feet of the animals whose skins they were.]
103 (return)
[ Cp. vii. 152.]
103 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See vii. 152.]
104 (return)
[ {elasai}, which may be
intransitive, "rushed into every kind of evil."]
104 (return)
[ {elasai}, which may be intransitive, "plunged into all sorts of wrongdoing."]
105 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]
105 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {stadiums}.]
106 (return)
[ {krossas}.]
106 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {krossas}.]
107 (return)
[ {bomidas}.]
107 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {bomidas}.]
108 (return)
[ i.e. the three small
pyramids just to the East of the great pyramid.]
108 (return)
[ i.e. the three small pyramids located just to the east of the great pyramid.]
109 (return)
[ {oute gar k.t.l.},
"for there are no underground chambers," etc. Something which was in the
mind of the writer has been omitted either by himself or his copyists,
"and inferior to it also in other respects, for," etc. unless, as Stein
supposes, we have here a later addition thrown in without regard to the
connexion.]
109 (return)
[ {oute gar k.t.l.},
"because there are no hidden rooms," etc. Something that the writer was thinking about has been left out either by him or his scribes, "and it's also lacking in other ways, for," etc. unless, as Stein suggests, we have a later addition inserted without considering the connection.]
110 (return)
[ {touto megathos}, "as
regards attaining the same size," but probably the text is corrupt. Stein
reads {to megathos} in his later editions.]
110 (return)
[ {touto megathos}, "in terms of reaching the same size," but the text is likely corrupted. Stein reads {to megathos} in his later editions.]
111 (return)
[ Or, "Philition."]
111 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Philition."]
112 (return)
[ {to theo}, the goddess
Leto, cp. i. 105.]
112 (return)
[ {to theo}, the goddess Leto, see i. 105.]
113 (return)
[ {suntakhunein auton
ton bion}: some MSS. and Editors read {auto} for {auton}, "that heaven was
shortening his life."]
113 (return)
[ {suntakhunein auton
ton bion}: some manuscripts and editors read {auto} for {auton}, "that heaven was
shortening his life."]
114 (return)
[ More literally,
"bidding him take up the blood-money, who would." The people of Delphi are
said to have put Esop to death and to have been ordered by the Oracle to
make compensation.]
114 (return)
[ More literally, "telling him to take the blood-money, whoever wanted to." It's said that the people of Delphi killed Aesop and were instructed by the Oracle to provide compensation.]
115 (return)
[ {os an einai
'Podopin}: so the MSS. Some Editors read {'Podopios}, others {'Podopi}.]
115 (return)
[ {os an einai
'Podopin}: as the manuscripts do. Some editors read {'Podopios}, others {'Podopi}.]
117 (return)
[ {epaphroditoi
ginesthai}.]
117 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {epaphroditoi
to be made}.]
118 (return)
[ {katekertomese min}:
Athenæus says that Sappho attacked the mistress of Charaxos; but here
{min} can hardly refer to any one but Charaxos himself, who doubtless
would be included in the same condemnation.]
118 (return)
[ {katekertomese min}:
Athenæus claims that Sappho went after Charaxos's mistress; however,
{min} likely refers to Charaxos himself, who would certainly be included in the same criticism.]
119 (return)
[ {propulaia}.]
119 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {entrance}.]
121 (return)
[ {tassomenon},
"posted," like an army; but the text is probably unsound: so also in the
next line, where the better MSS. have {men Boubasti poli}, others {e en
Boubasti polis}. Stein reads {e en Boubasti poli}, "the earth at the city
of Bubastis." Perhaps {e en Boubasti polis} might mean the town as opposed
to the temple, as Mr. Woods suggests.]
121 (return)
[ {tassomenon}, "posted," like a military force; however, the text may not be accurate: similarly in the next line, where the better manuscripts have {men Boubasti poli}, while others have {e en Boubasti polis}. Stein interprets it as {e en Boubasti poli}, meaning "the land at the city of Bubastis." It’s possible that {e en Boubasti polis} could refer to the town in contrast to the temple, as Mr. Woods suggests.]
122 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 161, {egeneto
apo prophasios, ton k.t.l.} Perhaps however {prophasin} is here from
{prophaino} (cp. Soph. Trach. 662), and it means merely "that the gods
were foreshowing him this in order that," etc. So Stein.]
122 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 161, {it came from prophecy, etc.} However, perhaps {prophecy} is derived from {prophaino} (see Soph. Trach. 662), and it simply means "that the gods were hinting at this for him so that," etc. So Stein.]
123 (return)
[ i.e. for their
customary gift or tribute to him as king.]
123 (return)
[ i.e. for their usual gift or tribute to him as king.]
124 (return)
[ The chronology is
inconsistent, and some propose, without authority, to read "three hundred
years."]
124 (return)
[ The timeline is inconsistent, and some suggest, without evidence, to interpret it as "three hundred years."]
125 (return)
[ {tas arouras}, cp. ch.
168, where the {aroura} is defined as a hundred Egyptian units square,
about three-quarters of an acre.]
125 (return)
[ {tas arouras}, see ch. 168, where the {aroura} is defined as a hundred Egyptian square units, which is about three-quarters of an acre.]
126 (return)
[ {es to megaron}.]
126 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {es to megaron}.]
127 (return)
[ Not on two single
occasions, but for two separate periods of time it was stated that the sun
had risen in the West and set in the East; i.e. from East to West, then
from West to East, then again from East to West, and finally back to East
again. This seems to be the meaning attached by Herodotus to something
which he was told about astronomical cycles.]
127 (return)
[ Not on two individual occasions, but during two distinct periods, it was noted that the sun had risen in the West and set in the East; meaning it moved from East to West, then from West to East, then again from East to West, and finally returning to East. This appears to be the interpretation that Herodotus gave to something he was told regarding astronomical cycles.]
128 (return)
[ {ouk eontas}: this is
the reading of all the best MSS., and also fits in best with the argument,
which was that in Egypt gods were quite distinct from men. Most Editors
however read {oikeontas} on the authority of a few MSS., "dwelling with
men." (The reading of the Medicean MS. is {ouk eontas}, not {oukeontas} as
stated by Stein.)]
128 (return)
[ {ouk eontas}: this is
the reading of all the best manuscripts, and also aligns best with the argument,
which was that in Egypt gods were clearly distinct from men. Most editors, however, read {oikeontas} based on a few manuscripts, meaning "dwelling with
men." (The reading of the Medicean manuscript is {ouk eontas}, not {oukeontas} as stated by Stein.)]
129 (return)
[ i.e. that the Hellenes
borrowed these divinities from Egypt, see ch. 43 ff. This refers to all
the three gods above mentioned and not (as Stein contended) to Pan and
Dionysos only.]
129 (return)
[ i.e. that the Greeks took these gods from Egypt, see ch. 43 ff. This applies to all three gods mentioned above and not (as Stein argued) just to Pan and Dionysus.]
130 (return)
[ {kai toutous allous},
i.e. as well as Heracles; but it may mean "that these also, distinct from
the gods, had been born," etc. The connexion seems to be this: "I
expressed my opinion on all these cases when I spoke of the case of
Heracles; for though the statement there about Heracles was in one respect
inapplicable to the rest, yet in the main conclusion that gods are not
born of men it applies to all."]
130 (return)
[ {and these others},
meaning also Heracles; but it might imply "that these too, separate from
the gods, were born," etc. The connection seems to be this: "I shared my thoughts on all these instances when I discussed the case of
Heracles; for although the description there about Heracles was in one way
not applicable to the others, yet in the overall conclusion that gods are not
born of men, it applies to all."]
131 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]
131 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {stadiums}.]
132 (return)
[ {mneas}, of which 60
go to the talent.]
132 (return)
[ {mneas}, where 60 of them go to the talent.]
133 (return)
[ Cp. ch. 112.]
133 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 112.]
134 (return)
[ {neos}.]
134 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {neos}.]
135 (return)
[ I understand that each
wall consisted of a single stone, which gave the dimensions each way: "as
regards height and length" therefore it was made of a single stone. That
it should have been a monolith, except the roof, is almost impossible, not
only because of the size mentioned (which in any case is suspicious), but
because no one would so hollow out a monolith that it would be necessary
afterwards to put on another stone for the roof. The monolith chamber
mentioned in ch. 175, which it took three years to convey from
Elephantine, measured only 21 cubits by 14 by 8. The {parorophis} or
"cornice" is not an "eave projecting four cubits," but (as the word is
explained by Pollux) a cornice between ceiling and roof, measuring in this
instance four cubits in height and formed by the thickness of the single
stone: see Letronne, Recherches pour servir, etc. p. 80 (quoted by Bähr).]
135 (return)
[ I get that each wall was made from a single stone, which defined its size in terms of height and length. So, it was indeed made from one piece. It seems almost impossible for it to have been a monolith, except for the roof, not just because of the mentioned size (which is suspicious on its own), but also because no one would hollow out a monolith to the extent that another stone would be needed for the roof. The monolith chamber referred to in ch. 175, which took three years to transport from Elephantine, was only 21 cubits long, 14 cubits wide, and 8 cubits high. The {parorophis} or "cornice" is not an "eave projecting four cubits," but (as Pollux explains the term) a cornice found between the ceiling and the roof, which in this case is four cubits high and is shaped by the thickness of the single stone: see Letronne, Recherches pour servir, etc. p. 80 (quoted by Bähr).]
137 (return)
[ {aparti}: this word is
not found in any MS. but was read here by the Greek grammarians.]
137 (return)
[ {aparti}: this word doesn't appear in any manuscripts, but it was referenced here by the Greek grammarians.]
13701 (return)
[ i.e. 120,000.]
13701 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 120K.]
138 (return)
[ Cp. iv. 159.]
138 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See iv. 159.]
139 (return)
[ {kuneen}, perhaps the
royal helmet or Pschent, cp. ch. 151.]
139 (return)
[ {kuneen}, maybe the royal helmet or Pschent, see ch. 151.]
140 (return)
[ {apemataise},
euphemism for breaking wind.]
140 (return)
[ {apemataise},
a polite way to say passing gas.]
141 (return)
[ {oudena logon auto
donta}: many Editors change {auto} to {eouto}, in which case it means
"taking no time to consider the matter," as elsewhere in Herodotus; but
cp. iii. 50 {istoreonti logon audena edidou}.]
141 (return)
[ {oudena logon auto donta}: many editors change {auto} to {eouto}, in which case it means "not taking time to think about it," as noted elsewhere in Herodotus; but see iii. 50 {istoreonti logon audena edidou}.]
142 (return)
[ {nomon}, and so
throughout the passage.]
142 (return)
[ {nomon}, and so throughout the passage.]
14201 (return)
[ i.e. 160,000.]
14201 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 160K.]
14202 (return)
[ i.e. 250,000.]
14202 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 250K.]
144 (return)
[ {ekaston}: if
{ekastoi} be read (for which there is more MS. authority) the meaning will
be that "a thousand Calasirians and a thousand Hermotybians acted as
guards alternately, each for a year," the number at a time being 1000 not
2000.]
144 (return)
[ {ekaston}: if
{ekastoi} is read (which has more manuscript support) it means that "a thousand Calasirians and a thousand Hermotybians took turns as guards, each for a year," with the number at a time being 1000, not 2000.]
14401 (return)
[ {pente mneai}.]
14401 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {pente mneai}.]
145 (return)
[
{arusteres},={kotulai}.]
145 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {arusteres} = {kotulai}. ]
146 (return)
[ {tou neou}.]
146 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {tou neou}.]
147 (return)
[ {e trokhoiedes
kaleomene}, "the Wheel."]
147 (return)
[ {e trokhoiedes
kaleomene}, "the Wheel."]
148 (return)
[ The last words, "and
when—again," are not found in the best MSS., and are omitted by
Stein. However their meaning, if not expressed, is implied.]
148 (return)
[ The final words, "and when—again," are not present in the best manuscripts, and Stein has left them out. However, their meaning, if not stated outright, is suggested.]
149 (return)
[ {pugonos}.]
149 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {pugonos}.]
150 (return)
[ {tou autou eontes
lithou}: some MSS. and many Editors have {Aithiopikou} for {tou autou},
"of Ethiopian stone." For {eontes} the MSS. have {eontos}, which may be
right, referring to {tou bathrou} understood, "the base being made of,"
etc.]
150 (return)
[ {tou autou eontes
lithou}: some manuscripts and many editors have {Aithiopikou} for {tou autou},
"of Ethiopian stone." For {eontes} the manuscripts have {eontos}, which may be
correct, referring to {tou bathrou} understood, "the base being made of,"
etc.]
151 (return)
[ {tou megalou}, a
conjecture founded upon Valla's version, which has been confirmed by a MS.
The other MSS. have {tou megarou}, which is retained by some Editors, "on
each side of the sanctuary."]
151 (return)
[ {tou megalou}, a guess based on Valla's version, which has been confirmed by a manuscript. The other manuscripts have {tou megarou}, which is kept by some editors, "on each side of the sanctuary."]
152 (return)
[ "are claiming a share
when no part in it belongs to them."]
152 (return)
[ "are asserting a right to something that doesn't belong to them."]
153 (return)
[ Or possibly of alum:
but the gift seems a very small one in any case. Some propose to read
{eikosi mneas khrusou}.]
153 (return)
[Or maybe of alum: but the gift seems quite small regardless. Some suggest reading {eikosi mneas khrusou}.]
154 (return)
[ Or, according to a few
MSS., "Battos the son of Arkesilaos."]
154 (return)
[ Or, based on some manuscripts, "Battos the son of Arkesilaos."]
BOOK III. THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED THALEIA
1. Against this Amasis then Cambyses the son of Cyrus was making his march, taking with him not only other nations of which he was ruler, but also Hellenes, both Ionians and Aiolians: 1 and the cause of the expedition was as follows:—Cambyses sent an envoy to Egypt and asked Amasis to give him his daughter; and he made the request by counsel of an Egyptian, who brought this upon Amasis 2 having a quarrel with him for the following reason:—at the time when Cyrus sent to Amasis and asked him for a physician of the eyes, whosoever was the best of those in Egypt, Amasis had selected him from all the physicians in Egypt and had torn him away from his wife and children and delivered him up to Persia. Having, I say, this cause of quarrel, the Egyptian urged Cambyses on by his counsel bidding him ask Amasis for his daughter, in order that he might either be grieved if he gave her, or if he refused to give her, might offend Cambyses. So Amasis, who was vexed by the power of the Persians and afraid of it, knew neither how to give nor how to refuse: for he was well assured that Cambyses did not intend to have her as his wife but as a concubine. So making account of the matter thus, he did as follows:—there was a daughter of Apries the former king, very tall and comely of form and the only person left of his house, and her name was Nitetis. This girl Amasis adorned with raiment and with gold, and sent her away to Persia as his own daughter: but after a time, when Cambyses saluted her calling her by the name of her father, the girl said to him: "O king, thou dost not perceive how thou hast been deceived by Amasis; for he adorned me with ornaments and sent me away giving me to thee as his own daughter, whereas in truth I am the daughter of Apries against whom Amasis rose up with the Egyptians and murdered him, who was his lord and master." These words uttered and this occasion having arisen, led Cambyses the son of Cyrus against Egypt, moved to very great anger.
1. So against Amasis, Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, was on the move, bringing with him not just the other nations he ruled but also Greeks, including Ionians and Aiolians: 1 and the reason for the expedition was this: Cambyses sent a messenger to Egypt, asking Amasis for his daughter; he made this request based on advice from an Egyptian who was in conflict with Amasis for the following reason: when Cyrus sent a request to Amasis for the best eye doctor in Egypt, Amasis had chosen the best among the physicians, taking him away from his wife and children and sending him to Persia. With this grievance in mind, the Egyptian urged Cambyses to ask Amasis for his daughter, so that he could either be upset if he gave her or offend Cambyses if he refused. Amasis, troubled by the power of the Persians and fearful of them, found himself unsure how to respond: he knew well that Cambyses wasn’t looking to marry her but to take her as a concubine. Considering the situation, he decided to do the following: there was a daughter of Apries, the former king, who was very tall and beautiful, and the only one left of his household, named Nitetis. Amasis dressed her in fine clothes and gold, sending her to Persia as if she were his own daughter. Later, when Cambyses greeted her, calling her by her father’s name, she said to him: "O king, you do not realize how Amasis has tricked you; he dressed me up and sent me to you, claiming I was his daughter, but in truth, I am the daughter of Apries, the king Amasis overthrew and killed." These words and this situation greatly angered Cambyses, son of Cyrus, prompting him to march against Egypt.
2. Such is the report made by the Persians; but as for the Egyptians they claim Cambyses as one of themselves, saying that he was born of this very daughter of Apries; for they say that Cyrus was he who sent to Amasis for his daughter, and not Cambyses. In saying this however they say not rightly; nor can they have failed to observe (for the Egyptians fully as well as any other people are acquainted with the laws and customs of the Persians), first that it is not customary among them for a bastard to become king, when there is a son born of a true marriage, and secondly that Cambyses was the son of Cassandane the daughter of Pharnaspes, a man of the Achaimenid family, and not the son of the Egyptian woman: but they pervert the truth of history, claiming to be kindred with the house of Cyrus. Thus it is with these matters;
2. This is the report from the Persians; however, the Egyptians claim Cambyses as one of their own, saying he was born to this very daughter of Apries. They argue that it was Cyrus who sent for Amasis's daughter, not Cambyses. However, they are mistaken in this claim; they surely must know (as the Egyptians are just as familiar with the laws and customs of the Persians as any other people) that first, it's not customary for a bastard to become king when there is a legitimate son, and second, Cambyses was the son of Cassandane, the daughter of Pharnaspes, a man from the Achaemenid family, not the son of the Egyptian woman. Yet, they distort the truth of history, asserting a connection to the house of Cyrus. That's how it stands with these matters;
3, and the following story is also told, which for my part I do not believe, namely that one of the Persian women came in to the wives of Cyrus, and when she saw standing by the side of Cassandane children comely of form and tall, she was loud in her praises of them, expressing great admiration; and Cassandane, who was the wife of Cyrus, spoke as follows: "Nevertheless, though I am the mother of such children of these, Cyrus treats me with dishonour and holds in honour her whom he has brought in from Egypt." Thus she spoke, they say, being vexed by Nitetis, and upon that Cambyses the elder of her sons said: "For this cause, mother, when I am grown to be a man, I will make that which is above in Egypt to be below, and that which is below above." This he is reported to have said when he was perhaps about ten years old, and the women were astonished by it: and he, they say, kept it ever in mind, and so at last when he had become a man and had obtained the royal power, he made the expedition against Egypt.
3, and the following story is also told, which I personally do not believe. A Persian woman came in to meet the wives of Cyrus, and when she saw the tall, attractive children next to Cassandane, she praised them loudly and expressed her admiration. Cassandane, who was Cyrus's wife, responded, "But even though I am the mother of such children, Cyrus dishonors me and honors the woman he brought in from Egypt." She said this out of irritation towards Nitetis, and then Cambyses, her oldest son, declared, "For this reason, mother, when I grow up, I will turn that which is above in Egypt to be below, and that which is below to be above." He reportedly said this when he was about ten years old, and the women were amazed. He kept it in his mind, and eventually, when he became a man and gained power, he launched an expedition against Egypt.
4. Another thing also contributed to this expedition, which was as follows:—There was among the foreign mercenaries 3 of Amasis a man who was by race of Halicarnassos, and his name was Phanes, one who was both capable in judgment and valiant in that which pertained to war. This Phanes, having (as we may suppose) some quarrel with Amasis, fled away from Egypt in a ship, desiring to come to speech with Cambyses: and as he was of no small repute among the mercenaries and was very closely acquainted with all the affairs of Egypt, Amasis pursued him and considered it a matter of some moment to capture him: and he pursued by sending after him the most trusted of his eunuchs with a trireme, who captured him in Lykia; but having captured him he did not bring him back to Egypt, since Phanes got the better of him by cunning; for he made his guards drunk and escaped to Persia. So when Cambyses had made his resolve to march upon Egypt, and was in difficulty about the march, as to how he should get safely through the waterless region, this man came to him and besides informing of the other matters of Amasis, he instructed him also as to the march, advising him to send to the king of the Arabians and ask that he would give him safety of passage through this region.
4. Another factor that contributed to this expedition was as follows: among the foreign mercenaries 3 of Amasis, there was a man from Halicarnassus named Phanes. He was skilled in judgment and brave when it came to war. Phanes, having (as we can assume) a disagreement with Amasis, fled Egypt on a ship, wanting to speak with Cambyses. Since he was well-regarded among the mercenaries and had detailed knowledge of Egypt's affairs, Amasis wanted to capture him and saw it as significant. He sent some of his most trusted eunuchs with a trireme to pursue him, and they managed to capture him in Lycia. However, instead of bringing him back to Egypt, Phanes outsmarted his captors; he got them drunk and escaped to Persia. So, when Cambyses decided to march on Egypt and was uncertain about how to navigate the waterless region safely, Phanes came to him. He not only provided information about Amasis but also advised Cambyses on the march, suggesting that he contact the king of the Arabians to request safe passage through the area.
5. Now by this way only is there a known entrance to Egypt: for from Phenicia to the borders of the city of Cadytis belongs to the Syrians 4 who are called of Palestine, and from Cadytis, which is a city I suppose not much less than Sardis, from this city the trading stations on the sea-coast as far as the city of Ienysos belong to the king of Arabia, and then from Ienysos again the country belongs to the Syrians as far as the Serbonian lake, along the side of which Mount Casion extends towards the Sea. After that, from the Serbonian lake, in which the story goes that Typhon is concealed, from this point onwards the land is Egypt. Now the region which lies between the city of Ienysos on the one hand and Mount Casion and the Serbonian lake on the other, which is of no small extent but as much as a three days' journey, is grievously destitute of water.
5. This is the only known way to enter Egypt: from Phoenicia to the borders of the city of Cadytis, which belongs to the Syrians known as the people of Palestine. Cadytis, a city I believe is not much smaller than Sardis, serves as a trade hub along the coast extending to the city of Ienysos, which is under the rule of the king of Arabia. From Ienysos, the land again belongs to the Syrians all the way to the Serbonian lake, alongside which Mount Casion stretches toward the sea. Beyond the Serbonian lake, said to be where Typhon is hidden, the land is Egypt. The area between the city of Ienysos and Mount Casion and the Serbonian lake—extending for about three days' journey—is severely lacking in water.
6. And one thing I shall tell of, which few of those who go in ships to Egypt have observed, and it is this:—into Egypt from all parts of Hellas and also from Phenicia are brought twice every year earthenware jars full of wine, and yet it may almost be said that you cannot see there one single empty 5 wine-jar.
6. And one thing I want to point out, which few of those who travel by ship to Egypt have noticed, is this:—twice a year, earthenware jars filled with wine are brought to Egypt from all over Greece and also from Phoenicia, and yet you can hardly find a single empty 5 wine jar there.
7. In what manner, then, it will be asked, are they used up? This also I will tell. The head-man 6 of each place must collect all the earthenware jars from his own town and convey them to Memphis, and those at Memphis must fill them with water and convey them to these same waterless regions of Syria: this the jars which come regularly to Egypt and are emptied 7 there, are carried to Syria to be added to that which has come before. It was the Persians who thus prepared this approach to Egypt, furnishing it with water in the manner which has been said, from the time when they first took possession of Egypt: but at the time of which I speak, seeing that water was not yet provided, Cambyses, in accordance with what he was told by his Halicarnassian guest, sent envoys to the Arabian king and from him asked and obtained the safe passage, having given him pledges of friendship and received them from him in return.
7. So how are they used up, you might ask? I'll explain. The leader of each town needs to gather all the earthenware jars from their area and transport them to Memphis. The people in Memphis then fill these jars with water and ship them to the dry regions of Syria. The jars that regularly arrive in Egypt and are emptied there are taken to Syria to be added to what has come before. The Persians established this route to Egypt, providing it with water as described, since they first took control of Egypt. However, at that time, since water wasn’t available yet, Cambyses, following the advice of his guest from Halicarnassus, sent messengers to the Arabian king to request safe passage. He offered pledges of friendship and received them in return.
8. Now the Arabians have respect for pledges of friendship as much as those men in all the world who regard them most; and they give them in the following manner:—A man different from those who desire to give the pledges to one another, standing in the midst between the two, cuts with a sharp stone the inner parts of the hands, along by the thumbs, of those who are giving the pledges to one another, and then he takes a thread from the cloak of each one and smears with the blood seven stones laid in the midst between them; and as he does this he calls upon Dionysos and Urania. When the man has completed these ceremonies, he who has given the pledges commends to the care of his friends the stranger (or the fellow-tribesman, if he is giving the pledges to one who is a member of his tribe), and the friends think it right that they also should have regard for the pledges given. Of gods they believe in Dionysos and Urania alone: moreover they say that the cutting of their hair is done after the same fashion as that of Dionysos himself; and they cut their hair in a circle round, shaving away the hair of the temples. Now they call Dionysos Orotalt 8 and Urania they call Alilat.
8. The Arabians value promises of friendship just as much as anyone else in the world who holds them dear. They perform the following ritual: A third person, not among those making the promises, stands between them and makes a small cut with a sharp stone on the inner part of their hands, near the thumbs. Then, he takes a thread from each person's cloak and uses the blood to mark seven stones placed between them, all while calling upon Dionysus and Urania. Once this ceremony is completed, the person who made the promise entrusts the care of the newcomer (or fellow tribesman, if they are part of the same tribe) to his friends, who also feel it's important to honor the promises made. They believe only in Dionysus and Urania as their gods; they also say that they cut their hair in the same way that Dionysus does, cutting it into a circle and shaving the hair at the temples. They refer to Dionysus as Orotalt and to Urania as Alilat.
9. So then when the Arabian king had given the pledge of friendship to the men who had come to him from Cambyses, he contrived as follows:—he took skins of camels and filled them with water and loaded them upon the backs of all the living camels that he had; and having so done he drove them to the waterless region and there awaited the army of Cambyses. This which has been related is the more credible of the accounts given, but the less credible must also be related, since it is a current account. There is a great river in Arabia called Corys, and this runs out into the Sea which is called Erythraian. From this river then it is said that the king of the Arabians, having got a conduit pipe made by sewing together raw ox-hides and other skins, of such a length as to reach to the waterless region, conducted the water through these forsooth, 9 and had great cisterns dug in the waterless region, that they might receive the water and preserve it. Now it is a journey of twelve days from the river to this waterless region; and moreover the story says that he conducted the water by three 10 conduit-pipes to three different parts of it.
9. When the Arabian king made a promise of friendship to the men who had come from Cambyses, he planned the following: he took camel hides, filled them with water, and loaded them on all the camels he had. After that, he drove them to the dry area and waited for Cambyses’ army. This account is the more believable of the ones told, but the less believable one must be told too, since it’s a popular story. There is a large river in Arabia called Corys, which flows into the sea known as the Erythraian. From this river, it is said that the king of the Arabians created a pipe by sewing together raw ox hides and other skins, long enough to reach the dry area, and he brought the water through these. Additionally, he had large cisterns dug in the dry region to collect and store the water. It’s a twelve-day journey from the river to this dry area; furthermore, the story mentions that he brought the water through three conduit pipes to three different locations.
10. Meanwhile Psammenitos the son of Amasis was encamped at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile waiting for the coming of Cambyses: for Cambyses did not find Amasis yet living when he marched upon Egypt, but Amasis had died after having reigned forty and four years during which no great misfortune had befallen him: and when he had died and had been embalmed he was buried in the burial-place in the temple, which he had built for himself. 11 Now when Psammenitos son of Amasis was reigning as king, there happened to the Egyptians a prodigy, the greatest that had ever happened: for rain fell at Thebes in Egypt, where never before had rain fallen nor afterwards down to my time, as the Thebans themselves say; for in the upper parts of Egypt no rain falls at all: but at the time of which I speak rain fell at Thebes in a drizzling shower. 12
10. Meanwhile, Psammenitos, the son of Amasis, was camped at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile, waiting for Cambyses to arrive. Cambyses did not find Amasis alive when he marched into Egypt; Amasis had died after reigning for forty-four years, during which time he faced no major misfortunes. After his death, he was embalmed and buried in the tomb he had built for himself in the temple. 11 Now, while Psammenitos, son of Amasis, was ruling as king, the Egyptians experienced a remarkable event, the greatest ever recorded: it rained in Thebes, Egypt, where it had never rained before and never has since, according to the Thebans themselves. In the upper parts of Egypt, there is no rainfall at all; but during the time I’m talking about, there was a light shower in Thebes. 12
11. Now when the Persians had marched quite through the waterless region and were encamped near the Egyptians with design to engage battle, then the foreign mercenaries of the Egyptian king, who were Hellenes and Carians, having a quarrel with Phanes because he had brought against Egypt an army of foreign speech, contrived against him as follows:—Phanes had children whom he had left behind in Egypt: these they brought to their camp and into the sight of their father, and they set up a mixing-bowl between the two camps, and after that they brought up the children one by one and cut their throats so that the blood ran into the bowl. Then when they had gone through the whole number of the children, they brought and poured into the bowl both wine and water, and not until the mercenaries had all drunk of the blood, did they engage battle. Then after a battle had been fought with great stubbornness, and very many had fallen of both the armies, the Egyptians at length turned to flight.
11. When the Persians had marched completely through the dry area and set up camp near the Egyptians, preparing for battle, the foreign mercenaries of the Egyptian king, who were Greeks and Carians, had a feud with Phanes because he had brought an army of foreigners against Egypt. They plotted against him in the following way: Phanes had children he had left behind in Egypt. They brought the kids to their camp where their father could see them, set up a mixing bowl between the two camps, and then brought the children up one by one, cutting their throats so the blood flowed into the bowl. After they had gone through all the children, they poured both wine and water into the bowl, and only after the mercenaries had all drunk the blood did they engage in battle. After a fiercely fought battle, with many casualties on both sides, the Egyptians eventually turned to flee.
12. I was witness moreover of a great marvel, being informed of it by the natives of the place; for of the bones scattered about of those who fell in this fight, each side separately, since the bones of the Persians were lying apart on one side according as they were divided at first, and those of the Egyptians on the other, the skulls of the Persians are so weak that if you shall hit them only with a pebble you will make a hole in them, while those of the Egyptians are so exceedingly strong that you would hardly break them if you struck them with a large stone. The cause of it, they say, was this, and I for my part readily believe them, namely that the Egyptians beginning from their early childhood shave their heads, and the bone is thickened by exposure to the sun: and this is also the cause of their not becoming bald-headed; for among the Egyptians you see fewer bald-headed men than among any other race. This then is the reason why these have their skulls strong; and the reason why the Persians have theirs weak is that they keep them delicately in the shade from the first by wearing tiaras, that is felt caps. So far of this: and I saw also a similar thing to this at Papremis, in the case of those who were slain together with Achaimenes the son of Dareios, by Inaros the Libyan.
12. I also witnessed something incredible, as the locals told me about it; the bones scattered from those who died in this battle were separated by side— the Persian bones were lying apart on one side, while the Egyptian bones were on the other. The skulls of the Persians are so fragile that if you hit them with just a pebble, you could create a hole, while the skulls of the Egyptians are so incredibly strong that you would barely break them even if you hit them with a large stone. They say the reason for this, which I believe, is that Egyptians shave their heads from a young age, and the bones thicken from exposure to the sun. This also explains why fewer Egyptians are bald compared to other races. So that's why their skulls are sturdy, while the Persians have weak skulls because they keep them protected and in the shade from the start by wearing tiaras, which are felt caps. That's all for this; I also saw something similar at Papremis regarding those who were killed along with Achaimenes, the son of Darius, by Inaros the Libyan.
13. The Egyptians when they turned to flight from the battle fled in disorder: and they being shut up in Memphis, Cambyses sent a ship of Mytilene up the river bearing a Persian herald, to summon the Egyptians to make terms of surrender; but they, when they saw the ship had entered into Memphis, pouring forth in a body from the fortress 13 both destroyed the ship and also tore the men in it limb from limb, and so bore them into the fortress. After this the Egyptians being besieged, in course of time surrendered themselves; and the Libyans who dwell on the borders of Egypt, being struck with terror by that which had happened to Egypt, delivered themselves up without resistance, and they both laid on themselves a tribute and sent presents: likewise also those of Kyrene and Barca, being struck with terror equally with 14 the Libyans, acted in a similar manner: and Cambyses accepted graciously the gifts which came from the Libyans, but as for those which came from the men of Kyrene, finding fault with them, as I suppose, because they were too small in amount (for the Kyrenians sent in fact five hundred pounds' weight 15 of silver), he took the silver by handfuls and scattered it with his own hand among his soldiers.
13. The Egyptians, when they fled from the battle, ran away in chaos. Once they were trapped in Memphis, Cambyses sent a ship from Mytilene up the river with a Persian messenger to demand the Egyptians to surrender. However, when they saw the ship had entered Memphis, they rushed out of the fortress, destroyed the ship, and tore the crew apart, dragging them back into the fortress. After some time, the besieged Egyptians surrendered. The Libyans living on the borders of Egypt, fearing what had happened to Egypt, gave themselves up without a fight, and they imposed a tribute on themselves and sent gifts. Likewise, the people of Cyrene and Barca, equally terrified as the Libyans, did the same. Cambyses graciously accepted the gifts from the Libyans, but criticized the gifts from the people of Cyrene, I suppose, because they were too small (since the Cyrenians had sent only five hundred pounds of silver). He took the silver in handfuls and scattered it among his soldiers.
14. On the tenth day after that on which he received the surrender of the fortress of Memphis, Cambyses set the king of the Egyptians Psammenitos, who had been king for six months, to sit in the suburb of the city, to do him dishonour,—him I say with other Egyptians he set there, and he proceeded to make trial of his spirit as follows:—having arrayed his daughter in the clothing of a slave, he sent her forth with a pitcher to fetch water, and with her he sent also other maidens chosen from the daughters of the chief men, arrayed as was the daughter of the king: and as the maidens were passing by their fathers with cries and lamentation, the other men all began to cry out and lament aloud, 16 seeing that their children had been evilly entreated, but Psammenitos when he saw it before his eyes and perceived it bent himself down to the earth. Then when the water-bearers had passed by, next Cambyses sent his son with two thousand Egyptians besides who were of the same age, with ropes bound round their necks and bits placed in their mouths; and these were being led away to execution to avenge the death of the Mytilenians who had been destroyed at Memphis with their ship: for the Royal Judges 17 had decided that for each man ten of the noblest Egyptians should lose their lives in retaliation. He then, when he saw them passing out by him and perceived that his son was leading the way 18 to die, did the same as he had done with respect to his daughter, while the other Egyptians who sat round him were lamenting and showing signs of grief. When these also had passed by, it chanced that a man of his table companions, advanced in years, who had been deprived of all his possessions and had nothing except such things as a beggar possesses, and was asking alms from the soldiers, passed by Psammenitos the son of Amasis and the Egyptians who were sitting in the suburb of the city: and when Psammenitos saw him he uttered a great cry of lamentation, and he called his companion by name and beat himself upon the head. Now there was, it seems, men set to watch him, who made known to Cambyses all that he did on the occasion of each going forth: and Cambyses marvelled at that which he did, and he sent a messenger and asked him thus: "Psammenitos, thy master Cambyses asks thee for what reason, when thou sawest thy daughter evilly entreated and thy son going to death, thou didst not cry aloud nor lament for them, whereas thou didst honour with these signs of grief the beggar who, as he hears from others, is not in any way related to thee?" Thus he asked, and the other answered as follows: "O son of Cyrus, my own troubles were too great for me to lament them aloud, but the trouble of my companion was such as called for tears, seeing that he has been deprived of great wealth, and has come to beggary upon the threshold of old age." When this saying was reported by the messenger, it seemed to them 19 that it was well spoken; and, as is reported by the Egyptians, Croesus shed tears (for he also, as fortune would have it, had accompanied Cambyses to Egypt) and the Persians who were present shed tears also; and there entered some pity into Cambyses himself, and forthwith he bade them save the life of the son of Psammenitos from among those who were being put to death, and also he bade them raise Psammenitos himself from his place in the suburb of the city and bring him into his own presence.
14. On the tenth day after he took over the fortress of Memphis, Cambyses made Psammenitos, the king of the Egyptians who had ruled for six months, sit in the outskirts of the city to dishonor him. Along with him, he put other Egyptians there and tested his spirit in the following way: he dressed his daughter like a slave and sent her out with a pitcher to fetch water, accompanied by other maidens chosen from the daughters of the prominent men, dressed the same way as the king's daughter. As the maidens passed their fathers, they cried out in sorrow, and all the other men began to wail loudly, seeing that their children were being mistreated. However, Psammenitos, seeing it happen right in front of him, lowered himself to the ground. After the water-bearers had walked by, Cambyses then sent his son along with two thousand other Egyptians of the same age, all with ropes around their necks and bits in their mouths; they were being led away to be executed as revenge for the Mytilenians who had been killed at Memphis with their ship. The Royal Judges had decided that for each Mytilenian, ten of the noblest Egyptians should be killed in retaliation. When Psammenitos saw them going by and realized that his son was being led to die, he reacted the same way he had with his daughter, while the other Egyptians around him were mourning and displaying their grief. After they passed, an older man from among his table companions came along, who had lost all his possessions and had nothing except what a beggar has, and he was asking for alms from the soldiers. When Psammenitos saw him, he let out a loud cry of lamentation, called his companion by name, and beat his head. It seems there were men watching him, who reported all he did during these moments to Cambyses, who was astonished by his actions. He sent a messenger to ask him, “Psammenitos, your master Cambyses wants to know why, when you saw your daughter being mistreated and your son heading to his death, you didn’t cry out or mourn for them, while you honored the beggar with your signs of grief, even though he’s not in any way related to you?” Psammenitos replied, “O son of Cyrus, my own troubles were too great for me to express them aloud, but my companion's plight was worthy of tears, seeing that he has lost great wealth and has become a beggar at his old age.” When this was reported back to Cambyses, it seemed to them that it was well said; and as the Egyptians recount, Croesus shed tears (for he too, by chance, had accompanied Cambyses to Egypt), and the Persians present also wept. Cambyses felt some pity himself and immediately ordered them to spare the life of Psammenitos's son from those being executed, and he commanded that Psammenitos himself be lifted from his place in the outskirts of the city and brought into his presence.
15. As for the son, those who went for him found that he was no longer alive, but had been cut down first of all, but Psammenitos himself they raised from his place and brought him into the presence of Cambyses, with whom he continued to live for the rest of his time without suffering any violence; and if he had known how to keep himself from meddling with mischief, he would have received Egypt so as to be ruler of it, since the Persians are wont to honour the sons of kings, and even if the kings have revolted from them, they give back the power into the hands of their sons. Of this, namely that it is their established rule to act so, one may judge by many instances besides and especially 20 by the case of Thannyras the son of Inaros, who received back the power which his father had, and by that of Pausiris the son of Amyrtaios, for he too received back the power of his father: yet it is certain that no men ever up to this time did more evil to the Persians than Inaros and Amyrtaios. As it was, however, Psammenitos devised evil and received the due reward: for he was found to be inciting the Egyptians to revolt; and when this became known to Cambyses, Psammenitos drank bull's blood and died forthwith. Thus he came to his end.
15. As for the son, those who were sent for him discovered that he was no longer alive; he had been killed first. However, they brought Psammenitos from his place and presented him to Cambyses, with whom he continued to live peacefully for the rest of his life, without experiencing any violence. If he had been able to stay out of trouble, he would have been granted Egypt to rule, since the Persians tend to honor the sons of kings. Even if those kings have rebelled against them, they often return power to their sons. This established practice can be seen in several cases, especially 20 in the situation of Thannyras, the son of Inaros, who regained the power his father had, and Pausiris, the son of Amyrtaios, who also reclaimed his father's power. Yet, it’s clear that no one has caused the Persians more trouble than Inaros and Amyrtaios. In the end, however, Psammenitos plotted mischief and faced the consequences: he was found inciting the Egyptians to rebel. When Cambyses learned of this, Psammenitos drank bull's blood and died immediately. Thus, he met his end.
16. From Memphis Cambyses came to the city of Saïs with the purpose of doing that which in fact he did: for when he had entered into the palace of Amasis, he forthwith gave command to bring the corpse of Amasis forth out of his burial-place; and when this had been accomplished, he gave command to scourge it and pluck out the hair and stab it, and to do to it dishonour in every possible way besides: and when they had done this too until they were wearied out, for the corpse being embalmed held out against the violence and did not fall to pieces in any part, Cambyses gave command to consume it with fire, enjoining thereby a thing which was not permitted by religion: for the Persians hold fire to be a god. To consume corpses with fire then is by no means according to the custom of either people, of the Persians for the reason which has been mentioned, since they say that it is not right to give the dead body of a man to a god; while the Egyptians have the belief established that fire is a living wild beast, and that it devours everything which it catches, and when it is satiated with the food it dies itself together with that which it devours: but it is by no means their custom to give the corpse of a man to wild beasts, for which reason they embalm it, that it may not be eaten by worms as it lies in the tomb. Thus then Cambyses was enjoining them to do that which is not permitted by the customs of either people. However, the Egyptians say that it was not Amasis who suffered this outrage, but another of the Egyptians who was of the same stature of body as Amasis; and that to him the Persians did outrage, thinking that they were doing it to Amasis: for they say that Amasis learnt from an Oracle that which was about to happen with regard to himself after his death; and accordingly, to avert the evil which threatened to come upon him, he buried the dead body of this man who was scourged within his own sepulchral chamber near the doors, and enjoined his son to lay his own body as much as possible in the inner recess of the chamber. These injunctions, said to have been given by Amasis with regard to his burial and with regard to the man mentioned, were not in my opinion really given at all, but I think that the Egyptians make pretence of it from pride and with no good ground.
16. Cambyses came to the city of Saïs from Memphis with the intention of doing exactly what he ended up doing: when he entered Amasis's palace, he immediately ordered the corpse of Amasis to be taken out of its tomb; once that was done, he commanded it to be whipped, had its hair pulled out, stabbed it, and disrespected it in every possible way. Even after they had done this until they were exhausted, the embalmed body resisted the violence and didn't fall apart, so Cambyses ordered it to be burned, which was against religious customs: the Persians consider fire to be a god. Burning corpses is not the custom of either group; the Persians believe it’s wrong to offer a human body to a god, while the Egyptians think of fire as a wild beast that consumes everything it catches, and when it’s full, it dies along with its prey. They do not typically let wild animals eat a human body, which is why they embalm it to prevent worms from eating it in the tomb. So, Cambyses was requiring them to act against the customs of both peoples. However, the Egyptians claim it wasn’t Amasis who suffered this humiliation but another man of the same size. They say that the Persians insulted him, believing it was Amasis, because Amasis learned from an oracle about what would happen to him after his death. To avoid the misfortune that was foretold, he buried the body of this scourged man in his own burial chamber near the entrance, telling his son to place his own body as far back in the chamber as possible. In my opinion, these instructions attributed to Amasis regarding his burial and the other man were not actually given but are rather a fabrication by the Egyptians out of pride and without sound reason.
17. After this Cambyses planned three several expeditions, one against the Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a third against the "Long-lived" Ethiopians, who dwell in that part of Libya which is by the Southern Sea: and in forming these designs he resolved to send his naval force against the Carthaginians, and a body chosen from his land-army against the Ammonians; and to the Ethiopians to send spies first, both to see whether the table of the Sun existed really, which is said to exist among these Ethiopians, and in addition to this to spy out all else, but pretending to be bearers of gifts for their king.
17. After this, Cambyses planned three different expeditions: one against the Carthaginians, another against the Ammonians, and a third against the "Long-lived" Ethiopians, who live in the part of Libya near the Southern Sea. For these plans, he decided to send his naval force against the Carthaginians, dispatch a selected group from his land army against the Ammonians, and to send spies to the Ethiopians first. These spies were meant to find out whether the table of the Sun really existed, which is said to be among these Ethiopians, and also to gather other information while pretending to bring gifts for their king.
18. Now the table of the Sun is said to be as follows:—there is a meadow in the suburb of their city full of flesh-meat boiled of all four-footed creatures; and in this, it is said, those of the citizens who are in authority at the time place the flesh by night, managing the matter carefully, and by day any man who wishes comes there and feasts himself; and the natives (it is reported) say that the earth of herself produces these things continually.
18. Now the table of the Sun is described like this: there’s a meadow on the outskirts of their city that's filled with boiled meat from all kinds of four-legged animals. It’s said that at night, the city’s officials carefully place the meat there, and during the day anyone who wants can come and enjoy a feast. The locals say that the earth produces these things all on its own, continuously.
19. Of such nature is the so-called table of the Sun said to be. So when Cambyses had resolved to send the spies, forthwith he sent for those men of the Ichthyophagoi who understood the Ethiopian tongue, to come from the city of Elephantine: and while they were going to fetch these men, he gave command to the fleet to sail against Carthage: but the Phenicians said that they would not do so, for they were bound not to do so by solemn vows, and they would not be acting piously if they made expedition against their own sons: and as the Phenicians were not willing, the rest were rendered unequal to the attempt. Thus then the Carthaginians escaped being enslaved by the Persians; for Cambyses did not think it right to apply force to compel the Phenicians, both because they had delivered themselves over to the Persians of their own accord and because the whole naval force was dependent upon the Phenicians. Now the men of Cyprus also had delivered themselves over to the Persians, and were joining in the expedition against Egypt.
19. The so-called table of the Sun is described as such. When Cambyses decided to send spies, he immediately called for the men of the Ichthyophagoi who spoke the Ethiopian language to come from the city of Elephantine. While they were on their way to get these men, he ordered the fleet to set sail toward Carthage. However, the Phoenicians said they wouldn't do it, as they had made solemn vows not to, and they wouldn't be acting righteously if they launched an attack against their own kin. Since the Phoenicians were unwilling, the rest of the forces felt unable to proceed. As a result, the Carthaginians avoided being enslaved by the Persians, because Cambyses didn't think it was right to use force on the Phoenicians, who had surrendered to the Persians voluntarily, and because the entire naval force depended on them. Additionally, the people of Cyprus had also surrendered to the Persians and were participating in the campaign against Egypt.
20. Then as soon as the Ichthyophagoi came to Cambyses from Elephantine, he sent them to the Ethiopians, enjoining them what they should say and giving them gifts to bear with them, that is to say a purple garment, and a collar of twisted gold with bracelets, and an alabaster box of perfumed ointment, and a jar of palm-wine. Now these Ethiopians to whom Cambyses was sending are said to be the tallest and the most beautiful of all men; and besides other customs which they are reported to have different from other men, there is especially this, it is said, with regard to their regal power,—whomsoever of the men of their nation they judge to be the tallest and to have strength in proportion to his stature, this man they appoint to reign over them.
20. As soon as the Ichthyophagoi arrived at Cambyses from Elephantine, he sent them to the Ethiopians, telling them what to say and giving them gifts to take along: a purple robe, a twisted gold necklace with bracelets, a box of perfumed ointment, and a jar of palm wine. The Ethiopians Cambyses was sending to are said to be the tallest and most attractive of all men. Besides other customs that are different from those of other people, they have one particularly unique rule regarding their kingship—whoever among them they believe is the tallest and has strength that matches his height is the one they choose to rule over them.
21. So when the Ichthyophagoi had come to this people they presented their gifts to the king who ruled over them, and at the same time they said as follows: "The king of the Persians Cambyses, desiring to become a friend and guest to thee, sent us with command to come to speech with thee, and he gives thee for gifts these things which he himself most delights to use." The Ethiopian however, perceiving that they had come as spies, spoke to them as follows: "Neither did the king of the Persians send you bearing gifts because he thought it a matter of great moment to become my guest-friend, nor do ye speak true things (for ye have come as spies of my kingdom), nor again is he a righteous man; for if he had been righteous he would not have coveted a land other than his own, nor would he be leading away into slavery men at whose hands he has received no wrong. Now however give him this bow and speak to him these words: The king of the Ethiopians gives this counsel to the king of the Persians, that when the Persians draw their bows (of equal size to mine) as easily as I do this, then he should march against the Long-lived Ethiopians, provided that he be superior in numbers; but until that time he should feel gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the mind of the sons of the Ethiopians to acquire another land in addition to their own."
21. When the Ichthyophagoi arrived among this people, they presented their gifts to the king ruling over them and said, "The king of the Persians, Cambyses, wants to be your friend and ally. He sent us to talk to you, and he gives you these gifts, which he values the most." However, the Ethiopian king, realizing they had come as spies, replied, "The Persian king didn’t send you with gifts because he wants to be my ally; you aren’t telling the truth since you’ve come to spy on my kingdom. Besides, he isn’t a just man; if he were just, he wouldn’t covet land that isn’t his nor would he enslave people who haven’t wronged him. Instead, give him this bow and tell him these words: The king of the Ethiopians advises the king of the Persians that when the Persians can draw their bows as easily as I do this one, then he can march against the Long-lived Ethiopians, as long as he has more men. Until then, he should be grateful to the gods that the sons of the Ethiopians don’t seek to conquer more land beyond their own."
22. Having thus said and having unbent the bow, he delivered it to those who had come. Then he took the garment of purple and asked what it was and how it had been made: and when the Ichthyophagoi had told him the truth about the purple-fish and the dyeing of the tissue, he said that the men were deceitful and deceitful also were their garments. Then secondly he asked concerning the twisted gold of the collar and the bracelets; and when the Ichthyophagoi were setting forth to him the manner in which it was fashioned, the king broke into a laugh and said, supposing them to be fetters, that they had stronger fetters than those in their country. Thirdly he asked about the perfumed ointment, and when they had told him of the manner of its making and of the anointing with it, he said the same as he had said before about the garment. Then when he came to the wine, and had learned about the manner of its making, being exceedingly delighted with the taste of the drink he asked besides what food the king ate, and what was the longest time that a Persian man lived. They told him that he ate bread, explaining to him first the manner of growing the wheat, and they said that eighty years was the longest term of life appointed for a Persian man. In answer to this the Ethiopian said that he did not wonder that they lived but a few years, when they fed upon dung; for indeed they would not be able to live even so many years as this, if they did not renew their vigour with the drink, indicating to the Ichthyophagoi the wine; for in regard to this, he said, his people were much behind the Persians.
22. After saying this and putting down the bow, he handed it over to those who had come. Then he picked up the purple garment and asked what it was and how it was made. When the Ichthyophagoi explained the truth about the purple fish and how the fabric was dyed, he claimed that the men were deceitful and so were their clothes. Next, he inquired about the twisted gold of the collar and the bracelets. As the Ichthyophagoi described how they were made, the king laughed, suggesting that they had stronger chains than those in their own country. Then he asked about the perfumed ointment, and after learning how it was made and how it was used, he repeated his earlier thoughts about the garment. When he finally asked about the wine and learned how it was produced, he was thrilled by the drink's taste and asked what food the king ate and the average lifespan of a Persian man. They told him he ate bread and explained how the wheat was grown, saying that the longest lifespan for a Persian man was eighty years. In response, the Ethiopian remarked that he wasn’t surprised they lived only a few years when they fed on dung; in fact, he believed they wouldn’t even see that age if they didn't boost their strength with the drink, gesturing to the wine, as he noted that his people were far behind the Persians in this regard.
23. Then when the Ichthyophagoi asked the king in return about the length of days and the manner of life of his people, he answered that the greater number of them reached the age of a hundred and twenty years, and some surpassed even this; and their food was boiled flesh and their drink was milk. And when the spies marvelled at the number of years, he conducted them to a certain spring, in the water of which they washed and became more sleek of skin, as if it were a spring of oil; and from it there came a scent as it were of violets: and the water of this spring, said the spies, was so exceedingly weak that it was not possible for anything to float upon it, either wood or any of those things which are lighter than wood, but they all went to the bottom. If this water which they have be really such as it is said to be, it would doubtless be the cause why the people are long-lived, as making use of it for all the purposes of life. Then when they departed from this spring, he led them to a prison-house for men, and there all were bound in fetters of gold. Now among these Ethiopians bronze is the rarest and most precious of all things. Then when they had seen the prison-house they saw also the so-called table of the Sun:
23. When the Ichthyophagoi asked the king about the lifespan and lifestyle of his people, he responded that most of them lived to be around one hundred and twenty years old, with some even living longer. Their diet consisted of boiled meat, and they drank milk. When the spies were amazed by the longevity, he took them to a spring where they washed and their skin became smoother, as if it were coated in oil; it also smelled like violets. The spies noted that the water was so incredibly weak that nothing could float on it, not even wood or anything lighter, as all sank to the bottom. If this water is truly as described, it might explain why the people live so long, as they use it for everything in life. After leaving the spring, he led them to a prison where all the inmates were shackled in gold chains. Among these Ethiopians, bronze is the rarest and most valuable material. After seeing the prison, they also saw what was known as the table of the Sun:
24, and after this they saw last of all their receptacles of dead bodies, which are said to be made of crystal in the following manner:—when they have dried the corpse, whether it be after the Egyptian fashion or in some other way, they cover it over completely with plaster 21 and then adorn it with painting, making the figure as far as possible like the living man. After this they put about it a block of crystal hollowed out; for this they dig up in great quantity and it is very easy to work: and the dead body being in the middle of the block is visible through it, but produces no unpleasant smell nor any other effect which is unseemly, and it has all its parts visible like the dead body itself. For a year then they who are most nearly related to the man keep the block in their house, giving to the dead man the first share of everything and offering to him sacrifices: and after this period they carry it out and set it up round about the city.
24, and after this, they saw for the last time their containers for dead bodies, which are said to be made of crystal in the following way: after they have dried the corpse, whether following the Egyptian method or some other, they cover it completely with plaster 21 and then decorate it with paint, trying to make the figure as lifelike as possible. After this, they place it inside a hollow block of crystal; they dig this up in large quantities and it is very easy to work with. The dead body in the middle of the block is visible through it, but it doesn't emit any unpleasant smell or anything inappropriate, and all its parts are visible just like the body itself. For a year, the closest relatives of the deceased keep the block in their home, giving the dead man the first portion of everything and offering sacrifices to him; after this period, they take it out and display it around the city.
25. After they had seen all, the spies departed to go back; and when they reported these things, forthwith Cambyses was enraged and proceeded to march his army against the Ethiopians, not having ordered any provision of food nor considered with himself that he was intending to march an army to the furthest extremities of the earth; but as one who is mad and not in his right senses, when he heard the report of the Ichthyophagoi he began the march, ordering those of the Hellenes who were present to remain behind in Egypt, and taking with him his whole land force: and when in the course of his march he had arrived at Thebes, he divided off about fifty thousand of his army, and these he enjoined to make slaves of the Ammonians and to set fire to the seat of the Oracle of Zeus, but he himself with the remainder of his army went on against the Ethiopians. But before the army had passed over the fifth part of the way, all that they had of provisions came to an end completely; and then after the provisions the beasts of burden also were eaten up and came to an end. Now if Cambyses when he perceived this had changed his plan and led his army back, he would have been a wise man in spite of 22 his first mistake; as it was, however, he paid no regard, but went on forward without stopping. The soldiers accordingly, so long as they were able to get anything from the ground, prolonged their lives by eating grass; but when they came to the sand, some did a fearful deed, that is to say, out of each company of ten they selected by lot one of themselves and devoured him: and Cambyses, when he heard it, being alarmed by this eating of one another gave up the expedition against the Ethiopians and set forth to go back again; and he arrived at Thebes having suffered loss of a great number of his army. Then from Thebes he came down to Memphis and allowed the Hellenes to sail away home.
25. After they had seen everything, the spies left to report back; and when they did, Cambyses was immediately furious and decided to march his army against the Ethiopians, without arranging any food supplies or considering that he was planning to take an army to the farthest ends of the earth. Acting like someone who was out of his mind, he began the march as soon as he heard the report from the Ichthyophagoi, ordering the Greeks present to stay in Egypt while he took his entire ground force with him. When he reached Thebes during his march, he split off about fifty thousand of his troops, instructing them to enslave the Ammonians and set fire to the Oracle of Zeus, while he continued on with the rest of his army toward the Ethiopians. However, before they had traveled a fifth of the way, they completely ran out of supplies; soon after, their pack animals were also consumed. If Cambyses had changed his plan and turned his army back upon realizing this, he would have shown wisdom despite his initial mistake; instead, he ignored the situation and pressed on without pausing. The soldiers, as long as they could find anything from the ground, survived by eating grass; but when they reached the sandy terrain, some committed a terrible act: from each group of ten, they drew lots to select one of their number to eat. When Cambyses learned about this cannibalism, he was alarmed and abandoned the expedition against the Ethiopians, deciding to return instead; he arrived back at Thebes having lost a large portion of his army. From Thebes, he made his way down to Memphis and allowed the Greeks to sail home.
26. Thus fared the expedition against the Ethiopians: and those of the Persians who had been sent to march against the Ammonians set forth from Thebes and went on their way with guides; and it is known that they arrived at the city of Oasis, which is inhabited by Samians said to be of the Aischrionian tribe, and is distant seven days' journey from Thebes over sandy desert: now this place is called in the speech of the Hellenes the "Isle of the Blessed." It is said that the army reached this place, but from that point onwards, except the Ammonians themselves and those who have heard the account from them, no man is able to say anything about them; for they neither reached the Ammonians nor returned back. This however is added to the story by the Ammonians themselves:—they say that as the army was going from this Oasis through the sandy desert to attack them, and had got to a point about mid-way between them and the Oasis, while they were taking their morning meal a violent South Wind blew upon them, and bearing with it heaps of the desert sand it buried them under it, and so they disappeared and were seen no more. Thus the Ammonians say that it came to pass with regard to this army.
26. This is how the expedition against the Ethiopians went: the Persians who had been sent to march against the Ammonians set out from Thebes with guides and made their way to the city of Oasis, which is inhabited by Samians from the Aischrionian tribe, situated seven days' journey from Thebes across sandy desert. This place is referred to by the Greeks as the "Isle of the Blessed." It’s reported that the army reached this location, but after that, aside from the Ammonians and those who’ve heard their accounts, no one can say what happened to them; they neither reached the Ammonians nor returned. However, the Ammonians themselves add to the story: they claim that as the army was leaving this Oasis to attack them and had reached a point about halfway to the Oasis, a strong South Wind swept through while they were having their morning meal, bringing with it clouds of desert sand that buried them, and they vanished without a trace. Thus, the Ammonians explain what happened to that army.
27. When Cambyses arrived at Memphis, Apis appeared to the Egyptians, whom the Hellenes call Epaphos: and when he had appeared, forthwith the Egyptians began to wear their fairest garments and to have festivities. Cambyses accordingly seeing the Egyptians doing thus, and supposing that they were certainly acting so by way of rejoicing because he had fared ill, called for the officers who had charge of Memphis; and when they had come into his presence, he asked them why when he was at Memphis on the former occasion, the Egyptians were doing nothing of this kind, but only now, when he came there after losing a large part of his army. They said that a god had appeared to them, who was wont to appear at intervals of long time, and that whenever he appeared, then all the Egyptians rejoiced and kept festival. Hearing this Cambyses said that they were lying, and as liars he condemned them to death.
27. When Cambyses arrived in Memphis, Apis appeared to the Egyptians, whom the Greeks call Epaphos. As soon as he showed up, the Egyptians started putting on their finest clothes and celebrating. Seeing this, Cambyses thought the Egyptians were rejoicing because he had suffered a defeat, so he called in the officials in charge of Memphis. When they came before him, he asked why, during his last visit to Memphis, the Egyptians hadn’t celebrated like they were now, especially after losing a significant part of his army. They explained that a god had appeared to them, one who showed up infrequently, and that whenever he appeared, all the Egyptians celebrated and held festivals. Cambyses, hearing this, accused them of lying, and out of anger, he sentenced them to death.
28. Having put these to death, next he called the priests into his presence; and when the priests answered him after the same manner, he said that it should not be without his knowledge if a tame god had come to the Egyptians; and having so said he bade the priests bring Apis away into his presence: so they went to bring him. Now this Apis-Epaphos is a calf born of a cow who after this is not permitted to conceive any other offspring; and the Egyptians say that a flash of light comes down from heaven upon this cow, and of this she produces Apis. This calf which is called Apis is black and has the following signs, namely a white square 23 upon the forehead, and on the back the likeness of an eagle, and in the tail the hairs are double, and on 24 the tongue there is a mark like a beetle.
28. After killing these, he called the priests to come before him; when the priests responded in the same way, he said it wouldn’t happen without his knowledge if a domesticated god had appeared to the Egyptians. So, he ordered the priests to bring Apis to him, and they went to get him. Apis, also known as Epaphos, is a calf born from a cow that is not allowed to have any other calves after this. The Egyptians believe that a flash of light comes down from heaven onto this cow, and from that, she gives birth to Apis. This calf, called Apis, is black and has specific markings: a white square 23 on its forehead, an eagle-like pattern on its back, and double hairs in its tail, and it has a mark that looks like a beetle on 24 its tongue.
29. When the priests had brought Apis, Cambyses being somewhat affected with madness drew his dagger, and aiming at the belly of Apis, struck his thigh: then he laughed and said to the priests: "O ye wretched creatures, are gods born such as this, with blood and flesh, and sensible of the stroke of iron weapons? Worthy indeed of Egyptians is such a god as this. Ye however at least shall not escape without punishment for making a mock of me." Having thus spoken he ordered those whose duty it was to do such things, to scourge the priests without mercy, and to put to death any one of the other Egyptians whom they should find keeping the festival. Thus the festival of the Egyptians had been brought to an end, and the priests were being chastised, and Apis wounded by the stroke in his thigh lay dying in the temple.
29. When the priests brought Apis, Cambyses, somewhat out of his mind, drew his dagger and aimed for Apis's belly but accidentally struck his thigh instead. He laughed and said to the priests, "Oh, you miserable beings, are gods born like this, with blood and flesh, and sensitive to iron weapons? What a fitting god for the Egyptians this is. But you won’t escape punishment for mocking me." Having said that, he ordered those responsible to mercilessly whip the priests and to execute any other Egyptians they found celebrating the festival. So, the Egyptian festival came to an end, the priests were punished, and Apis, wounded in the thigh, lay dying in the temple.
30. Him, when he had brought his life to an end by reason of the wound, the priests buried without the knowledge of Cambyses: but Cambyses, as the Egyptians say, immediately after this evil deed became absolutely mad, not having been really in his right senses even before that time: and the first of his evil deeds was that he put to death his brother Smerdis, who was of the same father and the same mother as himself. This brother he had sent away from Egypt to Persia in envy, because alone of all the Persians he had been able to draw the bow which the Ichthyophagoi brought from the Ethiopian king, to an extent of about two finger-breadths; while of the other Persians not one had proved able to do this. Then when Smerdis had gone away to Persia, Cambyses saw a vision in his sleep of this kind:—it seemed to him that a messenger came from Persia and reported that Smerdis sitting upon the royal throne had touched the heaven with his head. Fearing therefore with regard to this lest his brother might slay him and reign in his stead, he sent Prexaspes to Persia, the man whom of all the Persians he trusted most, with command to slay him. He accordingly went up to Susa and slew Smerdis; and some say that he took him out of the chase and so slew him, others that he brought him to the Erythraian Sea and drowned him.
30. After he ended his life due to the wound, the priests buried him without Cambyses knowing. But according to the Egyptians, right after this terrible act, Cambyses completely lost his mind, having not really been in his right senses even before this incident. His first evil act was killing his brother Smerdis, who had the same parents as him. He had sent Smerdis away from Egypt to Persia out of jealousy, because he was the only Persian who could draw the bow brought from the Ethiopian king by the Ichthyophagoi, able to draw it by about two finger-breadths; no other Persians had succeeded in doing so. After Smerdis left for Persia, Cambyses had a dream in which a messenger from Persia reported that Smerdis was sitting on the royal throne and had touched the heavens with his head. Fearing that his brother might kill him and take his place, he sent Prexaspes to Persia, the man he trusted most among the Persians, with orders to kill him. Prexaspes went to Susa and killed Smerdis; some say he took him out during a hunt and killed him, while others say he brought him to the Erythraian Sea and drowned him.
31. This they say was the first beginning of the evil deeds of Cambyses; and next after this he put to death his sister, who had accompanied him to Egypt, to whom also he was married, she being his sister by both parents. Now he took her to wife in the following manner (for before this the Persians had not been wont at all to marry their sisters):—Cambyses fell in love with one of his sisters, and desired to take her to wife; so since he had it in mind to do that which was not customary, he called the Royal Judges and asked them whether there existed any law which permitted him who desired it to marry his sister. Now the Royal Judges are men chosen out from among the Persians, and hold their office until they die or until some injustice is found in them, so long and no longer. These pronounce decisions for the Persians and are the expounders of the ordinances of their fathers, and all matters are referred to them. So when Cambyses asked them, they gave him an answer which was both upright and safe, saying that they found no law which permitted a brother to marry his sister, but apart from that they had found a law to the effect that the king of the Persians might do whatsoever he desired. Thus on the one hand they did not tamper with the law for fear of Cambyses, and at the same time, that they might not perish themselves in maintaining the law, they found another law beside that which was asked for, which was in favour of him who wished to marry his sisters. So Cambyses at that time took to wife her with whom he was in love, but after no long time he took another sister. Of these it was the younger whom he put to death, she having accompanied him to Egypt.
31. They say this was the beginning of Cambyses' evil deeds; soon after, he killed his sister, who had traveled with him to Egypt, and whom he had also married, as she was his sister from both parents. He took her as his wife in this way (since Persians had not traditionally married their sisters before this): Cambyses fell in love with one of his sisters and wanted to marry her. Noting that this was unconventional, he called the Royal Judges and asked if there was any law that allowed him to marry his sister. The Royal Judges are chosen from among the Persians and serve until they die or are found unjust, lasting only as long as that. They make decisions for the Persians and interpret the laws handed down by their ancestors, to whom all matters are referred. When Cambyses asked them, they gave a response that was both honest and cautious, stating they found no law permitting a brother to marry his sister. However, they also found a law that allowed the Persian king to do whatever he wished. This way, they respected the law out of fear of Cambyses but also protected themselves from potential repercussions by providing another law that supported his desire to marry his sisters. So, Cambyses married the sister he loved at that time, but not long after, he took another sister as well. Of these, he put the younger one to death, as she had accompanied him to Egypt.
32. About her death, as about the death of Smerdis, two different stories are told. The Hellenes say that Cambyses had matched a lion's cub in fight with a dog's whelp, and this wife of his was also a spectator of it; and when the whelp was being overcome, another whelp, its brother, broke its chain and came to help it; and having become two instead of one, the whelps then got the better of the cub: and Cambyses was pleased at the sight, but she sitting by him began to weep; and Cambyses perceived it and asked wherefore she wept; and she said that she had wept when she saw that the whelp had come to the assistance of its brother, because she remembered Smerdis and perceived that there was no one who would come to his 25 assistance. The Hellenes say that it was for this saying that she was killed by Cambyses: but the Egyptians say that as they were sitting round at table, the wife took a lettuce and pulled off the leaves all round, and then asked her husband whether the lettuce was fairer when thus plucked round or when covered with leaves, and he said "when covered with leaves": she then spoke thus: "Nevertheless thou didst once produce the likeness of this lettuce, when thou didst strip bare the house of Cyrus." And he moved to anger leapt upon her, being with child, and she miscarried and died.
32. About her death, just like the death of Smerdis, two different stories are told. The Greeks say that Cambyses had set up a fight between a lion cub and a puppy, and his wife watched it too; when the puppy started losing, its brother broke free from its chain to help it. With two against one, the puppies managed to win against the cub. Cambyses enjoyed the scene, but his wife began to cry. He noticed and asked her why she was upset, and she said she cried when she saw the brother puppy come to help because it reminded her of Smerdis and how no one would come to his assistance. The Greeks say this is why Cambyses had her killed; but the Egyptians say that while they were sitting at the table, his wife took a lettuce and peeled off the leaves around it, then asked her husband whether the lettuce looked better stripped or with the leaves. He said it looked better with the leaves. She then remarked, "Still, you once made this lettuce look like this when you stripped bare the house of Cyrus." He got angry, jumped on her while she was pregnant, and she miscarried and died.
33. These were the acts of madness done by Cambyses towards those of his own family, whether the madness was produced really on account of Apis or from some other cause, as many ills are wont to seize upon men; for it is said moreover that Cambyses had from his birth a certain grievous malady, that which is called by some the "sacred" disease: 26 and it was certainly nothing strange that when the body was suffering from a grievous malady, the mind should not be sound either.
33. These were the reckless actions taken by Cambyses against his own family, whether his madness was truly caused by Apis or something else, as many misfortunes tend to affect people; for it is also said that Cambyses had suffered from a serious illness since birth, known by some as the "sacred" disease: 26 and it wasn't surprising that when the body was afflicted by a serious illness, the mind was not in a good state either.
34. The following also are acts of madness which he did to the other Persians:—To Prexaspes, the man whom he honoured most and who used to bear his messages 2601 (his son also was cup-bearer to Cambyses, and this too was no small honour),—to him it is said that he spoke as follows: "Prexaspes, what kind of a man do the Persians esteem me to be, and what speech do they hold concerning me?" and he said: "Master, in all other respects thou art greatly commended, but they say that thou art overmuch given to love of wine." Thus he spoke concerning the Persians; and upon that Cambyses was roused to anger, and answered thus: "It appears then that the Persians say I am given to wine, and that therefore I am beside myself and not in my right mind; and their former speech then was not sincere." For before this time, it seems, when the Persians and Croesus were sitting with him in council, Cambyses asked what kind of a man they thought he was as compared with his father Cyrus; 27 and they answered that he was better than his father, for he not only possessed all that his father had possessed, but also in addition to this had acquired Egypt and the Sea. Thus the Persians spoke; but Croesus, who was present and was not satisfied with their judgment, spoke thus to Cambyses: "To me, O son of Cyrus, thou dost not appear to be equal to thy father, for not yet hast thou a son such as he left behind him in you." Hearing this Cambyses was pleased, and commended the judgment of Croesus.
34. Here are some crazy things he did to other Persians:—To Prexaspes, the man he honored most and who used to carry his messages 2601 (his son was also the cup-bearer to Cambyses, which was a significant honor),—he reportedly asked, "Prexaspes, what do the Persians think of me, and what do they say about me?" Prexaspes replied, "Master, you are highly praised in every way, but they say you drink too much." Hearing this, Cambyses became angry and responded, "So, the Persians think I'm a drunk, and that's why they believe I'm out of my mind; their earlier praise wasn't genuine." Previously, it seems, when the Persians and Croesus were with him in council, Cambyses had asked how he compared to his father Cyrus; 27 and they replied that he surpassed his father, since he not only had everything Cyrus had but also added Egypt and the Sea. The Persians said this; but Croesus, who was there and disagreed with their assessment, told Cambyses, "To me, O son of Cyrus, you don't seem equal to your father, because you don't have a son like he left behind in you." When Cambyses heard this, he was pleased and praised Croesus's judgment.
35. So calling to mind this, he said in anger to Prexaspes: "Learn then now for thyself whether the Persians speak truly, or whether when they say this they are themselves out of their senses: for if I, shooting at thy son there standing before the entrance of the chamber, hit him in the very middle of the heart, the Persians will be proved to be speaking falsely, but if I miss, then thou mayest say that the Persians are speaking the truth and that I am not in my right mind." Having thus said he drew his bow and hit the boy; and when the boy had fallen down, it is said that he ordered them to cut open his body and examine the place where he was hit; and as the arrow was found to be sticking in the heart, he laughed and was delighted, and said to the father of the boy: "Prexaspes, it has now been made evident, as thou seest, that I am not mad, but that it is the Persians who are out of their senses; and now tell me, whom of all men didst thou ever see before this time hit the mark so well in shooting?" Then Prexaspes, seeing that the man was not in his right senses and fearing for himself, said: "Master, I think that not even God himself could have hit the mark so fairly." Thus he did at that time: and at another time he condemned twelve of the Persians, men equal to the best, on a charge of no moment, and buried them alive with the head downwards.
35. Reflecting on this, he angrily said to Prexaspes: "Now find out for yourself whether the Persians are telling the truth or if they’re just out of their minds. If I shoot your son standing at the entrance of the chamber and hit him directly in the heart, that means the Persians are lying. But if I miss, then you can say the Persians are right and that I’m not sane." With that, he drew his bow and shot the boy. When the boy fell, it’s said he ordered them to cut him open to see where he was hit; when the arrow was found lodged in his heart, he laughed and felt pleased. He said to the boy's father: "Prexaspes, it’s clear now, as you can see, that I’m not mad, but it’s the Persians who are crazy. Now tell me, have you ever seen anyone hit the target so perfectly?" Prexaspes, realizing the man wasn’t sane and fearing for his own safety, replied: "Master, I believe that not even God could have made such a precise shot." That’s what happened then; at another time, he condemned twelve of the Persians, men equal to the best, on a trivial charge, and buried them alive with their heads down.
36. When he was doing these things, Croesus the Lydian judged it right to admonish him in the following words: "O king, do not thou indulge the heat of thy youth and passion in all things, but retain and hold thyself back: it is a good thing to be prudent, and forethought is wise. Thou however are putting to death men who are of thine own people, condemning them on charges of no moment, and thou art putting to death men's sons also. If thou do many such things, beware lest the Persians make revolt from thee. As for me, thy father Cyrus gave me charge, earnestly bidding me to admonish thee, and suggest to thee that which I should find to be good." Thus he counselled him, manifesting goodwill towards him; but Cambyses answered: "Dost thou venture to counsel me, who excellently well didst rule thine own country, and well didst counsel my father, bidding him pass over the river Araxes and go against the Massagetai, when they were willing to pass over into our land, and so didst utterly ruin thyself by ill government of thine own land, and didst utterly ruin Cyrus, who followed thy counsel. However thou shalt not escape punishment now, for know that before this I had very long been desiring to find some occasion against thee." Thus having said he took his bow meaning to shoot him, but Croesus started up and ran out: and so since he could not shoot him, he gave orders to his attendants to take and slay him. The attendants however, knowing his moods, concealed Croesus, with the intention that if Cambyses should change his mind and seek to have Croesus again, they might produce him and receive gifts as the price of saving his life; but if he did not change his mind nor feel desire to have him back, then they might kill him. Not long afterwards Cambyses did in fact desire to have Croesus again, and the attendants perceiving this reported to him that he was still alive: and Cambyses said that he rejoiced with Croesus that he was still alive, but that they who had preserved him should not get off free, but he would put them to death: and thus he did.
36. While he was doing these things, Croesus the Lydian thought it was right to warn him with these words: "O king, don't let the heat of your youth and passion take over in everything. Be prudent and hold yourself back: it’s wise to think ahead. However, you are executing men from your own people for trivial charges, and you're also putting their sons to death. If you keep this up, watch out, or the Persians might revolt against you. As for me, your father Cyrus entrusted me with the task, urging me to advise you and suggest what I believe is good." He advised him out of goodwill, but Cambyses replied: "Do you dare to counsel me, you who ruined your own country and gave my father the advice to cross the Araxes River and attack the Massagetai when they were willing to come over to our land, thus leading to your own downfall and that of Cyrus, who followed your bad advice? But you won’t escape punishment now, for I’ve long been looking for a reason to act against you." After saying this, he grabbed his bow, intending to shoot him, but Croesus jumped up and ran away. Since he couldn’t shoot him, Cambyses ordered his attendants to capture and kill him. However, knowing his temper, the attendants hid Croesus, hoping that if Cambyses changed his mind and wanted Croesus back, they could bring him out and get rewards for saving his life; but if he didn't change his mind and didn't want him back, they could kill him. Not long after, Cambyses indeed wanted Croesus again, and the attendants, noticing this, informed him that Croesus was still alive. Cambyses said he was glad that Croesus was still alive, but that those who had saved him wouldn’t get off without punishment; he would have them executed, and that’s exactly what he did.
37. Many such acts of madness did he both to Persians and allies, remaining at Memphis and opening ancient tombs and examining the dead bodies. Likewise also he entered into the temple of Hephaistos and very much derided the image of the god: for the image of Hephaistos very nearly resembles the Phenician Pataicoi, which the Phenicians carry about on the prows of their triremes; and for him who has not seen these, I will indicate its nature,—it is the likeness of a dwarfish man. He entered also into the temple of the Cabeiroi, into which it is not lawful for any one to enter except the priest only, and the images there he even set on fire, after much mockery of them. Now these also are like the images of Hephaistos, and it is said that they are the children of that god.
37. He committed many crazy acts against both Persians and allies, staying in Memphis, opening ancient tombs, and examining the dead bodies. He also entered the temple of Hephaistos and mocked the statue of the god, which closely resembles the Phoenician Pataicoi that the Phoenicians carry on the prows of their triremes. For those who haven’t seen these, I’ll describe what it looks like—it’s a small man’s figure. He also entered the temple of the Cabeiroi, where nobody is allowed to enter except for the priest, and he even set the statues there on fire after ridiculing them. These are similar to the statues of Hephaistos, and it’s said that they are the children of that god.
38. It is clear to me therefore by every kind of proof that Cambyses was mad exceedingly; for otherwise he would not have attempted to deride religious rites and customary observances. For if one should propose to all men a choice, bidding them select the best customs from all the customs that there are, each race of men, after examining them all, would select those of his own people; thus all think that their own customs are by far the best: and so it is not likely that any but a madman would make a jest of such things. Now of the fact that all men are thus wont to think about their customs, we may judge by many other proofs and more specially by this which follows:—Dareios in the course of his reign summoned those of the Hellenes who were present in his land, and asked them for what price they would consent to eat up their fathers when they died; and they answered that for no price would they do so. After this Dareios summoned those Indians who are called Callatians, who eat their parents, and asked them in presence of the Hellenes, who understood what they said by help of an interpreter, for what payment they would consent to consume with fire the bodies of their fathers when they died; and they cried out aloud and bade him keep silence from such words. Thus then these things are established by usage, and I think that Pindar spoke rightly in his verse, when he said that "of all things law is king." 28
38. It’s obvious to me from all sorts of evidence that Cambyses was extremely mad; otherwise, he wouldn’t have tried to mock religious rituals and traditional practices. If you were to ask everyone to choose the best customs from all the ones that exist, each group of people would pick their own customs after considering them all; everyone believes their own practices are the best. So, it’s unlikely that anyone but a madman would make fun of such matters. The fact that people tend to think this way about their customs can be seen through many examples, especially this one: Dareios, during his reign, gathered the Greeks who were in his territory and asked them how much it would take for them to eat their fathers after they died. They replied that they wouldn’t do it for any price. Then, Dareios called over the Indians known as Callatians, who do eat their parents, and asked them in front of the Greeks, who understood through an interpreter, how much they would accept to burn their fathers' bodies after death. They shouted for him to stop speaking such words. Thus, these customs are established by tradition, and I believe Pindar was right when he said in his verse, "of all things, law is king." 28
39. Now while Cambyses was marching upon Egypt, the Lacedemonians also had made an expedition against Samos and against Polycrates the son of Aiakes, who had risen against the government and obtained rule over Samos. At first he had divided the State into three parts and had given a share to his brothers Pantagnotos and Syloson; but afterwards he put to death one of these, and the younger, namely Syloson, he drove out, and so obtained possession of the whole of Samos. Then, being in possession, 29 he made a guest-friendship with Amasis the king of Egypt, sending him gifts and receiving gifts in return from him. After this straightway within a short period of time the power of Polycrates increased rapidly, and there was much fame of it not only in Ionia, but also over the rest of Hellas: for to whatever part he directed his forces, everything went fortunately for him: and he had got for himself a hundred fifty-oared galleys and a thousand archers, and he plundered from all, making no distinction of any; for it was his wont to say that he would win more gratitude from his friend by giving back to him that which he had taken, than by not taking at all. 30 So he had conquered many of the islands and also many cities of the continent, and besides other things he gained the victory in a sea-fight over the Lesbians, as they were coming to help the Milesians with their forces, and conquered them: these men dug the whole trench round the wall of the city of Samos working in chains.
39. While Cambyses was on his way to Egypt, the Spartans were also launching an attack against Samos and Polycrates, the son of Aiakes, who had rebelled against the government and seized control of Samos. At first, he divided the state into three parts and shared power with his brothers Pantagnotos and Syloson. However, he later killed one of them and drove out the younger brother, Syloson, which allowed him to take full control of Samos. Once in charge, 29 he formed an alliance with Amasis, the king of Egypt, sending gifts and receiving gifts in return. Soon after, Polycrates' power grew rapidly, gaining him fame not just in Ionia but throughout all of Greece. Wherever he sent his forces, things went well for him: he acquired one hundred fifty-oared galleys and a thousand archers, plundering indiscriminately. He believed that he would earn more gratitude from his allies by returning what he had taken rather than by not taking anything at all. 30 As a result, he conquered many islands and cities on the mainland, and notably, he won a naval battle against the Lesbians who were coming to assist the Milesians, defeating them. These men dug the entire trench around the wall of Samos while working in chains.
40. Now Amasis, as may be supposed, did not fail to perceive that Polycrates was very greatly fortunate, and 31 it was to him an object of concern; and as much more good fortune yet continued to come to Polycrates, he wrote upon a paper these words and sent them to Samos: "Amasis to Polycrates thus saith:—It is a pleasant thing indeed to hear that one who is a friend and guest is faring well; yet to me thy great good fortune is not pleasing, since I know that the Divinity is jealous; and I think that I desire, both for myself and for those about whom I have care, that in some of our affairs we should be prosperous and in others should fail, and thus go through life alternately faring 32 well and ill, rather than that we should be prosperous in all things: for never yet did I hear tell of any one who was prosperous in all things and did not come to an utterly 33 evil end at the last. Now therefore do thou follow my counsel and act as I shall say with respect to thy prosperous fortunes. Take thought and consider, and that which thou findest to be the most valued by thee, and for the loss of which thou wilt most be vexed in thy soul, that take and cast away in such a manner that it shall never again come to the sight of men; and if in future from that time forward good fortune does not befall thee in alternation with calamities, 34 apply remedies in the manner by me suggested."
40. Amasis, as you might expect, noticed how extremely fortunate Polycrates was, and it worried him. Since even more good luck kept coming Polycrates's way, he wrote a message and sent it to Samos: "Amasis to Polycrates says:—It’s truly a joy to hear that a friend and guest is doing well; however, your immense good fortune doesn’t please me. I know that the Divine is envious, and I wish for myself and those I care about to experience both success and failure in our endeavors, alternating between good and bad times, rather than being prosperous in everything. I have never heard of anyone who was successful in all aspects without ending up in total disaster. So I advise you to heed my counsel about your good fortune. Reflect carefully on what you value most, the loss of which would trouble you the most, and throw it away in such a way that it will never be seen again. If in the future good fortune doesn’t come to you alongside misfortune, then use the remedies I’ve suggested."
41. Polycrates, having read this and having perceived by reflection that Amasis suggested to him good counsel, sought to find which one of his treasures he would be most afflicted in his soul to lose; and seeking he found this which I shall say:—he had a signet which he used to wear, enchased in gold and made of an emerald stone; and it was the work of Theodoros the son of Telecles of Samos. 35 Seeing then that he thought it good to cast this away, he did thus:—he manned a fifty-oared galley with sailors and went on board of it himself; and then he bade them put out into the deep sea. And when he had got to a distance from the island, he took off the signet-ring, and in the sight of all who were with him in the ship he threw it into the sea. Thus having done he sailed home; and when he came to his house he mourned for his loss.
41. Polycrates, after reading this and realizing through reflection that Amasis gave him wise advice, tried to figure out which one of his treasures would hurt him the most to lose. After searching, he found the one I’m about to mention: he had a signet ring that he used to wear, made of gold and featuring an emerald stone; it was created by Theodoros, the son of Telecles from Samos. 35 Believing it was best to get rid of it, he did the following: he gathered a crew for a fifty-oared ship and boarded it himself; then he instructed them to head out into the deep sea. Once he was far enough from the island, he removed the signet ring and, in front of everyone on the ship, threw it into the sea. After doing this, he sailed back home; and when he arrived, he mourned his loss.
42. But on the fifth or sixth day after these things it happened to him as follows:—a fisherman having caught a large and beautiful fish, thought it right that this should be given as a gift to Polycrates. He bore it therefore to the door of the palace and said that he desired to come into the presence of Polycrates, and when he had obtained this he gave him the fish, saying: "O king, having taken this fish I did not think fit to bear it to the market, although I am one who lives by the labour of his hands; but it seemed to me that it was worthy of thee and of thy monarchy: therefore I bring it and present it to thee." He then, being pleased at the words spoken, answered thus: "Thou didst exceedingly well, and double thanks are due to thee, for thy words and also for thy gift; and we invite thee to come to dinner." The fisherman then, thinking this a great thing, went away to this house; and the servants as they were cutting up the fish found in its belly the signet-ring of Polycrates. Then as soon as they had seen it and taken it up, they bore it rejoicing to Polycrates, and giving him the signet-ring they told him in what manner it had been found: and he perceiving that the matter was of God, wrote upon paper all that he had done and all that had happened to him, and having written he despatched it to Egypt. 36
42. But on the fifth or sixth day after these events, something happened to him: a fisherman who had caught a large and beautiful fish thought it would be right to give it as a gift to Polycrates. He took it to the palace and said that he wanted to see Polycrates. Once he was allowed in, he presented the fish and said, "O king, I caught this fish and didn’t think it was right to sell it at the market, even though I make my living through hard work; it seemed worthy of you and your kingdom, so I brought it to you." Polycrates was pleased with his words and replied, "You did very well, and I owe you extra thanks for both your words and your gift; we invite you to join us for dinner." The fisherman, feeling honored, headed to the palace; and while the servants were preparing the fish, they found Polycrates' signet ring inside its belly. When they saw it, they picked it up joyfully and took it to Polycrates, explaining how it had been found. Realizing that this was a sign from the gods, he wrote down everything he had done and everything that had happened to him and sent it to Egypt. 36
43. Then Amasis, when he had read the paper which had come from Polycrates, perceived that it was impossible for man to rescue man from the event which was to come to pass, and that Polycrates was destined not to have a good end, being prosperous in all things, seeing that he found again even that which he cast away. Therefore he sent an envoy to him in Samos and said that he broke off the guest-friendship; and this he did lest when a fearful and great mishap befell Polycrates, he might himself be grieved in his soul as for a man who was his guest.
43. Then Amasis, after reading the letter from Polycrates, realized that it was impossible for one person to save another from the fate that awaited him, and that Polycrates was bound to meet a bad end, enjoying prosperity in everything, even recovering what he had discarded. So he sent a messenger to him in Samos, saying that he was ending their friendship; he did this to avoid being troubled in his heart when a terrible misfortune struck Polycrates, as if he were grieving for a guest.
44. It was this Polycrates then, prosperous in all things, against whom the Lacedemonians were making an expedition, being invited by those Samians who afterwards settled at Kydonia in Crete, to come to their assistance. Now Polycrates had sent an envoy to Cambyses the son of Cyrus without the knowledge of the Samians, as he was gathering an army to go against Egypt, and had asked him to send to him in Samos and to ask for an armed force. So Cambyses hearing this very readily sent to Samos to ask Polycrates to send a naval force with him against Egypt: and Polycrates selected of the citizens those whom he most suspected of desiring to rise against him and sent them away in forty triremes, charging Cambyses not to send them back.
44. So, it was this Polycrates, who was thriving in every way, that the Spartans were planning to attack after being invited by the Samians, who later settled in Kydonia, Crete, to help them out. Meanwhile, Polycrates had secretly sent a messenger to Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, since he was gathering an army to invade Egypt, asking him to send an armed force to Samos. Cambyses, upon hearing this, quickly sent a request to Polycrates to send a naval force with him to Egypt. Polycrates then picked out the citizens he suspected most of wanting to overthrow him and sent them off in forty triremes, instructing Cambyses not to send them back.
45. Now some say that those of the Samians who were sent away by Polycrates never reached Egypt, but when they arrived on their voyage at Carpathos, 37 they considered with themselves, and resolved not to sail on any further: others say that they reached Egypt and being kept under guard there, they made their escape from thence. Then, as they were sailing in to Samos, Polycrates encountered them with ships and engaged battle with them; and those who were returning home had the better and landed in the island; but having fought a land-battle in the island, they were worsted, and so sailed to Lacedemon. Some however say that those from Egypt defeated Polycrates in the battle; but this in my opinion is not correct, for there would have been no need for them to invite the assistance of the Lacedemonians if they had been able by themselves to bring Polycrates to terms. Moreover, it is not reasonable either, seeing that he had foreign mercenaries and native archers very many in number, to suppose that he was worsted by the returning Samians, who were but few. Then Polycrates gathered together the children and wives of his subjects and confined them in the ship-sheds, keeping them ready so that, if it should prove that his subjects deserted to the side of the returning exiles, he might burn them with the sheds.
45. Some people say that the Samians sent away by Polycrates never made it to Egypt. Instead, when they stopped at Carpathos, 37 they thought it over and decided not to sail any farther. Others say they did reach Egypt, but while they were being held there, they managed to escape. As they were heading back to Samos, Polycrates confronted them with his ships and they fought a battle. The returning Samians did better and landed on the island, but after fighting on land, they lost and sailed off to Lacedemon. Some say those from Egypt defeated Polycrates in that battle, but I don't think that's accurate. If they could have handled Polycrates on their own, they wouldn't have needed to ask the Lacedemonians for help. Plus, it doesn't make sense since he had many foreign mercenaries and native archers; it’s unlikely he lost to the returning Samians, who were only a few. Then Polycrates rounded up his subjects' children and wives and locked them in the ship sheds, ready to burn them with the sheds if it turned out his subjects sided with the returning exiles.
46. When those of the Samians who had been driven out by Polycrates reached Sparta, they were introduced before the magistrates and spoke at length, being urgent in their request. The magistrates however at the first introduction replied that they had forgotten the things which had been spoken at the beginning, and did not understand those which were spoken at the end. After this they were introduced a second time, and bringing with them a bag they said nothing else but this, namely that the bag was in want of meal; to which the others replied that they had overdone it with the bag. 38 However, they resolved to help them.
46. When the Samians who had been expelled by Polycrates arrived in Sparta, they were brought before the officials and spoke at length, urgently making their case. However, the officials initially replied that they had forgotten what was said at the beginning and didn’t understand what was mentioned at the end. They were brought back a second time, and this time, carrying a bag, they said nothing except that the bag needed grain. The others responded that they had gone too far with the bag. 38 Nevertheless, they decided to help them.
47. Then the Lacedemonians prepared a force and made expedition to Samos, in repayment of former services, as the Samians say, because the Samians had first helped them with ships against the Messenians; but the Lacedemonians say that they made the expedition not so much from desire to help the Samians at their request, as to take vengeance on their own behalf for the robbery of the mixing-bowl which they had been bearing as a gift to Croesus, 39 and of the corslet which Amasis the king of Egypt had sent as a gift to them; for the Samians had carried off the corslet also in the year before they took the bowl; and it was of linen with many figures woven into it and embroidered with gold and with cotton; and each thread of this corslet is worthy of admiration, for that being itself fine it has in it three hundred and sixty fibres, all plain to view. Such another as this moreover is that which Amasis dedicated as an offering to Athene at Lindos.
47. Then the Spartans gathered a force and set out for Samos, saying it was to repay past favors because the Samians had first helped them with ships against the Messenians. However, the Spartans claim they went not so much out of a desire to assist the Samians at their request, but to seek revenge for the theft of the mixing bowl they were bringing as a gift to Croesus, 39, and for the corslet that Amasis, the king of Egypt, had sent them as a gift. The Samians had also taken the corslet the year before they stole the bowl. It was made of linen with many intricate patterns woven into it and embroidered with gold and cotton. Each thread of this corslet deserves admiration, as it consists of three hundred and sixty visible fibers. Additionally, Amasis dedicated a similar corslet as an offering to Athena at Lindos.
48. The Corinthians also took part with zeal in this expedition against Samos, that it might be carried out; for there had been an offence perpetrated against them also by the Samians a generation before 40 the time of this expedition and about the same time as the robbery of the bowl. Periander the son of Kypselos had despatched three hundred sons of the chief men of Corcyra to Alyattes at Sardis to be made eunuchs; and when the Corinthians who were conducting the boys had put in to Samos, the Samians, being informed of the story and for what purpose they were being conducted to Sardis, first instructed the boys to lay hold of the temple of Artemis, and then they refused to permit the Corinthians to drag the suppliants away from the temple: and as the Corinthians cut the boys off from supplies of food, the Samians made a festival, which they celebrate even to the present time in the same manner: for when night came on, as long as the boys were suppliants they arranged dances of maidens and youths, and in arranging the dances they made it a rule of the festival that sweet cakes of sesame and honey should be carried, in order that the Corcyrean boys might snatch them and so have support; and this went on so long that at last the Corinthians who had charge of the boys departed and went away; and as for the boys, the Samians carried them back to Corcyra.
48. The Corinthians were very eager to join in this mission against Samos to ensure it happened because the Samians had wronged them about a generation earlier, around the same time as the theft of the bowl. Periander, the son of Kypselos, had sent three hundred sons of the leading families of Corcyra to Alyattes in Sardis to be turned into eunuchs. When the Corinthians who were escorting the boys stopped at Samos, the Samians, having learned the situation and the reason for their journey to Sardis, first urged the boys to hold on to the temple of Artemis, and then refused to let the Corinthians take the suppliants away from the temple. As the Corinthians cut off the boys' food supplies, the Samians organized a festival, which they still celebrate today in the same way: when night fell, as long as the boys remained suppliants, they arranged dances featuring maidens and youths. As part of the festival, it became a tradition to carry sweet cakes made of sesame and honey, so the Corcyrean boys could snatch them and have something to eat. This continued until the Corinthians in charge of the boys eventually left, and the Samians carried the boys back to Corcyra.
49. Now, if after the death of Periander the Corinthians had been on friendly terms with the Corcyreans, they would not have joined in the expedition against Samos for the cause which has been mentioned; but as it is, they have been ever at variance with one another since they first colonised the island. 41 This then was the cause why the Corinthians had a grudge against the Samians.
49. Now, if after Periander's death the Corinthians had been on good terms with the Corcyreans, they wouldn't have participated in the expedition against Samos for the reason previously mentioned; but as it stands, they have been in conflict with each other ever since they first settled the island. 41 This was the reason the Corinthians held a grudge against the Samians.
50. Now Periander had chosen out the sons of the chief men of Corcyra and was sending them to Sardis to be made eunuchs, in order that he might have revenge; since the Corcyreans had first begun the offence and had done to him a deed of reckless wrong. For after Periander had killed his wife Melissa, it chanced to him to experience another misfortune in addition to that which had happened to him already, and this was as follows:—He had by Melissa two sons, the one of seventeen and the other of eighteen years. These sons their mother's father Procles, who was despot of Epidauros, sent for to himself and kindly entertained, as was to be expected seeing that they were the sons of his own daughter; and when he was sending them back, he said in taking leave of them: "Do ye know, boys, who it was that killed your mother?" Of this saying the elder of them took no account, but the younger, whose name was Lycophron, was grieved so greatly at hearing it, that when he reached Corinth again he would neither address his father, nor speak to him when his father would have conversed with him, nor give any reply when he asked questions, regarding him as the murderer of his mother. At length Periander being enraged with his son drove him forth out of his house.
50. Periander had selected the sons of the leading men of Corcyra and was sending them to Sardis to be made eunuchs, seeking revenge because the Corcyreans had initially wronged him in a reckless way. After Periander had killed his wife Melissa, he faced another misfortune on top of that tragedy: he had two sons with Melissa, one seventeen and the other eighteen. Their maternal grandfather, Procles, the ruler of Epidauros, invited them to stay with him and treated them kindly, as one would expect since they were his daughter’s children. When he was sending them back, he said as they were parting: "Do you know, boys, who killed your mother?" The elder son dismissed this statement, but the younger son, named Lycophron, was so distressed by it that when they returned to Corinth, he wouldn't speak to his father, wouldn’t engage when his father tried to talk to him, and wouldn’t respond when asked questions, considering his father to be his mother’s murderer. Eventually, Periander, infuriated with his son, drove him out of the house.
51. And having driven him forth, he asked of the elder son what his mother's father had said to them in his conversation. He then related how Procles had received them in a kindly manner, but of the saying which he had uttered when he parted from them he had no remembrance, since he had taken no note of it. So Periander said that it could not be but that he had suggested to them something, and urged him further with questions; and he after that remembered, and told of this also. Then Periander taking note of it 42 and not desiring to show any indulgence, sent a messenger to those with whom the son who had been driven forth was living at that time, and forbade them to receive him into their houses; and whenever having been driven away from one house he came to another, he was driven away also from this, since Periander threatened those who received him, and commanded them to exclude him; and so being driven away again he would go to another house, where persons lived who were his friends, and they perhaps received him because he was the son of Periander, notwithstanding that they feared.
51. After sending him away, he asked the older son what his mother’s father had told them during their conversation. He explained how Procles had welcomed them warmly, but he couldn’t remember what he had said when they parted since he hadn’t paid attention. Periander insisted that he must have suggested something and pressed him with more questions, and eventually, the son recalled and shared that too. Periander took note of this 42 and, not wanting to show any leniency, sent a messenger to those with whom the son who had been sent away was staying at the time, instructing them not to take him in. Whenever he was turned away from one house and went to another, he was also rejected there, as Periander threatened anyone who took him in and ordered them to keep him out. So, when he got sent away again, he went to another house where some of his friends lived, and they might have taken him in because he was Periander’s son, even though they were afraid.
52. At last Periander made a proclamation that whosoever should either receive him into their houses or converse with him should be bound to pay a fine 43 to Apollo, stating the amount that it should be. Accordingly, by reason of this proclamation no one was willing either to converse with him or to receive him into their house; and moreover even he himself did not think it fit to attempt it, since it had been forbidden, but he lay about in the porticoes enduring exposure: and on the fourth day after this, Periander seeing him fallen into squalid misery and starvation felt pity for him; and abating his anger he approached him and began to say: "Son, which of these two is to be preferred, the fortune which thou dost now experience and possess, 44 or to inherit the power and wealth which I possess now, by being submissive to thy father's will? Thou however, being my son and the prince 45 of wealthy Corinth, didst choose nevertheless the life of a vagabond by making opposition and displaying anger against him with whom it behoved thee least to deal so; for if any misfortune happened in those matters, for which cause thou hast suspicion against me, this has happened to me first, and I am sharer in the misfortune more than others, inasmuch as I did the deed 46 myself. Do thou however, having learnt by how much to be envied is better than to be pitied, and at the same time what a grievous thing it is to be angry against thy parents and against those who are stronger than thou, come back now to the house." Periander with these words endeavoured to restrain him; but he answered nothing else to his father, but said only that he ought to pay a fine to the god for having come to speech with him. Then Periander, perceiving that the malady of his son was hopeless and could not be overcome, despatched a ship to Corcyra, and so sent him away out of his sight, for he was ruler also of that island; and having sent him away, Periander proceeded to make war against his father-in-law Procles, esteeming him most to blame for the condition in which he was; and he took Epidauros and took also Procles himself and made him a prisoner.
52. Finally, Periander announced that anyone who welcomed him into their homes or talked to him would be required to pay a fine 43 to Apollo, specifying the amount. As a result of this proclamation, no one wanted to speak with him or let him into their home; even he felt it was inappropriate to try, since it had been forbidden. Instead, he lingered in the porticoes, enduring the elements. On the fourth day after this, Periander saw him in a state of squalid misery and starvation and felt pity for him. Calming his anger, he approached him and began to say: "Son, which of these two is better: the life you’re currently living, 44 or inheriting the power and wealth I have now by submitting to your father's will? Yet, as my son and the prince 45 of prosperous Corinth, you chose to live as a wanderer by resisting and displaying anger towards the one you should have least opposed; if any misfortune has occurred regarding the issues that have made you suspicious of me, I have suffered first, and I share in the misfortune more than anyone else, as I was the one who committed the act 46 myself. You, however, should understand how much better it is to be envied than to be pitied, and realize how terrible it is to be angry with your parents and those stronger than you. Come back home now." Periander tried to persuade him with these words, but his son only replied that he needed to pay a fine to the god for speaking with him. Seeing that his son’s condition was hopeless and unmanageable, Periander sent a ship to Corcyra and got rid of him, as he was also the ruler of that island. After sending him away, Periander waged war against his father-in-law Procles, blaming him the most for his situation; he captured Epidauros and took Procles himself as a prisoner.
53. When however, as time went on, Periander had passed his prime and perceived within himself that he was no longer able to overlook and manage the government of the State, he sent to Corcyra and summoned Lycophron to come back and take the supreme power; for in the elder of his sons he did not see the required capacity, but perceived clearly that he was of wits too dull. Lycophron however did not deign even to give an answer to the bearer of his message. Then Periander, clinging still in affection to the youth, sent to him next his own daughter, the sister of Lycophron, supposing that he would yield to her persuasion more than to that of others; and she arrived there and spoke to him thus: "Boy, dost thou desire that both the despotism should fall to others, and also the substance of thy father, carried off as plunder, rather than that thou shouldest return back and possess them? Come back to thy home: cease to torment thyself. Pride is a mischievous possession. Heal not evil with evil. Many prefer that which is reasonable to that which is strictly just; and many ere now in seeking the things of their mother have lost the things of their father. Despotism is an insecure thing, and many desire it: moreover he is now an old man and past his prime. Give not thy good things unto others." She thus said to him the most persuasive things, having been before instructed by her father: but he in answer said, that he would never come to Corinth so long as he heard that his father was yet alive. When she had reported this, Periander the third time sent an envoy, and said that he desired himself to come to Corcyra, exhorting Lycophron at the same time to come back to Corinth and to be his successor on the throne. The son having agreed to return on these terms, Periander was preparing to sail to Corcyra and his son to Corinth; but the Corcyreans, having learnt all that had taken place, put the young man to death, in order that Periander might not come to their land. For this cause it was that Periander took vengeance on those of Corcyra.
53. As time passed, Periander realized he was past his prime and could no longer manage the administration of the State. He sent for Lycophron to return from Corcyra and take over the leadership, as he didn’t see the capability he needed in his older son, who he felt was too dull-witted. However, Lycophron didn't bother to respond to the messenger. Still attached to the youth, Periander sent his daughter, Lycophron's sister, thinking she could persuade him better than anyone else. When she got there, she said to him: "Do you really want the power to go to someone else and your father's wealth to be taken as loot, rather than coming back to claim them yourself? Return home and stop torturing yourself. Pride is a harmful thing. Don’t counteract evil with more evil. Many choose what makes sense over what is strictly right; and plenty of people have pursued their mother's legacy only to lose their father's. Authority is precarious, and many want it, but remember, he’s now an old man, past his prime. Don’t give your good fortune to others." She made her case, having been coached by her father, but he replied that he would never return to Corinth as long as he knew his father was still alive. When she reported this, Periander sent another envoy, stating he wanted to go to Corcyra himself, encouraging Lycophron to return to Corinth and become his successor. Lycophron agreed to return on those terms, so Periander prepared to sail to Corcyra while his son headed for Corinth; but the people of Corcyra, having learned everything that happened, killed the young man to prevent Periander from coming to their land. This was why Periander sought revenge on the people of Corcyra.
54. The Lacedemonians then had come with a great armament and were besieging Samos; and having made an attack upon the wall, they occupied the tower which stands by the sea in the suburb of the city, but afterwards when Polycrates came up to the rescue with a large body they were driven away from it. Meanwhile by the upper tower which is upon the ridge of the mountain there had come out to the fight the foreign mercenaries and many of the Samians themselves, and these stood their ground against the Lacedemonians for a short while and then began to fly backwards; and the Lacedemonians followed and were slaying them.
54. The Lacedemonians had arrived with a large army and were laying siege to Samos. After launching an attack on the wall, they took control of the tower by the sea in the town's outskirts. However, when Polycrates arrived to help with a big force, they were driven away from it. Meanwhile, at the upper tower on the mountain ridge, foreign mercenaries and many of the Samians joined the fight. They held their ground against the Lacedemonians for a short time but then started to retreat, and the Lacedemonians pursued them, killing many in the process.
55. Now if the Lacedemonians there present had all been equal on that day to Archias and Lycopas, Samos would have been captured; for Archias and Lycopas alone rushed within the wall together with the flying Samians, and being shut off from retreat were slain within the city of the Samians. I myself moreover had converse in Pitane (for to that deme he belonged) with the third in descent from this Archias, another Archias the son of Samios the son of Archias, who honoured the Samians of all strangers most; and not only so, but he said that his own father had been called Samios because his father Archias had died by a glorious death in Samos; and he said that he honoured Samians because his grandfather had been granted a public funeral by the Samians.
55. If the Spartans present that day had all been as capable as Archias and Lycopas, Samos would have fallen. Only Archias and Lycopas charged through the wall along with the fleeing Samians, and since they couldn’t retreat, they were killed inside the city of the Samians. I also spoke in Pitane (since that was his district) with the third Archias in this line, another Archias, son of Samios, son of Archias, who respected the Samians more than any other group; and he mentioned that his own father was called Samios because his grandfather Archias died a heroic death in Samos. He said he honored the Samians because his grandfather was given a public funeral by them.
56. The Lacedemonians then, when they had been besieging Samos for forty days and their affairs made no progress, set forth to return to Peloponnesus. But according to the less credible account which has been put abroad of these matters Polycrates struck in lead a quantity of a certain native coin, and having gilded the coins over, gave them to the Lacedemonians, and they received them and upon that set forth to depart. This was the first expedition which the Lacedemonians (being Dorians) 4601 made into Asia.
56. The Spartans, after besieging Samos for forty days without any progress, decided to return to Peloponnesus. However, there’s a less credible story that says Polycrates created a bunch of local coins out of lead, covered them in gold, and gave them to the Spartans, who accepted them and then left. This was the first expedition the Spartans (who were Dorians) 4601 made into Asia.
57. Those of the Samians who had made the expedition against Polycrates themselves also sailed away, when the Lacedemonians were about to desert them, and came to Siphnos: for they were in want of money, and the people of Siphnos were then at their greatest height of prosperity and possessed wealth more than all the other islanders, since they had in their island mines of gold and silver, so that there is a treasury dedicated at Delphi with the tithe of the money which came in from these mines, and furnished in a manner equal to the wealthiest of these treasuries: and the people used to divide among themselves the money which came in from the mines every year. So when they were establishing the treasury, they consulted the Oracle as to whether their present prosperity was capable of remaining with them for a long time, and the Pythian prophetess gave them this reply:
57. The Samians who had gone on the expedition against Polycrates also set sail when the Lacedemonians were about to abandon them and arrived at Siphnos. They were in need of money, and the people of Siphnos were at their peak of prosperity, possessing more wealth than all the other islanders. This was because they had gold and silver mines on their island, leading to a treasury at Delphi dedicated to the tithe from these mines, and it was as impressive as the wealthiest treasuries. The people would divide the profits from the mines among themselves each year. So, when they were establishing the treasury, they consulted the Oracle to find out if their current prosperity would last a long time, and the Pythian prophetess responded:
Now just at that time the market-place and city hall of the Siphnians had been decorated with Parian marble.
Now at that moment, the marketplace and city hall of the Siphnians had been adorned with Parian marble.
58. This oracle they were not able to understand either then at first or when the Samians had arrived: for as soon as the Samians were putting in 50 to Siphnos they sent one of their ships to bear envoys to the city: now in old times all ships were painted with red, and this was that which the Pythian prophetess was declaring beforehand to the Siphnians, bidding them guard against the "army of wood" and the "red-coloured herald." The messengers accordingly came and asked the Siphnians to lend them ten talents; and as they refused to lend to them, the Samians began to lay waste their lands: so when they were informed of it, forthwith the Siphnians came to the rescue, and having engaged battle with them were defeated, and many of them were cut off by the Samians and shut out of the city; and the Samians after this imposed upon them a payment of a hundred talents.
58. They couldn't understand this oracle at first, and even when the Samians arrived: as soon as the Samians were coming into 50 to Siphnos, they sent one of their ships to send messengers to the city. Back in the day, all ships were painted red, and that’s what the Pythian prophetess was warning the Siphnians about, telling them to watch out for the "wooden army" and the "red-colored messenger." So the messengers came and asked the Siphnians to lend them ten talents, but when they refused, the Samians started to destroy their lands. Once the Siphnians heard about it, they rushed to help, but they ended up getting defeated in battle, with many of them cut off by the Samians and locked out of the city. After this, the Samians forced them to pay a hundred talents.
59. Then from the men of Hermion they received by payment of money the island of Hydrea, which is near the coast of Peloponnese, and they gave it in charge to the Troizenians, but they themselves settled at Kydonia which is in Crete, not sailing thither for that purpose but in order to drive the Zakynthians out of the island. Here they remained and were prosperous for five years, so much so that they were the builders of the temples which are now existing in Kydonia, and also of the house of Dictyna. 51 In the sixth year however the Eginetans together with the Cretans conquered them in a sea-fight and brought them to slavery; and they cut off the prows of their ships, which were shaped like boars, and dedicated them in the temple of Athene in Egina. This the Eginetans did because they had a grudge against the Samians; for the Samians had first made expedition against Egina, when Amphicrates was king in Samos, and had done much hurt to the Eginetans and suffered much hurt also from them. Such was the cause of this event:
59. Then the men from Hermion paid for the island of Hydrea, which is close to the coast of Peloponnese, and gave it to the Troizenians. They themselves settled in Kydonia, which is in Crete, not for that purpose but to drive the Zakynthians out of the island. They stayed there and thrived for five years, even building the temples that still exist in Kydonia, as well as the house of Dictyna. 51 However, in the sixth year, the Eginetans, along with the Cretans, defeated them in a naval battle and enslaved them. They cut off the prows of their ships, which were shaped like boars, and dedicated them in the temple of Athene in Egina. The Eginetans did this because they held a grudge against the Samians; the Samians had first attacked Egina when Amphicrates was king in Samos, causing significant damage to the Eginetans and also suffering considerable losses themselves. That was the reason for this event:
60, and about the Samians I have spoken at greater length, because they have three works which are greater than any others that have been made by Hellenes: first a passage beginning from below and open at both ends, dug through a mountain not less than a hundred and fifty fathoms 52 in height; the length of the passage is seven furlongs 53 and the height and breadth each eight feet, and throughout the whole of it another passage has been dug twenty cubits in depth and three feet in breadth, through which the water is conducted and comes by the pipes to the city, brought from an abundant spring: and the designer of this work was a Megarian, Eupalinos the son of Naustrophos. This is one of the three; and the second is a mole in the sea about the harbour, going down to a depth of as much as 54 twenty fathoms; and the length of the mole is more than two furlongs. The third work which they have executed is a temple larger than all the other temples of which we know. Of this the first designer was Rhoicos the son of Philes, a native of Samos. For this reason I have spoken at greater length of the Samians.
60, and I've talked more about the Samians because they have three achievements that are greater than any others made by the Greeks: first, a passage that begins underground and is open at both ends, carved through a mountain that's at least one hundred and fifty fathoms high; the length of the passage is seven furlongs, and both its height and width are eight feet. Throughout the entire length, another passage has been dug twenty cubits deep and three feet wide, through which water flows to the city, sourced from an abundant spring. The designer of this work was a Megarian named Eupalinos, son of Naustrophos. This is one of the three achievements; the second is a breakwater in the sea by the harbor, extending down to a depth of about twenty fathoms, with a length of over two furlongs. The third achievement they completed is a temple larger than any other temples we know of. The original designer of this temple was Rhoicos, son of Philes, a native of Samos. That's why I've gone into more detail about the Samians.
61. Now while Cambyses the son of Cyrus was spending a long time in Egypt and had gone out of his right mind, there rose up against him two brothers, Magians, of whom the one had been left behind by Cambyses as caretaker of his household. This man, I say, rose up against him perceiving that the occurrence of the death of Smerdis was being kept secret, and that there were but few of the Persians who were aware of it, while the greater number believed without doubt that he was still alive. Therefore he endeavoured to obtain the kingdom, and he formed his plan as follows:—he had a brother (that one who, as I said, rose up with him against Cambyses), and this man in form very closely resembled Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had slain, being his own brother. He was like Smerdis, I say, in form, and not only so but he had the same name, Smerdis. Having persuaded this man that he would manage everything for him, the Magian Patizeithes brought him and seated him upon the royal throne: and having so done he sent heralds about to the various provinces, and among others one to the army in Egypt, to proclaim to them that they must obey Smerdis the son of Cyrus for the future instead of Cambyses.
61. While Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, was spending a long time in Egypt and had lost his sanity, two brothers from the Magi rose up against him. One of them had been left by Cambyses as the caretaker of his household. This man saw that the death of Smerdis was being kept secret and that only a few Persians knew about it, while most still believed he was alive. So, he tried to take the throne and came up with a plan: he had a brother (the one who joined him against Cambyses) who closely resembled Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had killed, as he was his own brother. This brother not only looked like Smerdis, but also shared his name—Smerdis. After convincing him that he would handle everything, the Magian Patizeithes brought him and placed him on the royal throne. Once that was done, he sent messengers to various provinces, including one to the army in Egypt, announcing that they should now obey Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, instead of Cambyses.
62. So then the other heralds made this proclamation, and also the one who was appointed to go to Egypt, finding Cambyses and his army at Agbatana in Syria, stood in the midst and began to proclaim that which had been commanded to him by the Magian. Hearing this from the herald, and supposing that the herald was speaking the truth and that he had himself been betrayed by Prexaspes, that is to say, that when Prexaspes was sent to kill Smerdis he had not done so, Cambyses looked upon Prexaspes and said: "Prexaspes, was it thus that thou didst perform for me the thing which I gave over to thee to do?" and he said: "Master, the saying is not true that Smerdis thy brother has risen up against thee, nor that thou wilt have any contention arising from him, either great or small: for I myself, having done that which thou didst command me to do, buried him with my own hands. If therefore the dead have risen again to life, then thou mayest expect that Astyages also the Mede will rise up against thee; but if it is as it was beforetime, there is no fear now that any trouble shall spring up for you, at least from him. Now therefore I think it well that some should pursue after the herald and examine him, asking from whom he has come to proclaim to us that we are to obey Smerdis as king."
62. Then the other messengers made this announcement, and the one who was sent to Egypt, finding Cambyses and his army at Agbatana in Syria, stood in the center and began to proclaim what the Magian had commanded him. Upon hearing this from the messenger and believing that the messenger was telling the truth—and thinking he had been betrayed by Prexaspes, meaning that when Prexaspes was sent to kill Smerdis, he had not done it—Cambyses looked at Prexaspes and said: "Prexaspes, is this how you carried out the task I entrusted to you?" Prexaspes replied: "Master, it's not true that Smerdis, your brother, has risen against you, nor that you should fear any conflict from him, big or small. I buried him with my own hands, having done exactly what you ordered. So unless the dead have come back to life, you shouldn't worry about Astyages the Mede rising against you; if things are as they were, there's no reason to fear any trouble from him now. I believe it would be wise for someone to go after the messenger and question him about where he came from to announce that we should follow Smerdis as king."
63. When Prexaspes had thus spoken, Cambyses was pleased with the advice, and accordingly the herald was pursued forthwith and returned. Then when he had come back, Prexaspes asked him as follows: "Man, thou sayest that thou art come as a messenger from Smerdis the son of Cyrus: now therefore speak the truth and go away in peace. I ask thee whether Smerdis himself appeared before thine eyes and charged thee to say this, or some one of those who serve him." He said: "Smerdis the son of Cyrus I have never yet seen, since the day that king Cambyses marched to Egypt: but the Magian whom Cambyses appointed to be guardian of his household, he, I say, gave me this charge, saying that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was he who laid the command upon me to speak these things to you." Thus he spoke to them, adding no falsehoods to the first, and Cambyses said: "Prexaspes, thou hast done that which was commanded thee like an honest man, and hast escaped censure; but who of the Persians may this be who has risen up against me and usurped the name of Smerdis?" He said: "I seem to myself, O king, to have understanding of this which has come to pass: the Magians have risen against thee, Patizeithes namely, whom thou didst leave as caretaker of thy household, and his brother Smerdis."
63. When Prexaspes finished speaking, Cambyses was pleased with the advice, so they quickly chased after the herald and brought him back. When he returned, Prexaspes asked him, "Look, you say you’re a messenger from Smerdis, the son of Cyrus. So tell me the truth and then leave in peace. Did Smerdis himself appear to you and tell you to say this, or was it someone from his staff?" He replied, "I have never seen Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, since King Cambyses went to Egypt. But the Magian whom Cambyses appointed to look after his household told me to say these things to you, claiming that Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, told him to pass this message along." He spoke without adding any lies to his original statement, and Cambyses said, "Prexaspes, you have done your duty like an honest man and avoided blame; but who is this Persian who has come forward and taken the name of Smerdis?" He replied, "I believe I understand what has happened, O king: the Magians have risen against you, specifically Patizeithes, whom you left as the caretaker of your household, and his brother Smerdis."
64. Then Cambyses, when he heard the name of Smerdis, perceived at once the true meaning of this report and of the dream, for he thought in his sleep that some one had reported to him that Smerdis was sitting upon the royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head: and perceiving that he had slain his brother without need, he began to lament for Smerdis; and having lamented for him and sorrowed greatly for the whole mishap, he was leaping upon his horse, meaning as quickly as possible to march his army to Susa against the Magian; and as he leapt upon his horse, the cap of his sword-sheath fell off, and the sword being left bare struck his thigh. Having been wounded then in the same part where he had formerly struck Apis the god of the Egyptians, and believing that he had been struck with a mortal blow, Cambyses asked what was the name of that town, and they said "Agbatana." Now even before this he had been informed by the Oracle at the city of Buto that in Agbatana he should bring his life to an end: and he supposed that he should die of old age in Agbatana in Media, where was his chief seat of power; but the oracle, it appeared, meant in Agbatana of Syria. So when by questioning now he learnt the name of the town, being struck with fear both by the calamity caused by the Magian and at the same time by the wound, he came to his right mind, and understanding the meaning of the oracle he said: "Here it is fated that Cambyses the son of Cyrus shall end his life."
64. When Cambyses heard the name Smerdis, he immediately understood the real significance of the report and the dream he had. He had dreamt that someone told him Smerdis was sitting on the royal throne, touching the heavens with his head. Realizing that he had killed his brother for no reason, he started to mourn for Smerdis. After grieving and feeling deep sorrow over the entire situation, he jumped on his horse, intending to quickly march his army to Susa to confront the Magian. As he mounted his horse, the cap of his sword sheath fell off, and the exposed sword struck his thigh. Wounded in the same spot where he had once struck Apis, the Egyptian god, and thinking he had received a fatal injury, Cambyses asked what the name of the town was, and they replied, "Agbatana." Earlier, he had been told by the Oracle in the city of Buto that he would meet his end in Agbatana. He thought he would die of old age in Agbatana in Media, his main seat of power; however, it turned out the oracle referred to Agbatana in Syria. So, upon learning the name of the town through questioning, and filled with fear from both the disaster caused by the Magian and the wound, he regained his composure and, understanding the oracle’s meaning, said: "It is destined that Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, will end his life here."
65. So much only he said at that time; but about twenty days afterwards he sent for the most honourable of the Persians who were with him, and said to them as follows: "Persians, it has become necessary for me to make known to you the thing which I was wont to keep concealed beyond all other things. Being in Egypt I saw a vision in my sleep, which I would I had never seen, and it seemed to me that a messenger came from home and reported to me that Smerdis was sitting upon the royal throne and had touched the heaven with his head. Fearing then lest I should be deprived of my power by my brother, I acted quickly rather than wisely; for it seems that it is not possible for man 55 to avert that which is destined to come to pass. I therefore, fool that I was, sent away Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis; and when this great evil had been done, I lived in security, never considering the danger that some other man might at some time rise up against me, now that Smerdis had been removed: and altogether missing the mark of that which was about to happen, I have both made myself the murderer of my brother, when there was no need, and I have been deprived none the less of the kingdom; for it was in fact Smerdis the Magian of whom the divine power declared to me beforehand in the vision that he should rise up against me. So then, as I say, this deed has been done by me, and ye must imagine that ye no longer have Smerdis the son of Cyrus alive: but it is in truth the Magians who are masters of your kingdom, he whom I left as guardian of my household and his brother Smerdis. The man then who ought above all others to have taken vengeance on my behalf for the dishonour which I have suffered from the Magians, has ended his life by an unholy death received from the hands of those who were his nearest of kin; and since he is no more, it becomes most needful for me, as the thing next best of those which remain, 56 to charge you, O Persians, with that which dying I desire should be done for me. This then I lay upon you, calling upon the gods of the royal house to witness it,—upon you and most of all upon those of the Achaemenidai who are present here,—that ye do not permit the return of the chief power to the Medes, but that if they have acquired it by craft, by craft they be deprived of it by you, or if they have conquered it by any kind of force, by force and by a strong hand ye recover it. And if ye do this, may the earth bring forth her produce and may your wives and your cattle be fruitful, while ye remain free for ever; but if ye do not recover the power nor attempt to recover it, I pray that curses the contrary of these blessings may come upon you, and moreover that each man of the Persians may have an end to his life like that which has come upon me." Then as soon as he had finished speaking these things, Cambyses began to bewail and make lamentation for all his fortunes.
65. That’s all he said at the time; but about twenty days later, he called for the most esteemed Persians with him and said: "Persians, I need to share something that I’ve kept hidden above all else. While I was in Egypt, I had a dream that I wish I hadn’t. In the dream, a messenger came from home and told me that Smerdis was on the royal throne and had touched the sky with his head. I was afraid that my brother would take my power, so I acted quickly instead of wisely; it seems that no one can escape what is meant to happen. Acting foolishly, I sent Prexaspes to Susa to kill Smerdis; and after this terrible act was done, I felt secure, never thinking that someone else might rise up against me now that Smerdis was gone. Completely missing what was about to happen, I became the murderer of my brother without needing to be, and I still lost the kingdom; for it was indeed Smerdis the Magian whom the divine power warned me about in the vision—that he would rise against me. So, as I say, this deed was done by me, and you must understand that Smerdis the son of Cyrus is no longer alive: it is really the Magians who hold your kingdom, with the one I left to guard my household and his brother Smerdis. The one who should have avenged the dishonor done to me by the Magians has met an untimely death at the hands of those closest to him; and since he is gone, it is necessary for me, as a next best option, to charge you, O Persians, with what I wish to be done as I die. This I entrust to you, calling upon the gods of the royal house as witnesses—especially those of the Achaemenids present here—that you do not allow the chief power to return to the Medes. If they have obtained it through deceit, you should take it back from them through your own cunning; or if they have conquered it by force, you should reclaim it with strength. And if you do this, may the earth produce abundantly, and may your wives and livestock thrive, while you remain free forever; but if you do not attempt to recover the power, may curses opposite these blessings come upon you, and may each Persian meet an end like mine." As soon as he finished speaking, Cambyses began to mourn and lament his fate.
66. And the Persians, when they saw that the king had begun to bewail himself, both rent the garments which they wore and made lamentation without stint. After this, when the bone had become diseased and the thigh had mortified, Cambyses the son of Cyrus was carried off by the wound, having reigned in all seven years and five months, and being absolutely childless both of male and female offspring. The Persians meanwhile who were present there were very little disposed to believe 57 that the power was in the hands of the Magians: on the contrary, they were surely convinced that Cambyses had said that which he said about the death of Smerdis to deceive them, in order that all the Persians might be moved to war against him. These then were surely convinced that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was established to be king; for Prexaspes also very strongly denied that he had slain Smerdis, since it was not safe, now that Cambyses was dead, for him to say that he had destroyed with his own hand the son of Cyrus.
66. When the Persians saw that the king had begun to mourn, they tore their clothes and cried out loudly. After some time, when the bone had become infected and the thigh had rotted, Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, died from his wounds. He had ruled for seven years and five months, leaving behind no children, either male or female. Meanwhile, the Persians present were not inclined to believe 57 that the power rested with the Magians. On the contrary, they were convinced that Cambyses had claimed Smerdis was dead to deceive them, intending to stir all the Persians to go to war against him. They were sure that Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, had been made king; for Prexaspes also strongly denied killing Smerdis since, with Cambyses dead, it was no longer safe for him to admit that he had personally killed the son of Cyrus.
67. Thus when Cambyses had brought his life to an end, the Magian became king without disturbance, usurping the place of his namesake Smerdis the son of Cyrus; and he reigned during the seven months which were wanting yet to Cambyses for the completion of the eight years: and during them he performed acts of great benefit to all his subjects, so that after his death all those in Asia except the Persians themselves mourned for his loss: for the Magian sent messengers abroad to every nation over which he ruled, and proclaimed freedom from military service and from tribute for three years.
67. So when Cambyses ended his life, the Magian became king without any issues, taking over from his namesake Smerdis, the son of Cyrus. He ruled for the seven months that were still left of Cambyses' eight-year reign and did many good things for all his subjects. After he died, everyone in Asia except the Persians mourned his loss because the Magian sent out messengers to every nation under his control and announced three years of freedom from military service and taxes.
68. This proclamation, I say, he made at once when he established himself upon the throne: but in the eighth month it was discovered who he was in the following manner:—There was one Otanes the son of Pharnaspes, in birth and in wealth not inferior to any of the Persians. This Otanes was the first who had had suspicion of the Magian, that he was not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the person that he really was, drawing his inference from these facts, namely that he never went abroad out of the fortress, and that he did not summon into his presence any of the honourable men among the Persians: and having formed a suspicion of him, he proceeded to do as follows:—Cambyses had taken to wife his daughter, whose name was Phaidyme; 58 and this same daughter the Magian at that time was keeping as his wife and living with her as with all the rest also of the wives of Cambyses. Otanes therefore sent a message to this daughter and asked her who the man was by whose side she slept, whether Smerdis the son of Cyrus or some other. She sent back word to him saying that she did not know, for she had never seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus, nor did she know otherwise who he was who lived with her. Otanes then sent a second time and said: "If thou dost not thyself know Smerdis the son of Cyrus, then do thou ask of Atossa who this man is, with whom both she and thou live as wives; for assuredly it must be that she knows her own brother."
68. This proclamation, I say, he made right after he took the throne: but in the eighth month, they found out who he really was in the following way:—There was a man named Otanes, son of Pharnaspes, who was as wealthy and of noble birth as any of the Persians. Otanes was the first to suspect that the Magian was not Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, but someone else entirely. He came to this conclusion because the Magian never left the fortress and didn’t call any respected Persian men to his presence. After forming his suspicion, he decided to act: Cambyses had married his daughter, named Phaidyme; 58 and this same daughter the Magian was keeping as his wife, living with her along with all of Cambyses' other wives. So, Otanes sent a message to his daughter and asked her who the man was that she slept next to, whether it was Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, or someone else. She replied that she didn’t know, since she had never seen Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, and had no idea who the man living with her was. Otanes then sent another message saying: "If you don’t know Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, then ask Atossa who this man is that both you and she live with as wives; because surely she must know her own brother."
69. To this the daughter sent back word: "I am not able either to come to speech with Atossa or to see any other of the women who live here with me; for as soon as this man, whosoever he may be, succeeded to the kingdom, he separated us and placed us in different apartments by ourselves." When Otanes heard this, the matter became more and more clear to him, and he sent another message in to her, which said: "Daughter, it is right for thee, nobly born as thou art, to undertake any risk which thy father bids thee take upon thee: for if in truth this is not Smerdis the son of Cyrus but the man whom I suppose, he ought not to escape with impunity either for taking thee to his bed or for holding the dominion of Persians, but he must pay the penalty. Now therefore do as I say. When he sleeps by thee and thou perceivest that he is sound asleep, feel his ears; and if it prove that he has ears, then believe that thou art living with Smerdis the son of Cyrus, but if not, believe that it is with the Magian Smerdis." To this Phaidyme sent an answer saying that, if she should do so, she would run a great risk; for supposing that he should chance not to have his ears, and she were detected feeling for them, she was well assured that he would put her to death; but nevertheless she would do this. So she undertook to do this for her father: but as for this Magian Smerdis, he had had his ears cut off by Cyrus the son of Cambyses when he was king, for some grave offence. This Phaidyme then, the daughter of Otanes, proceeding to perform all that she had undertaken for her father, when her turn came to go to the Magian (for the wives of the Persians go in to them regularly each in her turn), came and lay down beside him: and when the Magian was in deep sleep, she felt his ears; and perceiving not with difficulty but easily that her husband had no ears, so soon as it became day she sent and informed her father of that which had taken place.
69. In response, the daughter sent a message: "I can’t talk to Atossa or see any of the other women here with me; as soon as this man, whoever he is, took the throne, he separated us and put us in different rooms." When Otanes heard this, everything became clearer to him, and he sent another message to her that said: "Daughter, being of noble birth, you should take on any risk your father asks you to: if this really isn’t Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, but the man I suspect, he shouldn’t get away without consequences for taking you to bed or ruling over the Persians—he must face punishment. So, here’s what you should do. When he’s sleeping next to you and you notice he’s deeply asleep, check his ears. If he has ears, believe you’re with Smerdis, the son of Cyrus; if not, then you’re with the Magian Smerdis." Phaidyme replied that if she did that, she would be taking a huge risk; if he happened not to have ears and she was caught feeling for them, she was sure he would kill her. But she decided to do it anyway for her father. So she prepared to follow through with this plan: the Magian Smerdis had his ears cut off by Cyrus, the son of Cambyses, when he was king, due to a serious crime. Phaidyme, the daughter of Otanes, did everything she promised her father. When it was her turn to go in to the Magian (the Persian wives visited them in rotation), she lay down next to him. When the Magian fell into a deep sleep, she checked his ears and easily realized her husband had no ears. As soon as day broke, she sent word to her father about what had happened.
70. Then Otanes took to him Aspathines and Gobryas, 59 who were leading men among the Persians and also his own most trusted friends, and related to them the whole matter: and they, as it then appeared, had suspicions also themselves that it was so; and when Otanes reported this to them, they readily accepted his proposals. Then it was resolved by them that each one should associate with himself that man of the Persians whom he trusted most; so Otanes brought in Intaphrenes, 60 Gobryas brought in Megabyzos, and Aspathines brought in Hydarnes. When they had thus become six, Dareios the son of Hystaspes arrived at Susa, having come from the land of Persia, for of this his father was governor. Accordingly when he came, the six men of the Persians resolved to associate Dareios also with themselves.
70. Then Otanes brought in Aspathines and Gobryas, 59 who were prominent figures among the Persians and also his most trusted friends, and explained the entire situation to them. It seemed they had their own suspicions about it too, and when Otanes shared this with them, they readily agreed to his proposals. They decided that each of them should recruit the Persian man they trusted the most; so Otanes chose Intaphrenes, 60 Gobryas chose Megabyzos, and Aspathines chose Hydarnes. With that, they became six. Just then, Dareios, the son of Hystaspes, arrived in Susa after coming from the land of Persia, where his father was the governor. Therefore, when he arrived, the six Persians decided to include Dareios in their group.
71. These then having come together, being seven in number, gave pledges of faith to one another and deliberated together; and when it came to Dareios to declare his opinion, he spoke to them as follows: "I thought that I alone knew this, namely that it was the Magian who was reigning as king and that Smerdis the son of Cyrus had brought his life to an end; and for this very reason I am come with earnest purpose to contrive death for the Magian. Since however it has come to pass that ye also know and not I alone, I think it well to act at once and not to put the matter off, for that is not the better way." To this replied Otanes: "Son of Hystaspes, thou art the scion of a noble stock, and thou art showing thyself, as it seems, in no way inferior to thy father: do not however hasten this enterprise so much without consideration, but take it up more prudently; for we must first become more in numbers, and then undertake the matter." In answer to this Dareios said: "Men who are here present, if ye shall follow the way suggested by Otanes, know that ye will perish miserably; for some one will carry word to the Magian, getting gain thereby privately for himself. Your best way would have been to do this action upon your own risk alone; but since it seemed good to you to refer the matter to a greater number, and ye communicated it to me, either let us do the deed to-day, or be ye assured that if this present day shall pass by, none other shall prevent me 61 as your accuser, but I will myself tell these things to the Magian."
71. So, the seven of them came together, made promises of loyalty to one another, and discussed their plans. When it was Dareios's turn to share his thoughts, he said, "I thought I was the only one who knew this, that the Magian is king now and that Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, is dead; and that's why I came here determined to find a way to kill the Magian. Since you all know this now too, I think we should act quickly and not procrastinate, because that's not the better option." Otanes replied, "Son of Hystaspes, you come from a noble lineage, and it seems you're no less capable than your father. However, don't rush into this plan without careful thought; we need to gather more people before we take action." In response, Dareios said, "If you agree with Otanes, know that you'll meet a terrible end; someone will inform the Magian and profit from it. Your best option would have been to take the risk alone, but since you decided to involve more people and brought this to me, let's either carry out the plan today, or know that if today passes without action, none will stop me 61 from accusing you, and I will personally go tell the Magian."
72. To this Otanes, when he saw Dareios in violent haste, replied: "Since thou dost compel us to hasten the matter and dost not permit us to delay, come expound to us thyself in what manner we shall pass into the palace and lay hands upon them: for that there are guards set in various parts, thou knowest probably thyself as well as we, if not from sight at least from hearsay; and in what manner shall we pass through these?" Dareios made reply with these words: "Otanes, there are many things in sooth which it is not possible to set forth in speech, but only in deed; and other things there are which in speech can be set forth, but from them comes no famous deed. Know ye however that the guards which are set are not difficult to pass: for in the first place, we being what we are, there is no one who will not let us go by, partly, as may be supposed, from having respect for us, and partly also perhaps from fear; and secondly I have myself a most specious pretext by means of which we may pass by; for I shall say that I am just now come from the Persian land and desire to declare to the king a certain message from my father: for where it is necessary that a lie be spoken, let it be spoken; seeing that we all aim at the same object, both they who lie and they who always speak the truth; those lie whenever they are likely to gain anything by persuading with their lies, and these tell the truth in order that they may draw to themselves gain by the truth, and that things 62 may be entrusted to them more readily. Thus, while practising different ways, we aim all at the same thing. If however they were not likely to make any gain by it, the truth-teller would lie and the liar would speak the truth, with indifference. Whosoever then of the door-keepers shall let us pass by of his own free will, for him it shall be the better afterwards; but whosoever shall endeavour to oppose our passage, let him then and there be marked as our enemy, 63 and after that let us push in and set about our work."
72. When Otanes saw Darius in a hurry, he responded, "Since you’re forcing us to rush this and won't let us delay, explain to us how we’re going to get into the palace and seize them. You know there are guards stationed all over, whether from seeing them or just hearing about them; how are we going to get past them?" Darius replied, "Otanes, there are many things that can’t be explained with words, only with actions. And then there are things that can be talked about, but they don’t lead to any great achievements. Just so you know, the guards we’ll encounter aren’t hard to get by: first, since we are who we are, no one will stop us, partly out of respect, and maybe out of fear as well. Secondly, I have an excellent excuse that will help us pass through; I’ll say I just came from Persia and have a message for the king from my father. If a lie needs to be told, let it be told; we all want the same outcome, whether you’re lying or telling the truth. Liars do it to gain something by convincing others, while truth-tellers do it to gain trust and make it easier for things 62 to be passed to them. We’re all aiming for the same goal, even if we go about it differently. However, if there was no gain to be had, the truth-teller would lie and the liar would speak the truth without caring. So whoever of the door-keepers lets us pass freely will benefit from it later; but whoever tries to block our way, let him be marked as our enemy 63, and then we’ll push in and get to work."
73. Then said Gobryas: "Friends, at what time will there be a fairer opportunity for us either to recover our rule, or, if we are not able to get it again, to die? seeing that we being Persians on the one hand lie under the rule of a Mede, a Magian, and that too a man whose ears have been cut off. Moreover all those of you who stood by the side of Cambyses when he was sick remember assuredly what he laid upon the Persians as he was bringing his life to an end, if they should not attempt to win back the power; and this we did not accept then, but supposed that Cambyses had spoken in order to deceive us. Now therefore I give my vote that we follow the opinion of Dareios, and that we do not depart from this assembly to go anywhither else but straight to attack the Magian." Thus spoke Gobryas, and they all approved of this proposal.
73. Then Gobryas said, "Friends, when will we have a better opportunity to reclaim our power, or, if we can't get it back, to die? Here we are, Persians, living under the rule of a Mede, a Magian, and a man whose ears have been cut off. Besides, all of you who stood by Cambyses when he was sick surely remember what he demanded of the Persians as he was nearing death—if they didn't try to regain their power. We didn't take that seriously at the time, thinking Cambyses was just trying to trick us. So now, I vote that we follow Dareios's advice and not leave this assembly to go anywhere else but straight to fight the Magian." Gobryas spoke, and everyone agreed with his proposal.
74. Now while these were thus taking counsel together, it was coming to pass by coincidence as follows:—The Magians taking counsel together had resolved to join Prexaspes with themselves as a friend, both because he had suffered grievous wrong from Cambyses, who had killed his son by shooting him, and because he alone knew for a certainty of the death of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, having killed him with his own hands, and finally because Prexaspes was in very great repute among the Persians. For these reasons they summoned him and endeavoured to win him to be their friend, engaging him by pledge and with oaths, that he would assuredly keep to himself and not reveal to any man the deception which had been practised by them upon the Persians, and promising to give him things innumerable 64 in return. After Prexaspes had promised to do this, the Magians, having persuaded him so far, proposed to him a second thing, and said that they would call together all the Persians to come up to the wall of the palace, and bade him go up upon a tower and address them, saying that they were living under the rule of Smerdis the son of Cyrus and no other. This they so enjoined because they supposed 65 that he had the greatest credit among the Persians, and because he had frequently declared the opinion that Smerdis the son of Cyrus was still alive, and had denied that he had slain him.
74. While they were discussing their plans, a coincidence occurred: The Magians had decided to make Prexaspes their ally because he had suffered greatly at the hands of Cambyses, who had killed his son by shooting him. He was also the only one who definitely knew how Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, had died, having killed him himself. Moreover, Prexaspes was highly regarded among the Persians. For these reasons, they called him in and tried to win him over as their ally, promising that he would keep their secret about the deception they had played on the Persians, and offering him countless rewards in return. After Prexaspes agreed to this, the Magians persuaded him to do something else. They proposed gathering all the Persians at the palace wall and asked him to go up on a tower and tell them that they were under the rule of Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, and no one else. They insisted on this because they believed he had the most influence among the Persians and that he often stated his belief that Smerdis was still alive and denied having killed him.
75. When Prexaspes said that he was ready to do this also, the Magians having called together the Persians caused him to go up upon a tower and bade him address them. Then he chose to forget those things which they asked of him, and beginning with Achaimenes he traced the descent of Cyrus on the father's side, and then, when he came down to Cyrus, he related at last what great benefits he had conferred upon the Persians; and having gone through this recital he proceeded to declare the truth, saying that formerly he kept it secret, since it was not safe for him to tell of that which had been done, but at the present time he was compelled to make it known. He proceeded to say how he had himself slain Smerdis the son of Cyrus, being compelled by Cambyses, and that it was the Magians who were now ruling. Then he made imprecation of many evils on the Persians, if they did not win back again the power and take vengeance upon the Magians, and upon that he let himself fall down from the tower head foremost. Thus Prexaspes ended his life, having been throughout his time a man of repute.
75. When Prexaspes said he was ready to do this too, the Magians gathered the Persians and told him to climb a tower and speak to them. He chose to ignore their requests and started with Achaimenes, tracing Cyrus's lineage through his father. When he reached Cyrus, he talked about the great benefits Cyrus had given to the Persians. After sharing this, he declared the truth, saying he had kept it secret before because it wasn’t safe to reveal what had happened, but now he had to make it known. He explained how he had killed Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, at Cambyses' command and that the Magians were the ones ruling now. He cursed the Persians with many evils if they didn't regain their power and take revenge on the Magians, and with that, he threw himself off the tower headfirst. Thus, Prexaspes ended his life, having been a respected man throughout his time.
76. Now the seven of the Persians, when they had resolved forthwith to lay hands upon the Magians and not to delay, made prayer to the gods and went, knowing nothing of that which had been done with regard to Prexaspes: and as they were going and were in the middle of their course, they heard that which had happened about Prexaspes. Upon that they retired out of the way and again considered with themselves, Otanes and his supporters strongly urging that they should delay and not set to the work when things were thus disturbed, 66 while Dareios and those of his party urged that they should go forthwith and do that which had been resolved, and not delay. Then while they were contending, there appeared seven pairs of hawks pursuing two pairs of vultures, plucking out their feathers and tearing them. Seeing this the seven all approved the opinion of Dareios and thereupon they went to the king's palace, encouraged by the sight of the birds.
76. Now the seven Persians, having decided to quickly take action against the Magians without delay, prayed to the gods and set off, unaware of what had happened with Prexaspes. As they were on their way and in the middle of their journey, they heard about the situation with Prexaspes. At that point, they stepped back and reconsidered, with Otanes and his supporters strongly arguing for a delay, insisting they shouldn't act while things were so unsettled, 66 while Dareios and his allies insisted they should go ahead and do what they had planned without hesitation. As they were debating, they saw seven pairs of hawks chasing two pairs of vultures, tearing at their feathers. Seeing this, all seven agreed with Dareios’s opinion, and they proceeded to the king's palace, encouraged by the sight of the birds.
77. When they appeared at the gates, it happened nearly as Dareios supposed, for the guards, having respect for men who were chief among the Persians, and not suspecting that anything would be done by them of the kind proposed, allowed them to pass in under the guiding of heaven, and none asked them any question. Then when they had passed into the court, they met the eunuchs who bore in the messages to the king; and these inquired of them for what purpose they had come, and at the same time they threatened with punishment the keepers of the gates for having let them pass in, and tried to stop the seven when they attempted to go forward. Then they gave the word to one another and drawing their daggers stabbed these men there upon the spot, who tried to stop them, and themselves went running on towards the chamber of the men. 6601
77. When they reached the gates, things went almost exactly as Dareios thought they would. The guards, respecting the high status of the Persian leaders and not suspecting any wrongdoing, let them pass without questioning them. Once inside the court, they encountered the eunuchs carrying messages to the king; these eunuchs asked why they had come and threatened the gatekeepers with punishment for letting them in. They also tried to stop the seven as they moved forward. The seven then signaled each other, drew their daggers, and attacked those who tried to block them, before they ran off toward the men's chamber. 6601
78. Now the Magians happened both of them to be there within, consulting about that which had been done by Prexaspes. So when they saw that the eunuchs had been attacked and were crying aloud, they ran back 67 both of them, and perceiving that which was being done they turned to self-defence: and one of them got down his bow and arrows before he was attacked, while the other had recourse to his spear. Then they engaged in combat with one another; and that one of them who had taken up his bow and arrows found them of no use, since his enemies were close at hand and pressed hard upon him, but the other defended himself with his spear, and first he struck Aspathines in the thigh, and then Intaphrenes in the eye; and Intaphrenes lost his eye by reason of the wound, but his life he did not lose. These then were wounded by one of the Magians, but the other, when his bow and arrows proved useless to him, fled into a bedchamber which opened into the chamber of the men, intending to close the door; and with him there rushed in two of the seven, Dareios and Gobryas. And when Gobryas was locked together in combat with the Magian, Dareios stood by and was at a loss what to do, because it was dark, and he was afraid lest he should strike Gobryas. Then seeing him standing by idle, Gobryas asked why he did not use his hands, and he said: "Because I am afraid lest I may strike thee": and Gobryas answered: "Thrust with thy sword even though it stab through us both." So Dareios was persuaded, and he thrust with his danger and happened to hit the Magian.
78. The Magians happened to be inside, discussing what Prexaspes had done. When they heard the eunuchs screaming, they both ran back 67 and realized what was happening, so they prepared to defend themselves. One of them grabbed his bow and arrows before he was attacked, while the other got his spear. They began to fight each other; the one with the bow found it useless because his enemies were too close, but the one with the spear managed to defend himself. He first hit Aspathines in the thigh and then struck Intaphrenes in the eye, causing Intaphrenes to lose his eye but not his life. The Magian wounded both of them, and when the one with the bow saw it was no use, he ran into a bedroom that connected to the men's room, planning to shut the door behind him. Dareios and Gobryas rushed in after him. While Gobryas fought the Magian, Dareios stood by, unsure of what to do in the dark for fear of hitting Gobryas. Seeing Dareios standing there, Gobryas asked why he wasn’t helping, and Dareios replied, "I'm afraid I might hit you." Gobryas responded, "Just stab with your sword, even if it means hitting us both." So, Dareios was convinced, and he thrust his sword, managing to strike the Magian.
79. So when they had slain the Magians and cut off their heads, they left behind those of their number who were wounded, both because they were unable to go, and also in order that they might take charge of the fortress, and the five others taking with them the heads of the Magians ran with shouting and clashing of arms and called upon the other Persians to join them, telling them of that which had been done and showing the heads, and at the same time they proceeded to slay every one of the Magians who crossed their path. So the Persians when they heard of that which had been brought to pass by the seven and of the deceit of the Magians, thought good themselves also to do the same, and drawing their daggers they killed the Magians wherever they found one; so that if night had not come on and stopped them, they would not have left a single Magian alive. This day the Persians celebrate in common more than all other days, and upon it they keep a great festival which is called by the Persians the festival of the slaughter of the Magians, 6701 on which no Magian is permitted to appear abroad, but the Magians keep themselves within their houses throughout that day.
79. So after they had killed the Magians and beheaded them, they left behind the wounded, both because they couldn't move and to guard the fortress. The other five took the heads of the Magians, ran shouting with clashing weapons, and called for the other Persians to join them. They told them what had happened and showed the heads, while also killing any Magian they encountered. When the Persians heard about what the seven had accomplished and the deceit of the Magians, they decided to mimic them. They drew their daggers and killed every Magian they found; if night hadn't stopped them, they wouldn't have left a single Magian alive. This day is celebrated by the Persians more than any other day, and they hold a big festival for what they call the festival of the slaughter of the Magians, 6701 on which no Magian is allowed to go out, and the Magians stay inside their homes all day.
80. When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had elapsed, 68 those who had risen against the Magians began to take counsel about the general state, and there were spoken speeches which some of the Hellenes do not believe were really uttered, but spoken they were nevertheless. 69 On the one hand Otanes urged that they should resign the government into the hands of the whole body of the Persians, and his words were as follows: "To me it seems best that no single one of us should henceforth be ruler, for that is neither pleasant nor profitable. Ye saw the insolent temper of Cambyses, to what lengths it went, and ye have had experience also of the insolence of the Magian: and how should the rule of one alone be a well-ordered thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desires without rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if he were placed in this disposition, would be caused by it to change from his wonted disposition: for insolence is engendered in him by the good things which he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the beginning; and having these two things, he has all vice: for he does many deeds of reckless wrong, partly moved by insolence proceeding from satiety, and partly by envy. And yet a despot at least ought to have been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good things. He is however naturally in just the opposite temper towards his subjects; for he grudges to the nobles that they should survive and live, but delights in the basest of citizens, and he is more ready than any other man to receive calumnies. Then of all things he is the most inconsistent; for if you express admiration of him moderately, he is offended that no very great court is paid to him, whereas if you pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you for being a flatterer. And the most important matter of all is that which I am about to say:—he disturbs the customs handed down from our fathers, he is a ravisher of women, and he puts men to death without trial. On the other hand the rule of many has first a name attaching to it which is the fairest of all names, that is to say 'Equality'; 70 next, the multitude does none of those things which the monarch does: offices of state are exercised by lot, and the magistrates are compelled to render account of their action: and finally all matters of deliberation are referred to the public assembly. I therefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy go and increase the power of the multitude; for in the many is contained everything."
80. When the chaos finally calmed down and more than five days had passed, 68 those who had rebelled against the Magians started discussing the overall situation, and there were speeches made that some of the Greeks don’t believe were actually delivered, but they were spoken nonetheless. 69 On one side, Otanes argued that they should hand the government over to all Persians, and he said: "To me, it seems best that none of us should be rulers from now on, because that's neither enjoyable nor beneficial. You all witnessed Cambyses’ arrogant behavior; it went to great extremes, and you’ve also experienced the arrogance of the Magian. How can a single ruler manage things properly when he can act however he wants without accountability for his actions? Even the best person, if placed in this position, can be changed by it: because pride grows from the good things he has, and jealousy is inherent in mankind; with both traits, he exhibits all vices: he commits many reckless wrongs, compelled partly by arrogance from abundance and partly by jealousy. Yet a tyrant should at least be free from jealousy, as he possesses all kinds of good things. However, he is naturally the opposite towards his subjects; he resents the nobles for surviving and thriving, yet he enjoys the company of the lowest citizens, and he is quicker than anyone else to accept slander. He is also the most inconsistent; if you show him modest admiration, he feels slighted for not receiving enough attention, but if you excessively flatter him, he gets upset for being fawned over. And the most critical point I’m about to mention is this: he disrupts our ancestral customs, he violates women, and he executes men without trial. On the other hand, the rule of many has a name that is the fairest of all—'Equality'; 70 furthermore, the masses don’t do any of the things that the monarch does: public offices are assigned by lot, and the officials are required to account for their actions; and finally, all matters are discussed in the public assembly. Therefore, I suggest we abandon monarchy and empower the multitude, because within the many lies everything."
81. This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but Megabyzos urged that they should entrust matters to the rule of a few, saying these words: "That which Otanes said in opposition to a tyranny, let it be counted as said for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should make over the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel: for nothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd; and for men flying from the insolence of a despot to fall into that of unrestrained popular power, is by no means to be endured: for he, if he does anything, does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot even know; for how can that know which has neither been taught anything noble by others nor perceived anything of itself, 71 but pushes on matters with violent impulse and without understanding, like a torrent stream? Rule of the people then let them adopt who are foes to the Persians; but let us choose a company of the best men, and to them attach the chief power; for in the number of these we shall ourselves also be, and it is likely that the resolutions taken by the best men will be the best."
81. This was Otanes' opinion; however, Megabyzos argued that they should let a few people take charge, saying, "What Otanes said against tyranny can be counted for me too, but when he suggested giving power to the masses, he missed the best advice: nothing is more foolish or arrogant than a worthless crowd. It’s unbearable for people to flee from the oppression of a dictator only to fall into the chaos of unchecked popular power. A leader knows what they’re doing, but the crowd lacks understanding; how can it know anything when it has learned nothing noble from others and hasn’t understood anything on its own, 71 but instead pushes through issues with blind force like a raging river? Let those who are enemies of the Persians adopt the rule of the people; but let’s select a group of the best individuals, and give them the main authority, because among them, we will also be included, and it’s likely that the decisions made by the best will be the most sound."
82. This was the opinion expressed by Megabyzos; and thirdly Dareios proceeded to declare his opinion, saying: "To me it seems that in those things which Megabyzos said with regard to the multitude he spoke rightly, but in those which he said with regard to the rule of a few, not rightly: for whereas there are three things set before us, and each is supposed 72 to be the best in its own kind, that is to say a good popular government, and the rule of a few, and thirdly the rule of one, I say that this last is by far superior to the others; for nothing better can be found than the rule of an individual man of the best kind; seeing that using the best judgment he would be guardian of the multitude without reproach; and resolutions directed against enemies would so best be kept secret. In an oligarchy however it happens often that many, while practising virtue with regard to the commonwealth, have strong private enmities arising among themselves; for as each man desires to be himself the leader and to prevail in counsels, they come to great enmities with one another, whence arise factions among them, and out of the factions comes murder, and from murder results the rule of one man; and thus it is shown in this instance by how much that is the best. Again, when the people rules, it is impossible that corruption 73 should not arise, and when corruption arises in the commonwealth, there arise among the corrupt men not enmities but strong ties of friendship: for they who are acting corruptly to the injury of the commonwealth put their heads together secretly to do so. And this continues so until at last some one takes the leadership of the people and stops the course of such men. By reason of this the man of whom I speak is admired by the people, and being so admired he suddenly appears as monarch. Thus he too furnishes herein an example to prove that the rule of one is the best thing. Finally, to sum up all in a single word, whence arose the liberty which we possess, and who gave it to us? Was it a gift of the people or of an oligarchy or of a monarch? I therefore am of opinion that we, having been set free by one man, should preserve that form of rule, and in other respects also that we should not annul the customs of our fathers which are ordered well; for that is not the better way."
82. This was the opinion shared by Megabyzos; and then Dareios expressed his view, saying: "I believe Megabyzos was right about the many, but not about the few in power. We have three options before us, each thought to be the best in its own way: a good democracy, the rule of a few, and the rule of one. I argue that the last option is far superior to the others because nothing is better than having an individual of exceptional quality in charge; with the best judgment, he would protect the people without fault, keeping decisions against enemies confidential. However, in an oligarchy, it often happens that many, while acting virtuously for the community, harbor intense rivalries among themselves; each wants to be the leader and dominate discussions, leading to significant conflicts, and from these conflicts come murder, resulting in the rule of one person. This illustrates how the rule of one is the best. Additionally, when the people are in power, it's inevitable that corruption will creep in, and when that happens, those involved don't become enemies but form strong bonds of friendship, as they secretly conspire to harm the community. This cycle continues until someone emerges as the leader of the people and puts a stop to such individuals. Because of this, the leader I mentioned is admired by the people and suddenly transforms into a monarch. In this way, he also serves as an example proving that the rule of one is the best. Finally, to sum it up in one word, where did our liberty come from, and who gave it to us? Was it a gift from the people, an oligarchy, or a monarch? I believe we were set free by one man, and we should maintain that type of governance, while also preserving our well-ordered ancestral customs, because that is the wiser choice."
83. These three opinions then had been proposed, and the other four men of the seven gave their assent to the last. So when Otanes, who was desirous to give equality to the Persians, found his opinion defeated, he spoke to those assembled thus: "Partisans, it is clear that some one of us must become king, selected either by casting lots, or by entrusting the decision to the multitude of the Persians and taking him whom it shall choose, or by some other means. I therefore shall not be a competitor with you, for I do not desire either to rule or to be ruled; and on this condition I withdraw from my claim to rule, namely that I shall not be ruled by any of you, either I myself or my descendants in future time." When he had said this, the six made agreement with him on those terms, and he was no longer a competitor with them, but withdrew from the assembly; and at the present time this house remains free alone of all the Persian houses, and submits to rule only so far as it wills to do so itself, not transgressing the laws of the Persians.
83. Three opinions were presented, and the other four members of the seven agreed with the last one. When Otanes, who wanted to establish equality among the Persians, realized his opinion had been rejected, he addressed those present: "Friends, it's clear that one of us must become king, chosen either by drawing lots, letting the Persians decide, or some other method. I don’t want to compete for this position. I have no desire to rule or to be ruled; therefore, I’m withdrawing my claim to leadership on the condition that neither I nor my descendants will be governed by any of you." After he said this, the six agreed to his terms, and he ceased to compete with them, withdrawing from the gathering. Today, his house remains the only Persian house that is free, submitting to authority only as it chooses, without violating the laws of the Persians.
84. The rest however of the seven continued to deliberate how they should establish a king in the most just manner; and it was resolved by them that to Otanes and his descendants in succession, if the kingdom should come to any other of the seven, there should be given as special gifts a Median dress every year and all those presents which are esteemed among the Persians to be the most valuable: and the reason why they determined that these things should be given to him, was because he first suggested to them the matter and combined them together. These were special gifts for Otanes; and this they also determined for all in common, namely that any one of the seven who wished might pass in to the royal palaces without any to bear in a message, unless the king happened to be sleeping with his wife; and that it should not be lawful for the king to marry from any other family, but only from those of the men who had made insurrection with him: and about the kingdom they determined this, namely that the man whose horse should first neigh at sunrise in the suburb of the city when they were mounted upon their horses, he should have the kingdom.
84. The remaining seven continued to discuss the best way to establish a king fairly; they decided that Otanes and his descendants would receive a Median robe each year, along with all the gifts that are considered the most valuable by the Persians, if the kingdom went to anyone other than one of the seven. They chose to give these gifts to Otanes because he was the one who first proposed the idea and brought them together. These gifts were specifically for Otanes; they also agreed that any of the seven could enter the royal palaces without needing to send a messenger, unless the king was with his wife. Additionally, the king could only marry from the families of those who had revolted with him. Regarding the kingdom, they decided that the person whose horse first neighed at sunrise in the outskirts of the city while they were on horseback would become king.
85. Now Dareios had a clever horse-keeper, whose name was Oibares. To this man, when they had left their assembly, Dareios spoke these words: "Oibares, we have resolved to do about the kingdom thus, namely that the man whose horse first neighs at sunrise, when we are mounted upon our horses he shall be king. Now therefore, if thou hast any cleverness, contrive that we may obtain this prize, and not any other man." Oibares replied thus: "If, my master, it depends in truth upon this whether thou be king or no, have confidence so far as concerns this and keep a good heart, for none other shall be king before thee; such charms have I at my command." Then Dareios said: "If then thou hast any such trick, it is time to devise it and not to put things off, for our trial is to-morrow." Oibares therefore hearing this did as follows:—when night was coming on he took one of the mares, namely that one which the horse of Dareios preferred, and this he led into the suburb of the city and tied her up: then he brought to her the horse of Dareios, and having for some time led him round her, making him go so close by so as to touch the mare, at last he let the horse mount.
85. Now Darius had a clever stableman named Oibares. After they had left their meeting, Darius said to him: "Oibares, we have decided that the man whose horse neighed first at sunrise, while we're mounted on our horses, will be king. So, if you have any clever ideas, help us win this prize and not let anyone else take it." Oibares replied, "If, my master, this truly decides whether you will be king, have faith and keep your spirits up, because no one else will be king before you; I have some tricks up my sleeve." Then Darius said, "If you have such a trick, now is the time to come up with it, since our test is tomorrow." Hearing this, Oibares took action: when night fell, he took one of the mares, the one that Darius's horse preferred, and led her to the outskirts of the city and tied her up. Then he brought Darius's horse to her and, after leading him around her for a while, got him close enough to touch the mare, and finally let him mount her.
86. Now at dawn of day the six came to the place as they had agreed, riding upon their horses; and as they rode through by the suburb of the city, when they came near the place where the mare had been tied up on the former night, the horse of Dareios ran up to the place and neighed; and just when the horse had done this, there came lightning and thunder from a clear sky: and the happening of these things to Dareios consummated his claim, for they seemed to have come to pass by some design, and the others leapt down from their horses and did obeisance to Dareios.
86. At dawn, the six arrived at the agreed meeting point, riding their horses. As they passed through the city's outskirts and neared where the mare had been tied up the night before, Dareios's horse ran up to that spot and whinnied. Just then, lightning and thunder struck from a clear sky. These events seemed to validate Dareios's claim, as if they were meant to happen, prompting the others to dismount and pay their respects to Dareios.
87. Some say that the contrivance of Oibares was this, but others say as follows (for the story is told by the Persians in both ways), namely that he touched with his hands the parts of this mare and kept his hand hidden in his trousers; and when at sunrise they were about to let the horses go, this Oibares pulled out his hand and applied it to the nostrils of the horse of Dareios; and the horse, perceiving the smell, snorted and neighed.
87. Some say that Oibares's trick was this, but others tell it differently (because the Persians relate the story in both ways): he touched the mare with his hands while keeping them hidden in his trousers. When sunrise came and they were about to release the horses, Oibares pulled out his hand and put it near the nostrils of Darius's horse. The horse, catching the scent, snorted and neighed.
88. So Dareios the son of Hystaspes had been declared king; and in Asia all except the Arabians were his subjects, having been subdued by Cyrus and again afterwards by Cambyses. The Arabians however were never obedient to the Persians under conditions of subjection, but had become guest-friends when they let Cambyses pass by to Egypt: for against the will of the Arabians the Persians would not be able to invade Egypt. Moreover Dareios made the most noble marriages possible in the estimation of the Persians; for he married two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone, of whom the one, Arossa, had before been the wife of Cambyses her brother and then afterwards of the Magian, while Artystone was a virgin; and besides them he married the daughter of Smerdis the son of Cyrus, whose name was Parmys; and he also took to wife the daughter of Otanes, he who had discovered the Magian; and all things became filled with his power. And first he caused to be a carving in stone, and set it up; and in it there was the figure of a man on horseback, and he wrote upon it writing to this effect: "Dareios son of Hystaspes by the excellence of his horse," mentioning the name of it, "and of his horse-keeper Oibares obtained the kingdom of the Persians."
88. So Darius, the son of Hystaspes, was declared king; and in Asia, everyone except the Arabians was under his rule, having been defeated by Cyrus and later by Cambyses. The Arabians, however, never fully submitted to the Persians, but became allies when they allowed Cambyses to pass through to Egypt: the Persians wouldn't have been able to invade Egypt against the wishes of the Arabians. Furthermore, Darius made the most prestigious marriages according to Persian standards; he married two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone. Atossa had previously been the wife of Cambyses, her brother, and then of the Magian, while Artystone was a virgin. In addition, he married Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, and he also took the daughter of Otanes, who had revealed the Magian's identity, as his wife. His influence spread throughout. He first commissioned a stone carving, which he erected; it depicted a man on horseback, with an inscription reading: "Darius, son of Hystaspes, by the excellence of his horse," naming it, "and of his horse-keeper Oibares, obtained the kingdom of the Persians."
89. Having so done in Persia, he established twenty provinces, which the Persians themselves call satrapies; and having established the provinces and set over them rulers, he appointed tribute to come to him from them according to races, joining also to the chief races those who dwelt on their borders, or passing beyond the immediate neighbours and assigning to various races those which lay more distant. He divided the provinces and the yearly payment of tribute as follows: and those of them who brought in silver were commanded to pay by the standard of the Babylonian talent, but those who brought in gold by the Euboïc talent; now the Babylonian talent is equal to eight-and-seventy Euboïc pounds. 74 For in the reign of Cyrus, and again of Cambyses, nothing was fixed about tribute, but they used to bring gifts: and on account of this appointing of tribute and other things like this, the Persians say that Dareios was a shopkeeper, Cambyses a master, and Cyrus a father; the one because he dealt with all his affairs like a shopkeeper, the second because he was harsh and had little regard for any one, and the other because he was gentle and contrived for them all things good.
89. After doing this in Persia, he established twenty provinces, which the Persians themselves call satrapies; and having set up the provinces and appointed rulers over them, he arranged for tribute to come to him based on different groups, also including those who lived on their borders or went beyond the immediate neighbors and assigning various distant groups. He divided the provinces and the annual tribute payment as follows: those who provided silver were required to pay according to the Babylonian talent standard, while those who supplied gold were to use the Euboïc talent; now, the Babylonian talent is equal to seventy-eight Euboïc pounds. 74 During the reign of Cyrus, and later Cambyses, there was no fixed tribute, and they used to bring gifts instead: because of this system of tribute and similar matters, the Persians say that Dareios was a shopkeeper, Cambyses a master, and Cyrus a father; the first due to his management style being like that of a shopkeeper, the second because he was strict and indifferent to others, and the last because he was kind and provided them with everything good.
90. From the Ionians and the Magnesians who dwell in Asia and the Aiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans and Pamphylians (for one single sum was appointed by him as tribute for all these) there came in four hundred talents of silver. This was appointed by him to be the first division. 75 From the Mysians and Lydians and Lasonians and Cabalians and Hytennians 76 there came in five hundred talents: this is the second division. From the Hellespontians who dwell on the right as one sails in and the Phrygians and the Thracians who dwell in Asia and the Paphlagonians and Mariandynoi and Syrians 77 the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents: this is the third division. From the Kilikians, besides three hundred and sixty white horses, one for every day in the year, there came also five hundred talents of silver; of these one hundred and forty talents were spent upon the horsemen which served as a guard to the Kilikian land, and the remaining three hundred and sixty came in year by year to Dareios: this is the fourth division.
90. From the Ionians and the Magnesians living in Asia, along with the Aiolians, Carians, Lykians, Milyans, and Pamphylians (a single total was set by him as tribute for all of these), there came four hundred talents of silver. This was designated by him as the first division. 75 From the Mysians, Lydians, Lasonians, Cabalians, and Hytennians 76 there came five hundred talents: this is the second division. From the Hellespontians, who live on the right side while sailing in, and the Phrygians and Thracians in Asia, as well as the Paphlagonians, Mariandynoi, and Syrians 77, the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents: this is the third division. From the Kilikians, besides three hundred and sixty white horses—one for each day of the year—there also came five hundred talents of silver; of these, one hundred and forty talents were spent on the horsemen serving as a guard to the Kilikian land, and the remaining three hundred and sixty came in annually to Dareios: this is the fourth division.
91. From that division which begins with the city of Posideion, founded by Amphilochos the son of Amphiaraos on the borders of the Kilikians and the Syrians, and extends as far as Egypt, not including the territory of the Arabians (for this was free from payment), the amount was three hundred and fifty talents; and in this division are the whole of Phenicia and Syria which is called Palestine and Cyprus: this is the fifth division. From Egypt and the Libyans bordering upon Egypt, and from Kyrene and Barca, for these were so ordered as to belong to the Egyptian division, there came in seven hundred talents, without reckoning the money produced by the lake of Moiris, that is to say from the fish; 7701 without reckoning this, I say, or the corn which was contributed in addition by measure, there came in seven hundred talents; for as regards the corn, they contribute by measure one hundred and twenty thousand 78 bushels for the use of those Persians who are established in the "White Fortress" at Memphis, and for their foreign mercenaries: this is the sixth division. The Sattagydai and Gandarians and Dadicans and Aparytai, being joined together, brought in one hundred and seventy talents: this is the seventh division. From Susa and the rest of the land of the Kissians there came in three hundred: this is the eighth division.
91. From the area that starts with the city of Posideion, founded by Amphilochos, the son of Amphiaraos, on the borders of the Kilikians and the Syrians, and stretches all the way to Egypt, excluding the territory of the Arabians (as they did not have to pay), the total came to three hundred and fifty talents; this division includes all of Phenicia, Syria, known as Palestine, and Cyprus: this is the fifth division. From Egypt and the Libyans adjacent to Egypt, and from Kyrene and Barca, which were classified as part of the Egyptian division, there was an income of seven hundred talents, not counting the revenue from the lake of Moiris, which comes from fishing; 7701 without including this or the grain added by measure, the total was seven hundred talents; because for the grain, they contributed by measure one hundred and twenty thousand 78 bushels for the use of the Persians stationed in the "White Fortress" at Memphis, as well as for their foreign mercenaries: this is the sixth division. The Sattagydai, Gandarians, Dadicans, and Aparytai, when combined, contributed one hundred and seventy talents: this is the seventh division. From Susa and the rest of the Kissian territory, there was an income of three hundred; this is the eighth division.
92. From Babylon and from the rest of Assyria there came in to him a thousand talents of silver and five hundred boys for eunuchs: this is the ninth division. From Agbatana and from the rest of Media and the Paricanians and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents: this is the tenth division. The Caspians and Pausicans 79 and Pantimathoi and Dareitai, contributing together, brought in two hundred talents: this is the eleventh division. From the Bactrians as far as the Aigloi the tribute was three hundred and sixty talents: this is the twelfth division.
92. From Babylon and the rest of Assyria, he received a thousand talents of silver and five hundred boys as eunuchs: this is the ninth division. From Agbatana and the rest of Media, as well as the Paricanians and Orthocorybantians, four hundred and fifty talents were contributed: this is the tenth division. The Caspians, Pausicans 79, Pantimathoi, and Dareitai contributed a total of two hundred talents: this is the eleventh division. From the Bactrians all the way to the Aigloi, the tribute amounted to three hundred and sixty talents: this is the twelfth division.
93. From Pactyïke and the Armenians and the people bordering upon them as far as the Euxine, four hundred talents: this is the thirteenth division. From the Sagartians and Sarangians and Thamanaians and Utians and Mycans and those who dwell in the islands of the Erythraian Sea, where the king settles those who are called the "Removed," 80 from all these together a tribute was produced of six hundred talents: this is the fourteenth division. The Sacans and the Caspians 81 brought in two hundred and fifty talents: this is the fifteenth division. The Parthians and Chorasmians and Sogdians and Areians three hundred talents: this is the sixteenth division.
93. From Pactyïke and the Armenians and the surrounding people all the way to the Euxine, four hundred talents: this is the thirteenth division. From the Sagartians, Sarangians, Thamanaians, Utians, Mycans, and those living on the islands of the Erythraian Sea, where the king settles those known as the "Removed," 80 a tribute totaled six hundred talents: this is the fourteenth division. The Sacans and Caspians 81 contributed two hundred and fifty talents: this is the fifteenth division. The Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Areians provided three hundred talents: this is the sixteenth division.
94. The Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia brought in four hundred talents: this is the seventeenth division. To the Matienians and Saspeirians and Alarodians was appointed a tribute of two hundred talents: this is the eighteenth division. To the Moschoi and Tibarenians and Macronians and Mossynoicoi and Mares three hundred talents were ordered: this is the nineteenth division. Of the Indians the number is far greater than that of any other race of men of whom we know; and they brought in a tribute larger than all the rest, that is to say three hundred and sixty talents of gold-dust: this is the twentieth division.
94. The Paricanians and Ethiopians in Asia contributed four hundred talents: this is the seventeenth division. The Matienians, Saspeirians, and Alarodians were assigned a tribute of two hundred talents: this is the eighteenth division. The Moschoi, Tibarenians, Macronians, Mossynoicoi, and Mares were ordered to provide three hundred talents: this is the nineteenth division. The Indians have a much larger population than any other group we know of; they brought in a tribute that exceeds all the others, totaling three hundred and sixty talents of gold-dust: this is the twentieth division.
95. Now if we compare Babylonian with Euboïc talents, the silver is found to amount to nine thousand eight hundred and eighty 82 talents; and if we reckon the gold at thirteen times the value of silver, weight for weight, the gold-dust is found to amount to four thousand six hundred and eighty Euboïc talents. These being all added together, the total which was collected as yearly tribute for Dareios amounts to fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboïc talents: the sums which are less than these 83 I pass over and do not mention.
95. If we compare Babylonian talents with Euboïc talents, the silver totals nine thousand eight hundred and eighty 82 talents. If we consider the gold to be worth thirteen times the value of silver, weight for weight, the gold-dust comes to four thousand six hundred and eighty Euboïc talents. Adding these amounts together, the total annual tribute collected for Dareios is fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty Euboïc talents: I won't mention any amounts less than these 83.
96. This was the tribute which came in to Dareios from Asia and from a small part of Libya: but as time went on, other tribute came in also from the islands and from those who dwell in Europe as far as Thessaly. This tribute the king stores up in his treasury in the following manner:—he melts it down and pours it into jars of earthenware, and when he has filled the jars he takes off the earthenware jar from the metal; and when he wants money he cuts off so much as he needs on each occasion.
96. This was the tribute that came to Darius from Asia and a small part of Libya: but over time, other tribute also came in from the islands and from those living in Europe as far as Thessaly. The king stores this tribute in his treasury in the following way: he melts it down and pours it into clay jars, and when he has filled the jars, he removes the clay jar from the metal. When he needs money, he cuts off as much as he needs each time.
97. These were the provinces and the assessments of tribute: and the Persian land alone has not been mentioned by me as paying a contribution, for the Persians have their land to dwell in free from payment. The following moreover had no tribute fixed for them to pay, but brought gifts, namely the Ethiopians who border upon Egypt, whom Cambyses subdued as he marched against the Long-lived Ethiopians, those 84 who dwell about Nysa, which is called "sacred," and who celebrate the festivals in honour of Dionysos: these Ethiopians and those who dwell near them have the same kind of seed as the Callantian Indians, and they have underground dwellings. 85 These both together brought every other year, and continue to bring even to my own time, two quart measures 86 of unmelted gold and two hundred blocks of ebony and five Ethiopian boys and twenty large elephant tusks. The Colchians also had set themselves among those who brought gifts, and with them those who border upon them extending as far as the range of the Caucasus (for the Persian rule extends as far as these mountains, but those who dwell in the parts beyond Caucasus toward the North Wind regard the Persians no longer),—these, I say, continued to bring the gifts which they had fixed for themselves every four years 87 even down to my own time, that is to say, a hundred boys and a hundred maidens. Finally, the Arabians brought a thousand talents of frankincense every year. Such were the gifts which these brought to the king apart from the tribute.
97. These were the provinces and the tribute assessments: I haven’t mentioned Persia as contributing anything because the Persians live in their land without any payment. Moreover, the following regions had no set tribute but brought gifts—specifically, the Ethiopians who are close to Egypt. Cambyses conquered them when he marched against the Long-lived Ethiopians, those 84 who live around Nysa, called "sacred," and who celebrate festivals in honor of Dionysos. These Ethiopians, along with those nearby, have the same type of crops as the Callantian Indians and live in underground homes. 85 Together, they brought every other year, and continue to bring up to my time, two quart measures 86 of unrefined gold, two hundred blocks of ebony, five Ethiopian boys, and twenty large elephant tusks. The Colchians also positioned themselves among those who brought gifts, along with others bordering them up to the Caucasus range (since Persian rule extends to these mountains, but those living beyond the Caucasus towards the North Wind no longer regard the Persians)—these, I say, continued to bring the gifts they established for themselves every four years 87 up to my time, which consisted of a hundred boys and a hundred maidens. Finally, the Arabians delivered a thousand talents of frankincense each year. These were the gifts these regions brought to the king in addition to the tribute.
98. Now this great quantity of gold, out of which the Indians bring in to the king the gold-dust which has been mentioned, is obtained by them in a manner which I shall tell:—That part of the Indian land which is towards the rising sun is sand; for of all the peoples in Asia of which we know or about which any certain report is given, the Indians dwell furthest away towards the East and the sunrising; seeing that the country to the East of the Indians is desert on account of the sand. Now there are many tribes of Indians, and they do not agree with one another in language; and some of them are pastoral and others not so, and some dwell in the swamps of the river 88 and feed upon raw fish, which they catch by fishing from boats made of cane; and each boat is made of one joint of cane. These Indians of which I speak wear clothing made of rushes: they gather and cut the rushes from the river and then weave them together into a kind of mat and put it on like a corslet.
98. The large amount of gold that the Indians bring to the king as gold-dust is obtained in the following way: the area of Indian land that faces the rising sun is sandy. Among all the known peoples in Asia, the Indians live the farthest east, as the land to the east of them is desert due to the sand. There are many tribes of Indians, and they do not share a common language. Some are herders, while others are not, and some live in the swamps of the river 88 and eat raw fish they catch from boats made of cane; each boat is crafted from a single piece of cane. These Indians wear clothing made from rushes: they gather and cut the rushes from the river, weave them into mats, and wear them like a type of armor.
99. Others of the Indians, dwelling to the East of these, are pastoral and eat raw flesh: these are called Padaians, and they practise the following customs:—whenever any of their tribe falls ill, whether it be a woman or a man, if a man then the men who are his nearest associates put him to death, saying that he is wasting away with the disease and his flesh is being spoilt for them: 89 and meanwhile he denies stoutly and says that he is not ill, but they do not agree with him; and after they have killed him they feast upon his flesh: but if it be a woman who falls ill, the women who are her greatest intimates do to her in the same manner as the men do in the other case. For 90 in fact even if a man has come to old age they slay him and feast upon him; but very few of them come to be reckoned as old, for they kill every one who falls into sickness, before he reaches old age.
99. Some of the Indians living to the east of these are herders and eat raw meat. They are called Padaians, and they have the following customs: whenever someone in their tribe gets sick, whether it’s a man or a woman, if it’s a man, the men closest to him put him to death, claiming that he’s wasting away from the disease and that his flesh is spoiled for them: 89 and meanwhile he strongly denies that he’s ill, but they don’t believe him. After they kill him, they feast on his flesh. If a woman gets sick, the women who are closest to her do the same as the men do in the other case. In fact, even if a man reaches old age, they kill him and feast on him; however, very few of them are considered old because they kill everyone who gets sick before they can reach old age.
100. Other Indians have on the contrary a manner of life as follows:—they neither kill any living thing nor do they sow any crops nor is it their custom to possess houses; but they feed on herbs, and they have a grain of the size of millet, in a sheath, which grows of itself from the ground; this they gather and boil with the sheath, and make it their food: and whenever any of them falls into sickness, he goes to the desert country and lies there, and none of them pay any attention either to one who is dead or to one who is sick.
100. Other Indians, on the other hand, live a different lifestyle: they don’t kill any living creatures, don’t plant any crops, and it’s not their practice to own houses; instead, they eat herbs and have a grain about the size of millet, which grows naturally from the ground. They harvest it and boil it with the husk, making it their food. Whenever someone gets sick, they go to the desert and lie down there, and none of them pay any attention to someone who is dead or sick.
101. The sexual intercourse of all these Indians of whom I have spoken is open like that of cattle, and they have all one colour of skin, resembling that of the Ethiopians: moreover the seed which they emit is not white like that of other races, but black like their skin; and the Ethiopians also are similar in this respect. These tribes of Indians dwell further off than the Persian power extends, and towards the South Wind, and they never became subjects of Dareios.
101. The sexual behavior of all these Indians I've mentioned is very open, similar to that of cattle, and they all have the same skin color, which is like that of Ethiopians. Additionally, the semen they produce isn't white like that of other races, but black like their skin; the Ethiopians have this in common too. These tribes of Indians live farther away than the reach of Persian power, towards the south, and they never became subjects of Darius.
102. Others however of the Indians are on the borders of the city of Caspatyros and the country of Pactyïke, dwelling towards the North 91 of the other Indians; and they have a manner of living nearly the same as that of the Bactrians: these are the most warlike of the Indians, and these are they who make expeditions for the gold. For in the parts where they live it is desert on account of the sand; and in this desert and sandy tract are produced ants, which are in size smaller than dogs but larger than foxes, for 92 there are some of them kept at the residence of the king of Persia, which are caught here. These ants then make their dwelling under ground and carry up the sand just in the same manner as the ants found in the land of the Hellenes, which they themselves 93 also very much resemble in form; and the sand which is brought up contains gold. To obtain this sand the Indians make expeditions into the desert, each one having yoked together three camels, placing a female in the middle and a male like a trace-horse to draw by each side. On this female he mounts himself, having arranged carefully that she shall be taken to be yoked from young ones, the more lately born the better. For their female camels are not inferior to horses in speed, and moreover they are much more capable of bearing weights.
102. Some of the Indians, however, live on the outskirts of the city of Caspatyros and the land of Pactyïke, situated towards the North of the other Indians. They have a lifestyle similar to that of the Bactrians and are the most combative of the Indians, known for launching expeditions for gold. The area where they reside is barren due to the sand, and this sandy region is home to ants that are smaller than dogs but larger than foxes. Some of these ants are kept at the residence of the king of Persia and are caught in this area. These ants build their nests underground and bring up sand in a way similar to the ants found in Greece, resembling them closely in form. The sand they bring up contains gold. To gather this sand, the Indians venture into the desert, each yoking together three camels, with a female in the middle and a male on either side to pull. The man rides on the female camel, carefully ensuring she is paired with younger ones, preferably the recently born. The female camels are just as fast as horses and are also much better at carrying heavy loads.
103. As to the form of the camel, I do not here describe it, since the Hellenes for whom I write are already acquainted with it, but I shall tell that which is not commonly known about it, which is this:—the camel has in the hind legs four thighs and four knees, 94 and its organs of generation are between the hind legs, turned towards the tail.
103. I won't describe the camel's shape here because the Greeks I’m writing for already know it, but I will share something less commonly known: the camel has four thighs and four knees on its hind legs, 94, and its reproductive organs are located between its hind legs, facing towards the tail.
104. The Indians, I say, ride out to get the gold in the manner and with the kind of yoking which I have described, making calculations so that they may be engaged in carrying it off at the time when the greatest heat prevails; for the heat causes the ants to disappear underground. Now among these nations the sun is hottest in the morning hours, not at midday as with others, but from sunrise to the time of closing the market: and during this time it produces much greater heat than at midday in Hellas, so that it is said that then they drench themselves with water. Midday however has about equal degree of heat with the Indians as with other men, while after midday their sun becomes like the morning sun with other men, and after this, as it goes further away, it produces still greater coolness, until at last at sunset it makes the air very cool indeed.
104. The Indigenous people, I say, head out to collect the gold in the way I've described, timing it so they can carry it off when it’s hottest outside; the heat drives the ants underground. In these regions, the sun is hottest in the morning hours, not at noon like in many other places, but from sunrise until the market closes. During this time, it gets much hotter than at noon in Greece, so they are said to drench themselves with water. However, noon has about the same temperature for the Indigenous as it does for others, and after noon, their sun feels like the morning sun does to other people, becoming even cooler as it moves further away, until finally, at sunset, the air becomes very cool.
105. When the Indians have come to the place with bags, they fill them with the sand and ride away back as quickly as they can, for forthwith the ants, perceiving, as the Persians allege, by the smell, begin to pursue them: and this animal, they say, is superior to every other creature in swiftness, so that unless the Indians got a start in their course, while the ants were gathering together, not one of them would escape. So then the male camels, for they are inferior in speed of running to the females, if they drag behind are even let loose 95 from the side of the female, one after the other; 96 the females however, remembering the young which they left behind, do not show any slackness in their course. 97 Thus it is that the Indians get most part of the gold, as the Persians say; there is however other gold also in their land obtained by digging, but in smaller quantities.
105. When the Indians arrive at the spot with bags, they quickly fill them with sand and ride away as fast as they can, because right away the ants, which the Persians claim can sense them by smell, start to chase them. They say this creature is faster than any other, so unless the Indians get a head start while the ants are gathering, none of them would escape. The male camels, which are slower than the females, if they lag behind, are let loose one after the other from the side of the female. However, the females, thinking of the young ones they left behind, don’t slow down at all. This is how the Indians manage to get most of the gold, according to the Persians; there’s also other gold in their land from digging, but it's in smaller amounts.
106. It seems indeed that the extremities of the inhabited world had allotted to them by nature the fairest things, just as it was the lot of Hellas to have its seasons far more fairly tempered than other lands: for first, India is the most distant of inhabited lands towards the East, as I have said a little above, and in this land not only the animals, birds as well as four-footed beasts, are much larger than in other places (except the horses, which are surpassed by those of Media called Nessaian), but also there is gold in abundance there, some got by digging, some brought down by rivers, and some carried off as I explained just now: and there also the trees which grow wild produce wool which surpasses in beauty and excellence that from sheep, and the Indians wear clothing obtained from these trees.
106. It really seems that the farthest parts of the inhabited world were given the best things by nature, just like Greece enjoys seasons that are much more pleasant than other regions. India is the most distant of inhabited lands in the East, as I mentioned earlier, and in this land, not only are the animals—both birds and four-legged creatures—much larger than in other places (except for horses, which are outdone by the Media horses called Nessaian), but there is also an abundance of gold, some found through mining, some brought down by rivers, and some taken away as I just explained. Additionally, the trees that grow wild produce wool that is more beautiful and superior to that from sheep, and the Indians wear clothing made from this wool.
107. Then again Arabia is the furthest of inhabited lands in the direction of the midday, and in it alone of all lands grow frankincense and myrrh and cassia and cinnamon and gum-mastich. All these except myrrh are got with difficulty by the Arabians. Frankincense they collect by burning the storax, which is brought thence to the Hellenes by the Phenicians, by burning this, I say, so as to produce smoke they take it; for these trees which produce frankincense are guarded by winged serpents, small in size and of various colours, which watch in great numbers about each tree, of the same kind as those which attempt to invade Egypt: 9701 and they cannot be driven away from the trees by any other thing but only the smoke of storax.
107. Arabia is the furthest inhabited land to the south, and it’s the only place where frankincense, myrrh, cassia, cinnamon, and gum-mastic grow. All these, except for myrrh, are hard for the Arabs to obtain. They gather frankincense by burning storax, which is then shipped to the Greeks by the Phoenicians. To collect it, they create smoke, as the trees that produce frankincense are protected by small, colorful winged serpents that gather in large numbers around each tree, similar to those that try to invade Egypt: 9701 and the only way to drive them away is with the smoke from storax.
108. The Arabians say also that all the world would have been by this time filled with these serpents, if that did not happen with regard to them which I knew happened with regard to vipers: and it seems that the Divine Providence, as indeed was to be expected, seeing that it is wise, has made all those animals prolific which are of cowardly spirit and good for food, in order that they may not be all eaten up and their race fail, whereas it has made those which are bold and noxious to have small progeny. For example, because the hare is hunted by every beast and bird as well as by man, therefore it is so very prolific as it is: and this is the only one of all beasts which becomes pregnant again before the former young are born, and has in its womb some of its young covered with fur and others bare; and while one is just being shaped in the matrix, another is being conceived. Thus it is in this case; whereas the lioness, which is the strongest and most courageous of creatures, produces one cub once only in her life; for when she produces young she casts out her womb together with her young; and the cause of it is this:—when the cub being within the mother 98 begins to move about, then having claws by far sharper than those of any other beast he tears the womb, and as he grows larger he proceeds much further in his scratching: at last the time of birth approaches and there is now nothing at all left of it in a sound condition.
108. The Arabs also say that the whole world would be overrun by these serpents by now if what happened to them was similar to what I know happened to vipers. It seems that Divine Providence, as expected since it is wise, has made all animals that are timid and good for food highly reproductive, so they won't all be eaten and disappear, while it has made the bold and harmful ones have fewer offspring. For instance, because hares are hunted by every predator including humans, they are very prolific. They are the only animals that can get pregnant again before their previous young are born, having some of their young covered in fur and others born without fur in their wombs; while one is developing, another is being conceived. In contrast, the lioness, which is the strongest and most courageous of creatures, only has one cub at a time in her life. When she gives birth, she expels her womb along with her young, and the reason for this is: when the cub inside the mother 98 starts to move around, its claws, much sharper than those of any other animal, tear the womb. As the cub grows larger, it continues to scratch more. Eventually, when it's time to give birth, nothing of the womb remains intact.
109. Just so also, if vipers and the winged serpents of the Arabians were produced in the ordinary course of their nature, man would not be able to live upon the earth; but as it is, when they couple with one another and the male is in the act of generation, as he lets go from him the seed, the female seizes hold of his neck, and fastening on to it does not relax her hold till she has eaten it through. The male then dies in the manner which I have said, but the female pays the penalty of retribution for the male in this manner:—the young while they are still in the womb take vengeance for their father by eating through their mother, 99 and having eaten through her belly they thus make their way out for themselves. Other serpents however, which are not hurtful to man, produce eggs and hatch from them a very large number of offspring. Now vipers are distributed over all the earth; but the others, which are winged, are found in great numbers together in Arabia and in no other land: therefore it is that they appear to be numerous.
109. Similarly, if vipers and the flying serpents of Arabia were born in a normal way, humans wouldn’t be able to survive on earth. However, when they mate, the male, during the act of reproduction, releases his seed, and the female bites onto his neck, holding on tightly until she has consumed him completely. The male dies as described, but the female faces retribution for him this way: while the young are still in her womb, they take revenge for their father by eating their mother from the inside. Once they have consumed her belly, they make their way out. Other kinds of snakes, which are harmless to humans, lay eggs and hatch many offspring. Vipers can be found all over the world, but the flying ones are mostly located in Arabia and no other place, which is why they seem so plentiful.
110. This frankincense then is obtained thus by the Arabians; and cassia is obtained as follows:—they bind up in cows'-hide and other kinds of skins all their body and their face except only the eyes, and then go to get the cassia. This grows in a pool not very deep, and round the pool and in it lodge, it seems, winged beasts nearly resembling bats, and they squeak horribly and are courageous in fight. These they must keep off from their eyes, and so cut the cassia.
110. The Arabians obtain frankincense in this way; and cassia is collected like this: they wrap their bodies and faces in cowhide and other types of skins, leaving only their eyes exposed, and then they go to gather the cassia. This grows in a shallow pool, and around the pool and in it dwell winged creatures that look almost like bats, making awful noises and being fierce in battle. They need to protect their eyes from these creatures while they cut the cassia.
111. Cinnamon they collect in a yet more marvellous manner than this: for where it grows and what land produces it they are not able to tell, except only that some say (and it is a probable account) that it grows in those regions where Dionysos was brought up; and they say that large birds carry those dried sticks which we have learnt from the Phenicians to call cinnamon, carry them, I say, to nests which are made of clay and stuck on to precipitous sides of mountains, which man can find no means of scaling. With regard to this then the Arabians practise the following contrivance:—they divide up the limbs of the oxen and asses that die and of their other beasts of burden, into pieces as large as convenient, and convey them to these places, and when they have laid them down not far from the nests, they withdraw to a distance from them: and the birds fly down and carry the limbs 100 of the beasts of burden off to their nests; and these are not able to bear them, but break down and fall to the earth; and the men come up to them and collect the cinnamon. Thus cinnamon is collected and comes from this nation to the other countries of the world.
111. They collect cinnamon in an even more amazing way than this: they can’t really say where it grows or what land produces it, except that some claim (and it seems likely) that it grows in the regions where Dionysus was raised. They say that large birds carry these dried sticks, which we learned from the Phoenicians to call cinnamon, to nests made of clay, which are stuck to steep mountain sides that are impossible for humans to climb. In response to this, the Arabians use the following trick: they cut up the limbs of the oxen and donkeys that die, as well as their other draft animals, into pieces that are a manageable size and take them to these locations. After placing them not far from the nests, they step back. The birds fly down and take the limbs of the draft animals to their nests; however, they can’t carry them, and they break and fall to the ground. Then the men come up and gather the cinnamon. This is how cinnamon is collected and transported from this nation to the rest of the world.
112. Gum-mastich however, which the Arabians call ladanon, comes in a still more extraordinary manner; for though it is the most sweet-scented of all things, it comes in the most evil-scented thing, since it is found in the beards of he-goats, produced there like resin from wood: this is of use for the making of many perfumes, and the Arabians use it more than anything else as incense.
112. Gum-mastich, which the Arabians call ladanon, comes in an even more surprising way; although it has the sweetest scent of all, it is found in the foulest-smelling thing, as it comes from the beards of male goats, produced like resin from wood. It's used to make many perfumes, and the Arabians use it more than anything else for incense.
113. Let what we have said suffice with regard to spices; and from the land of Arabia there blows a scent of them most marvellously sweet. They have also two kinds of sheep which are worthy of admiration and are not found in any other land: the one kind has the tail long, not less than three cubits in length; and if one should allow these to drag these after them, they would have sores 101 from their tails being worn away against the ground; but as it is, every one of the shepherds knows enough of carpentering to make little cars, which they tie under the tails, fastening the tail of each animal to a separate little car. The other kind of sheep has the tail broad, even as much as a cubit in breadth.
113. Let what we've said about spices be enough; from the land of Arabia comes a wonderfully sweet scent of them. There are also two kinds of sheep that are quite remarkable and aren’t found anywhere else: one type has a long tail, measuring at least three cubits in length; if someone were to let these sheep drag their tails behind them, they would develop sores 101 from the friction against the ground. However, every shepherd is skilled enough in carpentry to make small carts that they attach under the tails, tying each sheep's tail to a separate little cart. The other kind of sheep has a broad tail, measuring about a cubit in width.
114. As one passes beyond the place of the midday, the Ethiopian land is that which extends furthest of all inhabited lands towards the sunset. This produces both gold in abundance and huge elephants and trees of all kinds growing wild and ebony, and men who are of all men the tallest, the most beautiful and the most long-lived.
114. As you go past the point of midday, the land of Ethiopia stretches the farthest of all inhabited places towards the west. It's known for its rich gold resources, massive elephants, wild trees of every kind, precious ebony, and people who are the tallest, most attractive, and longest-living among all.
115. These are the extremities in Asia and in Libya; but as to the extremities of Europe towards the West, I am not able to speak with certainty: for neither do I accept the tale that there is a river called in Barbarian tongue Eridanos, flowing into the sea which lies towards the North Wind, whence it is said that amber comes; nor do I know of the real existence of "Tin Islands" 102 from which tin 103 comes to us: for first the name Eridanos itself declares that it is Hellenic and that it does not belong to a Barbarian speech, but was invented by some poet; and secondly I am not able to hear from any one who has been an eye-witness, though I took pains to discover this, that there is a sea on the other side of Europe. However that may be, tin and amber certainly come to us from the extremity of Europe.
115. These are the farthest points in Asia and Libya; but when it comes to the farthest points of Europe to the West, I can't say for sure. I don’t believe the story about a river called Eridanos in the Barbarian language that flows into the sea to the North, from which amber supposedly comes; nor do I know if the "Tin Islands" 102 really exist, from where we get tin 103. First, the name Eridanos clearly shows it’s Greek and not part of a Barbarian language, but was created by some poet; and second, I haven’t been able to find anyone who has actually seen it, even though I tried hard to find out, that says there’s a sea on the other side of Europe. Nevertheless, tin and amber definitely come to us from the farthest point of Europe.
116. Then again towards the North of Europe, there is evidently a quantity of gold by far larger than in any other land: as to how it is got, here again I am not able to say for certain, but it is said to be carried off from the griffins by Arimaspians, a one-eyed race of men. 104 But I do not believe this tale either, that nature produces one-eyed men which in all other respects are like other men. However, it would seem that the extremities which bound the rest of the world on every side and enclose it in the midst, possess the things which by us are thought to be the most beautiful and the most rare.
116. In northern Europe, there's clearly more gold than in any other place. I can't say for sure how it's obtained, but it's claimed that the Arimaspians, a one-eyed people, take it from the griffins. 104 However, I don’t really believe this story about one-eyed people existing just like everyone else. Still, it seems that the edges of the world, which surround and contain the rest of it, hold the things we consider the most beautiful and rare.
117. Now there is a plain in Asia bounded by mountains on all sides, and through the mountains there are five clefts. This plain belonged once to the Chorasmians, and it lies on the borders of the Chorasmians themselves, the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanaians; but from the time that the Persians began to bear rule it belongs to the king. From this enclosing mountain of which I speak there flows a great river, and its name is Akes. This formerly watered the lands of these nations which have been mentioned, being divided into five streams and conducted through a separate cleft in the mountains to each separate nation; but from the time that they have come to be under the Persians they have suffered as follows:—the king built up the clefts in the mountains and set gates at each cleft; and so, since the water has been shut off from its outlet, the plain within the mountains is made into a sea, because the river runs into it and has no way out in any direction. Those therefore who in former times had been wont to make use of the water, not being able now to make use of it are in great trouble: for during the winter they have rain from heaven, as also other men have, but in the summer they desire to use the water when they sow millet and sesame seed. So then, the water not being granted to them, they come to the Persians both themselves and their wives, and standing at the gates of the king's court they cry and howl; and the king orders that for those who need it most, the gates which lead to their land shall be opened; and when their land has become satiated with drinking in the water, these gates are closed, and he orders the gates to be opened for others, that is to say those most needing it of the rest who remain: and, as I have heard, he exacts large sums of money for opening them, besides the regular tribute.
117. There’s a plain in Asia surrounded by mountains, and there are five openings in the mountains. This plain used to belong to the Chorasmians, and it sits on the borders of the Chorasmians, the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians, and Thamanaians; but since the Persians took control, it now belongs to the king. From this enclosing mountain, a major river called Akes flows. This river used to irrigate the lands of those nations mentioned, splitting into five streams and flowing through a separate opening in the mountains to each nation. However, since they came under Persian rule, they have faced the following situation: the king blocked the openings in the mountains and installed gates at each one. Now, because the river has no outlet, it fills the plain within the mountains, turning it into a sea. Those who used to rely on this water are now in great trouble. In winter, they receive rain like everyone else, but in summer, they need water for sowing millet and sesame seeds. Since they can’t access the water, they come to the Persians, bringing their wives, and stand at the gates of the king's court, crying and wailing. The king decides to open the gates for those who need it most, and when the land has absorbed enough water, the gates are closed, and he orders the gates to open for others who need it most among the remaining people. And as I’ve heard, he charges large amounts of money for opening them, in addition to the regular tribute.
118. Thus it is with these matters: but of the seven men who had risen against the Magian, it happened to one, namely Intaphrenes, to be put to death immediately after their insurrection for an outrage which I shall relate. He desired to enter into the king's palace and confer with the king; for the law was in fact so, that those who had risen up against the Magian were permitted to go in to the king's presence without any one to announce them, unless the king happened to be lying with his wife. Accordingly Intaphrenes did not think it fit that any one should announce his coming; but as he was one of the seven, he desired to enter. The gatekeeper however and the bearer of messages endeavoured to prevent him, saying that the king was lying with his wife: but Intaphrenes believing that they were not speaking the truth, drew his sword 105 and cut off their ears and their noses, and stringing these upon his horse's bridle he tied them round their necks and so let them go.
118. That's how things went down: of the seven men who rose up against the Magian, one of them, Intaphrenes, was executed right after their uprising for an offense I'll explain. He wanted to enter the king's palace to talk to the king; the law allowed those who had opposed the Magian to go before the king without needing an announcement, unless the king was with his wife. So, Intaphrenes didn’t think it was necessary to announce himself, but since he was one of the seven, he wanted to go in. However, the gatekeeper and the messenger tried to stop him, saying the king was with his wife. But Intaphrenes, believing they were lying, drew his sword 105 and cut off their ears and noses, then strung them on his horse's bridle, tied them around their necks, and let them go.
119. Upon this they showed themselves to the king and told the cause for which they had suffered this; and Dareios, fearing that the six might have done this by common design, sent for each one separately and made trial of his inclinations, as to whether he approved of that which had been done: and when he was fully assured that Intaphrenes had not done this in combination with them, he took both Intaphrenes himself and his sons and all his kinsmen, being much disposed to believe that he was plotting insurrection against him with the help of his relations; and having seized them he put them in bonds as for execution. Then the wife of Intaphrenes, coming constantly to the doors of the king's court, wept and bewailed herself; and by doing this continually after the same manner she moved Dareios to pity her. Accordingly he sent a messenger and said to her: "Woman, king Dareios grants to thee to save from death one of thy kinsmen who are lying in bonds, whomsoever thou desirest of them all." She then, having considered with herself, answered thus: "If in truth the king grants me the life of one, I choose of them all my brother." Dareios being informed of this, and marvelling at her speech, sent and addressed her thus: "Woman, the king asks thee what was in thy mind, that thou didst leave thy husband and thy children to die, and didst choose thy brother to survive, seeing that he is surely less near to thee in blood than thy children, and less dear to thee than thy husband." She made answer: "O king, I might, if heaven willed, have another husband and other children, if I should lose these; but another brother I could by no means have, seeing that my father and my mother are no longer alive. This was in my mind when I said those words." To Dareios then it seemed that the woman had spoken well, and he let go not only him for whose life she asked, but also the eldest of her sons because he was pleased with her: but all the others he slew. One therefore of the seven had perished immediately in the manner which has been related.
119. After this, they showed themselves to the king and explained why they had suffered. Darius, fearing that the six might have acted together, called each one individually to test their feelings about what had happened. Once he was convinced that Intaphrenes had not conspired with them, he took Intaphrenes, along with his sons and all his relatives, believing he was planning a rebellion with their help. He arrested them and put them in chains, preparing for execution. Then, Intaphrenes' wife, constantly coming to the king’s court, wept and mourned. By continuing this daily, she moved Darius to pity. So, he sent a messenger to her, saying: "Woman, King Darius allows you to save one of your relatives from death, whoever you choose." She thought for a moment and replied: "If the king truly grants me one life, I choose my brother." Darius, hearing this and amazed by her response, sent back and asked: "Woman, what were you thinking to leave your husband and children to die and choose your brother to live, knowing he is less related to you than your children and less dear to you than your husband?" She answered: "O king, if fate allowed, I could have another husband and more children if I lost these; but I could never have another brother, as my father and mother are no longer alive. That was my thought when I spoke those words." Darius found her reasoning persuasive, so he freed not only the one she asked for but also her eldest son because he was impressed with her. However, he executed all the others. Thus, one of the seven had perished as described.
120. Now about the time of the sickness of Cambyses it had come to pass as follows:—There was one Oroites, a Persian, who had been appointed by Cyrus to be governor of the province of Sardis. 106 This man had set his desire upon an unholy thing; for though from Polycrates the Samian he had never suffered anything nor heard any offensive word nor even seen him before that time, he desired to take him and put him to death for a reason of this kind, as most who report the matter say:—while Oroites and another Persian whose name was Mitrobates, ruler of the province of Daskyleion, 107 were sitting at the door of the king's court, they came from words to strife with one another; and as they debated their several claims to excellence, Mitrobates taunting Oroites said: "Dost thou 108 count thyself a man, who didst never yet win for the king the island of Samos, which lies close to thy province, when it is so exceedingly easy of conquest that one of the natives of it rose up against the government with fifteen men-at-arms and got possession of the island, and is now despot of it?" Some say that because he heard this and was stung by the reproach, he formed the desire, not so much to take vengeance on him who said this, as to bring Polycrates to destruction at all costs, since by reason of him he was ill spoken of:
120. Around the time Cambyses fell ill, the following events occurred: there was a Persian named Oroites, who had been appointed by Cyrus to govern the province of Sardis. 106 Oroites had an unholy desire; even though he had never suffered any offense from Polycrates of Samos, had never heard a disrespectful word from him, and had never even seen him before, he wanted to capture and kill him for a reason reported by many: while Oroites and another Persian named Mitrobates, who ruled the province of Daskyleion, 107 were sitting at the entrance of the king's court, they got into a heated argument. As they debated their claims to superiority, Mitrobates taunted Oroites, saying, "Do you really consider yourself a man when you have never won the island of Samos for the king, which is so easy to conquer that one of its natives rose up against the government with just fifteen armed men and took control of the island, becoming its despot?" Some say that this insult stung Oroites so much that he wanted not just to take revenge on Mitrobates, but to destroy Polycrates entirely, since he was being criticized because of him.
121, the lesser number however of those who tell the tale say that Oroites sent a herald to Samos to ask for something or other, but what it was is not mentioned; and Polycrates happened to be lying down in the men's chamber 109 of his palace, and Anacreon also of Teos was present with him: and somehow, whether it was by intention and because he made no account of the business of Oroites, or whether some chance occurred to bring it about, it happened that the envoy of Oroites came into his presence and spoke with him, and Polycrates, who chanced to be turned away 110 towards the wall, neither turned round at all nor made any answer.
121, a smaller number of those who share the story say that Oroites sent a messenger to Samos to request something, but it’s not specified what; and Polycrates was lying down in the men's chamber 109 of his palace, with Anacreon from Teos also present. Somehow, whether by choice because he disregarded Oroites’ business, or due to some coincidental occurrence, the envoy of Oroites came into his presence and spoke to him, and Polycrates, facing 110 the wall, didn't turn around or respond at all.
122. The cause then of the death of Polycrates is reported in these two different ways, and we may believe whichever of them we please. Oroites however, having his residence at that Magnesia which is situated upon the river Maiander, sent Myrsos the son of Gyges, a Lydian, to Samos bearing a message, since he had perceived the designs of Polycrates. For Polycrates was the first of the Hellenes of whom we have any knowledge, who set his mind upon having command of the sea, excepting Minos the Cnossian and any other who may have had command of the sea before his time. Of that which we call mortal race Polycrates was the first; and he had great expectation of becoming ruler of Ionia and of the islands. Oroites accordingly, having perceived that he had this design, sent a message to him and said thus: "Oroites to Polycrates saith as follows: I hear that thou art making plans to get great power, and that thou hast not wealth according to thy high thoughts. Now therefore if thou shalt do as I shall say, thou wilt do well for thyself on the one hand, and also save me from destruction: for king Cambyses is planning death for me, and this is reported to me so that I cannot doubt it. Do thou then carry away out of danger both myself and with me my wealth; and of this keep a part for thyself and a part let me keep, and then so far as wealth may bring it about, thou shalt be ruler of all Hellas. And if thou dost not believe that which I say about the money, send some one, whosoever happens to be most trusted by thee, and to him I will show it."
122. The reason for Polycrates' death is told in two different ways, and you can choose to believe either one. Oroites, who lived in Magnesia by the river Maiander, sent Myrsos, the son of Gyges from Lydia, to Samos with a message because he noticed Polycrates' plans. Polycrates was the first known Greek who aimed to command the sea, aside from Minos of Knossos and anyone else who might have done so before him. He was the first among mortals to set such ambitions and hoped to become the ruler of Ionia and the islands. Seeing this intention, Oroites sent him a message saying, "Oroites says to Polycrates: I hear that you are planning to gain great power, and that your wealth doesn’t match your lofty aspirations. Therefore, if you do what I suggest, you’ll benefit yourself and save me from ruin. King Cambyses is plotting my death, and I have received information that leaves no doubt about it. So, help me escape danger along with my wealth; keep part for yourself and let me keep the rest, and then, as far as wealth allows, you will be the ruler of all Greece. If you don’t believe what I say regarding the money, send someone you trust, and I will show it to him."
123. Polycrates having heard this rejoiced, and was disposed to agree; and as he had a great desire, it seems, for wealth, he first sent Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios, a native of Samos who was his secretary, to see it: this man was the same who not long after these events dedicated all the ornaments of the men's chamber in the palace of Polycrates, ornaments well worth seeing, as an offering to the temple of Hera. Oroites accordingly, having heard that the person sent to examine might be expected soon to come, did as follows, that is to say, he filled eight chests with stones except a small depth at the very top of each, and laid gold above upon the stones; then he tied up the chests and kept them in readiness. So Maiandrios came and looked at them and brought back word to Polycrates:
123. When Polycrates heard this, he was thrilled and inclined to agree. It seems he had a strong desire for wealth, so he first sent Maiandrios, the son of Maiandrios, a local from Samos who was his secretary, to check it out. This was the same guy who, not long after, dedicated all the decorations from the men’s chamber in Polycrates' palace—decorations that were quite impressive—as an offering to the temple of Hera. Oroites, upon hearing that the messenger would be arriving soon, took action; he filled eight chests with stones, leaving just a small space at the very top of each, and placed gold on top of the stones. Then he sealed the chests and prepared them. So, Maiandrios came, inspected them, and reported back to Polycrates:
124, and he upon that prepared to set out thither, although the diviners and also his friends strongly dissuaded him from it, and in spite moreover of a vision which his daughter had seen in sleep of this kind,—it seemed to her that her father was raised up on high and was bathed by Zeus and anointed by the Sun. Having seen this vision, she used every kind of endeavour to dissuade Polycrates from leaving his land to go to Oroites, and besides that, as he was going to his fifty-oared galley she accompanied his departure with prophetic words: and he threatened her that if he should return safe, she should remain unmarried for long; but she prayed that this might come to pass, for she desired rather, she said, to be unmarried for long than to be an orphan, having lost her father.
124, and he prepared to head there, even though the fortune tellers and his friends strongly advised against it. In addition, his daughter had a dream where she saw her father lifted high and bathed by Zeus and anointed by the Sun. After having this dream, she did everything she could to persuade Polycrates not to leave their land for Oroites. As he was heading to his fifty-oared ship, she accompanied his departure with prophetic words. He threatened her that if he returned safely, she would remain unmarried for a long time; but she prayed for that to happen because she would rather be unmarried for a long time than become an orphan after losing her father.
125. Polycrates however neglected every counsel and set sail to go to Oroites, taking with him, besides many others of his friends, Demokedes also the son of Calliphon, a man of Croton, who was a physician and practised his art better than any other man of his time. Then when he arrived at Magnesia, Polycrates was miserably put to death in a manner unworthy both of himself and of his high ambition: for excepting those who become despots of the Syracusans, not one besides of the Hellenic despots is worthy to be compared with Polycrates in magnificence. And when he had killed him in a manner not fit to be told, Oroites impaled his body: and of those who accompanied him, as many as were Samians he released, bidding them be grateful to him that they were free men; but all those of his company who were either allies or servants, he held in the estimation of slaves and kept them. Polycrates then being hung up accomplished wholly the vision of his daughter, for he was bathed by Zeus whenever it rained, 11001 and anointed by the Sun, giving forth moisture himself from his body.
125. Polycrates, however, ignored all advice and set sail to go to Oroites, bringing along many of his friends and Demokedes, the son of Calliphon, a physician from Croton who was the best in his field at that time. When he arrived in Magnesia, Polycrates was brutally killed in a way that was unworthy of both his character and his lofty ambitions. Among the Hellenic tyrants, only those who ruled Syracuse could rival Polycrates in grandeur. After killing him in a way too terrible to describe, Oroites impaled his body. He released the Samians who were with him, telling them to be thankful for their freedom, but he treated the other members of his entourage—his allies and servants—as if they were slaves and kept them. With Polycrates hanging there, the vision of his daughter was fully realized, as he was drenched by Zeus whenever it rained, 11001, and anointed by the Sun, exuding moisture from his body.
126. To this end came the great prosperity of Polycrates, as Amasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him: 111 but not long afterwards retribution overtook Oroites in his turn for the murder of Polycrates. For after the death of Cambyses and the reign of the Magians Oroites remained at Sardis and did no service to the Persians, when they had been deprived of their empire by the Medes; moreover during this time of disturbance he slew Mitrobates the governor in Daskyleion, who had brought up against him the matter of Polycrates as a reproach; and he slew also Cranaspes the son of Mitrobates, both men of repute among the Persians: and besides other various deeds of insolence, once when a bearer of messages had come to him from Dareios, not being pleased with the message which he brought he slew him as he was returning, having set men to lie in wait for him by the way; and having slain him he made away with the bodies both of the man and of his horse.
126. To this end came the great success of Polycrates, as Amasis, the king of Egypt, had predicted: 111 but not long after, vengeance caught up with Oroites for the murder of Polycrates. After the death of Cambyses and the rule of the Magians, Oroites stayed in Sardis and didn’t serve the Persians, who had lost their empire to the Medes. During this time of chaos, he killed Mitrobates, the governor of Daskyleion, who had confronted him regarding Polycrates, as well as Cranaspes, the son of Mitrobates, both respected figures among the Persians. In addition to various other acts of arrogance, there was an incident when a messenger from Dareios came to him; displeased with the message he brought, Oroites had him killed on his way back, setting up men to ambush him. After killing him, he disposed of both the messenger's body and that of his horse.
127. Dareios accordingly, when he had come to the throne, was desirous of taking vengeance upon Oroites for all his wrongdoings and especially for the murder of Mitrobates and his son. However he did not think it good to act openly and to send an army against him, since his own affairs were still in a disturbed state 112 and he had only lately come to the throne, while he heard that the strength of Oroites was great, seeing that he had a bodyguard of a thousand Persian spearmen and was in possession of the divisions 113 of Phrygia and Lydia and Ionia. Therefore Dareios contrived as follows:—having called together those of the Persians who were of most repute, he said to them: "Persians, which of you all will undertake to perform this matter for me with wisdom, and not by force or with tumult? for where wisdom is wanted, there is no need of force. Which of you, I say, will either bring Oroites alive to me or slay him? for he never yet did any service to the Persians, and on the other hand he has done to them great evil. First he destroyed two of us, Mitrobates and his son; then he slays the men who go to summon him, sent by me, displaying insolence not to be endured. Before therefore he shall accomplish any other evil against the Persians, we must check his course by death."
127. When Darius ascended to the throne, he wanted to take revenge on Oroites for all his wrongdoings, especially the murder of Mitrobates and his son. However, he didn’t think it was wise to act openly or send an army against him, as his own affairs were still in disarray 112 and he had just come to power. He heard that Oroites was strong, with a bodyguard of a thousand Persian spearmen and control over the regions 113 of Phrygia, Lydia, and Ionia. So, Darius devised the following plan: He gathered the most respected Persians and said to them, "Persians, who among you will take on this task for me wisely, not forcefully or with chaos? Because when wisdom is needed, force is unnecessary. Who among you will either bring Oroites to me alive or kill him? He has never done anything good for the Persians and, in fact, has done them great harm. First, he killed two of our own, Mitrobates and his son; then he kills the men I sent to summon him, showing arrogance that cannot be tolerated. Before he can do any further harm to the Persians, we must put an end to his actions with death."
128. Thus Dareios asked, and thirty men undertook the matter, each one separately desiring to do it himself; and Dareios stopped their contention and bade them cast lots: so when they cast lots, Bagaios the son of Artontes obtained the lot from among them all. Bagaios accordingly, having obtained the lot, did thus:—he wrote many papers dealing with various matters and on them set the seal of Dareios, and with them he went to Sardis. When he arrived there and came into the presence of Oroites, he took the covers off the papers one after another and gave them to the Royal Secretary to read; for all the governors of provinces have Royal Secretaries. Now Bagaios thus gave the papers in order to make trial of the spearmen of the guard, whether they would accept the motion to revolt from Oroites; and seeing that they paid great reverence to the papers and still more to the words which were recited from them, he gave another paper in which were contained these words: "Persians, king Dareios forbids you to serve as guards to Oroites": and they hearing this lowered to him the points of their spears. Then Bagaios, seeing that in this they were obedient to the paper, took courage upon that and gave the last of the papers to the secretary; and in it was written: "King Dareios commands the Persians who are in Sardis to slay Oroites." So the spearmen of the guard, when they heard this, drew their swords and slew him forthwith. Thus did retribution for the murder of Polycrates the Samian overtake Oroites.
128. So Dareios asked, and thirty men volunteered for the task, each wanting to do it on their own. Dareios stopped their arguing and had them draw lots; when they did, Bagaios the son of Artontes drew the lucky lot. Bagaios then took the lot and did the following: he wrote many documents on various topics, sealed them with Dareios’s seal, and headed to Sardis. When he got there and met Oroites, he opened the covers of the documents one by one and handed them to the Royal Secretary to read, as all provincial governors have Royal Secretaries. Bagaios presented the documents to test the guards to see if they would support a revolt against Oroites. Seeing how much respect they showed for the documents and even more for the words read from them, he handed them another document that said: "Persians, King Dareios forbids you to serve as guards to Oroites." Upon hearing this, they lowered their spears to him. Then Bagaios, noticing their obedience to the document, gained confidence and handed over the final document to the secretary; it stated: "King Dareios commands the Persians in Sardis to kill Oroites." When the guards heard this, they drew their swords and immediately killed him. This was how justice for the murder of Polycrates the Samian came to Oroites.
129. When the wealth of Oroites had come or had been carried 114 up to Susa, it happened not long after, that king Dareios while engaged in hunting wild beasts twisted his foot in leaping off his horse, and it was twisted, as it seems, rather violently, for the ball of his ankle-joint was put out of the socket. Now he had been accustomed to keep about him those of the Egyptians who were accounted the first in the art of medicine, and he made use of their assistance then: but these by wrenching and forcing the foot made the evil continually greater. For seven days then and seven nights Dareios was sleepless owing to the pain which he suffered; and at last on the eighth day, when he was in a wretched state, some one who had heard talk before while yet at Sardis of the skill of Demokedes of Croton, reported this to Dareios; and he bade them bring him forthwith into his presence. So having found him somewhere unnoticed among the slaves of Oroites, they brought him forth into the midst dragging fetters after him and clothed in rags.
129. When Oroites' wealth had been brought up to Susa, not long after that, King Darius, while hunting wild animals, twisted his foot when jumping off his horse. It seems he twisted it quite badly, as the ball of his ankle came out of the socket. He usually had the best Egyptian doctors around him, so he called on them for help. However, their attempts to wrench and manipulate his foot only made the situation worse. For seven days and nights, Darius couldn’t sleep due to the pain he was in. Finally, on the eighth day, in a terrible state, someone mentioned the skill of Democedes of Croton, which he had heard about while still in Sardis. Darius ordered them to bring him to him immediately. They found him hidden among Oroites' slaves and dragged him out, still shackled and dressed in rags.
130. When he had been placed in the midst of them, Dareios asked him whether he understood the art; but he would not admit it, fearing lest, if he declared himself to be what he was, he might lose for ever the hope of returning to Hellas: and it was clear to Dareios that he understood that art but was practising another, 115 and he commanded those who had brought him thither to produce scourges and pricks. Accordingly upon that he spoke out, saying that he did not understand it precisely, but that he had kept company with a physician and had some poor knowledge of the art. Then after this, when Dareios had committed the case to him, by using Hellenic drugs and applying mild remedies after the former violent means, he caused him to get sleep, and in a short time made him perfectly well, though he had never hoped to be sound of foot again. Upon this Dareios presented him with two pairs of golden fetters; and he asked him whether it was by design that he had given to him a double share of his suffering, because he had made him well. Being pleased by this saying, Dareios sent him to visit his wives, and the eunuchs in bringing him in said to the women that this was he who had restored to the king his life. Then each one of them plunged a cup into the gold-chest 116 and presented Demokedes with so abundant a gift that his servant, whose name was Skiton, following and gathering up the coins 117 which fell from the cups, collected for himself a very large sum of gold.
130. Once he was placed among them, Dareios asked him if he understood the craft; but he wouldn’t admit it, worried that if he revealed his true identity, he might lose the chance to return to Greece forever. It was clear to Dareios that he understood the craft but was pretending to be someone else. Dareios ordered those who brought him to produce whips and sharp instruments. In response, he said he didn’t fully understand it, but he had spent time with a physician and had some limited knowledge of the art. After this, once Dareios had trusted him with the situation, he used Greek medicines and gentle treatments after the previous harsh methods, causing the patient to sleep and quickly restoring his health, even though he had never expected to walk normally again. After this, Dareios gifted him two pairs of golden shackles and asked if it was intentional that he had given him extra suffering for making him well. Pleased by this remark, Dareios sent him to meet his wives, and the eunuchs, while bringing him in, told the women that this was the one who had restored the king’s life. Each of them then dipped a cup into the treasure chest and presented Demokedes with such generous gifts that his servant, named Skiton, followed and collected the coins that fell from the cups, amassing a significant amount of gold for himself.
131. This Demokedes came from Croton, and became the associate of Polycrates in the following manner:—at Croton he lived in strife with his father, who was of a harsh temper, and when he could no longer endure him, he departed and came to Egina. Being established there he surpassed in the first year all the other physicians, although he was without appliances and had none of the instruments which are used in the art. In the next year the Eginetan State engaged him for a payment of one talent, in the third year he was engaged by the Athenians for a hundred pounds weight of silver, 118 and in the fourth by Polycrates for two talents. Thus he arrived in Samos; and it was by reason of this man more than anything else that the physicians of Croton got their reputation: for this event happened at the time when the physicians of Croton began to be spoken of as the first in Hellas, while the Kyrenians were reputed to have the second place. About this same time also the Argives had the reputation of being the first musicians in Hellas. 119
131. This Demokedes was from Croton and became an associate of Polycrates in the following way: he had a tumultuous relationship with his father, who was very strict. When he could no longer tolerate his father, he left and went to Aegina. Once established there, he outperformed all other doctors in his first year, even though he had no tools or instruments typically used in the profession. In the second year, the people of Aegina hired him for a payment of one talent; in the third year, the Athenians hired him for a hundred pounds of silver, 118 and in the fourth year, Polycrates engaged him for two talents. This is how he arrived in Samos; and more than anything else, it was this man who helped establish the reputation of Croton's physicians, as this time marked when the physicians of Croton began to be recognized as the best in Hellas, while those from Cyrene were considered second best. Around this same time, the Argives were known as the top musicians in Hellas. 119
132. Then Demokedes having healed king Dareios had a very great house in Susa, and had been made a table-companion of the king; and except the one thing of returning to the land of the Hellenes, he had everything. And first as regards the Egyptian physicians who tried to heal the king before him, when they were about to be impaled because they had proved inferior to a physician who was a Hellene, he asked their lives of the king and rescued them from death: then secondly, he rescued an Eleian prophet, who had accompanied Polycrates and had remained unnoticed among the slaves. In short Demokedes was very great in the favour of the king.
132. After Demokedes healed King Darius, he had a huge house in Susa and became a table companion of the king. Aside from wanting to return to Greece, he had everything he could want. First, regarding the Egyptian doctors who tried to heal the king before him, when they were about to be impaled for being less skilled than a Greek physician, he asked the king to spare their lives and saved them from death. Secondly, he also saved an Eleian prophet who had traveled with Polycrates and had gone unnoticed among the slaves. In short, Demokedes was highly favored by the king.
133. Not long time after this another thing came to pass which was this:—Atossa the daughter of Cyrus and wife of Dareios had a tumour upon her breast, which afterwards burst and then was spreading further: and so long as it was not large, she concealed it and said nothing to anybody, because she was ashamed; but afterwards when she was in evil case, she sent for Demokedes and showed it to him: and he said that he would make her well, and caused her to swear that she would surely do for him in return that which he should ask of her; and he would ask, he said, none of such things as are shameful.
133. Not long after this, another event occurred: Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus and wife of Darius, had a tumor on her breast, which later burst and began to spread. As long as it was small, she hid it and told no one because she was embarrassed; but when her condition worsened, she called for Democedes and showed it to him. He said he could help her and made her promise that she would certainly do whatever he asked in return, assuring her that his requests wouldn’t be anything shameful.
134. So when after this by his treatment he had made her well, then Atossa instructed by Demokedes uttered to Dareios in his bedchamber some such words as these: "O king, though thou hast such great power, thou dost sit still, and dost not win in addition any nation or power for the Persians: and yet it is reasonable that a man who is both young and master of much wealth should be seen to perform some great deed, in order that the Persians may know surely that he is a man by whom they are ruled. It is expedient indeed in two ways that thou shouldest do so, both in order that the Persians may know that their ruler is a man, and in order that they may be worn down by war and not have leisure to plot against thee. For now thou mightest display some great deed, while thou art still young; seeing that as the body grows the spirit grows old also with it, and is blunted for every kind of action." Thus she spoke according to instructions received, and he answered thus: "Woman, thou hast said all the things which I myself have in mind to do; for I have made the plan to yoke together a bridge from this continent to the other and to make expedition against the Scythians, and these designs will be by way of being fulfilled within a little time." Then Atossa said: "Look now,—forbear to go first against the Scythians, for these will be in thy power whenever thou desirest: but do thou, I pray thee, make an expedition against Hellas; for I am desirous to have Lacedemonian women and Argive and Athenian and Corinthian, for attendants, because I hear of them by report: and thou hast the man who of all men is most fitted to show thee all things which relate to Hellas and to be thy guide, that man, I mean, who healed thy foot." Dareios made answer: "Woman, since it seems good to thee that we should first make trial of Hellas, I think it better to send first to them men of the Persians together with him of whom thou speakest, to make investigation, that when these have learnt and seen, they may report each several thing to us; and then I shall go to attack them with full knowledge of all."
134. So after his treatment had successfully healed her, Atossa, guided by Demokedes, said to Darius in his bedroom something like this: "O king, even though you have great power, you sit idle and don’t conquer any new nations or powers for the Persians. It’s reasonable for a young man with considerable wealth to accomplish something significant so that the Persians know they have a capable ruler. It would benefit you in two ways: first, the Persians would recognize their leader as a man of action, and second, they would be kept busy with war and wouldn't have time to plot against you. You could achieve something remarkable now while you are still young, since as the body ages, the spirit also grows old and becomes less sharp for action." She spoke as instructed, and he replied: "Woman, you’ve expressed everything I’ve been thinking; I plan to build a bridge connecting this continent to the other and launch an expedition against the Scythians, and these plans will soon come to fruition." Atossa then said, "Wait—don't attack the Scythians just yet, for you can conquer them whenever you want. Instead, please lead an expedition against Hellas; I long to have Lacedemonian, Argive, Athenian, and Corinthian women as attendants, as I’ve heard so much about them. You have the perfect man to guide you regarding Hellas—the one who healed your foot." Darius replied, "Woman, since you believe we should first explore Hellas, I think it’s wiser to send Persian men along with him, as you suggested, to gather information. Once they have learned everything, they can report back to us, and then I will attack, fully informed of all details."
135. Thus he said, and he proceeded to do the deed as he spoke the word: for as soon as day dawned, he summoned fifteen Persians, men of repute, and bade them pass through the coasts of Hellas in company with Demokedes, and take care not to let Demokedes escape from them, but bring him back at all costs. Having thus commanded them, next he summoned Demokedes himself and asked him to act as a guide for the whole of Hellas and show it to the Persians, and then return back: and he bade him take all his movable goods and carry them as gifts to his father and his brothers, saying that he would give him in their place many times as much; and besides this, he said, he would contribute to the gifts a merchant ship filled with all manner of goods, which should sail with him. Dareios, as it seems to me, promised him these things with no crafty design; but Demokedes was afraid that Dareios was making trial of him, and did not make haste to accept all that was offered, but said that he would leave his own things where they were, so that he might have them when he came back; he said however that he accepted the merchant ship which Dareios promised him for the presents to his brothers. Dareios then, having thus given command to him also, sent them away to the sea.
135. So he said, and as he spoke, he took action: as soon as day broke, he called fifteen reputable Persians and instructed them to travel through the coast of Greece with Demokedes, making sure they didn’t let him escape and bringing him back at any cost. After giving them this order, he summoned Demokedes himself and asked him to act as a guide for all of Greece, showing it to the Persians before returning. He told Demokedes to take all his belongings and bring them as gifts to his father and brothers, promising he would give him many times more in return. In addition, he said he would provide a merchant ship loaded with all sorts of goods to accompany him. It seems to me that Darius promised these things without any hidden agenda; however, Demokedes feared that Darius was testing him. He didn't rush to accept everything offered and said he would leave his things behind, so he could have them when he returned, but he did agree to take the merchant ship that Darius promised for the gifts to his brothers. Having given him this command, Darius then sent them off to the sea.
136. So these, when they had gone down to Phenicia and in Phenicia to the city of Sidon, forthwith manned two triremes, and besides them they also filled a large ship of burden with all manner of goods. Then when they had made all things ready they set sail for Hellas, and touching at various places they saw the coast regions of it and wrote down a description, until at last, when they had seen the greater number of the famous places, they came to Taras 120 in Italy. There from complaisance 121 to Demokedes Aristophilides the king of the Tarentines unfastened and removed the steering-oars of the Median ships, and also confined the Persians in prison, because, as he alleged, they came as spies. While they were being thus dealt with, Demokedes went away and reached Croton; and when he had now reached his own native place, Aristophilides set the Persians free and gave back to them those parts of their ships which he had taken away.
136. So these guys, after heading down to Phoenicia and then to the city of Sidon, quickly manned two triremes and also loaded a large cargo ship with all kinds of goods. Once everything was ready, they set sail for Greece, stopping at various locations along the way to check out the coast and taking notes on their observations, until finally, after visiting many famous sites, they arrived at Taras 120 in Italy. There, to please 121 Demokedes, the king of the Tarentines took away the steering-oars from the Median ships and imprisoned the Persians, claiming they were spies. While they were being treated this way, Demokedes managed to slip away and got to Croton; once he reached his hometown, Aristophilides released the Persians and returned the parts of their ships that he had taken.
137. The Persians then sailing thence and pursuing Demokedes reached Croton, and finding him in the market-place they laid hands upon him; and some of the men of Croton fearing the Persian power were willing to let him go, but others took hold of him and struck with their staves at the Persians, who pleaded for themselves in these words: "Men of Croton, take care what ye are about: ye are rescuing a man who was a slave of king Dareios and who ran away from him. How, think you, will king Dareios be content to receive such an insult; and how shall this which ye do be well for you, if ye take him away from us? Against what city, think you, shall we make expedition sooner than against this, and what city before this shall we endeavour to reduce to slavery?" Thus saying they did not however persuade the men of Croton, but having had Demokedes rescued from them and the ship of burden which they were bringing with them taken away, they set sail to go back to Asia, and did not endeavour to visit any more parts of Hellas or to find out about them, being now deprived of their guide. This much however Demokedes gave them as a charge when they were putting forth to sea, bidding them say to Dareios that Demokedes was betrothed to the daughter of Milon: for the wrestler Milon had a great name at the king's court; and I suppose that Demokedes was urgent for this marriage, spending much money to further it, in order that Dareios might see that he was held in honour also in his own country.
137. The Persians then sailed from there and after chasing Demokedes reached Croton, where they found him in the marketplace. Some of the Crotonians, fearing the Persian power, wanted to let him go, but others grabbed him and struck at the Persians with their clubs. The Persians pleaded, saying: "People of Croton, be careful about what you’re doing: you’re saving a man who was a slave of King Darius and who ran away from him. How do you think King Darius will react to such an insult? And how is this going to turn out well for you if you take him away from us? Which city do you think we will target first if we want revenge, and which city do you think we’ll look to enslave before this one?" Despite their words, the Crotonians weren't convinced. They managed to rescue Demokedes and took away the cargo ship that the Persians were bringing with them, then set sail back to Asia without trying to explore any more parts of Greece since they had lost their guide. However, before they left, Demokedes told them to pass on a message to Darius that he was engaged to the daughter of Milon: the wrestler Milon was well-known at the king's court; I suppose Demokedes was eager for this marriage and spent a lot of money to support it, so Darius would see that he was honored in his own homeland too.
138. The Persians however, after they had put out from Croton, were cast away with their ships in Iapygia; and as they were remaining there as slaves, Gillos a Tarentine exile rescued them and brought them back to king Dareios. In return for this Dareios offered to give him whatsoever thing he should desire; and Gillos chose that he might have the power of returning to Taras, narrating first the story of his misfortune: and in order that he might not disturb all Hellas, as would be the case if on his account a great armament should sail to invade Italy, he said it was enough for him that the men of Cnidos should be those who brought him back, without any others; because he supposed that by these, who were friends with the Tarentines, his return from exile would most easily be effected. Dareios accordingly having promised proceeded to perform; for he sent a message to Cnidos and bade them being back Gillos to Taras: and the men of Cnidos obeyed Dareios, but nevertheless they did not persuade the Tarentines, and they were not strong enough to apply force. Thus then it happened with regard to these things; and these were the first Persians who came from Asia to Hellas, and for the reason which has been mentioned these were sent as spies.
138. The Persians, after setting out from Croton, ended up stranded with their ships in Iapygia. While they were stuck there as captives, Gillos, an exile from Tarentum, rescued them and brought them back to King Darius. In return, Darius offered to give him anything he wanted, and Gillos asked for the chance to return to Taras, first telling the story of his misfortune. To avoid causing unrest across Greece, which would happen if a large force invaded Italy because of him, he requested that only the men from Cnidos bring him back, believing that since they were friends with the Tarentines, his return from exile would go more smoothly. Darius agreed and took action; he sent a message to Cnidos, instructing them to bring Gillos back to Taras. The men from Cnidos complied with Darius’s request, but they couldn’t convince the Tarentines and weren’t strong enough to use force. This was how things unfolded, and these were the first Persians to come from Asia to Greece, sent as spies for the reasons mentioned.
139. After this king Dareios took Samos before all other cities, whether of Hellenes or Barbarians, and for a cause which was as follows:—When Cambyses the son of Cyrus was marching upon Egypt, many Hellenes arrived in Egypt, some, as might be expected, joining in the campaign to make profit, 122 and some also coming to see the land itself; and among these was Syoloson the son of Aiakes and brother of Polycrates, an exile from Samos. To this Syloson a fortunate chance occurred, which was this:—he had taken and put upon him a flame-coloured mantle, and was about the market-place in Memphis; and Dareios, who was then one of the spearmen of Cambyses and not yet held in any great estimation, seeing him had a desire for the mantle, and going up to him offered to buy it. Then Syloson, seeing that Dareios very greatly desired the mantle, by some divine inspiration said: "I will not sell this for any sum, but I will give it thee for nothing, if, as it appears, it must be thine at all costs." To this Dareios agreed and received from him the garment.
139. After this, King Darius took Samos before all other cities, whether Greek or Barbarian, for the following reason: When Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, was marching on Egypt, many Greeks arrived in Egypt, some, as you might expect, joining the campaign for profit, 122 and others coming just to see the land itself; among these was Syloson, the son of Aiakes and brother of Polycrates, an exile from Samos. A fortunate chance occurred for Syloson: he was wearing a bright red mantle and was in the marketplace in Memphis; Darius, who was then one of Cambyses' spearmen and not yet greatly esteemed, saw him and wanted the mantle, so he approached him and offered to buy it. Syloson, noticing how much Darius desired the mantle, inspired by some divine intuition, said, "I won't sell this for any price, but I'll give it to you for free if, as it seems, it must be yours at all costs." Darius agreed and received the garment from him.
140. Now Syloson supposed without any doubt that he had altogether lost this by easy simplicity; but when in course of time Cambyses was dead, and the seven Persians had risen up against the Magian, and of the seven Dareios had obtained the kingdom, Syloson heard that the kingdom had come about to that man to whom once in Egypt he had given the garment at his request: accordingly he went up to Susa and sat down at the entrance 123 of the king's palace, and said that he was a benefactor of Dareios. The keeper of the door hearing this reported it to the king; and he marvelled at it and said to him: "Who then of the Hellenes is my benefactor, to whom I am bound by gratitude? seeing that it is now but a short time that I possess the kingdom, and as yet scarcely one 124 of them has come up to our court; and I may almost say that I have no debt owing to a Hellene. Nevertheless bring him in before me, that I may know what he means when he says these things." Then the keeper of the door brought Syloson before him, and when he had been set in the midst, the interpreters asked him who he was and what he had done, that he called himself the benefactor of the king. Syloson accordingly told all that had happened about the mantle, and how he was the man who had given it; to which Dareios made answer: "O most noble of men, thou art he who when as yet I had no power gavest me a gift, small it may be, but nevertheless the kindness is counted with me to be as great as if I should now receive some great thing from some one. Therefore I will give thee in return gold and silver in abundance, that thou mayest not ever repent that thou didst render a service to Dareios the son of Hystaspes." To this Syloson replied: "To me, O king, give neither gold nor silver, but recover and give to me my fatherland Samos, which now that my brother Polycrates has been slain by Oroites is possessed by our slave. This give to me without bloodshed or selling into slavery."
140. Syloson was certain he had completely lost everything due to his straightforwardness; however, after some time, when Cambyses died and the seven Persians challenged the Magian, Dareios among them took the throne. Syloson learned that the kingdom had fallen to the man to whom he once gave a garment in Egypt at his request. So, he went to Susa and sat at the entrance of the king's palace, claiming to be a benefactor of Dareios. The doorkeeper, hearing this, reported it to the king, who was astonished and said, "Who among the Greeks is my benefactor, to whom I owe gratitude? It’s only been a short time since I became king, and hardly any of them have visited our court; I could almost say I owe nothing to a Greek. Nonetheless, bring him before me so I can understand what he means by this." The doorkeeper brought Syloson in, and after he was placed in the center, the interpreters asked him who he was and why he called himself the king’s benefactor. Syloson then explained everything about the mantle and how he was the one who had given it. Dareios responded, "O most noble man, you are the one who, when I had no power, gave me a gift—small it may be, but your kindness is valued by me as if I were receiving something grand from someone now. Therefore, I will reward you with abundant gold and silver, so you will not regret helping Dareios, the son of Hystaspes." To this, Syloson replied, "O king, do not give me gold or silver, but restore my homeland Samos to me, which our slave now possesses since my brother Polycrates was killed by Oroites. Give it to me without bloodshed or enslavement."
141. Dareios having heard this prepared to send an expedition with Otanes as commander of it, who had been one of the seven, charging him to accomplish for Syloson all that which he had requested. Otanes then went down to the sea-coast and was preparing the expedition.
141. Darius, having heard this, got ready to send an expedition with Otanes as its commander, who was one of the seven, instructing him to fulfill all the requests made by Syloson. Otanes then went down to the coast and started preparing the expedition.
142. Now Maiandrios the son of Maiandrios was holding the rule over Samos, having received the government as a trust from Polycrates; and he, though desiring to show himself the most righteous of men, did not succeed in so doing: for when the death of Polycrates was reported to him, he did as follows:—first he founded an altar to Zeus the Liberator and marked out a sacred enclosure round it, namely that which exists still in the suburb of the city: then after he had done this he gathered together an assembly of all the citizens and spoke these words: "To me, as ye know as well as I, has been entrusted the sceptre of Polycrates and all his power; and now it is open to me to be your ruler; but that for the doing of which I find fault with my neighbour, I will myself refrain from doing, so far as I may: for as I did not approve of Polycrates acting as master of men who were not inferior to himself, so neither do I approve of any other who does such things. Now Polycrates for his part fulfilled his own appointed destiny, and I now give the power into the hands of the people, and proclaim to you equality. 125 These privileges however I think it right to have assigned to me, namely that from the wealth of Polycrates six talents should be taken out and given to me as a special gift; and in addition to this I choose for myself and for my descendants in succession the priesthood of Zeus the Liberator, to whom I myself founded a temple, while I bestow liberty upon you." He, as I say, made these offers to the Samians; but one of them rose up and said: "Nay, but unworthy too art thou 126 to be our ruler, seeing that thou art of mean birth and a pestilent fellow besides. Rather take care that thou give an account of the money which thou hadst to deal with."
142. Now Maiandrios, the son of Maiandrios, was in charge of Samos, having received the government as a trust from Polycrates. Though he wanted to present himself as the most righteous man, he didn’t succeed. When he heard about Polycrates' death, he took the following steps: first, he built an altar to Zeus the Liberator and marked a sacred area around it, which still exists in the suburb of the city. After that, he gathered all the citizens for a meeting and said, "As you all know, I have been entrusted with the scepter and power of Polycrates, and now I have the chance to be your ruler. But the very things I criticize my neighbor for, I will refrain from doing myself, as much as I can. Just as I did not agree with Polycrates ruling over men who were not inferior to him, I do not approve of anyone else who behaves that way. Polycrates fulfilled his destiny, and now I give the power back to the people, proclaiming equality. 125 However, I believe it is right for me to be granted certain privileges, namely that from the wealth of Polycrates, six talents should be given to me as a special gift. Additionally, I choose for myself and my descendants the priesthood of Zeus the Liberator, to whom I built a temple, while granting you your freedom." He made these proposals to the Samians, but one of them stood up and said, "No, you are unworthy thou 126 to be our ruler, as you are of low birth and a troublesome person. Instead, make sure you account for the money you were responsible for."
143. Thus said one who was a man of repute among the citizens, whose name was Telesarchos; and Maiandrios perceiving that if he resigned the power, some other would be set up as despot instead of himself, did not keep the purpose at all 127 of resigning it; but having retired to the fortress he sent for each man separately, pretending that he was going to give an account of the money, and so seized them and put them in bonds. These then had been put in bonds; but Maiandrios after this was overtaken by sickness, and his brother, whose name was Lycaretos, expecting that he would die, put all the prisoners to death, in order that he might himself more easily get possession of the power over Samos: and all this happened because, as it appears, they did not choose to be free.
143. So said a respected man among the citizens named Telesarchos; and Maiandrios realized that if he gave up his power, someone else would take his place as the dictator, so he had no intention of stepping down at all 127. Instead, he retreated to the fortress and called each person individually, pretending he was going to give an account of the finances, and then he arrested them and put them in chains. These men were imprisoned; however, Maiandrios later fell seriously ill, and his brother, Lycaretos, fearing he would die, executed all the prisoners so that he could more easily seize control of Samos. All of this happened because, it seems, they did not want to be free.
144. So when the Persians arrived at Samos bringing Syloson home from exile, no one raised a hand against them, and moreover the party of Maiandrios and Maiandrios himself said that they were ready to retire out of the island under a truce. Otanes therefore having agreed on these terms and having made a treaty, the most honourable of the Persians had seats placed for them in front of the fortress and were sitting there.
144. So when the Persians arrived at Samos with Syloson returning from exile, no one fought against them. In fact, Maiandrios and his supporters said they were willing to leave the island under a truce. Otanes agreed to these terms and made a treaty, and the most respected of the Persians had seats arranged for them in front of the fortress and were sitting there.
145. Now the despot Maiandrios had a brother who was somewhat mad, and his name was Charilaos. This man for some offence which he had been committed had been confined in an underground dungeon, 128 and at this time of which I speak, having heard what was being done and having put his head through out of the dungeon, when he saw the Persians peacefully sitting there he began to cry out and said that he desired to come to speech with Maiandrios. So Maiandrios hearing his voice bade them loose him and bring him into his presence; and as soon as he was brought he began to abuse and revile him, trying to persuade him to attack the Persians, and saying thus: "Thou basest of men, didst thou put me in bonds and judge me worthy of the dungeon under ground, who am thine own brother and did no wrong worthy of bonds, and when thou seest the Persians casting thee forth from the land and making thee homeless, dost thou not dare to take any revenge, though they are so exceedingly easy to be overcome? Nay, but if in truth thou art afraid of them, give me thy mercenaries and I will take vengeance on them for their coming here; and thyself I am willing to let go out of the island."
145. Now the tyrant Maiandrios had a brother who was a bit crazy, and his name was Charilaos. This guy, for some offense he committed, had been locked up in an underground dungeon, 128 and at the time I’m talking about, after hearing what was happening and sticking his head out of the dungeon, he saw the Persians sitting there peacefully and started shouting that he wanted to talk to Maiandrios. So Maiandrios, hearing his voice, told them to let him out and bring him to him; and as soon as he arrived, he started to insult and curse at him, trying to convince him to attack the Persians, saying, "You lowest of men, did you really chain me up and judge me worthy of this dungeon when I’m your own brother and didn’t do anything to deserve it? And now when you see the Persians forcing you out of your land and making you homeless, you don’t even dare to take any revenge, even though they are so easy to defeat? But if you really are scared of them, give me your mercenaries, and I’ll take revenge on them for coming here; and I’m willing to let you leave the island."
146. Thus spoke Charilaos, and Maiandrios accepted that which he said, not, as I think, because he had reached such a height of folly as to suppose that his own power would overcome that of the king, but rather because he grudged Syloson that he should receive from him the State without trouble, and with no injury inflicted upon it. Therefore he desired to provoke the Persians to anger and make the Samian power as feeble as possible before he gave it up to him, being well assured that the Persians, when they had suffered evil, would be likely to be as bitter against the Samians as well as against those who did the wrong, 129 and knowing also that he had a safe way of escape from the island whenever he desired: for he had had a secret passage made under ground, leading from the fortress to the sea. Maiandrios then himself sailed out from Samos; but Charilaos armed all the mercenaries, and opening wide the gates sent them out upon the Persians, who were not expecting any such thing, but supposed that all had been arranged: and the mercenaries falling upon them began to slay those of the Persians who had seats carried for them 130 and were of most account. While these were thus engaged, the rest of the Persian force came to the rescue, and the mercenaries were hard pressed and forced to retire to the fortress.
146. So Charilaos spoke, and Maiandrios accepted what he said, not because he was foolish enough to think that his own power could beat the king's, but because he resented Syloson getting the state without any struggle and without it being harmed. Therefore, he wanted to provoke the Persians to anger and weaken the Samian power as much as possible before handing it over to him, fully confident that the Persians, after experiencing harm, would be just as bitter towards the Samians as they would be towards those who wronged them, 129 and also knowing that he had a secret escape route from the island whenever he wanted: he had a hidden passage built underground, leading from the fortress to the sea. Maiandrios then sailed out from Samos; but Charilaos armed all the mercenaries, opened the gates wide, and sent them out against the Persians, who were not expecting this but thought everything had been arranged: and the mercenaries attacked them, starting to kill those Persians who were being carried in seats and were of high status. While this was happening, the rest of the Persian forces came to help, and the mercenaries were put under pressure and forced to retreat to the fortress.
147. Then Otanes the Persian commander, seeing that the Persians had suffered greatly, purposely forgot the commands which Dareios gave him when he sent him forth, not to kill any one of the Samians nor to sell any into slavery, but to restore the island to Syloson free from all suffering of calamity,—these commands, I say, he purposely forgot, and gave the word to his army to slay every one whom they should take, man or boy, without distinction. So while some of the army were besieging the fortress, others were slaying every one who came in their way, in sanctuary or out of sanctuary equally.
147. Then Otanes, the Persian commander, noticing that the Persians had suffered a lot, intentionally ignored the orders that Dareios had given him when he sent him out, which were to not kill any of the Samians or sell them into slavery, but to return the island to Syloson without any suffering. These orders, I say, he intentionally forgot, and he instructed his army to kill everyone they encountered, whether man or boy, without distinction. So while some of the army were besieging the fortress, others were killing everyone who crossed their path, whether in sanctuary or outside of it.
148. Meanwhile Maiandrios had escaped from Samos and was sailing to Lacedemon; and having come thither and caused to be brought up to the city the things which he had taken with him when he departed, he did as follows:—first, he would set out his cups of silver and of gold, and then while the servants were cleaning them, he would be engaged in conversation with Cleomenes the son of Anaxandrides, then king of Sparta, and would bring him on to his house; and when Cleomenes saw the cups he marvelled and was astonished at them, and Maiandrios would bid him take away with him as many of them as he pleased. Maiandrios said this twice or three times, but Cleomenes herein showed himself the most upright of men; for he not only did not think fit to take that which was offered, but perceiving that Maiandrios would make presents to others of the citizens, and so obtain assistance for himself, he went to the Ephors and said that it was better for Sparta that the stranger of Samos should depart from Peloponnesus, lest he might persuade either himself or some other man of the Spartans to act basely. They accordingly accepted his counsel, and expelled Maiandrios by proclamation.
148. Meanwhile, Maiandrios had escaped from Samos and was sailing to Lacedemon. When he arrived, he had the items he took with him when he left brought into the city. Here’s what he did: first, he displayed his silver and gold cups, and while the servants cleaned them, he talked with Cleomenes, the son of Anaxandrides, who was then the king of Sparta. He invited Cleomenes to his home, and when Cleomenes saw the cups, he was amazed and impressed by them. Maiandrios urged him to take as many as he wanted. He repeated this a couple of times, but Cleomenes proved to be a man of integrity; he didn’t think it was right to accept the offer. He realized that Maiandrios intended to give gifts to others among the citizens to gain support for himself, so he went to the Ephors and suggested that it would be better for Sparta if the stranger from Samos left Peloponnesus, to prevent him from convincing anyone, including himself, to act dishonorably. They agreed with his advice and expelled Maiandrios by proclamation.
149. As to Samos, the Persians, after sweeping the population off it, 131 delivered it to Syloson stripped of men. Afterwards however the commander Otanes even joined in settling people there, moved by a vision of a dream and by a disease which seized him, so that he was diseased in the genital organs.
149. Regarding Samos, the Persians, after removing the entire population, 131 handed it over to Syloson devoid of men. Later on, however, the commander Otanes became involved in resettling people there, influenced by a dream and a disease that afflicted him, causing issues with his genital organs.
150. After a naval force had thus gone against Samos, the Babylonians made revolt, being for this exceedingly well prepared; for during all the time of the reign of the Magian and of the insurrection of the seven, during all this time and the attendant confusion they were preparing themselves for the siege of their city: and it chanced by some means that they were not observed to be doing this. Then when they made open revolt, they did as follows:—after setting apart their mothers first, each man set apart also for himself one woman, whosoever he wished of his own household, and all the remainder they gathered together and killed by suffocation. Each man set apart the one who has been mentioned to serve as a maker of bread, and they suffocated the rest in order that they might not consume their provisions.
150. After a naval force had attacked Samos, the Babylonians rebelled, being very well prepared for this. Throughout the reign of the Magian and during the revolt of the seven, they had been getting ready for the siege of their city, and somehow, this was unnoticed. When they finally revolted openly, they did the following: after setting aside their mothers first, each man chose one woman from his household, whoever he wanted, and then gathered everyone else and killed them by suffocation. Each man chose the woman mentioned to bake bread, and they suffocated the others to conserve their supplies.
151. Dareios being informed of this and having gathered together all his power, made expedition against them, and when he had marched his army up to Babylon he began to besiege them; but they cared nothing about the siege, for the Babylonians used to go up to the battlements of the wall and show contempt of Dareios and of his army by gestures and by words; and one of them uttered this saying: "Why, O Persians, do ye remain sitting here, and not depart? For then only shall ye capture us, when mules shall bring forth young." This was said by one of the Babylonians, not supposing that a mule would ever bring forth young.
151. After Dareios heard about this and gathered all his forces, he launched an attack against them. When he marched his army to Babylon, he started to besiege them; however, the Babylonians didn't care about the siege at all. They would go up to the walls and mock Dareios and his army with gestures and words. One of them even said, "Hey, Persians, why are you sitting around and not leaving? You'll only capture us when mules give birth." This was said by one of the Babylonians, who didn't think a mule would ever give birth.
152. So when a year and seven months had now passed by, Dareios began to be vexed and his whole army with him, not being able to conquer the Babylonians. And yet Dareios had used against them every kind of device and every possible means, but not even so could he conquer them, though besides other devices he had attempted it by that also with which Cyrus conquered them; but the Babylonians were terribly on their guard and he was not able to conquer them.
152. After a year and seven months had gone by, Darius started to get frustrated, and so did his entire army, because they couldn't defeat the Babylonians. Despite trying every trick and possible strategy against them, he still couldn’t conquer them. Even using the same tactics that Cyrus had used to defeat them didn’t work, as the Babylonians were extremely vigilant, and he was unable to break through.
153. Then in the twentieth month there happened to Zopyros the son of that Megabyzos who had been of the seven men who slew the Magian, to this Zopyros, I say, son of Megabyzos there happened a prodigy,—one of the mules which served as bearers of provisions for him produced young: and when this was reported to him, and Zopyros had himself seen the foal, because he did not believe the report, he charged those who had seen it not to tell that which had happened to any one, and he considered with himself what to do. And having regard to the words spoken by the Babylonian, who had said at first that when mules should produce young, then the wall would be taken, having regard (I say) to this ominous saying, it seemed to Zopyros that Babylon could be taken: for he thought that both the man had spoken and his mule had produced young by divine dispensation.
153. Then, in the twentieth month, something happened to Zopyros, the son of Megabyzos, one of the seven men who killed the Magian. Zopyros experienced a strange event—a mule that was part of his supply train gave birth. When this was reported to him, and after Zopyros had seen the foal himself, he found it hard to believe the news. He ordered those who had seen it not to tell anyone about what had happened, and he contemplated what to do next. Reflecting on the words of the Babylonian, who had earlier said that when mules began to give birth, the wall would be taken, Zopyros believed this ominous statement. He thought that both the man’s prophecy and the mule giving birth were signs of divine intervention, making him feel that Babylon could indeed be captured.
154. Since then it seemed to him that it was now fated that Babylon should be captured, he went to Dareios and inquired of him whether he thought it a matter of very great moment to conquer Babylon; and hearing in answer that he thought it of great consequence, he considered again how he might be the man to take it and how the work might be his own: for among the Persians benefits are accounted worthy of a very high degree of honour. 132 He considered accordingly that he was not able to make conquest of it by any other means, but only if he should maltreat himself and desert to their side. So, making light esteem of himself, he maltreated his own body in a manner which could not be cured; for he cut off his nose and his ears, and shaved his hair round in an unseemly way, and scourged himself, and so went into the presence of Dareios.
154. Since then, he felt it was destined that Babylon would be captured, so he went to Darius and asked him if he thought conquering Babylon was very important. When he heard that Darius considered it significant, he thought again about how he could be the one to take it and how this achievement could be his own. Among the Persians, accomplishments are held in very high regard. 132 He realized that the only way he could conquer it was by hurting himself and switching sides. Therefore, not valuing himself, he harmed his body in a way that could not be healed; he cut off his nose and ears, shaved his hair in an unappealing style, and whipped himself, and then went to see Darius.
155. And Dareios was exceedingly troubled when he saw the man of most repute with him thus maltreated; and leaping up from his seat he cried aloud and asked him who was the person who had maltreated him, and for what deed. He replied: "That man does not exist, excepting thee, who has so great power as to bring me into this condition; and not any stranger, O king, has done this, but I myself to myself, accounting it a very grievous thing that the Assyrians should make a mock of the Persians." He made answer: "Thou most reckless of men, thou didst set the fairest name to the foulest deed when thou saidest that on account of those who are besieged thou didst bring thyself into a condition which cannot be cured. How, O thou senseless one, will the enemy surrender to us more quickly, because thou hast maltreated thyself? Surely thou didst wander out of thy senses in thus destroying thyself." And he said, "If I had communicated to thee that which I was about to do, thou wouldst not have permitted me to do it; but as it was, I did it on my own account. Now therefore, unless something is wanting on thy part, we shall conquer Babylon: for I shall go straightway as a deserter to the wall; and I shall say to them that I suffered this treatment at thy hands: and I think that when I have convinced them that this is so, I shall obtain the command of a part of their forces. Do thou then on the tenth day from that on which I shall enter within the wall take of those troops about which thou wilt have no concern if they be destroyed,—of these, I say, get a thousand by 133 the gate of the city which is called the gate of Semiramis; and after this again on the seventh day after the tenth set, I pray thee, two thousand by the gate which is called the gate of the Ninevites; and after this seventh day let twenty days elapse, and then lead other four thousand and place them by the gate called the gate of the Chaldeans: and let neither the former men nor these have any weapons to defend them except daggers, but this weapon let them have. Then after the twentieth day at once bid the rest of the army make an attack on the wall all round, and set the Persians, I pray thee, by those gates which are called the gate of Belos and the gate of Kissia: for, as I think, when I have displayed great deeds of prowess, the Babylonians will entrust to me, besides their other things, also the keys which draw the bolts of the gates. Then after that it shall be the care of myself and the Persians to do that which ought to be done."
155. Darius was extremely troubled when he saw the highly respected man with him being mistreated. Jumping up from his seat, he shouted out and asked him who had harmed him and why. The man replied, "That person doesn't exist except for you, who has such power to bring me to this state; no stranger, O king, has done this, but I have done it to myself, believing it was very shameful for the Assyrians to mock the Persians." He responded, "You, the most reckless of men, have given a beautiful name to the ugliest act by saying you did this to yourself because of those who are besieged. How, you foolish one, will the enemy surrender to us more quickly because you have mistreated yourself? Surely, you've lost your senses in destroying yourself." The man said, "If I had told you what I was planning to do, you would not have allowed it; but as it is, I acted on my own. Now, unless you are lacking something, we will conquer Babylon: I will immediately desert to the wall and tell them that I suffered this treatment at your hands. I believe if I convince them of this, I can get command of a part of their forces. So, on the tenth day after I enter the wall, take a thousand troops that you won't mind if they are destroyed, at the gate of the city called the gate of Semiramis; and then, on the seventh day after that, please set two thousand at the gate known as the gate of the Ninevites; after another seven days, let twenty days pass, then bring another four thousand and place them at the gate called the gate of the Chaldeans. Let neither the earlier men nor these have any weapons to defend themselves except for daggers, but let them have those. Then, after the twentieth day, order the rest of the army to attack the wall all around, and place the Persians by the gates known as the gate of Belos and the gate of Kissia. I believe that when I demonstrate great feats of courage, the Babylonians will give me, in addition to their other things, the keys that unlock the gates. After that, it will be up to me and the Persians to handle what needs to be done."
156. Having thus enjoined he proceeded to go to the gate of the city, turning to look behind him as he went, as if he were in truth a deserter; and those who were set in that part of the wall, seeing him from the towers ran down, and slightly opening one wing of the gate asked who he was, and for what purpose he had come. And he addressed them and said that he was Zopyros, and that he came as a deserter to them. The gate-keepers accordingly when they heard this led him to the public assembly of the Babylonians; and being introduced before it he began to lament his fortunes, saying that he had in fact suffered at his own hands, and that he had suffered this because he had counselled the king to withdraw his army, since in truth there seemed to be no means of taking the town: "And now," he went on to say, "I am come for very great good to you, O Babylonians, but for very great evil to Dareios and his army, and to the Persians, 134 for he shall surely not escape with impunity for having thus maltreated me; and I know all the courses of his counsels."
156. After giving his orders, he headed to the city gate, glancing back as if he were genuinely a deserter. Those stationed at that part of the wall, seeing him from the towers, rushed down and slightly opened one wing of the gate to ask who he was and what his purpose was. He introduced himself, saying he was Zopyros and that he had come to them as a deserter. When the gatekeepers heard this, they took him to the public assembly of the Babylonians. Once in front of them, he began to lament his situation, saying he had truly suffered at his own hands and that it was due to his advice to the king to withdraw his army, since there seemed to be no way to take the city: "And now," he continued, "I have come to bring you, O Babylonians, significant good, but great harm to Dareios and his army, and to the Persians, 134 for he will certainly not go unpunished for having mistreated me; and I know all his plans."
157. Thus he spoke, and the Babylonians, when they saw the man of most reputation among the Persians deprived of nose and ears and smeared over with blood from scourging, supposing assuredly that he was speaking the truth and had come to be their helper, were ready to put in his power that for which he asked them, and he asked them that he might command a certain force. Then when he had obtained this from them, he did that which he had agreed with Dareios that he would do; for he led out on the tenth day the army of the Babylonians, and having surrounded the thousand men whom he had enjoined Dareios first to set there, he slew them. The Babylonians accordingly, perceiving that the deeds which he displayed were in accordance with his words, were very greatly rejoiced and were ready to serve him in all things: and after the lapse of the days which had been agreed upon, he again chose men of the Babylonians and led them out and slew the two thousand men of the troops of Dareios. Seeing this deed also, the Babylonians all had the name of Zopyros upon their tongues, and were loud in his praise. He then again, after the lapse of the days which had been agreed upon, led them out to the place appointed, and surrounded the four thousand and slew them. When this also had been done, Zopyros was everything among the Babylonians, and he was appointed both commander of their army and guardian of their walls.
157. So he spoke, and when the Babylonians saw the most respected man among the Persians without his nose and ears, covered in blood from being whipped, they believed he was telling the truth and had come to help them. They were ready to give him what he asked for, which was to command a certain force. After he got this from them, he did what he had agreed upon with Dareios; on the tenth day, he led out the Babylonian army, surrounded the thousand men Dareios had instructed him to set there, and killed them. The Babylonians, noticing that his actions matched his words, were very pleased and were eager to serve him in everything. After the agreed-upon days had passed, he selected more Babylonian men, led them out, and killed two thousand of Dareios's troops. Witnessing this act as well, the Babylonians were all talking about Zopyros and were praising him loudly. Then, after the agreed-upon days passed again, he led them out to the designated place, surrounded four thousand men, and killed them. After this was done, Zopyros became everything to the Babylonians, and they appointed him both commander of their army and guardian of their walls.
158. But when Dareios made an attack according to the agreement on every side of the wall, then Zopyros discovered all his craft: for while the Babylonians, having gone up on the wall, were defending themselves against the attacks of the army of Dareios, Zopyros opened the gates called the gates of Kissia and of Belos, and let in the Persians within the wall. And of the Babylonians those who saw that which was done fled to the temple of Zeus Belos, but those who did not see remained each in his own appointed place, until at last they also learnt that they had been betrayed.
158. But when Darius launched an attack all around the wall as agreed, Zopyrus revealed all his cunning. While the Babylonians defended themselves from Darius's army atop the wall, Zopyrus opened the gates known as the Gates of Kissia and Belos, letting the Persians enter the city. Those Babylonians who saw what happened fled to the temple of Zeus Belos, but those who didn't see it stayed in their positions until they eventually realized they had been betrayed.
159. Thus was Babylon conquered for the second time: and Dareios when he had overcome the Babylonians, first took away the wall from round their city and pulled down all the gates; for when Cyrus took Babylon before him, he did neither of these things: and secondly Dareios impaled the leading men to the number of about three thousand, but to the rest of the Babylonians he gave back their city to dwell in: and to provide that the Babylonians should have wives, in order that their race might be propagated, Dareios did as follows (for their own wives, as has been declared at the beginning, the Babylonians had suffocated, in provident care for their store of food):—he ordered the nations who dwelt round to bring women to Babylon, fixing a certain number for each nation, so that the sum total of fifty thousand women was brought together, and from these women the present Babylonians are descended.
159. So, Babylon was conquered for the second time. After defeating the Babylonians, Darius first took down the walls surrounding the city and destroyed all the gates. Unlike Cyrus, who had previously conquered Babylon without doing these things, Darius also impaled around three thousand of the leading men. However, he allowed the rest of the Babylonians to stay in their city. To ensure that the Babylonians could have wives and continue their lineage—since, as mentioned earlier, they had suffocated their own wives to conserve food—Darius arranged for neighboring nations to send women to Babylon. He set a specific number for each nation, resulting in a total of fifty thousand women being brought in, and from these women, the current Babylonians are descended.
160. As for Zopyros, in the judgment of Dareios no one of the Persians surpassed him in good service, either of those who came after or of those who had gone before, excepting Cyrus alone; for to Cyrus no man of the Persians ever yet ventured to compare himself: and Dareios is said to have declared often that he would rather that Zopyros were free from the injury than that he should have twenty Babylons added to his possession in addition to that one which he had. Moreover he gave him great honours; for not only did he give him every year those things which by the Persians are accounted the most honourable, but also he granted him Babylon to rule free from tribute, so long as he should live; and he added many other gifts. The son of this Zopyros was Megabyzos, who was made commander in Egypt against the Athenians and their allies; and the son of this Megabyzos was Zopyros, who went over to Athens as a deserter from the Persians.
160. As for Zopyros, in Dareios's opinion, no one among the Persians surpassed him in service, whether from those who came after or those who came before, except for Cyrus; because no Persian ever dared to compare themselves to Cyrus. Dareios reportedly often said he would prefer Zopyros to be free from harm than to gain twenty additional Babylons along with the one he already had. Moreover, he honored Zopyros greatly; he not only provided him every year with what the Persians deemed the highest honors but also granted him rule over Babylon without having to pay tribute for as long as he lived. He also bestowed many other gifts. Zopyros's son was Megabyzos, who was appointed commander in Egypt against the Athenians and their allies; and Megabyzos's son was Zopyros, who deserted from the Persians and went over to Athens.
NOTES TO BOOK III
1 (return)
[ See ii. 1.]
1 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ii. 1.]
2 (return)
[ {'Amasin}. This
accusative must be taken with {eprexe}. Some Editors adopt the conjecture
{'Amasi}, to be taken with {memphomenos} as in ch. 4, "did this because he
had a quarrel with Amasis."]
2 (return)
[ {'Amasin}. This accusative should be associated with {eprexe}. Some editors prefer the suggestion {'Amasi}, which relates to {memphomenos} as mentioned in ch. 4, "did this because he had a dispute with Amasis."]
5 (return)
[ {keinon}: most MSS. and
many editions have {keimenon}, "laid up."]
5 (return)
[ {keinon}: most manuscripts and many editions have {keimenon}, "stored away."]
6 (return)
[ {demarkhon}.]
6 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {demarkhon}.]
7 (return)
[ {exaireomenos}: explained
by some "disembarked" or "unloaded."]
7 (return)
[ {exaireomenos}: described
by some as "disembarked" or "unloaded."]
8 (return)
[ Or "Orotal."]
8 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "Orotal."]
9 (return)
[ {dia de touton}.]
9 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {day of everything}.]
10 (return)
[ {trion}: omitted by
some good MSS.]
10 (return)
[ {trion}: left out by some reliable manuscripts.]
11 (return)
[ See ii. 169.]
11 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ii. 169.]
12 (return)
[ {alla kai tote uathesan
ai Thebai psakadi}.]
12 (return)
[ {and then the Thebans were defeated.}]
13 (return)
[ The so-called {Leukon
teikhon} on the south side of Memphis: cp. ch. 91.]
13 (return)
[ The so-called {Leukon teikhon} on the south side of Memphis: see ch. 91.]
15 (return)
[ {pentakosias mneas}.]
15 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {fifteen thousand measures}.]
16 (return)
[ {aneklaion}: perhaps
{anteklaion}, which has most MS. authority, may be right, "answer their
lamentations."]
16 (return)
[ {aneklaion}: maybe
{anteklaion}, which has the most manuscript authority, could be correct, "respond to their
lamentations."]
17 (return)
[ See ch. 31.]
17 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 31.]
18 (return)
[ {egeomenon}: some
Editors adopt the conjecture {agomenon}, "was being led."]
18 (return)
[ {egeomenon}: some
editors suggest the interpretation {agomenon}, "was being led."]
19 (return)
[ {sphi}: so in the MSS.:
some editions (following the Aldine) have {oi}.]
19 (return)
[ {sphi}: this is how it appears in the manuscripts:
some versions (following the Aldine) have {oi}.]
20 (return)
[ {to te}: a correction
for {tode}: some Editors read {tode, to}, "by this, namely by the case
of," etc.]
20 (return)
[ {to te}: a correction for {tode}: some editors read {tode, to}, "by this, meaning by this case," etc.]
21 (return)
[ "gypsum."]
21 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ "gypsum."]
22 (return)
[ {epi}, lit. "after."]
22 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {epi}, "after."]
23 (return)
[ {leukon tetragonon}: so
the MSS. Some Editors, in order to bring the statement of Herodotus into
agreement with the fact, read {leukon ti trigonon}, "a kind of white
triangle": so Stein.]
23 (return)
[ {white quadrilateral}: according to the manuscripts. Some editors, to align Herodotus' statement with the reality, read {a kind of white triangle}: as noted by Stein.]
24 (return)
[ {epi}: this is altered
unnecessarily by most recent Editors to {upo}, on the authority of
Eusebius and Pliny, who say that the mark was under the tongue.]
24 (return)
[ {epi}: this is changed unnecessarily by the latest Editors to {upo}, based on the authority of Eusebius and Pliny, who claim that the mark was under the tongue.]
25 (return)
[ {ekeino}: some
understand this to refer to Cambyses, "that there was no one now who would
come to the assistance of Cambyses, if he were in trouble," an office
which would properly have belonged to Smerdis, cp. ch. 65: but the other
reference seems more natural.]
25 (return)
[ {ekeino}: some understand this to mean Cambyses, "that there was no one now who would come to Cambyses' aid if he were in trouble," a role that should have belonged to Smerdis, see ch. 65: but the other reference seems more fitting.]
27 (return)
[ {pros ton patera
[telesai] Kuron}: the word {telesai} seems to be corrupt. Stein suggests
{eikasai}, "as compared with." Some Editors omit the word.]
27 (return)
[ {to the father
[telesai] Kuron}: the word {telesai} seems to be incorrect. Stein suggests
{eikasai}, "as compared with." Some Editors leave out the word.]
28 (return)
[ {nomon panton basilea
pheras einai}: but {nomos} in this fragment of Pindar is rather the
natural law by which the strong prevail over the weak.]
28 (return)
[ {the law of the universe}: but {the law} in this fragment of Pindar refers more to the natural law that allows the strong to dominate the weak.]
29 (return)
[ {iakhon}: Stein reads
by conjecture {skhon}, "having obtained possession."]
29 (return)
[ {iakhon}: Stein interprets
based on inference {skhon}, "having gained possession."]
30 (return)
[ {mede}: Abicht reads
{meden} by conjecture.]
30 (return)
[ {mede}: Abicht interprets
{meden} based on inference.]
31 (return)
[ {alla}, under the
influence of the preceding negative.]
31 (return)
[ {alla}, influenced by the earlier negativity.]
32 (return)
[ {prosson} refers
grammatically only to {autos}, and marks the reference as being chiefly to
himself throughout the sentence.]
32 (return)
[ {prosson} only refers grammatically to {autos}, indicating that the reference mainly points to himself for the entire sentence.]
34 (return)
[ {toi tesi pathesi}: the
MSS. mostly have {toi autaisi} or {toiautaisi}.]
34 (return)
[ {these feelings}: the
manuscripts mostly have {that same} or {such}.]
35 (return)
[ See i. 51.]
35 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See i. 51.]
36 (return)
[ {es Aigupton epetheke},
"delivered it (to a messenger to convey) to Egypt."]
36 (return)
[ {es Aigupton epetheke},
"handed it over (to a messenger to take) to Egypt."]
37 (return)
[ The island of
Carpathos, the modern Scarpanto.]
37 (return)
[ The island of Carpathos, now known as Scarpanto.]
38 (return)
[ {to thulako
periergasthai}: which is susceptible of a variety of meanings. In a
similar story told of the Chians the Spartans are made to say that it
would have been enough to show the empty bag without saying anything.
(Sext. Empir. ii. 23.) Probably the meaning here is that if they were
going to say so much, they need not have shown the bag, for the words were
enough without the sight of the bag: or it may be only that the words
{o thulakos} were unnecessary in the sentence {o thulakos alphiton
deitai}.]
38 (return)
[ {to thulako
periergasthai}: which can mean different things. In a similar story about the Chians, the Spartans mentioned that it would have been sufficient to just show the empty bag without saying anything. (Sext. Empir. ii. 23.) The likely interpretation here is that if they were going to say so much, they didn't need to show the bag, because the words were enough on their own: or it might just be that the words
{o thulakos} were unnecessary in the phrase {o thulakos alphiton
deitai}.]
39 (return)
[ See i. 70.]
39 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See i. 70.]
40 (return)
[ {genee}. To save the
chronology some insert {trite} before {genee}, but this will be useless
unless the clause {kata de ton auton khronon tou kreteros te arpage} be
omitted, as it is also proposed to do. Periander is thought to have died
about 585 B.C.; but see v. 95.]
40 (return)
[ {genee}. To keep the timeline accurate, some add {trite} before {genee}, but this won't make sense unless the phrase {kata de ton auton khronon tou kreteros te arpage} is left out, which is also suggested. Periander is believed to have died around 585 B.C.; but see v. 95.]
41 (return)
[ The MSS. add {eontes
eoutoisi}, and apparently something has been lost. Stein and others follow
Valckenär in adding {suggenees}, "are ever at variance with one another in
spite of their kinship."]
41 (return)
[ The manuscripts include {eontes eoutoisi}, and it seems like something is missing. Stein and others follow Valckenär in adding {suggenees}, "are always at odds with each other despite their family ties."]
42 (return)
[ {noo labon}: the MSS.
have {now labon kai touto}.]
42 (return)
[ {noo labon}: the MSS. have {now labon kai touto}.]
43 (return)
[ {iren zemien}.]
43 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {iren zemien}.]
44 (return)
[ {tauta ta nun ekhon
presseis}: the form of sentence is determined by its antithesis to {ta
agatha ta nun ego ekho}.]
44 (return)
[ {what I currently hold}: the structure of the sentence is defined by its contrast to {the good that I now possess}.]
45 (return)
[ {basileus}, because
already destined as his father's successor.]
45 (return)
[ {basileus}, because he was already set to be his father's successor.]
46 (return)
[ {sphea}: the MSS. have
{sphe} here, and in the middle of the next chapter.]
46 (return)
[ {sphea}: the manuscripts have
{sphe} here, and in the middle of the next chapter.]
4601 (return)
[ The Lacedemonians
who were not Dorians had of course taken part in the Trojan war.]
4601 (return)
[ The Lacedemonians who were not Dorians had, of course, participated in the Trojan War.]
47 (return)
[ {leuka genetai}.]
47 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {it happens}.]
48 (return)
[ {prutaneia}.]
48 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {prutaneia}.]
49 (return)
[ {lokhon}.]
49 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {lokhon}.]
50 (return)
[ {prosiskhon}: some read
{proseskhon}, "had put in."]
50 (return)
[ {prosiskhon}: some read
{proseskhon}, "had contributed."]
51 (return)
[ {kai ton tes Diktunes
neon}: omitted by some Editors.]
51 (return)
[ {and the new ones of the Diktunes}: omitted by some Editors.]
52 (return)
[ {orguias}.]
52 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {orguias}.]
53 (return)
[ {stadioi}.]
53 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {stadioi}.]
55 (return)
[ {en te gar anthropeie
phusi ouk enen ara}.]
55 (return)
[ {for if a human being does not have this nature.}]
56 (return)
[ Or possibly, "the most
necessary of those things which remain to be done, is this."]
56 (return)
[ Or maybe, "the most essential of the things that still need to be done is this."]
57 (return)
[ {apistie polle
upekekhuto}, cp. ii. 152.]
57 (return)
[ {apistie polle
upekekhuto}, cp. ii. 152.]
58 (return)
[ Or perhaps Phaidymia.]
58 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or maybe Phaidymia.]
59 (return)
[ {Gobrues} or
{Gobrues}.]
59 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {Gobrues} or {Gobrues}.]
60 (return)
[ {'Intaphrenea}: this
form, which is given by at least one MS. throughout, seems preferable, as
being closer to the Persian name which it represents, "Vindafrana," cp. v.
25. Most of the MSS. have {'Intaphernea}.]
60 (return)
[ {'Intaphrenea}: this form, which is present in at least one manuscript consistently, seems better since it’s more similar to the Persian name it represents, "Vindafrana," see v. 25. Most of the manuscripts have {'Intaphernea}.]
61 (return)
[ {phthas emeu}.]
61 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {plucks my heart}.]
62 (return)
[ {ti}: some MSS. have
{tis}, "in order that persons may trust (themselves) to them more."]
62 (return)
[ {ti}: some manuscripts have {tis}, "so people can trust (themselves) to them more."]
63 (return)
[ i.e. "let him be killed
on the spot."]
63 (return)
[ i.e. "let him be killed right here."]
64 (return)
[ {ta panta muria}, "ten
thousand of every possible thing," (or, "of all the usual gifts"; cp. ch.
84 {ten pasan doreen}).]
64 (return)
[ {ta panta muria}, "ten thousand of every possible thing," (or, "of all the usual gifts"; see ch. 84 {ten pasan doreen}).]
65 (return)
[ {dethen}.]
65 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {dethen}.]
66 (return)
[ {oideonton ton
pregmaton}: "while things were swelling," cp. ch. 127: perhaps here,
"before things came to a head."]
66 (return)
[ {oideonton ton
pregmaton}: "while things were escalating," cp. ch. 127: perhaps here,
"before things reached a tipping point."]
67 (return)
[ {ana te edramon palin},
i.e. they ran back into the room out of which they had come to see what
was the matter; with this communicated a bedchamber which had its light
only by the open door of communication.]
67 (return)
[ {they ran back into the room},
meaning they returned to the room they had just left to find out what
was going on; this led to a bedroom that was only illuminated by the open door.]
6701 (return)
[ {magophonia}.]
6701 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {magophonia}.]
68 (return)
[ Or, "after it had
lasted more than five days," taking {thorubos} as the subject of
{egeneto}. The reason for mentioning the particular number five seems to
be contained in the passage quoted by Stein from Sextus Empiricus,
{enteuphen kai oi Person kharientes nomon ekhousi, basileos par' autois
teleutesantos pente tas ephexes emeras anomian agein}.]
68 (return)
[ Or, "after it had lasted for over five days," with {thorubos} as the subject of {egeneto}. The reason for mentioning the specific number five seems to be found in the excerpt quoted by Stein from Sextus Empiricus, {enteuphen kai oi Person kharientes nomon ekhousi, basileos par' autois teleutesantos pente tas ephexes emeras anomian agein}.]
69 (return)
[ See vi. 43.]
69 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See vi. 43.]
70 (return)
[ {isonomie}, "equal
distribution," i.e. of civil rights.]
70 (return)
[ {isonomie}, "equal distribution," meaning civil rights.]
71 (return)
[ {ouden oikeion}: the
MSS. have {ouden oud' oikeion}, which might be translated "anything of its
own either."]
71 (return)
[ {ouden oikeion}: the
manuscripts have {ouden oud' oikeion}, which could be translated as "nothing of its own either."]
72 (return)
[ {to lego}: the MSS.
have {ton lego}, "each of the things about which I speak being best
in its own kind." The reading {to logo}, which certainly gives a more
satisfactory meaning, is found in Stobæus, who quotes the passage.]
72 (return)
[ {to lego}: the MSS. have {ton lego}, "each of the things about which I speak being best in its own kind." The reading {to logo}, which definitely makes more sense, is found in Stobæus, who quotes the passage.]
73 (return)
[ {kakoteta}, as opposed
to the {arete} practised by the members of an aristocracy.]
73 (return)
[ {kakoteta}, in contrast to the {arete} practiced by members of the aristocracy.]
74 (return)
[ {okto kaiebdomekonta
mneas}: the MSS. have {ebdomekonta mneas} only, and this reading seems to
have existed as early as the second century of our era: nevertheless the
correction is required, not only by the facts of the case, but also by
comparison with ch. 95.]
74 (return)
[ {okto kaiebdomekonta
mneas}: the manuscripts only have {ebdomekonta mneas}, and this version seems to
have been around since at least the second century AD: however, the correction is needed, not only because of the specifics of the situation, but also when comparing it with ch. 95.]
76 (return)
[ or "Hygennians."]
76 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ or "Hygennians."]
7701 (return)
[ See ii. 149.]
7701 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ii. 149.]
78 (return)
[ {muriadas}: the MSS.
have {muriasi}. With {muriadas} we must supply {medimnon}. The {medimnos}
is really about a bushel and a half.]
78 (return)
[ {muriadas}: the manuscripts have {muriasi}. With {muriadas} we need to provide {medimnon}. The {medimnos} is actually around a bushel and a half.]
79 (return)
[ {Pausikai}: some MSS.
have {Pausoi}.]
79 (return)
[ {Pausikai}: some manuscripts have {Pausoi}.]
80 (return)
[ {tous anaspastous
kaleomenous}.]
80 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {all names
mentioned}.]
81 (return)
[ {Kaspioi}: some read by
conjecture {Kaspeiroi}, others {Kasioi}.]
81 (return)
[ {Kaspioi}: some interpret it as {Kaspeiroi}, while others read it as {Kasioi}.]
82 (return)
[ {ogdokonta kai
oktakosia kai einakiskhilia}: the MSS. have {tesserakonta kai pentakosia
kai einakiskhilia} (9540), which is irreconcilable with the total sum
given below, and also with the sum obtained by adding up the separate
items given in Babylonian talents, whether we reduce them by the
proportion 70:60 given by the MSS. in ch. 89, or by the true proportion
78:60. On the other hand the total sum given below is precisely the sum of
the separate items (after subtracting the 140 talents used for the defence
of Kilikia), reduced in the proportion 78:60; and this proves the
necessity of the emendation here ({thop} for {thphm}) as well as supplying
a strong confirmation of that adopted in ch. 89.]
82 (return)
[ {eighty-two and eight hundred and forty thousand}: the manuscripts have {forty and five hundred and eighty thousand} (9540), which doesn't match the total amount listed below, and also doesn't align with the total obtained by adding up the individual items given in Babylonian talents, whether we reduce them by the ratio 70:60 provided by the manuscripts in ch. 89, or by the correct ratio 78:60. On the other hand, the total amount given below is exactly the total of the individual items (after subtracting the 140 talents used for the defense of Cilicia), reduced in the ratio 78:60; and this demonstrates the need for the correction here ({thop} for {thphm}) as well as providing strong support for that used in ch. 89.]
83 (return)
[ The reckoning
throughout is in round numbers, nothing less than the tens being
mentioned.]
83 (return)
[ The accounting throughout is in whole numbers, with only the tens being noted.]
84 (return)
[ {oi peri te Nusen}:
perhaps this should be corrected to {oi te peri Nusen}, because the
{sunamphoteroi} which follows seem to refer to two separate peoples.]
84 (return)
[ {oi peri te Nusen}: perhaps this should be changed to {oi te peri Nusen}, because the {sunamphoteroi} that follow seem to refer to two different groups.]
85 (return)
[ The passage "these
Ethiopians—dwellings" is marked by Stein as doubtful on internal
grounds. The Callantian Indians mentioned seem to be the same as the
Callantians mentioned in ch. 38.]
85 (return)
[ The passage "these Ethiopians—dwellings" is marked by Stein as questionable for internal reasons. The Callantian Indians mentioned appear to be the same as the Callantians referenced in ch. 38.]
86 (return)
[ {khoinikas}.]
86 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {khoinikas}.]
87 (return)
[ {dia penteteridos}.]
87 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {dia penteteridos}.]
88 (return)
[ i.e. the Indus.]
88 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. the Indus River.]
89 (return)
[ Either {auton
tekomenon} is to be taken absolutely, equivalent to {autou tekomenou}, and
{ta krea} is the subject of {diaphtheiresthai}; or {auton} is the subject
and {ta krea} is accusative of definition, "wasting away in his flesh."
Some MSS. have {diaphtheirein}, "that he is spoiling his flesh for them."]
89 (return)
[ Either {auton
tekomenon} is to be interpreted literally, equivalent to {autou tekomenou}, and
{ta krea} is the subject of {diaphtheiresthai}; or {auton} is the subject
and {ta krea} is the accusative of definition, "wasting away in his flesh."
Some manuscripts have {diaphtheirein}, "that he is spoiling his flesh for them."]
90 (return)
[ {gar}: some would read
{de}, but the meaning seems to be, "this is done universally, for in the
case of weakness arising from old age, the same takes place."]
90 (return)
[ {gar}: some might interpret {de}, but it appears to mean, "this happens to everyone, since the same occurs when someone is weakened by old age."]
91 (return)
[ {pros arktou te kai
boreo anemou}.]
91 (return)
[ {from the north and the cold wind}.]
92 (return)
[ This clause indicates
the manner in which the size is so exactly known.]
92 (return)
[ This clause shows how precisely the size is known.]
93 (return)
[ {autoi}, i.e. in
themselves as well as in their habits. Some MSS. read {to} for {autoi},
which is adopted by several Editors; others adopt the conjecture
{autois}.]
93 (return)
[ {autoi}, meaning in themselves as well as in their habits. Some manuscripts read {to} instead of {autoi}, which several editors have chosen; others prefer the suggestion {autois}.]
95 (return)
[ {kai paraluesthai}:
{kai} is omitted in some MSS. and by some Editors.]
95 (return)
[ {and to be loosened}:
{and} is omitted in some manuscripts and by some editors.]
96 (return)
[ {ouk omou}: some
Editors omit {ouk}: the meaning seems to be that in case of necessity they
are thrown off one after another to delay the pursuing animals.]
96 (return)
[ {ouk omou}: some
Editors leave out {ouk}: the implication seems to be that if necessary, they
are cast off one by one to slow down the chasing animals.]
97 (return)
[ The meaning of the
passage is doubtful: possibly it should be translated (omitting {kai})
"the male camels, being inferior in speed to the females, flag in their
course and are dragged along, first one and then the other."]
97 (return)
[ The meaning of the passage is unclear: it might be translated (leaving out {kai}) as "the male camels, being slower than the females, stumble in their journey and are pulled along, first one then the other."]
9701 (return)
[ See ii. 75.]
9701 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ii. 75.]
98 (return)
[ {metri}: the MSS. have
{metre}, "womb," but for this Herod. seems to use the plural.]
98 (return)
[ {metri}: the MSS. have {metre}, "womb," but for this Herod. seems to use the plural.]
99 (return)
[ {metera}: most MSS.
have {metran}.]
99 (return)
[ {metera}: most manuscripts have {metran}.]
100 (return)
[ Most of the MSS. have
{auton} before {ta melea}, which by some Editors is omitted, and by others
altered to {autika}. If {auton} is to stand it must be taken with
{katapetomenas}, "flying down upon them," and so it is punctuated in the
Medicean MS.]
100 (return)
[ Most of the manuscripts have
{auton} before {ta melea}, which some editors omit, while others change it to {autika}. If {auton} remains, it should be linked with
{katapetomenas}, "flying down upon them," and this is how it is punctuated in the
Medicean manuscript.]
101 (return)
[ {elkea}. There is a
play upon the words {epelkein} and {elkea} which can hardly be reproduced
in translation.]
101 (return)
[ {elkea}. There’s a clever play on the words {epelkein} and {elkea} that’s tough to translate.]
102 (return)
[ {Kassiteridas}.]
102 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {Kassiteridas}.]
103 (return)
[ {o kassiteros}.]
103 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {the tinman}.]
104 (return)
[ cp. iv. 13.]
104 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ cp. iv. 13.]
105 (return)
[ {akinakea}.]
105 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {akinakea}.]
106 (return)
[ This is the second of
the satrapies mentioned in the list, see ch. 90, named from its chief
town. Oroites also possessed himself of the first satrapy, of which the
chief town was Magnesia (ch. 122), and then of the third (see ch. 127).]
106 (return)
[ This is the second of the regions mentioned in the list, see ch. 90, named after its main city. Oroites also took control of the first region, which had Magnesia as its main city (ch. 122), and then of the third (see ch. 127).]
107 (return)
[ The satrapy of
Daskyleion is the third in the list, see ch. 90.]
107 (return)
[ The province of Daskyleion is the third on the list, see ch. 90.]
110 (return)
[ {apestrammenon}: most
of the MSS. have {epestrammenon}, "turned towards (the wall)."]
110 (return)
[ {apestrammenon}: most of the manuscripts have {epestrammenon}, "turned toward (the wall)."]
11001 (return)
[ "whenever he
(i.e. Zeus) rained."]
11001 (return)
[ "whenever he
(i.e. Zeus) poured down rain."]
111 (return)
[ This clause, "as
Amasis the king of Egypt had foretold to him," is omitted in some MSS. and
by some Editors.]
111 (return)
[ This section, "as Amasis, the king of Egypt, had predicted to him," is left out in some manuscripts and by some editors.]
112 (return)
[ {oideonton eti ton
pregmaton}: cp. ch. 76.]
112 (return)
[ {oideonton eti ton
pregmaton}: cp. ch. 76.]
114 (return)
[ {apikomenon kai
anakomisthenton}: the first perhaps referring to the slaves and the other
to the rest of the property.]
114 (return)
[ {apikomenon and anakomisthenton}: the first possibly referring to the slaves and the other to the rest of the property.]
116 (return)
[ {es tou khrosou ten
theken}: {es} is not in the MSS., which have generally {tou khrusou sun
theke}: one only has {tou khrusou ten theken}.]
116 (return)
[ {of the gold repository}: {of} is not in the manuscripts, which generally have {of the gold store}: only one has {of the gold repository}.]
117 (return)
[ {stateras}: i.e. the
{stater Dareikos} "Daric," worth about £1; cp. note on vii. 28.]
117 (return)
[ {stateras}: i.e. the
{stater Dareikos} "Daric," worth about £1; cp. note on vii. 28.]
118 (return)
[ {ekaton mneon}, "a
hundred minae," of which sixty go to the talent.]
118 (return)
[ {ekaton mneon}, "one hundred minae," of which sixty are allocated to the talent.]
119 (return)
[ This passage, from
"for this event happened" to the end of the chapter, is suspected as an
interpolation by some Editors, on internal grounds.]
119 (return)
[ This passage, from
"for this event happened" to the end of the chapter, is thought to be an
addition by some editors, based on internal evidence.]
120 (return)
[ Tarentum. Italy means
for Herodotus the southern part of the peninsula only.]
120 (return)
[ Tarentum. For Herodotus, Italy refers only to the southern part of the peninsula.]
121 (return)
[ {restones}: so one
inferior MS., probably by conjectural emendation: the rest have
{krestones}. The Ionic form however of {rastone} would be {reistone}. Some
would read {khrestones}, a word which is not found, but might mean the
same as {kresmosunes} (ix. 33), "in consequence of the request of
Demokedes."]
121 (return)
[ {restones}: so one
inferior manuscript, likely edited through guesswork: the others have
{krestones}. However, the Ionic version of {rastone} would be {reistone}. Some
would read {khrestones}, a word that doesn't exist but could mean the
same as {kresmosunes} (ix. 33), "due to the request of
Demokedes."]
122 (return)
[ {kat' emporien
strateuomenoi}: some MSS. read {kat' emporien, oi de strateuomenoi}, "some
for trade, others serving in the army."]
122 (return)
[ {for trade
and serving in the army}: some manuscripts read {for trade, others serving in the army}.]
123 (return)
[ {prothura}.]
123 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {prothura}.]
126 (return)
[ {all' oud' axios eis
su ge}. Maiandrios can claim no credit or reward for giving up that of
which by his own unworthiness he would in any case have been deprived.]
126 (return)
[ {all' oud' axios eis
su ge}. Maiandrios can't take any credit or reward for giving up what he would have lost anyway due to his own unworthiness.]
127 (return)
[ {ou de ti}: some read
{oud' eti} or {ou de eti}, "no longer kept the purpose."]
127 (return)
[ {ou de ti}: some read {oud' eti} or {ou de eti}, "no longer kept the purpose."]
128 (return)
[ {en gorgure}: the
word also means a "sewer" or "conduit."]
128 (return)
[ {in gorgure}: the word also means a "drain" or "pipe."]
129 (return)
[ {prosempikraneesthai
emellon toisi Samioisi}.]
129 (return)
[ {the Samians were about to prosper}.]
130 (return)
[ {tous
diphrophoreumenous}: a doubtful word: it seems to be a sort of title
belonging to Persians of a certain rank, perhaps those who were
accompanied by men to carry seats for them, the same as the {thronoi}
mentioned in ch. 144; or, "those who were borne in litters."]
130 (return)
[ {tous
diphrophoreumenous}: an uncertain word: it appears to be a title
used for Persians of a specific rank, possibly referring to those who were
attended by men to carry seats for them, similar to the {thronoi}
mentioned in ch. 144; or, "those who were carried in litters."]
131 (return)
[ {sageneusantes}: see
vi. 31. The word is thought by Stein to have been interpolated here.]
131 (return)
[ {sageneusantes}: see vi. 31. Stein believes this word was added here later.]
132 (return)
[ Or, "are very highly
accounted and tend to advancement."]
132 (return)
[ Or, "are highly regarded and tend to lead to promotion."]
133 (return)
[ "opposite to."]
133 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ "across from."]
134 (return)
[ The words "and to the
Persians" are omitted in some MSS.]
134 (return)
[ The words "and to the Persians" are left out in some manuscripts.]
BOOK IV. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED MELPOMENE
1. After Babylon had been taken, the march of Dareios himself 1 against the Scythians took place: for now that Asia was flourishing in respect of population, and large sums were being gathered in as revenue, Dareios formed the desire to take vengeance upon the Scythians, because they had first invaded the Median land and had overcome in fight those who opposed them; and thus they had been the beginners of wrong. The Scythians in truth, as I have before said, 2 had ruled over Upper Asia 3 for eight-and-twenty years; for they had invaded Asia in their pursuit of the Kimmerians, and they had deposed 4 the Medes from their rule, who had rule over Asia before the Scythians came. Now when the Scythians had been absent from their own land for eight-and-twenty years, as they were returning to it after that interval of time, they were met by a contest 5 not less severe than that which they had had with the Medes, since they found an army of no mean size opposing them. For the wives of the Scythians, because their husbands were absent from them for a long time, had associated with the slaves.
1. After Babylon fell, Dareios himself led an expedition 1 against the Scythians: now that Asia was thriving in terms of population and significant amounts of revenue were being collected, Dareios wanted to take revenge on the Scythians because they had invaded the Median territory first and defeated those who tried to resist them; thus, they were the ones who started the trouble. The Scythians, as I mentioned earlier, 2 had dominated Upper Asia 3 for twenty-eight years; they had invaded Asia while chasing the Kimmerians and had overthrown 4 the Medes, who had been in charge of Asia before the Scythians arrived. When the Scythians returned to their homeland after twenty-eight years away, they faced a battle 5 that was just as tough as the one they had with the Medes, as they encountered a sizable army opposing them. While their husbands were gone for such a long time, the Scythian wives had taken up with the slaves.
2. Now the Scythians put out the eyes of all their slaves because of the milk which they drink; and they do as follows:—they take blow-pipes of bone just like flutes, and these they insert into the vagina of the mare and blow with their mouths, and others milk while they blow: and they say that they do this because the veins of the mare are thus filled, being blown out, and so the udder is let down. When they had drawn the milk they pour it into wooden vessels hollowed out, and they set the blind slaves in order about 6 the vessels and agitate the milk. Then that which comes to the top they skim off, considering it the more valuable part, whereas they esteem that which settles down to be less good than the other. For this reason 7 the Scythians put out the eyes of all whom they catch; for they are not tillers of the soil but nomads.
2. The Scythians blind all their slaves because of the milk they drink. Here’s how they do it: they use bone blowpipes, which look like flutes, and insert them into the mare's vagina, blowing into them while others milk her. They claim that this process fills the veins of the mare, allowing the udder to let down milk. Once they’ve collected the milk, they pour it into hollowed-out wooden vessels and arrange the blind slaves around the vessels to agitate the milk. They skim off what rises to the top, believing it to be the most valuable part, while they consider the milk that settles below to be of lesser quality. Because of this, the Scythians blind all the slaves they catch; they are not farmers but nomads.
3. From these their slaves then, I say, and from their wives had been born and bred up a generation of young men, who having learnt the manner of their birth set themselves to oppose the Scythians as they were returning from the Medes. And first they cut off their land by digging a broad trench extending from the Tauric mountains to the Maiotian lake, at the point where 8 this is broadest; then afterwards when the Scythians attempted to invade the land, they took up a position against them and fought; and as they fought many times, and the Scythians were not able to get any advantage in the fighting, one of them said: "What a thing is this that we are doing, Scythians! We are fighting against our own slaves, and we are not only becoming fewer in number ourselves by being slain in battle, but also we are killing them, and so we shall have fewer to rule over in future. Now therefore to me it seems good that we leave spears and bows and that each one take his horse-whip and so go up close to them: for so long as they saw us with arms in our hands, they thought themselves equal to us and of equal birth; but when they shall see that we have whips instead of arms, they will perceive that they are our slaves, and having acknowledged this they will not await our onset."
3. From these slaves and their wives, a generation of young men was born and raised, who, after learning about their origins, decided to stand up against the Scythians when they returned from the Medes. First, they cut off the land by digging a wide trench extending from the Tauric mountains to the Maiotian lake, at the point where 8 is widest; then when the Scythians tried to invade, they positioned themselves against them and fought. They battled many times, and since the Scythians couldn't gain any advantage, one of the young men said: "What is this we're doing, Scythians? We're fighting our own slaves, and not only are we losing numbers by dying in battle, but we're also killing them, which means fewer people to rule over in the future. So, it seems to me that we should put down our spears and bows, and each take a horse-whip to confront them: as long as they see us armed, they think they are our equals; but when they see we have whips instead of weapons, they'll realize they are our slaves and, accepting that, they won’t wait for us to attack."
4. When they heard this, the Scythians proceeded to do that which he said, and the others being panic-stricken by that which was done forgot their fighting and fled. Thus the Scythians had ruled over Asia; and in such manner, when they were driven out again by the Medes, they had returned to their own land. For this Dareios wished to take vengeance upon them, and was gathering together an army to go against them.
4. When they heard this, the Scythians did what he said, and the others, scared by what was happening, forgot about fighting and ran away. This is how the Scythians had controlled Asia; and when the Medes drove them out again, they returned to their own land. Dareios wanted to get revenge on them and was gathering an army to go after them.
5. Now the Scythians say that their nation is the youngest of all nations, and that this came to pass as follows:—The first man who ever existed in this region, which then was desert, was one named Targitaos: and of this Targitaos they say, though I do not believe it for my part, however they say the parents were Zeus and the daughter of the river Borysthenes. Targitaos, they report, was produced from some such origin as this, and of him were begotten three sons, Lipoxaïs and Arpoxaïs and the youngest Colaxaïs. In the reign of these 9 there came down from heaven certain things wrought of gold, a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, 10 and a cup, and fell in the Scythian land: and first the eldest saw and came near them, desiring to take them, but the gold blazed with fire when he approached it: then when he had gone away from it, the second approached, and again it did the same thing. These then the gold repelled by blazing with fire; but when the third and youngest came up to it, the flame was quenched, and he carried them to his own house. The elder brothers then, acknowledging the significance of this thing, delivered the whole of the kingly power to the youngest.
5. The Scythians claim that their nation is the youngest of all nations, and they explain how this happened: the first man who ever lived in this region, which was once a desert, was a guy named Targitaos. They say, though I personally don’t believe it, that his parents were Zeus and the daughter of the river Borysthenes. According to them, Targitaos had a background like this, and he had three sons: Lipoxaïs, Arpoxaïs, and the youngest, Colaxaïs. During the reign of these 9, golden objects fell from the sky into Scythian land: a plow, a yoke, a battle-axe, 10, and a cup. The eldest son saw them first and went to take them, but the gold flared up with fire when he got close. When he stepped back, the second brother approached, and the same thing happened. The gold repelled them both with its fiery blaze. However, when the youngest came forward, the flame went out, and he was able to take them home. The older brothers, realizing the significance of this, gave all the royal power to the youngest.
6. From Lixopaïs, they say, are descended those Scythians who are called the race of the Auchatai; from the middle brother Arpoxaïs those who are called Catiaroi and Traspians, and from the youngest of them the "Royal" tribe, 11 who are called Paralatai: and the whole together are called, they say, Scolotoi, after the name of their king; 12 but the Hellenes gave them the name of Scythians.
6. They say that the Scythians known as the Auchatai come from Lixopaïs; those called Catiaroi and Traspians are descended from the middle brother Arpoxaïs, and the youngest brother's descendants form the "Royal" tribe, 11 known as the Paralatai. All together, they are referred to as the Scolotoi, named after their king; 12 but the Greeks called them Scythians.
7. Thus the Scythians say they were produced; and from the time of their origin, that is to say from the first king Targitaos, to the passing over of Dareios against them, they say that there is a period of a thousand years and no more. Now this sacred gold is guarded by the kings with the utmost care, and they visit it every year with solemn sacrifices of propitiation: moreover if any one goes to sleep while watching in the open air over this gold during the festival, the Scythians say that he does not live out the year; and there is given him for this so much land as he shall ride round himself on his horse in one day. Now as the land was large, Colaxaïs, they say, established three kingdoms for his sons; and of these he made one larger than the rest, and in this the gold is kept. But as to the upper parts which lie on the North side of those who dwell above this land, they say one can neither see nor pass through any further by reason of feathers which are poured down; for both the earth and the air are full of feathers, and this is that which shuts off the view.
7. So the Scythians claim they came into being; they say that from their origin, starting with their first king Targitaos, to the time when Dareios invaded them, a thousand years have passed and no more. The kings carefully guard this sacred gold and visit it every year to perform solemn sacrifices for protection. Moreover, if anyone falls asleep while watching over this gold during the festival, the Scythians believe that person will not live out the year; they will be given as much land as they can ride around on horseback in a day. With the land being vast, Colaxaïs is said to have established three kingdoms for his sons, making one of them larger than the others, where the gold is kept. As for the northern areas beyond this land, they say it is impossible to see or pass through any further because of the feathers that fall down; both the earth and the air are filled with feathers, which block the view.
8. Thus say the Scythians about themselves and about the region above them; but the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus say as follows:—Heracles driving the cattle of Geryones came to this land, then desert, which the Scythians now inhabit; and Geryones, says the tale, dwelt away from the region of the Pontus, living in the island called by the Hellenes Erytheia, near Gadeira which is outside the Pillars of Heracles by the Ocean.—As to the Ocean, they say indeed that it flows round the whole earth beginning from the place of the sunrising, but they do not prove this by facts.—From thence Heracles came to the land now called Scythia; and as a storm came upon him together with icy cold, he drew over him his lion's skin and went to sleep. Meanwhile the mares harnessed in his chariot disappeared by a miraculous chance, as they were feeding.
8. This is what the Scythians say about themselves and the area above them; however, the Greeks living around the Pontus tell a different story: Heracles, while driving the cattle of Geryones, arrived in this land, which was then deserted and is now inhabited by the Scythians. According to the legend, Geryones lived far from the Pontus in an island called Erytheia, located near Gadeira, beyond the Pillars of Heracles by the Ocean. Regarding the Ocean, they claim it flows around the entire earth, starting from the place where the sun rises, but they don't back this up with any evidence. From there, Heracles made his way to the land now known as Scythia; and when a storm hit him along with freezing cold, he pulled his lion's skin over himself and fell asleep. Meanwhile, the mares hitched to his chariot mysteriously vanished while they were grazing.
9. Then when Heracles woke he sought for them; and having gone over the whole land, at last he came to the region which is called Hylaia; and there he found in a cave a kind of twofold creature formed by the union of a maiden and a serpent, whose upper parts from the buttocks upwards were those of a woman, but her lower parts were those of a snake. Having seen her and marvelled at her, he asked her then whether she had seen any mares straying anywhere; and she said that she had them herself and would not give them up until he lay with her; and Heracles lay with her on condition of receiving them. She then tried to put off the giving back of the mares, desiring to have Heracles with her as long as possible, while he on the other hand desired to get the mares and depart; and at last she gave them back and said: "These mares when they came hither I saved for thee, and thou didst give me reward for saving them; for I have by thee three sons. Tell me then, what must I do with these when they shall be grown to manhood, whether I shall settle them here, for over this land I have power alone, or send them away to thee?" She thus asked of him, and he, they say, replied: "When thou seest that the boys are grown to men, do this and thou shalt not fail of doing right:—whichsoever of them thou seest able to stretch this bow as I do now, and to be girded 1201 with this girdle, him cause to be the settler of this land; but whosoever of them fails in the deeds which I enjoin, send him forth out of the land: and if thou shalt do thus, thou wilt both have delight thyself and perform that which has been enjoined to thee."
9. When Heracles woke up, he looked for them; after searching the entire land, he finally arrived in an area called Hylaia. There, he found in a cave a strange creature that was part woman and part serpent: her upper body was that of a woman, while her lower body was that of a snake. Amazed by her, he asked if she had seen any wandering mares. She replied that she had them herself and wouldn't give them up unless he spent the night with her. Heracles agreed, but only if she returned the mares afterward. She then tried to delay giving back the mares, wanting to keep Heracles around as long as possible, while he wanted to take the mares and leave. Eventually, she returned them and said, "I saved these mares for you when they came here, and you rewarded me for saving them; for I have three sons from you. Tell me, what should I do with them when they grow up? Should I settle them here, as I alone have power over this land, or send them to you?" After she asked this, he supposedly replied, "When you see that the boys have grown into men, do this and you won't go wrong: whichever of them can pull this bow like I can now and wear this belt, make him the ruler of this land; but if any of them can't do as I instruct, send him away from the land. If you do this, you’ll find joy for yourself and fulfill what has been asked of you."
10. Upon this he drew one of his bows (for up to that time Heracles, they say, was wont to carry two) and showed her the girdle, and then he delivered to her both the bow and the girdle, which had at the end of its clasp a golden cup; and having given them he departed. She then, when her sons had been born and had grown to be men, gave them names first, calling one of them Agathyrsos and the next Gelonos and the youngest Skythes; then bearing in mind the charge given to her, she did that which was enjoined. And two of her sons, Agathyrsos and Gelonos, not having proved themselves able to attain to the task set before them, departed from the land, being cast out by her who bore them; but Skythes the youngest of them performed the task and remained in the land: and from Skythes the son of Heracles were descended, they say, the succeeding kings of the Scythians (Skythians): and they say moreover that it is by reason of the cup that the Scythians still even to this day wear cups attached to their girdles: and this alone his mother contrived for Skythes. 13 Such is the story told by the Hellenes who dwell about the Pontus.
10. After this, he took out one of his bows (reportedly, Heracles usually carried two) and showed her the girdle. Then he handed her both the bow and the girdle, which had a golden cup attached to its clasp, and after giving them to her, he left. Later, when her sons were born and grew up, she named them first, calling one Agathyrsos, the next Gelonos, and the youngest Skythes. Keeping in mind the task given to her, she did as she was instructed. Two of her sons, Agathyrsos and Gelonos, proved unable to meet the challenge and were banished by their mother; however, Skythes, the youngest, succeeded in the task and stayed in the land. From Skythes, the son of Heracles, it is said that the later kings of the Scythians (Skythians) descended. Additionally, they say that because of the cup, the Scythians even today wear cups attached to their belts: and this was the only thing his mother created for Skythes. 13 This is the story told by the Hellenes who live around the Pontus.
11. There is however also another story, which is as follows, and to this I am most inclined myself. It is to the effect that the nomad Scythians dwelling in Asia, being hard pressed in war by the Massagetai, left their abode and crossing the river Araxes came towards the Kimmerian land (for the land which now is occupied by the Scythians is said to have been in former times the land of the Kimmerians); and the Kimmerians, when the Scythians were coming against them, took counsel together, seeing that a great host was coming to fight against them; and it proved that their opinions were divided, both opinions being vehemently maintained, but the better being that of their kings: for the opinion of the people was that it was necessary to depart and that they ought not to run the risk of fighting against so many, 14 but that of the kings was to fight for their land with those who came against them: and as neither the people were willing by means to agree to the counsel of the kings nor the kings to that of the people, the people planned to depart without fighting and to deliver up the land to the invaders, while the kings resolved to die and to be laid in their own land, and not to flee with the mass of the people, considering the many goods of fortune which they had enjoyed, and the many evils which it might be supposed would come upon them, if they fled from their native land. Having resolved upon this, they parted into two bodies, and making their numbers equal they fought with one another: and when these had all been killed by one another's hands, then the people of the Kimmerians buried them by the bank of the river Tyras (where their burial-place is still to be seen), and having buried them, then they made their way out from the land, and the Scythians when they came upon it found the land deserted of its inhabitants.
11. There’s another story, which I personally find more convincing. It goes like this: the nomadic Scythians living in Asia were under attack from the Massagetai, so they abandoned their home and crossed the Araxes River to approach the Kimmerian territory (the land currently occupied by the Scythians was once the territory of the Kimmerians). The Kimmerians, seeing a large force coming to fight them, gathered to discuss their options. Their opinions were divided, with enthusiastic arguments on both sides, but ultimately the kings' opinion was the stronger. The people believed they should retreat and not face such a large army, 14 while the kings insisted they should defend their land against the invaders. Since neither side could agree, the people planned to leave without a fight and surrender the land, while the kings chose to stay and die defending their homeland, unwilling to abandon the fortunes they had enjoyed or face the potential misfortunes that might come if they fled. After making this decision, they split into two groups and fought against each other. Once they had all killed each other, the Kimmerians buried them by the banks of the Tyras River (where their burial site can still be seen today) and then left the land. When the Scythians arrived, they found the territory empty of its inhabitants.
12. And there are at the present time in the land of Scythia Kimmerian walls, and a Kimmerian ferry; and there is also a region which is called Kimmeria, and the so-called Kimmerian Bosphorus. It is known moreover that the Kimmerians, in their flight to Asia from the Scythians, also made a settlement on that peninsula on which now stands the Hellenic city of Sinope; and it is known too that the Scythians pursued them and invaded the land of Media, having missed their way; for while the Kimmerians kept ever along by the sea in their flight, the Scythians pursued them keeping Caucasus on their right hand, until at last they invaded Media, directing their course inland. This then which has been told is another story, and it is common both to Hellenes and Barbarians.
12. Right now in the land of Scythia, there are Kimmerian walls and a Kimmerian ferry. There's also a region called Kimmeria and what's known as the Kimmerian Bosphorus. It's also known that the Kimmerians, while fleeing to Asia from the Scythians, settled on the peninsula where the Greek city of Sinope now stands. Additionally, the Scythians chased them and invaded Media after losing their way; the Kimmerians stuck close to the sea as they fled, while the Scythians kept Caucasus on their right side until they eventually invaded Media, moving inland. What’s been shared here is another story that both Greeks and non-Greeks know.
13. Aristeas however the son of Caÿstrobios, a man of Proconnesos, said in the verses which he composed, that he came to the land of the Issedonians being possessed by Phoebus, and that beyond the Issedonians dwelt Arimaspians, a one-eyed race, and beyond these the gold-guarding griffins, and beyond them the Hyperboreans extending as far as the sea: and all these except the Hyperboreans, beginning with the Arimaspians, were continually making war on their neighbours, and the Issedonians were gradually driven out of their country by the Arimaspians and the Scythians by the Issedonians, and so the Kimmerians, who dwelt on the Southern Sea, being pressed by the Scythians left their land. Thus neither does he agree in regard to this land with the report of the Scythians.
13. Aristeas, the son of Caÿstrobios from Proconnesos, wrote in his verses that he traveled to the land of the Issedonians while inspired by Phoebus. He mentioned that beyond the Issedonians lived the Arimaspians, a one-eyed people, and beyond them were the gold-guarding griffins, and beyond those, the Hyperboreans stretching as far as the sea. All of these, except for the Hyperboreans, starting with the Arimaspians, were constantly at war with their neighbors. The Issedonians were gradually pushed out of their land by the Arimaspians and the Scythians, and as a result, the Cimmerians, who lived by the Southern Sea, were forced to leave their territory because of the Scythians. Thus, his account of this land does not align with the Scythians' report.
14. As to Aristeas who composed 15 this, I have said already whence he was; and I will tell also the tale which I heard about him in Proconnesos and Kyzicos. They say that Aristeas, who was in birth inferior to none of the citizens, entered into a fuller's shop in Proconnesos and there died; and the fuller closed his workshop and went away to report the matter to those who were related to the dead man. And when the news had been spread abroad about the city that Aristeas was dead, a man of Kyzicos who had come from the town of Artake entered into controversy with those who said so, and declared that he had met him going towards Kyzicos and had spoken with him: and while he was vehement in dispute, those who were related to the dead man came to the fuller's shop with the things proper in order to take up the corpse for burial; and when the house was opened, Aristeas was not found there either dead or alive. In the seventh year after this he appeared at Proconnesos and composed those verses which are now called by the Hellenes the Arimaspeia, and having composed them he disappeared the second time.
14. Regarding Aristeas, who wrote 15, I've already mentioned where he was from; now I’ll share a story I heard about him in Proconnesos and Kyzicos. They say that Aristeas, although of noble birth among the citizens, entered a fuller's shop in Proconnesos and died there. The fuller shut his shop and left to inform Aristeas's relatives about his death. Once the news spread around the city that Aristeas was dead, a man from Kyzicos, who had come from the town of Artake, argued with those claiming he was dead, insisting he had seen Aristeas walking towards Kyzicos and had talked to him. While he was passionately disputing, Aristeas's relatives arrived at the fuller's shop with appropriate items to take the body for burial; when they opened the place, Aristeas was nowhere to be found, neither dead nor alive. Seven years later, he showed up again in Proconnesos and wrote the verses now known as the Arimaspeia, and after composing them, he disappeared a second time.
15. So much is told by these cities; and what follows I know happened to the people of Metapontion in Italy 16 two hundred 17 and forty years after the second disappearance of Aristeas, as I found by putting together the evidence at Proconnesos and Metapontion. The people of Metapontion say that Aristeas himself appeared in their land and bade them set up an altar of Apollo and place by its side a statue bearing the name of Aristeas of Proconnesos; for he told them that to their land alone of all the Italiotes 18 Apollo had come, and he, who now was Aristeas, was accompanying him, being then a raven when he accompanied the god. Having said this he disappeared; and the Metapontines say that they sent to Delphi and asked the god what the apparition of the man meant: and the Pythian prophetess bade them obey the command of the apparition, and told them that if they obeyed, it would be the better for them. They therefore accepted this answer and performed the commands; and there stands a statue now bearing the name of Aristeas close by the side of the altar dedicated to Apollo, 19 and round it stand laurel trees; and the altar is set up in the market-place. Let this suffice which has been said about Aristeas.
15. These cities have a lot to share, and what I’m about to describe really happened to the people of Metapontion in Italy 16 two hundred 17 and forty years after Aristeas disappeared for the second time, as I found out by piecing together evidence from Proconnesos and Metapontion. The people of Metapontion say that Aristeas himself appeared in their land and told them to set up an altar for Apollo and place a statue with the name of Aristeas of Proconnesos next to it. He informed them that out of all the Italiotes 18, Apollo had come only to their land, and he, as Aristeas, was with him, having been a raven when he accompanied the god. After saying this, he vanished; and the Metapontines claimed they sent a message to Delphi to ask the god what the appearance of the man meant. The Pythian oracle instructed them to follow the apparition’s command and told them that doing so would be in their best interest. They accepted this response and carried out the commands, and now there stands a statue with the name of Aristeas next to the altar dedicated to Apollo, 19, surrounded by laurel trees, with the altar located in the marketplace. This is enough to say about Aristeas.
16. Now of the land about which this account has been begun, no one knows precisely what lies beyond it: 20 for I am not able to hear of any one who alleges that he knows as an eye-witness; and even Aristeas, the man of whom I was making mention just now, even he, I say, did not allege, although he was composing verse, 21 that he went further than the Issedonians; but that which is beyond them he spoke of by hearsay, and reported that it was the Issedonians who said these things. So far however as we were able to arrive at certainty by hearsay, carrying inquiries as far as possible, all this shall be told.
16. As for the land we've started discussing, no one really knows what’s beyond it: 20 because I haven’t heard of anyone claiming to be an eyewitness. Even Aristeas, the person I mentioned earlier, didn’t claim, even while writing poetry, 21 that he went further than the Issedonians; he only spoke of what lies beyond them based on what he heard, saying that it was the Issedonians who shared that information. However, to the best of our ability to get reliable information through inquiries, we will share all that we found out.
17. Beginning with the trading station of the Borysthenites,—for of the parts along the sea this is the central point of all Scythia,—beginning with this, the first regions are occupied by the Callipidai, who are Hellenic Scythians; and above these is another race, who are called Alazonians. 22 These last and the Callipidai in all other respects have the same customs as the Scythians, but they both sow corn and use it as food, and also onions, leeks, lentils and millet. Above the Alazonians dwell Scythians who till the ground, and these sow their corn not for food but to sell.
17. Starting with the trading station of the Borysthenites—since this is the central point of all Scythia along the sea—the first regions are inhabited by the Callipidai, who are Greek Scythians. Above them lives another group called the Alazonians. 22 Both the Alazonians and the Callipidai have similar customs to the Scythians, but they also grow crops like corn, onions, leeks, lentils, and millet for food. Above the Alazonians live Scythians who farm the land, and they grow their corn not for personal consumption but to sell.
18.Beyond them dwell the Neuroi; and beyond the Neuroi towards the North Wind is a region without inhabitants, as far as we know. These races are along the river Hypanis to the West of the Borysthenes; but after crossing the Borysthenes, first from the sea-coast is Hylaia, and beyond this as one goes up the river dwell agricultural Scythians, whom the Hellenes who live upon the river Hypanis call Borysthenites, calling themselves at the same time citizens of Olbia. 23 These agricultural Scythians occupy the region which extends Eastwards for a distance of three days' journey, 24 reaching to a river which is called Panticapes, and Northwards for a distance of eleven days' sail up the Borysthenes. Then immediately beyond these begins the desert 25 and extends for a great distance; and on the other side of the desert dwell the Androphagoi, 26 a race apart by themselves and having no connection with the Scythians. Beyond them begins a region which is really desert and has no race of men in it, as far as we know.
18.Beyond them live the Neuroi; and beyond the Neuroi toward the North Wind is a region with no known inhabitants. These groups are along the river Hypanis to the west of the Borysthenes; but after crossing the Borysthenes, the first area from the coast is Hylaia, and beyond this, further up the river, live the agricultural Scythians, whom the Hellenes along the river Hypanis call Borysthenites, while they refer to themselves as citizens of Olbia. 23 These agricultural Scythians occupy the area that stretches eastward for about three days' journey, 24 reaching a river called Panticapes, and northward for eleven days' sail up the Borysthenes. Then right beyond them begins the desert 25 and continues for a great distance; and on the other side of the desert live the Androphagoi, 26 a distinct group with no connection to the Scythians. Beyond them lies a region that is truly desert and has no known human inhabitants.
19. The region which lies to the East of these agricultural Scythians, after one has crossed the river Panticapes, is occupied by nomad Scythians, who neither sow anything nor plough the earth; and this whole region is bare of trees except Hylaia. These nomads occupy a country which extends to the river Gerros, a distance of fourteen 27 days' journey Eastwards.
19. The area to the east of these farming Scythians, after crossing the Panticapes River, is home to nomadic Scythians who don’t plant or farm the land. This entire region is mostly treeless except for Hylaia. These nomads inhabit a territory that stretches to the Gerros River, which is a journey of fourteen 27 days eastward.
20. Then on the other side of the Gerros we have those parts which are called the "Royal" lands and those Scythians who are the bravest and most numerous and who esteem the other Scythians their slaves. These reach Southwards to the Tauric land, and Eastwards to the trench which those who were begotten of the blind slaves dug, and to the trading station which is called Cremnoi 28 upon the Maiotian lake; and some parts of their country reach to the river Tanaïs. Beyond the Royal Scythians towards the North Wind dwell the Melanchlainoi, 29 of a different race and not Scythian. The region beyond the Melanchlainoi is marshy and not inhabited by any, so far as we know.
20. On the other side of the Gerros, we find the areas known as the "Royal" lands, where the bravest and most numerous Scythians live, considering the other Scythians as their subordinates. These lands extend south to the Tauric region and east to the trench dug by the offspring of the blind slaves, as well as to the trading post called Cremnoi 28 by the Maiotian lake; some parts of their territory even reach the river Tanaïs. Beyond the Royal Scythians, to the North Wind, live the Melanchlainoi 29, who belong to a different race and are not Scythian. The area beyond the Melanchlainoi is marshy and, as far as we know, uninhabited.
21. After one has crossed the river Tanaïs the country is no longer Scythia, but the first of the divisions belongs to the Sauromatai, who beginning at the corner of the Maiotian lake occupy land extending towards the North Wind fifteen days' journey, and wholly bare of trees both cultivated and wild. Above these, holding the next division of land, dwell the Budinoi, who occupy a land wholly overgrown with forest consisting of all kinds of trees.
21. After crossing the river Tanaïs, the area is no longer Scythia. The first territory belongs to the Sauromatai, who occupy land starting from the corner of Maiotian lake and extending towards the North Wind for a journey of fifteen days, completely devoid of both cultivated and wild trees. Above them, in the next territory, live the Budinoi, who occupy land that is completely covered in forests filled with all kinds of trees.
22. Then beyond the Budinoi towards the North, first there is desert for seven days' journey; and after the desert turning aside somewhat more towards the East Wind we come to land occupied by the Thyssagetai, a numerous people and of separate race from the others. These live by hunting; and bordering upon them there are settled also in these same regions men who are called Irycai, who also live by hunting, which they practise in the following manner:—the hunter climbs up a tree and lies in wait there for his game (now trees are abundant in all this country), and each has a horse at hand, which has been taught to lie down upon its belly in order that it may make itself low, and also a dog: and when he sees the wild animal from the tree, he first shoots his arrow and then mounts upon his horse and pursues it, and the dog seizes hold of it. Above these in a direction towards the East dwell other Scythians, who have revolted from the Royal Scythians and so have come to this region.
22. Then beyond the Budinoi to the North, there's a desert that stretches for seven days' journey. After the desert, veering a bit more towards the East Wind, we arrive at land inhabited by the Thyssagetai, a large group distinct from others. They rely on hunting for their livelihood; neighboring them in the same areas are the Irycai, who also live by hunting. Their method is as follows: the hunter climbs a tree and waits there for his prey (there are plenty of trees in this region), and each has a horse that has been trained to lie down on its belly to stay low, along with a dog. When the hunter spots a wild animal from the tree, he first shoots his arrow and then gets on his horse to chase it, while the dog helps catch it. Further east live other Scythians who have broken away from the Royal Scythians and settled in this area.
23. As far as the country of these Scythians the whole land which has been described is level plain and has a deep soil; but after this point it is stony and rugged. Then when one has passed through a great extent of this rugged country, there dwell in the skirts of lofty mountains men who are said to be all bald-headed from their birth, male and female equally, and who have flat noses and large chins and speak a language of their own, using the Scythian manner of dress, and living on the produce of trees. The tree on the fruit of which they live is called the Pontic tree, and it is about the size of a fig-tree: this bears a fruit the size of a bean, containing a stone. When the fruit has ripened, they strain it through cloths and there flows from it a thick black juice, and this juice which flows from it is called as-chy. This they either lick up or drink mixed with milk, and from its lees, that is the solid part, they make cakes and use them for food; for they have not many cattle, since the pastures there are by no means good. Each man has his dwelling under a tree, in winter covering the tree all round with close white felt-cloth, and in summer without it. These are injured by no men, for they are said to be sacred, and they possess no weapon of war. These are they also who decide the disputes rising among their neighbours; and besides this, whatever fugitive takes refuge with them is injured by no one: and they are called Argippaians. 30
23. The land of the Scythians is mostly flat and has rich soil; however, beyond that, it becomes rocky and rugged. After traveling through a large area of this rough terrain, you'll find people living in the foothills of tall mountains. These people are said to be bald from birth, both men and women, and they have flat noses and prominent chins. They speak their own language, dress in a Scythian style, and survive on the fruits of trees. The tree they rely on is called the Pontic tree, which is about the size of a fig tree. It produces fruit the size of a bean with a stone inside. When the fruit is ripe, they strain it through cloths, producing a thick black juice known as as-chy. They either lick it up or drink it mixed with milk. From the solid residue, they make cakes for food since they don’t have many cattle due to poor pastures. Each person lives under a tree, covering it with thick white felt in winter and leaving it uncovered in summer. No one harms these trees because they are considered sacred, and the people don’t have weapons. They also resolve disputes among their neighbors, and anyone seeking refuge with them is safe from harm. These people are called the Argippaians. 30
24. Now as far as these bald-headed men there is abundantly clear information about the land and about the nations on this side of them; for not only do certain of the Scythians go to them, from whom it is not difficult to get information, but also some of the Hellenes who are at the trading-station of the Borysthenes and the other trading-places of the Pontic coast: and those of the Scythians who go to them transact their business through seven interpreters and in seven different languages.
24. Now, regarding these bald-headed men, there's plenty of clear information about the land and the nations next to them; not only do some of the Scythians visit them, making it easy to gather information, but also some of the Greeks who are at the trading post of the Borysthenes and other trade locations along the Pontic coast. The Scythians who visit them conduct their business through seven interpreters and in seven different languages.
25. So far as these, I say, the land is known; but concerning the region to the North of the bald-headed men no one can speak with certainty, for lofty and impassable mountains divide it off, and no one passes over them. However these bald-headed men say (though I do not believe it) that the mountains are inhabited by men with goats' feet; and that after one has passed beyond these, others are found who sleep through six months of the year. This I do not admit at all as true. However, the country to the East of the bald-headed men is known with certainty, being inhabited by the Issedonians, but that which lies beyond both the bald-headed men and the Issedonians towards the North Wind is unknown, except so far as we know it from the accounts given by these nations which have just been mentioned.
25. As for what we know, the land is familiar; but about the area north of the bald-headed men, no one can speak with certainty, because high and impassable mountains separate it, and nobody crosses them. However, these bald-headed men claim (though I don’t believe it) that the mountains are home to creatures with goat-like feet, and that beyond them are others who sleep for six months of the year. I completely reject this as true. However, the region to the east of the bald-headed men is definitely known, as it’s inhabited by the Issedonians, but what lies further north beyond both the bald-headed men and the Issedonians is unknown, except for what we’ve learned from the accounts of these nations that were just mentioned.
26. The Issedonians are said to have these customs:—when a man's father is dead, all the relations bring cattle to the house, and then having slain them and cut up the flesh, they cut up also the dead body of the father of their entertainer, and mixing all the flesh together they set forth a banquet. His skull however they strip of the flesh and clean it out and then gild it over, and after that they deal with it as a sacred thing 31 and perform for the dead man great sacrifices every year. This each son does for his father, just as the Hellenes keep the day of memorial for the dead. 32 In other respects however this race also is said to live righteously, and their women have equal rights with the men.
26. The Issedonians are said to have these customs: when a man's father dies, all the family members bring cattle to the house, and after slaughtering them and preparing the meat, they also cut up the deceased father’s body. They mix all the flesh together and set up a feast. However, they clean the skull, removing all the flesh, and then gild it, treating it as a sacred object 31 and offering great sacrifices to the deceased every year. Each son does this for his father, similar to how the Greeks observe memorial days for the dead. 32 In other respects, this group is also said to live justly, and their women have equal rights with men.
27. These then also are known; but as to the region beyond them, it is the Issedonians who report that there are there one-eyed men and gold-guarding griffins; and the Scythians report this having received it from them, and from the Scythians we, that is the rest of mankind, have got our belief; and we call them in Scythian language Arimaspians, for the Scythians call the number one arima and the eye spu.
27. These are also known; but as for the area beyond them, the Issedonians claim there are one-eyed people and gold-guarding griffins. The Scythians report this after hearing it from them, and from the Scythians, the rest of humanity has come to believe it. We refer to them in the Scythian language as Arimaspians, since the Scythians call the number one arima and the eye spu.
28. This whole land which has been described is so exceedingly severe in climate, that for eight months of the year there is frost so hard as to be intolerable; and during these if you pour out water you will not be able to make mud, but only if you kindle a fire can you make it; and the sea is frozen and the whole of the Kimmerian Bosphorus, so that the Scythians who are settled within the trench make expeditions and drive their waggons over into the country of the Sindians. Thus it continues to be winter for eight months, and even for the remaining four it is cold in those parts. This winter is distinguished in its character from all the winters which come in other parts of the world; for in it there is no rain to speak of at the usual season for rain, whereas in summer it rains continually; and thunder does not come at the time when it comes in other countries, but is very frequent, 33 in the summer; and if thunder comes in winter, it is marvelled at as a prodigy: just so, if an earthquake happens, whether in summer or in winter, it is accounted a prodigy in Scythia. Horses are able to endure this winter, but neither mules nor asses can endure it at all, whereas in other countries horses if they stand in frost lose their limbs by mortification, while asses and mules endure it.
28. This entire region described has an extremely harsh climate, where for eight months of the year, the frost is so severe that it's unbearable. During this time, if you pour out water, you can't even make mud; only by lighting a fire can you do that. The sea freezes over, including the whole Kimmerian Bosphorus, allowing the Scythians living within the trench to venture out and drive their wagons into the territory of the Sindians. Thus, winter lasts for eight months, and even during the remaining four months, it remains cold there. This winter is different from winters in other parts of the world; there's hardly any rain during the usual rainy season, while summer sees constant rainfall. Thunder doesn't happen when it usually does in other countries, but is very common in the summer; if thunder occurs in winter, it's seen as a strange occurrence. Similarly, if an earthquake happens, whether in summer or winter, it's considered a wonder in Scythia. Horses can survive this winter, but neither mules nor donkeys can withstand it at all, while in other countries, horses that stand in frost can lose their limbs to frostbite, whereas donkeys and mules are able to endure it.
29. I think also that it is for this reason that the hornless breed of oxen in that country have no horns growing; and there is a verse of Homer in the Odyssey 34 supporting my opinion, which runs this:—
29. I also believe that this is why the hornless breed of oxen in that country don’t grow horns; and there’s a line from Homer in the Odyssey 34 that backs up my view, which goes like this:—
"Also the Libyan land, where the sheep very quickly grow hornèd,"
"Also the Libyan land, where the sheep grow horns very quickly,"
for it is rightly said that in hot regions the horns come quickly, whereas in extreme cold the animals either have no horns growing at all, or hardly any. 35
for it is rightly said that in hot regions, horns grow quickly, while in extreme cold, the animals either don't grow any horns at all or very little. 35
30. In that land then this takes place on account of the cold; but (since my history proceeded from the first seeking occasions for digression) 36 I feel wonder that in the whole land of Elis mules cannot be bred, though that region is not cold, nor is there any other evident cause. The Eleians themselves say that in consequence of some curse mules are not begotten in their land; but when the time approaches for the mares to conceive, they drive them out into the neighbouring lands and there in the land of their neighbours they admit to them the he-asses until the mares are pregnant, and then they drive them back.
30. In that region, this happens because of the cold; however, since my story started with looking for reasons to digress, 36 I find it strange that mules can’t be bred in all of Elis, even though the area isn’t cold and there’s no clear reason for it. The Eleians claim that some curse prevents mules from being born in their land. So, when it's time for the mares to conceive, they take them into neighboring lands and there allow the male donkeys to mate with them until they get pregnant, and then they bring them back.
31. As to the feathers of which the Scythians say that the air is full, and that by reason of them they are not able either to see or to pass through the further parts of the continent, the opinion which I have is this:—in the parts beyond this land it snows continually, though less in summer than in winter, as might be supposed. Now whomsoever has seen close at hand snow falling thickly, knows what I mean without further explanation, for the snow is like feathers: and on account of this wintry weather, being such as I have said, the Northern parts of this continent are uninhabitable. I think therefore that by the feathers the Scythians and those who dwell near them mean symbolically the snow. This then which has been said goes to the furthest extent of the accounts given.
31. About the feathers that the Scythians claim fill the air, making it impossible for them to see or pass through the further parts of the continent, my opinion is this: in the regions beyond this land, it snows continuously, although less in summer than in winter, as one might expect. Anyone who has seen heavy snow falling up close knows what I’m talking about, as the snow looks like feathers. Because of this kind of wintry weather, which I’ve described, the northern parts of this continent are uninhabitable. I believe that by "feathers," the Scythians and those living nearby are referring symbolically to the snow. Everything I’ve mentioned reaches the furthest extent of the accounts given.
32. About a Hyperborean people the Scythians report nothing, nor do any of those who dwell in this region, unless it be the Issedonians: but in my opinion neither do these report anything; for if they did the Scythians also would report it, as they do about the one-eyed people. Hesiod however has spoken of Hyperboreans, and so also has Homer in the poem of the "Epigonoi," at least if Homer was really the composer of that Epic.
32. The Scythians don’t mention a Hyperborean people, nor do any of the locals in that area, except for the Issedonians; but I don’t think they say anything either. If they did, the Scythians would have mentioned it, just like they do about the one-eyed people. However, Hesiod has talked about Hyperboreans, and so has Homer in the poem "Epigonoi," at least if Homer actually wrote that Epic.
33. But much more about them is reported by the people of Delos than by any others. For these say that sacred offerings bound up in wheat straw are carried from the land of the Hyperboreans and come to the Scythians, and then from the Scythians the neighbouring nations in succession receive them and convey them Westwards, finally as far as the Adriatic: thence they are sent forward towards the South, and the people of Dodona receive them first of all the Hellenes, and from these they come down to the Malian gulf and are passed over to Euboea, where city sends them on to city till they come to Carystos. After this Andros is left out, for the Carystians are those who bring them to Tenos, and the Tenians to Delos. Thus they say that these sacred offerings come to Delos; but at first, they say, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing the sacred offerings, whose names, say the Delians, were Hyperoche and Laodike, and with them for their protection the Hyperboreans sent five men of their nation to attend them, those namely who are now called Perphereës and have great honours paid to them in Delos. Since however the Hyperboreans found that those who were sent away did not return back, they were troubled to think that it would always befall them to send out and not to receive back; and so they bore the offerings to the borders of their land bound up in wheat straw, and laid a charge upon their neighbours, bidding them send these forward from themselves to another nation. These things then, they say, come to Delos being thus sent forward; and I know of my own knowledge that a thing is done which has resemblance to these offerings, namely that the women of Thrace and Paionia, when they sacrifice to Artemis "the Queen," do not make their offerings without wheat straw.
33. But the people of Delos report much more about them than anyone else. They say that sacred offerings wrapped in wheat straw are brought from the land of the Hyperboreans to the Scythians, and then the neighboring nations receive them in order and carry them westward, all the way to the Adriatic. From there, they are sent south, with the people of Dodona being the first among the Greeks to receive them, and then they travel down to the Malian Gulf and are transferred to Euboea, where one city sends them on to another until they reach Carystos. After that, Andros is skipped, since the people of Carystos are the ones who take them to Tenos, and the Tenians carry them to Delos. So, they say, these sacred offerings arrive at Delos. Initially, they say, the Hyperboreans sent two maidens with the sacred offerings, named Hyperoche and Laodike, and to ensure their safety, the Hyperboreans sent five men from their nation to accompany them, who are now known as Perphereës and are greatly honored in Delos. However, since the Hyperboreans realized that those they sent did not return, they worried about the idea of always sending and never receiving back. So, they took the offerings to the borders of their land wrapped in wheat straw and instructed their neighbors to forward them to another nation. These offerings, they say, are sent to Delos in this way; and I know from my own experience that a similar practice occurs, as the women of Thrace and Paionia, when they sacrifice to Artemis "the Queen," do so using wheat straw in their offerings.
34. These I know do as I have said; and for those maidens from the Hyperboreans, who died in Delos, both the girls and the boys of the Delians cut off their hair: the former before marriage cut off a lock and having wound it round a spindle lay it upon the tomb (now the tomb is on the left hand as one goes into the temple of Artemis, and over it grows an olive-tree), and all the boys of the Delians wind some of their hair about a green shoot of some tree, and they also place it upon the tomb.
34. I know that this is what they do; and for those young women from the Hyperboreans who died in Delos, both the girls and boys from Delos cut their hair: the girls cut off a lock before they get married, wrap it around a spindle, and lay it on the tomb (now the tomb is on the left side as you enter the temple of Artemis, and there’s an olive tree growing over it), and all the boys from Delos wrap some of their hair around a green shoot from a tree, and they also place that on the tomb.
35. The maidens, I say, have this honour paid them by the dwellers in Delos: and the same people say that Arge and Opis also, being maidens, came to Delos, passing from the Hyperboreans by the same nations which have been mentioned, even before Hyperoche and Laodike. These last, they say, came bearing for Eileithuia the tribute which they had laid upon themselves for the speedy birth, 37 but Arge and Opis came with the divinities themselves, and other honours have been assigned to them by the people of Delos: for the women, they say, collect for them, naming them by their names in the hymn which Olen a man of Lykia composed in their honour; and both the natives of the other islands and the Ionians have learnt from them to sing hymns naming Opis and Arge and collecting:—now this Olen came from Lukia and composed also the other ancient hymns which are sung in Delos:—and moreover they say that when the thighs of the victim are consumed upon the altar, the ashes of them are used to cast upon the grave of Opis and Arge. Now their grave is behind the temple of Artemis, turned towards the East, close to the banqueting hall of the Keïeans.
35. The maidens, I say, are honored by the people of Delos. They also say that Arge and Opis, who are also maidens, arrived in Delos, coming from the Hyperboreans through the same nations that I've mentioned, even before Hyperoche and Laodike. These last two are said to have brought offerings for Eileithuia, which they had promised for a quick birth, 37, but Arge and Opis came with the deities themselves, and the people of Delos have assigned them other honors: the women, they say, gather for them, calling them by their names in the hymn composed by Olen, a man from Lycia, in their honor; both the locals from other islands and the Ionians have learned from them to sing hymns that mention Opis and Arge and collect offerings:—now this Olen came from Lycia and also composed the other ancient hymns sung in Delos:—additionally, they say that when the thighs of the sacrificial animal are burned on the altar, the ashes are scattered on the graves of Opis and Arge. Their grave is behind the temple of Artemis, facing East, near the banquet hall of the Keians.
36. Let this suffice which has been said of the Hyperboreans; for the tale of Abaris, who is reported to have been a Hyperborean, I do not tell, namely 3701 how he carried the arrow about all over the earth, eating no food. If however there are any Hyperboreans, it follows that there are also Hypernotians; and I laugh when I see that, though many before this have drawn maps of the Earth, yet no one has set the matter forth in an intelligent way; seeing that they draw Ocean flowing round the Earth, which is circular exactly as if drawn with compasses, and they make Asia equal in size to Europe. In a few words I shall declare the size of each division and of what nature it is as regards outline.
36. Let this be enough about the Hyperboreans; I won't recount the story of Abaris, who is said to have been one of them, specifically 3701 how he carried the arrow all over the earth without eating any food. If there are Hyperboreans, it makes sense that there are also Hypernotians; and I chuckle when I see that, even though many have created maps of the Earth, no one has done so in a sensible way. They depict the Ocean surrounding the Earth as if drawn perfectly with compasses, and they make Asia the same size as Europe. I will briefly describe the size of each region and what its shape is like.
37. The Persians inhabit Asia 38 extending to the Southern Sea, which is called the Erythraian; and above these towards the North Wind dwell the Medes, and above the Medes the Saspeirians, and above the Saspeirians the Colchians, extending to the Northern Sea, into which the river Phasis runs. These four nations inhabit from sea to sea.
37. The Persians live in Asia 38 reaching to the Southern Sea, known as the Erythraian; north of them are the Medes, and above the Medes are the Saspeirians, and above the Saspeirians are the Colchians, stretching to the Northern Sea, where the river Phasis flows. These four nations span from one sea to another.
38. From them Westwards two peninsulas 39 stretch out from Asia into the sea, and these I will describe. The first peninsula on the one of its sides, that is the Northern, stretches along beginning from the Phasis and extending to the sea, going along the Pontus and the Hellespont as far as Sigeion in the land of Troy; and on the Southern side the same peninsula stretches from the Myriandrian gulf, which lies near Phenicia, in the direction of the sea as far as the headland Triopion; and in this peninsula dwell thirty races of men.
38. To the west, two peninsulas 39 extend from Asia into the sea, and I will describe them. The first peninsula, on its northern side, starts at the Phasis River and stretches to the sea, following along the Pontus and the Hellespont all the way to Sigeion in the land of Troy. On the southern side, the same peninsula extends from the Myriandrian Gulf, which is near Phoenicia, towards the sea up to Cape Triopion. This peninsula is home to thirty different groups of people.
39. This then is one of the peninsulas, and the other beginning from the land of the Persians stretches along to the Erythraian Sea, including Persia and next after it Assyria, and Arabia after Assyria: and this ends, or rather is commonly supposed to end, 40 at the Arabian gulf, into which Dareios conducted a channel from the Nile. Now in the line stretching to Phenicia from the land of the Persians the land is broad and the space abundant, but after Phenicia this peninsula goes by the shore of our Sea along Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, where it ends; and in it there are three nations only.
39. This is one of the peninsulas, and the other one starts from the land of the Persians and stretches to the Red Sea, covering Persia, then Assyria, and Arabia after Assyria. This is believed to end, or is commonly thought to end, 40 at the Arabian Gulf, where Darius built a canal from the Nile. Now, the land that stretches to Phoenicia from the land of the Persians is wide and has plenty of space, but after Phoenicia, this peninsula runs along our Sea through Palestine, Syria, and Egypt, where it concludes; and there are only three nations within it.
40. These are the parts of Asia which tend towards the West from the Persian land; but as to those which lie beyond the Persians and Medes and Saspeirians and Colchians towards the East and the sunrising, on one side the Erythraian Sea runs along by them, and on the North both the Caspian Sea and the river Araxes, which flows towards the rising sun: and Asia is inhabited as far as the Indian land; but from this onwards towards the East it becomes desert, nor can any one say what manner of land it is.
40. These are the parts of Asia that head west from Persian territory; however, those that lie beyond the Persians, Medes, Saspeirians, and Colchians to the east and towards the sunrise are different. On one side, the Erythraian Sea runs alongside them, and to the north, there are both the Caspian Sea and the river Araxes, which flows towards the east. Asia is populated up to the Indian land, but beyond that towards the east, it becomes a desert, and no one can describe what kind of land it is.
41. Such and so large is Asia: and Libya is included in the second peninsula; for after Egypt Libya succeeds at once. Now about Egypt this peninsula is narrow, for from our Sea to the Erythraian Sea is a distance there of ten myriads of fathoms, 41 which would amount to a thousand furlongs; but after this narrow part, the portion of the peninsula which is called Libya is, as it chances, extremely broad.
41. Asia is huge, and Libya is part of the second peninsula; right after Egypt comes Libya. The peninsula is narrow around Egypt, stretching from our Sea to the Erythraian Sea, which is about ten myriads of fathoms, 41 equivalent to a thousand furlongs; but beyond this narrow area, the section of the peninsula known as Libya is, as it happens, very wide.
42. I wonder then at those who have parted off and divided the world into Libya, Asia, and Europe, since the difference between these is not small; for in length Europe extends along by both, while in breadth it is clear to me that it is beyond comparison larger; 42 for Libya furnishes proofs about itself that it is surrounded by sea, except so much of it as borders upon Asia; and this fact was shown by Necos king of the Egyptians first of all those about whom we have knowledge. He when he had ceased digging the channel 43 which goes through from the Nile to the Arabian gulf, sent Phenicians with ships, bidding them sail and come back through the Pillars of Heracles to the Northern Sea and so to Egypt. The Phenicians therefore set forth from the Erythraian Sea and sailed through the Southern Sea; and when autumn came, they would put to shore and sow the land, wherever in Libya they might happen to be as they sailed, and then they waited for the harvest: and having reaped the corn they would sail on, so that after two years had elapsed, in the third year they turned through the Pillars of Heracles and arrived again in Egypt. And they reported a thing which I cannot believe, but another man may, namely that in sailing round Libya they had the sun on their right hand.
42. I’m curious about those who have divided the world into Libya, Asia, and Europe, since the differences between them are significant. Europe stretches along both sides in length, while it’s clear to me that it is much larger in width. 42 Libya clearly shows evidence of being surrounded by the sea, except for the part that connects to Asia. This was first demonstrated by Necho, the king of the Egyptians, among those we know of. After he stopped digging the canal 43 that links the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, he sent Phoenicians with ships, instructing them to sail back through the Pillars of Heracles to the Northern Sea and return to Egypt. The Phoenicians set out from the Erythraean Sea and traveled through the Southern Sea. When autumn arrived, they would dock and plant crops wherever they happened to be in Libya during their journey, and then they waited for the harvest. After harvesting, they would continue sailing, so that after two years passed, in the third year they returned through the Pillars of Heracles and arrived back in Egypt. They reported something that I find hard to believe, but someone else might; namely, that while sailing around Libya, they had the sun on their right side.
43. Thus was this country first known to be what it is, and after this it is the Carthaginians who make report of it; for as to Sataspes the son of Teaspis the Achaimenid, he did not sail round Libya, though he was sent for this very purpose, but was struck with fear by the length of the voyage and the desolate nature of the land, and so returned back and did not accomplish the task which his mother laid upon him. For this man had outraged a daughter of Zopyros the son of Megabyzos, a virgin; and then when he was about to be impaled by order of king Xerxes for this offence, the mother of Sataspes, who was a sister of Dareios, entreated for his life, saying that she would herself lay upon him a greater penalty than Xerxes; for he should be compelled (she said) to sail round Libya, until in sailing round it he came to the Arabian gulf. So then Xerxes having agreed upon these terms, Sataspes went to Egypt, and obtaining a ship and sailors from the Egyptians, he sailed to the Pillars of Heracles; and having sailed through them and turned the point of Libya which is called the promontory of Soloeis, he sailed on towards the South. Then after he had passed over much sea in many months, as there was needed ever more and more voyaging, he turned about and sailed back again to Egypt: and having come from thence into the presence of king Xerxes, he reported saying that at the furthest point which he reached he was sailing by dwarfish people, who used clothing made from the palm-tree, and who, whenever they came to land with their ship, left their towns and fled away to the mountains: and they, he said, did no injury when they entered into the towns, but took food 4301 from them only. And the cause, he said, why he had not completely sailed round Libya was that the ship could not advance any further but stuck fast. Xerxes however did not believe that he was speaking the truth, and since he had not performed the appointed task, he impaled him, inflicting upon him the penalty pronounced before. A eunuch belonging to this Sataspes ran away to Samos as soon as he heard that his master was dead, carrying with him large sums of money; and of this a man of Samos took possession, whose name I know, but I purposely pass it over without mention.
43. This was the first time this country was known for what it is, and after this, the Carthaginians reported about it. As for Sataspes, the son of Teaspis the Achaimenid, he didn't sail around Libya, even though he was sent to do just that. He was too scared by the long journey and the barren land, so he turned back and didn't complete the task his mother set for him. This guy had insulted a daughter of Zopyros, the son of Megabyzos, who was a virgin. When he was about to be impaled by order of King Xerxes for this crime, Sataspes' mother, who was Dareios’s sister, begged for his life, saying she would impose an even harsher penalty than Xerxes; she said he should be forced to sail around Libya until he reached the Arabian Gulf. Xerxes agreed to these terms, so Sataspes went to Egypt, got a ship and sailors from the Egyptians, and sailed to the Pillars of Heracles. After passing through them and rounding the part of Libya called the promontory of Soloeis, he continued south. After traveling for many months over a lot of sea, needing to voyage even more, he turned around and returned to Egypt. When he came back to King Xerxes, he reported that at the farthest point he reached, he encountered small people who wore clothing made from palm leaves and who ran away to the mountains whenever their ship landed. He said they didn't harm anything when they entered the towns; they only took food 4301. He explained that the reason he hadn’t fully sailed around Libya was that the ship couldn’t go any further and got stuck. However, Xerxes didn’t believe him and, since he hadn’t completed the task, he had him impaled, as was previously stated. A eunuch who belonged to Sataspes ran away to Samos as soon as he heard his master was dead, taking with him a large amount of money, which a man from Samos claimed; I know his name, but I’ll intentionally leave it out.
44. Of Asia the greater part was explored by Dareios, who desiring to know of the river Indus, which is a second river producing crocodiles of all the rivers in the world,—to know, I say, of this river where it runs out into the sea, sent with ships, besides others whom he trusted to speak the truth, Skylax also, a man of Caryanda. These starting from the city of Caspatyros and the land of Pactyïke, sailed down the river towards the East and the sunrising to the sea; and then sailing over the sea Westwards they came in the thirtieth month to that place from whence the king of the Egyptians had sent out the Phenicians of whom I spoke before, to sail round Libya. After these had made their voyage round the coast, Dareios both subdued the Indians and made use of this sea. Thus Asia also, excepting the parts of it which are towards the rising sun, has been found to be similar 44 to Libya.
44. Most of Asia was explored by Darius, who, wanting to learn about the Indus River, which is the second river known for crocodiles out of all the rivers in the world—specifically, to find out where this river flows into the sea—sent out ships along with others he trusted to tell the truth, including Skylax, a man from Caryanda. They started from the city of Caspatyros and the land of Pactyïke, sailing down the river to the east towards the sea; then, after sailing west across the sea, they reached the location from which the king of Egypt had previously sent out the Phoenicians I mentioned before to circumnavigate Libya, after which they completed their journey along the coastline. Darius then conquered the Indians and utilized this sea. Thus, except for the areas of Asia facing the sunrise, it has been found to be similar 44 to Libya.
45. As to Europe, however, it is clearly not known by any, either as regards the parts which are towards the rising sun or those towards the North, whether it be surrounded by sea: but in length it is known to stretch along by both the other divisions. And I am not able to understand for what reason it is that to the Earth, which is one, three different names are given derived from women, and why there were set as boundaries to divide it the river Nile of Egypt and the Phasis in Colchis (or as some say the Maiotian river Tanaïs and the Kimmerian ferry); nor can I learn who those persons were who made the boundaries, or for what reason they gave the names. Libya indeed is said by most of the Hellenes to have its name from Libya a woman of that country, and Asia from the wife of Prometheus: but this last name is claimed by the Lydians, who say that Asia has been called after Asias the son of Cotys the son of Manes, and not from Asia the wife of Prometheus; and from him too they say the Asian tribe in Sardis has its name. As to Europe however, it is neither known by any man whether it is surrounded by sea, nor does it appear whence it got this name or who he was who gave it, unless we shall say that the land received its name from Europa the Tyrian; and if so, it would appear that before this it was nameless like the rest. She however evidently belongs to Asia and did not come to this land which is now called by the Hellenes Europe, but only from Phenicia to Crete, and from Crete to Lykia. Let this suffice now which has been said about these matters; for we will adopt those which are commonly accepted of the accounts.
45. As for Europe, it's not clearly known by anyone whether the regions toward the rising sun or those to the north are surrounded by sea. It's recognized to stretch out along the other divisions. I'm also unable to understand why Earth, which is one, has three different names inspired by women, and why the Nile River in Egypt and the Phasis in Colchis (or, as some say, the Maiotian river Tanaïs and the Kimmerian ferry) were chosen as boundaries to divide it. I can't find out who decided these boundaries or why they chose those names. Most Greeks say Libya is named after a woman from that region, while Asia comes from the wife of Prometheus. However, the Lydians argue that Asia is named after Asias, the son of Cotys, the son of Manes, not after Prometheus' wife, and that the Asian tribe in Sardis is named after him. Regarding Europe, no one knows if it’s surrounded by sea, nor does it seem clear how it got its name or who gave it that label, unless we say it was named after Europa from Tyre; if that’s the case, it seems to have been nameless like the others before that. She, however, clearly belongs to Asia and did not come to the land now known as Europe, but only traveled from Phoenicia to Crete, and from Crete to Lycia. Let this be enough for now about these matters, as we will accept the commonly held views on these accounts.
46. Now the region of the Euxine upon which Dareios was preparing to march has, apart from the Scythian race, the most ignorant nations within it of all lands: for we can neither put forward any nation of those who dwell within the region of Pontus as eminent in ability, nor do we know of any man of learning 45 having arisen there, apart from the Scythian nation and Anacharsis. By the Scythian race one thing which is the most important of all human things has been found out more cleverly than by any other men of whom we know; but in other respects I have no great admiration for them: and that most important thing which they have discovered is such that none can escape again who has come to attack them, and if they do not desire to be found, it is not possible to catch them: for they who have neither cities founded nor walls built, but all carry their houses with them and are mounted archers, living not by the plough but by cattle, and whose dwellings are upon cars, these assuredly are invincible and impossible to approach.
46. Now, the region around the Black Sea, which Darius was getting ready to march into, has, aside from the Scythians, the most ignorant nations of all the lands. We can't identify any notable nation that lives in the Pontus area as particularly skilled, nor do we know of any learned individuals 45 coming from there, except for the Scythians and Anacharsis. The Scythians have discovered one thing that is more important than anything else we've learned from any other people; however, I don't have much admiration for them in other areas. That important discovery they've made means that no one can avoid capture if they attack them, and if the Scythians don't want to be found, it’s impossible to catch them. They don’t have established cities or built walls; instead, they carry their homes with them, are mounted archers, feed not by farming but by raising cattle, and live in wagons. These people are definitely invincible and impossible to approach.
47. This they have found out, seeing that their land is suitable to it and at the same time the rivers are their allies: for first this land is plain land and is grassy and well watered, and then there are rivers flowing through it not much less in number than the channels in Egypt. Of these as many as are noteworthy and also can be navigated from the sea, I will name: there is Ister with five mouths, and after this Tyras, Hypanis, Borysthenes, Panticapes, Kypakyris, Gerros and Tanaïs. These flow as I shall now describe.
47. They have discovered that their land is perfect for this, and the rivers are on their side: this land is flat, grassy, and well-watered, and there are rivers flowing through it that are almost as numerous as the channels in Egypt. Among those that are significant and can be navigated from the sea, I will mention the following: the Ister with its five mouths, followed by the Tyras, Hypanis, Borysthenes, Panticapes, Kypakyris, Gerros, and Tanaïs. These rivers flow as I will now describe.
48. The Ister, which is the greatest of all the rivers which we know, flows always with equal volume in summer and winter alike. It is the first towards the West of all the Scythian rivers, and it has become the greatest of all rivers because other rivers flow into it. And these are they which make it great: 46—five in number are those 47 which flow through the Scythian land, namely that which the Scythians call Porata and the Hellenes Pyretos, and besides this, Tiarantos and Araros and Naparis and Ordessos. The first-mentioned of these is a great river lying towards the East, and there it joins waters with the Ister, the second Tiarantos is more to the West and smaller, and the Araros and Naparis and Ordessos flow into the Ister going between these two.
48. The Ister, which is the largest river we know of, flows consistently with the same volume in both summer and winter. It’s the first of all the Scythian rivers heading west, and it has become the greatest of all rivers because other rivers feed into it. These are the rivers that make it great: 46—there are five in total that flow through Scythian territory, namely the one the Scythians call Porata and the Greeks call Pyretos, in addition to Tiarantos, Araros, Naparis, and Ordessos. The first one mentioned is a large river lying to the east, where it merges with the Ister. The second, Tiarantos, is farther west and smaller, while the Araros, Naparis, and Ordessos flow into the Ister between these two.
49. These are the native Scythian rivers which join to swell its stream, while from the Agathyrsians flows the Maris and joins the Ister, and from the summits of Haimos flow three other great rivers towards the North Wind and fall into it, namely Atlas and Auras and Tibisis. Through Thrace and the Thracian Crobyzians flow the rivers Athrys and Noes and Artanes, running into the Ister; and from the Paionians and Mount Rhodope the river Kios, 48 cutting through Haimos in the midst, runs into it also. From the Illyrians the river Angros flows Northwards and runs out into the Triballian plain and into the river Brongos, and the Brongos flows into the Ister; thus the Ister receives both these, being great rivers. From the region which is above the Ombricans, the river Carpis and another river, the Alpis, flow also towards the North Wind and run into it; for the Ister flows in fact through the whole of Europe, beginning in the land of the Keltoi, who after the Kynesians dwell furthest towards the sun-setting of all the peoples of Europe; and thus flowing through all Europe it falls into the sea by the side of Scythia.
49. These are the native Scythian rivers that combine to increase its flow. The Maris flows from the Agathyrsians and merges with the Ister, and from the peaks of Haimos, three other major rivers head northward into it: Atlas, Auras, and Tibisis. In Thrace and among the Thracian Crobyzians, the rivers Athrys, Noes, and Artanes flow into the Ister; from the Paionians and Mount Rhodope, the river Kios, 48 cutting through Haimos in the middle, also joins it. From the Illyrians, the river Angros flows northward into the Triballian plain and into the Brongos, which also flows into the Ister; thus, the Ister receives both of these significant rivers. From the area above the Ombricans, the river Carpis and another river, the Alpis, also flow northward into it. The Ister indeed runs through all of Europe, starting in the land of the Keltoi, who, after the Kynesians, are the westernmost people in Europe, and so it flows through all of Europe before emptying into the sea near Scythia.
50. So then it is because these which have been named and many others join their waters together, that Ister becomes the greatest of rivers; since if we compare the single streams, the Nile is superior in volume of water; for into this no river or spring flows, to contribute to its volume. And the Ister flows at an equal level always both in summer and in winter for some such cause as this, as I suppose:—in winter it is of the natural size, or becomes only a little larger than its nature, seeing that this land receives very little rain in winter, but constantly has snow; whereas in summer the snow which fell in the winter, in quantity abundant, melts and runs from all parts into the Ister. This snow of which I speak, running into the river helps to swell its volume, and with it also many and violent showers of rain, for it rains during the summer: and thus the waters which mingle with the Ister are more copious in summer than they are in winter by about as much as the water which the Sun draws to himself in summer exceeds that which he draws in winter; and by the setting of these things against one another there is produced a balance; so that the river is seen to be of equal volume always.
50. The Ister becomes the greatest of rivers because it receives water from the streams that have been mentioned and many others. While if we look at single rivers, the Nile has more water because no river or spring flows into it to increase its volume. The Ister maintains a consistent level in both summer and winter, likely for this reason: in winter, it is naturally at its size or just slightly larger since this region gets very little rain but frequently has snow. In summer, the abundant snow that fell during winter melts and flows into the Ister. This melting snow increases the river's volume, along with heavy summer rain. Therefore, the water that combines with the Ister is much greater in summer than in winter, just as the water the Sun evaporates in summer exceeds what it draws in winter. The balance of these factors results in the river maintaining a consistent volume at all times.
51. One, I say, of the rivers which the Scythians have is the Ister; and after it the Tyras, which starts from the North and begins its course from a large lake which is the boundary between the land of the Scythians and that of the Neuroi. At its mouth are settled those Hellenes who are called Tyritai.
51. One of the rivers the Scythians have is the Ister; and after that is the Tyras, which flows from the North and begins its journey from a large lake that marks the border between the land of the Scythians and that of the Neuroi. At its mouth are the Hellenes known as the Tyritai.
52. The third river is the Hypanis, which starts from Scythia and flows from a great lake round which feed white wild horses; and this lake is rightly called "Mother of Hypanis." From this then the river Hypanis takes its rise and for a distance of five days' sail it flows shallow and with sweet water still; 49 but from this point on towards the sea for four days' sail it is very bitter, for there flows into it the water of a bitter spring, which is so exceedingly bitter that, small as it is, it changes the water of the Hypanis by mingling with it, though that is a river to which few are equal in greatness. This spring is on the border between the lands of the agricultural Scythians and of the Alazonians, and the name of the spring and of the place from which it flows is in Scythian Exampaios, and in the Hellenic tongue Hierai Hodoi. 50 Now the Tyras and the Hypanis approach one another in their windings in the land of the Alazonians, but after this each turns off and widens the space between them as they flow.
52. The third river is the Hypanis, which starts in Scythia and flows from a large lake around which wild white horses roam; this lake is rightly called "Mother of Hypanis." From this lake, the Hypanis river begins and for about five days of sailing, it flows shallow and with fresh water; 49 but from that point towards the sea for another four days of sailing, it becomes very bitter because a bitter spring pours into it, which is so extremely bitter that, despite its small size, it changes the water of the Hypanis when it mixes with it, although few rivers match its size. This spring is located on the border between the lands of the farming Scythians and the Alazonians, and the name of the spring and the place it comes from is Exampaios in Scythian and Hierai Hodoi in Greek. 50 Now, the Tyras and the Hypanis come close together as they wind through the land of the Alazonians, but after this, each veers off and creates more distance between them as they flow.
53. Fourth is the river Borysthenes, which is both the largest of these after the Ister, and also in our opinion the most serviceable not only of the Scythian rivers but also of all the rivers of the world besides, excepting only the Nile of Egypt, for to this it is not possible to compare any other river: of the rest however the Borysthenes is the most serviceable, seeing that it provides both pastures which are the fairest and the richest for cattle, and fish which are better by far and more numerous than those of any other river, and also it is the sweetest water to drink, and flows with clear stream, though others beside it are turbid, and along its banks crops are produced better than elsewhere, while in parts where it is not sown, grass grows deeper. Moreover at its mouth salt forms of itself in abundance, and it produces also huge fish without spines, which they call antacaioi, to be used for salting, and many other things also worthy of wonder. Now as far as the region of the Gerrians, 51 to which it is a voyage of forty 52 days, the Borysthenes is known as flowing from the North Wind; but above this none can tell through what nations it flows: it is certain however that it runs through desert 53 to the land of the agricultural Scythians; for these Scythians dwell along its banks for a distance of ten days' sail. Of this river alone and of the Nile I cannot tell where the sources are, nor, I think, can any of the Hellenes. When the Borysthenes comes near the sea in its course, the Hypanis mingles with it, running out into the same marsh; 5301 and the space between these two rivers, which is as it were a beak of land, 54 is called the point of Hippoles, and in it is placed a temple of the Mother, 55 and opposite the temple upon the river Hypanis are settled the Borysthenites.
53. The fourth river is the Borysthenes, which is not only the largest after the Ister but is also, in our opinion, the most useful of all the Scythian rivers and indeed all the rivers in the world, except for the Nile in Egypt, as no other river can really compare to it. The Borysthenes stands out because it offers the best and most plentiful pastures for cattle, and its fish are far superior and more abundant than those in any other river. Additionally, it has the sweetest drinking water and a clear flow, while other rivers are murky. Along its banks, crops grow better than anywhere else, and in areas that aren’t cultivated, the grass grows lush. Furthermore, at its mouth, salt forms naturally in abundance, and it yields large, spine-free fish called antacaioi, used for salting, along with many other remarkable resources. As for the region of the Gerrians, 51, which takes a voyage of forty 52 days to reach, the Borysthenes is said to flow from the North Wind; but beyond that, no one knows through which nations it passes. It is certain, however, that it runs through desolate 53 to the land of the farming Scythians, who live along its banks for about ten days' sailing distance. Of this river and the Nile, I cannot say where their sources are, and I think none of the Greeks can either. When the Borysthenes approaches the sea, it meets the Hypanis, which flows into the same marsh; 5301 and the land between these two rivers, resembling a peninsula, 54 is known as the point of Hippoles, where there is a temple dedicated to the Mother, 55 and across the river Hypanis, the Borysthenites have settled.
54. This is that which has to do with these rivers; and after these there is a fifth river besides, called Panticapes. This also flows 56 both from the North and from a lake, and in the space between this river and the Borysthenes dwell the agricultural Scythians: it runs out into the region of Hylaia, and having passed by this it mingles with the Borysthenes.
54. This is about these rivers; and after these, there's a fifth river called Panticapes. This river also flows 56 from both the North and a lake, and in the area between this river and the Borysthenes live the farming Scythians: it flows into the region of Hylaia, and after passing through that, it merges with the Borysthenes.
55. Sixth comes the river Hypakyris, which starts from a lake, and flowing through the midst of the nomad Scythians runs out into the sea by the city of Carkinitis, skirting on its right bank the region of Hylaia and the so-called racecourse of Achilles.
55. Next is the river Hypakyris, which begins at a lake and flows through the territory of the nomadic Scythians, eventually emptying into the sea near the city of Carkinitis. Along its right bank, it borders the area of Hylaia and the so-called racecourse of Achilles.
56. Seventh is the Gerros, which parts off from the Borysthenes near about that part of the country where the Borysthenes ceases to be known,—it parts off, I say, in this region and has the same name which this region itself has, namely Gerros; and as it flows to the sea it borders the country of the nomad and that of the Royal Scythians, and runs out into the Hypakyris.
56. The seventh river is the Gerros, which branches off from the Borysthenes around the area where the Borysthenes is no longer recognized. It takes on the same name as that region, which is Gerros. As it flows to the sea, it runs alongside the land of the nomads and the Royal Scythians, eventually emptying into the Hypakyris.
57. The eighth is the river Tanaïs, which starts in its flow at first from a large lake, and runs out into a still larger lake called Maiotis, which is the boundary between the Royal Scythians and the Sauromatai. Into this Tanaïs falls another river, whose name is Hyrgis.
57. The eighth is the river Tanaïs, which begins its flow from a large lake and flows into an even larger lake called Maiotis, which is the boundary between the Royal Scythians and the Sauromatai. Into this Tanaïs flows another river named Hyrgis.
58. So many are the rivers of note with which the Scythians are provided: and for cattle the grass which comes up in the land of Scythia is the most productive of bile of any grass which we know; and that this is so you may judge when you open the bodies of the cattle.
58. There are so many significant rivers in Scythia: the grass that grows there is the most nourishing for cattle compared to any grass we know of; you can see this for yourself when you examine the bodies of the cattle.
59. Thus abundant supply have they of that which is most important; and as for the rest their customs are as follows. The gods whom they propitiate by worship are these only:—Hestia most of all, then Zeus and the Earth, supposing that Earth is the wife of Zeus, and after these Apollo, and Aphrodite Urania, and Heracles, and Ares. Of these all the Scythians have the worship established, and the so-called Royal Scythians sacrifice also to Poseidon. Now Hestia is called in Scythian Tabiti, and Zeus, being most rightly named in my opinion, is called Papaios, and Earth Api, 57 and Apollo Oitosyros, 58 and Aphrodite Urania is called Argimpasa, 59 and Poseidon Thagimasidas. 60 It is not their custom however to make images, altars or temples to any except Ares, but to him it is their custom to make them.
59. They have an abundant supply of what is most important; and as for the rest, their customs are as follows. The gods they worship are just these: Hestia most of all, then Zeus and the Earth, believing that Earth is Zeus's wife, and after these, Apollo, Aphrodite Urania, Heracles, and Ares. All the Scythians practice this worship, and the so-called Royal Scythians also sacrifice to Poseidon. Hestia is called Tabiti in Scythian, and Zeus, which I think is the most fitting name, is called Papaios, and Earth is called Api, 57 and Apollo is Oitosyros, 58 and Aphrodite Urania is called Argimpasa, 59 and Poseidon is Thagimasidas. 60 However, it is not their custom to make images, altars, or temples for anyone except Ares, for whom they do create them.
60. They have all the same manner of sacrifice established for all their religious rites equally, and it is thus performed:—the victim stands with its fore-feet tied, and the sacrificing priest stands behind the victim, and by pulling the end of the cord he throws the beast down; and as the victim falls, he calls upon the god to whom he is sacrificing, and then at once throws a noose round its neck, and putting a small stick into it he turns it round and so strangles the animal, without either lighting a fire or making any first offering from the victim or pouring any libation over it: and when he has strangled it and flayed off the skin, he proceeds to boil it.
60. They have a uniform way of making sacrifices for all their religious ceremonies, and it goes like this: the animal stands with its front legs tied, and the priest stands behind it. By pulling on a cord, he brings the animal down. As it falls, he calls on the god to whom he is making the sacrifice, then immediately throws a noose around its neck. Using a small stick, he twists it to strangle the animal, without lighting a fire, making any initial offerings from the victim, or pouring any liquids over it. Once he has strangled it and removed the skin, he goes ahead and boils it.
61. Now as the land of Scythia is exceedingly ill wooded, this contrivance has been invented for the boiling of the flesh:—having flayed the victims, they strip the flesh off the bones and then put it into caldrons, if they happen to have any, of native make, which very much resemble Lesbian mixing-bowls except that they are much larger,—into these they put the flesh and boil it by lighting under it the bones of the victim: if however thy have not at hand the caldron, they put all the flesh into the stomachs of the victims and adding water they light the bones under them; and these blaze up beautifully, and the stomachs easily hold the flesh when it has been stripped off the bones: thus an ox is made to boil itself, and the other kinds of victims each boil themselves also. Then when the flesh is boiled, the sacrificer takes a first offering of the flesh and of the vital organs and casts it in front of him. And they sacrifice various kinds of cattle, but especially horses.
61. Since the land of Scythia has very few trees, they came up with this method for boiling the meat: after skinning the animals, they remove the flesh from the bones and put it into pots, if they have any, that are locally made and look a lot like large mixing bowls—except they are much bigger. They place the flesh inside and boil it by lighting the bones from the animal underneath. If they don’t have a pot handy, they stuff all the flesh into the animal's stomach, add water, and light the bones below; the flames rise beautifully, and the stomachs hold the flesh well after the bones are removed. This way, the animal essentially cooks itself, and the other types of animals do the same. Once the meat is cooked, the person making the sacrifice takes the first portion of the meat and vital organs and throws it in front of him. They sacrifice different kinds of livestock, but horses are the most common.
62. To the others of the gods they sacrifice thus and these kinds of beasts, but to Ares as follows:—In each district of the several governments 61 they have a temple of Ares set up in this way:—bundles of brushwood are heaped up for about three furlongs 62 in length and in breadth, but less in height; and on the top of this there is a level square made, and three of the sides rise sheer but by the remaining one side the pile may be ascended. Every year they pile on a hundred and fifty waggon-loads of brushwood, for it is constantly settling down by reason of the weather. 63 Upon this pile of which I speak each people has an ancient iron sword 64 set up, and this is the sacred symbol 65 of Ares. To this sword they bring yearly offerings of cattle and of horses; and they have the following sacrifice in addition, beyond what they make to the other gods, that is to say, of all the enemies whom they take captive in war they sacrifice one man in every hundred, not in the same manner as they sacrifice cattle, but in a different manner: for they first pour wine over their heads, and after that they cut the throats of the men, so that the blood runs into a bowl; and then they carry this up to the top of the pile of brushwood and pour the blood over the sword. This, I say, they carry up; and meanwhile below by the side of the temple they are doing thus:—they cut off all the right arms of the slaughtered men with the hands and throw them up into the air, and then when they have finished offering the other victims, they go away; and the arm lies wheresoever it has chanced to fall, and the corpse apart from it.
62. For the other gods, they make sacrifices in this way and with these kinds of animals, but for Ares, it’s different: In each area of the various territories 61, they have a temple dedicated to Ares that is constructed like this: they stack up bundles of brushwood for about three furlongs 62 in length and width, though not as tall; on top of this, there is a flat square, with three sides rising up straight and the fourth side allowing access to climb up. Every year, they add a hundred and fifty wagonloads of brushwood because it constantly settles due to the weather. 63 On this pile I'm talking about, each community sets up an ancient iron sword 64, which is the sacred symbol 65 of Ares. They bring annual offerings of cattle and horses to this sword; in addition to what they offer to the other gods, they have this particular sacrifice: for every hundred enemies captured in battle, they sacrifice one man—not in the same way as cattle, but differently: they first pour wine over their heads, and then they cut their throats so the blood flows into a bowl; afterward, they carry this up to the top of the brushwood pile and pour the blood over the sword. This is what they take up there; meanwhile, below, beside the temple, they do the following: they cut off all the right arms of the slain men with the hands and throw them up into the air, and once they finish offering the other victims, they leave; the arm stays wherever it happens to fall, separate from the body.
63. Such are the sacrifices which are established among them; but of swine these make no use, nor indeed are they wont to keep them at all in their land.
63. These are the sacrifices they have in place; however, they do not use pigs nor do they usually keep them in their land.
64. That which relates to war is thus ordered with them:—When a Scythian has slain his first man, he drinks some of his blood: and of all those whom he slays in the battle he bears the heads to the king; for if he has brought a head he shares in the spoil which they have taken, but otherwise not. And he takes off the skin of the head by cutting it round about the ears and then taking hold of the scalp and shaking it off; afterwards he scrapes off the flesh with the rib of an ox, and works the skin about with his hands; and when he has thus tempered it, he keeps it as a napkin to wipe the hands upon, and hangs it from the bridle of the horse on which he himself rides, and takes pride in it; for whosoever has the greatest number of skins to wipe the hands upon, he is judged to be the bravest man. Many also make cloaks to wear of the skins stripped off, sewing them together like shepherds' cloaks of skins; 66 and many take the skin together with the finger-nails off the right hands of their enemies when they are dead, and make them into covers for their quivers: now human skin it seems is both thick and glossy in appearance, more brilliantly white than any other skin. Many also take the skins off the whole bodies of men and stretch them on pieces of wood and carry them about on their horses.
64. Here's how they handle things related to war: When a Scythian kills his first enemy, he drinks some of their blood. For every enemy he kills in battle, he brings the heads to the king; if he brings a head, he shares in the spoils, but if not, he doesn't. He removes the skin from the head by cutting around the ears and then pulling off the scalp; after that, he scrapes off the flesh with an ox rib and works the skin with his hands. Once he has treated it, he keeps it as a cloth to wipe his hands and hangs it from the bridle of his horse, taking pride in it. The more skins someone has to wipe their hands on, the braver they are considered to be. Many also make cloaks from the skins they remove, sewing them together like shepherds’ cloaks; 66 and some take the skin along with the fingernails from the right hands of their dead enemies and turn them into covers for their quivers. Human skin is said to be thick and glossy, and whiter than any other kind of skin. Many also take the skins off entire bodies and stretch them over wooden frames to carry around on their horses.
65. Such are their established customs about these things; and to the skulls themselves, not of all but of their greatest enemies, they do thus:—the man saws off all below the eyebrows and clears out the inside; and if he is a poor man he only stretches ox-hide round it and then makes use of it; but if he be rich, besides stretching the ox-hide he gilds it over within, and makes use of it as a drinking-cup. They do this also if any of their own family have been at variance with them and the man gets the better of his adversary in trial before the king; and when strangers come to him whom he highly esteems, he sets these skulls before them, and adds the comment that they being of his own family had made war against him, and that he had got the better of them; and this they hold to be a proof of manly virtue.
65. These are their established customs concerning these matters; and regarding the skulls, not of all but of their greatest enemies, they do the following:—the man saws off everything below the eyebrows and cleans out the inside; if he’s poor, he simply wraps it in ox-hide and uses it; but if he’s wealthy, in addition to wrapping it in ox-hide, he lines it with gold and uses it as a drinking cup. They also do this if someone in their family has had a dispute with them and the man overcomes his rival in a trial before the king; when respected strangers visit him, he displays these skulls and mentions that they were once family members who fought against him, and that he triumphed over them; they view this as a demonstration of bravery.
66. Once every year each ruler of a district mixes in his own district a bowl of wine, from which those of the Scythians drink by whom enemies have been slain; but those by whom this has not been done do not taste of the wine, but sit apart dishonoured; and this is the greatest of all disgraces among them: but those of them who have slain a very great number of men, drink with two cups together at the same time.
66. Once a year, each ruler of a district mixes a bowl of wine in their own area, from which the Scythians who have killed enemies drink; those who haven’t done this do not drink the wine and instead sit apart, feeling dishonored. This is the biggest disgrace among them. Those who have killed a large number of men drink from two cups at once.
67. Diviners there are many among the Scythians, and they divine with a number of willow rods in the following manner:—they bring large bundles of rods, and having laid them on the ground they unroll them, and setting each rod by itself apart they prophesy; and while speaking thus, they roll the rods together again, and after that they place them in order a second time one by one. 67 This manner of divination they have from their fathers: but the Enareës or "man-women" 68 say that Aphrodite gave them the gift of divination, and they divine accordingly with the bark of the linden-tree. Having divided the linden-bark into three strips, the man twists them together in his fingers and untwists them again, and as he does this he utters the oracle.
67. There are many diviners among the Scythians, and they use several willow rods to tell the future. They bring large bundles of rods, lay them on the ground, and unroll them. After setting each rod apart, they make their predictions. While they’re speaking, they roll the rods back together and then arrange them in order again, one by one. 67 They inherited this method of divination from their ancestors; however, the Enareës or "man-women" 68 claim that Aphrodite gave them the ability to foresee the future, and they do this using the bark of the linden tree. They cut the linden bark into three strips, twist them together in their fingers, and then untwist them again while speaking the oracle.
68. When the king of the Scythians is sick, he sends for three of the diviners, namely those who are most in repute, who divine in the manner which has been said: and these say for the most part something like this, namely that so and so has sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, and they name one of the citizens, whosoever it may happen to be: now it is the prevailing custom of the Scythians to swear by the hearth of the king at the times when they desire to swear the most solemn oath. He then who they say has sworn falsely, is brought forthwith held fast on both sides; and when he has come the diviners charge him with this, that he is shown by their divination to have sworn falsely by the hearth of the king, and that for this reason the king is suffering pain: and he denies and says that he did not swear falsely, and complains indignantly: and when he denies it, the king sends for other diviners twice as many in number, and if these also by looking into their divination pronounce him guilty of having sworn falsely, at once they cut off the man's head, and the diviners who came first part his goods among them by lot; but if the diviners who came in afterwards acquit him, other diviners come in, and again others after them. If then the greater number acquit the man, the sentence is that the first diviners shall themselves be put to death.
68. When the king of the Scythians is sick, he calls for three of the most respected diviners, who predict the future in the way previously mentioned. Most of the time, they say something like this: that someone has sworn falsely by the king's hearth, and they name one of the citizens, whoever it may be. It is the common practice of the Scythians to swear by the king's hearth when making the most serious oaths. The person accused of swearing falsely is immediately brought in and held tightly on both sides. Once he arrives, the diviners accuse him, saying that their divination shows he swore falsely by the king's hearth, and for this reason, the king is in pain. He denies it and insists that he did not lie, becoming indignant. When he denies the accusation, the king calls for twice as many other diviners, and if these too, through their divination, declare him guilty of swearing falsely, they immediately cut off his head. The first diviners then divide the man's belongings among themselves by drawing lots. However, if the later diviners exonerate him, more diviners come in, followed by others again. If the majority acquits the man, the punishment for the first diviners is that they themselves will be put to death.
69. They put them to death accordingly in the following manner:—first they fill a waggon with brushwood and yoke oxen to it; then having bound the feet of the diviners and tied their hands behind them and stopped their mouths with gags, they fasten them down in the middle of the brushwood, and having set fire to it they scare the oxen and let them go: and often the oxen are burnt to death together with the diviners, and often they escape after being scorched, when the pole to which they are fastened has been burnt: and they burn the diviners in the manner described for other causes also, calling them false prophets. Now when the king puts any to death, he does not leave alive their sons either, but he puts to death all the males, not doing any hurt to the females.
69. They executed them in the following way: first, they filled a wagon with brushwood and hitched up some oxen. Then, after binding the diviners' feet, tying their hands behind their backs, and stuffing their mouths with gags, they placed them in the middle of the brushwood. Then they set it on fire and scared the oxen to let them go. Sometimes the oxen burned to death along with the diviners, and sometimes they managed to escape after being scorched, once the pole they were tied to had burned. They burned the diviners like this for other reasons too, calling them false prophets. When the king orders someone to be executed, he also has their sons killed, sparing only the females.
70. In the following manner the Scythians make oaths to whomsoever they make them:—they pour wine into a great earthenware cup and mingle with it blood of those who are taking the oath to one another, either making a prick with an awl or cutting with a dagger a little way into their body, and then they dip into the cup a sword and arrows and a battle-axe and a javelin; and having done this, they invoke many curses on the breaker of the oath, and afterwards they drink it off, both they who are making the oath and the most honourable of their company.
70. This is how the Scythians swear their oaths to each other: they pour wine into a large clay cup and mix it with the blood of the people taking the oath, either by pricking their skin with an awl or making a small cut with a dagger. Then, they dip a sword, arrows, a battle-axe, and a javelin into the cup. After doing this, they call down many curses on anyone who breaks the oath, and then they drink it together, along with the most respected members of their group.
71. The burial-place of the kings is in the land of the Gerrians, the place up to which the Borysthenes is navigable. In this place, when their king has died, they make a large square excavation in the earth; and when they have made this ready, they take up the corpse (the body being covered over with wax and the belly ripped up and cleansed, and then sewn together again, after it has been filled with kyperos 69 cut up and spices and parsley-seed and anise), and they convey it in a waggon to another nation. Then those who receive the corpse thus conveyed to them do the same as the Royal Scythians, that is they cut off a part of their ear and shave their hair round about and cut themselves all over the arms and tear their forehead and nose and pass arrows through their left hand. Thence they convey in the waggon the corpse of the king to another of the nations over whom they rule; and they to whom they came before accompany them: and when they have gone round to all conveying the corpse, then they are in the land of the Gerrians, who have their settlements furthest away of all the nations over whom they rule, and they have reached the spot where the burial place is. After that, having placed the corpse in the tomb upon a bed of leaves, they stick spears along on this side and that of the corpse and stretch pieces of wood over them, and then they cover the place in with matting. Then they strangle and bury in the remaining space of the tomb one of the king's mistresses, his cup-bearer, his cook, his horse-keeper, his attendant, and his bearer of messages, and also horses, and a first portion of all things else, and cups of gold; for silver they do not use at all, nor yet bronze. 70 Having thus done they all join together to pile up a great mound, vying with one another and zealously endeavouring to make it as large as possible.
71. The burial place of the kings is in the land of the Gerrians, by the point where the Borysthenes River can be navigated. Here, when their king dies, they dig a large square hole in the ground. Once it’s ready, they prepare the body (which is covered in wax, with the belly cut open, cleaned, and then sewn back together after filling it with chopped kyperos, spices, parsley seeds, and anise) and transport it in a wagon to another nation. The recipients of the corpse then do as the Royal Scythians do: they cut off a piece of their ear, shave their hair around, cut themselves on their arms, and tear their foreheads and noses, passing arrows through their left hands. From there, they load the king's body into the wagon again and take it to another nation they govern; those who received them earlier accompany them. After they’ve traveled to all the nations to bring the corpse, they reach the Gerrians, who live the furthest from all the nations they rule and arrive at the burial site. There, they place the body in a tomb on a bed of leaves, stick spears on both sides of the corpse, lay pieces of wood over them, and cover it all with matting. They then strangle and bury one of the king's mistresses, his cup-bearer, his cook, his horse-keeper, his attendant, his messenger, as well as some horses and the first portion of various items, including gold cups; they don’t use silver or bronze at all. After this, they all come together to build a large mound, competing with each other to make it as big as possible.
72. Afterwards, when the year comes round again, they do as follows:—they take the most capable of the remaining servants,—and these are native Scythians, for those serve him whom the king himself commands to do so, and his servants are not bought for money,—of these attendants then they strangle fifty and also fifty of the finest horses; and when they have taken out their bowels and cleansed the belly, they fill it with chaff and sew it together again. Then they set the half of a wheel upon two stakes with the hollow side upwards, and the other half of the wheel upon other two stakes, and in this manner they fix a number of these; and after this they run thick stakes through the length of the horses as far as the necks, and they mount them upon the wheels; and the front pieces of wheel support the shoulders of the horses, while those behind bear up their bellies, going by the side of the thighs; and both front and hind legs hang in the air. On the horses they put bridles and bits, and stretch the bridles tight in front of them and then tie them up to pegs: and of the fifty young men who have been strangled they mount each one upon his horse, having first 71 run a straight stake through each body along by the spine up to the neck; and a part of this stake projects below, which they fasten into a socket made in the other stake that runs through the horse. Having set horsemen such as I have described in a circle round the tomb, they then ride away.
72. After a year goes by, they do the following: they take the most capable of the remaining servants—these are native Scythians, since those who serve him are commanded by the king himself, and his servants aren't bought with money. They then strangle fifty of these attendants and fifty of the best horses; after removing their insides and cleaning their bellies, they stuff them with chaff and sew them back up. Then they place half of a wheel on two stakes with the hollow side facing up and the other half on another two stakes, fixing several like this. After that, they run thick stakes through the horses from their necks and mount them on the wheels; the front pieces of the wheel support the horses' shoulders, while the back pieces hold up their bellies alongside their thighs, leaving their front and back legs hanging in the air. They put bridles and bits on the horses, pulling the bridles tight in front of them and tying them to pegs. Of the fifty young men who have been strangled, they place each one on his horse, first running a straight stake through each body along the spine up to the neck; part of this stake sticks out below, which they fasten into a slot in the other stake that goes through the horse. Once they have set the horsemen in a circle around the tomb, they ride away.
73. Thus they bury their kings; but as for the other Scythians, when they die their nearest relations carry them round laid in waggons to their friends in succession; and of them each one when he receives the body entertains those who accompany it, and before the corpse they serve up of all things about the same quantity as before the others. Thus private persons are carried about for forty days, and then they are buried: and after burying them the Scythians cleanse themselves in the following way:—they soap their heads and wash them well, and then, for their body, they set up three stakes leaning towards one another and about them they stretch woollen felt coverings, and when they have closed them as much as possible they throw stones heated red-hot into a basin placed in the middle of the stakes and the felt coverings.
73. So, they bury their kings; but for the other Scythians, when they die, their closest relatives carry them around in wagons to visit their friends. Each friend, upon receiving the body, hosts those accompanying it and serves the same amount of food as was offered to the others. In this way, private individuals are carried around for forty days before they are buried. After the burial, the Scythians purify themselves like this: they soap and wash their heads thoroughly, and for their bodies, they set up three stakes leaning towards each other. They stretch woolen coverings around them, closing them as much as possible, then they throw red-hot stones into a basin placed in the middle of the stakes and the coverings.
74. Now they have hemp growing in their land, which is very like flax except in thickness and in height, for in these respects the hemp is much superior. This grows both of itself and with cultivation; and of it the Thracians even make garments, which are very like those made of flaxen thread, so that he who was not specially conversant with it would not be able to decide whether the garments were of flax or of hemp; and he who had not before seen stuff woven of hemp would suppose that the garment was made of flax.
74. Now they have hemp growing on their land, which is very similar to flax except for its thickness and height, as hemp excels in these areas. It can grow wild or with some cultivation, and the Thracians even make clothes from it that look a lot like those made from flax thread, so someone who wasn't familiar with it wouldn't be able to tell whether the clothes were made of flax or hemp; and someone who hadn't seen hemp woven before would think the garment was made of flax.
75. The Scythians then take the seed of this hemp and creep under the felt coverings, and then they throw the seed upon the stones which have been heated red-hot: and it burns like incense and produces a vapour so thick that no vapour-bath in Hellas would surpass it: and the Scythians being delighted with the vapour-bath howl like wolves. 72 This is to them instead of washing, for in fact they do not wash their bodies at all in water. Their women however pound with a rough stone the wood of the cypress and cedar and frankincense tree, pouring in water with it, and then with this pounded stuff, which is thick, they plaster over all their body and also their face; and not only does a sweet smell attach to them by reason of this, but also when they take off the plaster on the next day, their skin is clean and shining.
75. The Scythians take the seeds of hemp and crawl under felt coverings, then toss the seeds onto red-hot stones. It burns like incense and creates such a thick vapor that no steam room in Greece could compare. The Scythians, enjoying this vapor bath, howl like wolves. 72 This serves as their way of cleaning since they don’t wash their bodies with water at all. However, their women crush the wood from cypress, cedar, and frankincense trees with a rough stone, mixing in water. They use this thick paste to cover their entire body and face. Not only does it leave them smelling sweet, but when they remove the paste the next day, their skin is clean and glowing.
76. This nation also 73 is very averse to adopting strange customs, rejecting even those of other tribes among themselves, 74 but especially those of the Hellenes, as the history of Anacharsis and also afterwards of Skyles proved. 75 For as to Anacharsis first, when he was returning to the abodes of the Scythians, after having visited many lands 76 and displayed in them much wisdom, as he sailed through the Hellespont he put in to Kyzicos: and since he found the people of Kyzicos celebrating a festival very magnificently in honour of the Mother of the gods, Anacharsis vowed to the Mother that if he should return safe and sound to his own land, he would both sacrifice to her with the same rites as he saw the men of Kyzicos do, and also hold a night festival. So when he came to Scythia he went down into the region called Hylaia (this is along by the side of the racecourse of Achilles and is quite full, as it happens, of trees of all kinds),—into this, I say, Anacharsis went down, and proceeded to perform all the ceremonies of the festival in honour of the goddess, with a kettle-drum and with images hung about himself. And one of the Scythians perceived him doing this and declared it to Saulios the king; and the king came himself also, and when he saw Anacharsis doing this, he shot him with an arrow and killed him. Accordingly at the present time if one asks about Anacharsis, the Scythians say that they do not know him, and for this reason, because he went out of his own country to Hellas and adopted foreign customs. And as I heard from Tymnes the steward 77 of Ariapeithes, he was the uncle on the father's side of Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians, and the son of Gnuros, the son of Lycos, the son of Spargapeithes. If then Anacharsis was of this house, let him know that he died by the hand of his brother, for Idanthyrsos was the son of Saulios, and Saulios was he who killed Anacharsis.
76. This nation also 73 is very resistant to adopting unfamiliar customs, rejecting not just those of other tribes but especially those of the Hellenes, as shown by the stories of Anacharsis and later Skyles. 75 When Anacharsis returned to the Scythians after visiting many lands and demonstrating great wisdom, he stopped at Kyzicos while sailing through the Hellespont. There, he found the people of Kyzicos celebrating a festival in honor of the Mother of the Gods, and he promised her that if he returned home safely, he would sacrifice to her using the same rites he saw the men of Kyzicos perform and also hold a night festival. Once back in Scythia, he went down into the area called Hylaia (which is near Achilles' racecourse and is filled with all kinds of trees). In this place, Anacharsis conducted all the festival ceremonies honoring the goddess, using a kettle-drum and adorning himself with images. One of the Scythians saw him and reported it to King Saulios. The king came to see Anacharsis performing these rites and shot him with an arrow, killing him. To this day, if anyone asks about Anacharsis, the Scythians claim they don’t know him, because he left his homeland for Hellas and embraced foreign customs. From what I heard from Tymnes, the steward 77 of Ariapeithes, Anacharsis was the uncle on his father's side of Idanthyrsos, king of the Scythians, and the son of Gnuros, the son of Lycos, the son of Spargapeithes. If Anacharsis belonged to this lineage, he should know that he died at the hands of his own brother, since Idanthyrsos was the son of Saulios, who was the one who killed Anacharsis.
77. However I have heard also another story, told by the Peloponnesians, that Anacharsis was sent out by the king of the Scythians, and so made himself a disciple of Hellas; and that when he returned back he said to him that had sent him forth, that the Hellenes were all busied about every kind of cleverness except the Lacedemonians; but these alone knew how to exchange speech sensibly. This story however has been invented 78 without any ground by the Hellenes themselves; and however that may be, the man was slain in the way that was related above.
77. I've also heard another story from the people of Peloponnesus, that Anacharsis was sent out by the Scythian king and became a student of Greek culture. When he returned, he told the king that the Greeks were all focused on various forms of cleverness, except for the Spartans; they alone knew how to communicate sensibly. However, this story seems to have been made up 78 by the Greeks themselves. Regardless, the man was killed in the manner mentioned earlier.
78. This man then fared thus badly by reason of foreign customs and communication with Hellenes; and very many years afterwards Skyles the son of Ariapeithes suffered nearly the same fate as he. For Ariapeithes the king of the Scythians with other sons had Skyles born to him: and he was born of a woman who was of Istria, and certainly not a native of Scythia; and this mother taught him the language and letters of Hellas. Afterwards in course of time Ariapeithes was brought to his end by treachery at the hands of Spargapeithes the king of the Agathyrsians, and Skyles succeeded to the kingdom; and he took not only that but also the wife of his father, whose name was Opoia: this Opoia was a native Scythian and from her was born Oricos to Ariapeithes. Now when Skyles was king of the Scythians, he was by no means satisfied with the Scythian manner of life, but was much more inclined towards Hellenic ways because of the training with which he had been brought up, and he used to do somewhat as follows:—When he came with the Scythians in arms to the city of the Borysthenites (now these Borysthenites say that they are of Miletos),—when Skyles came to these, he would leave his band in the suburbs of the city and go himself within the walls and close the gates. After that he would lay aside his Scythian equipments and take Hellenic garments, and wearing them he would go about in the market-place with no guards or any other man accompanying him (and they watched the gates meanwhile, that none of the Scythians might see him wearing this dress): and while in other respects too he adopted Hellenic manners of life, he used also to perform worship to the gods according to the customs of the Hellenes. Then having stayed a month or more than that, he would put on the Scythian dress and depart. This he did many times, and he both built for himself a house in Borysthenes and also took to it a woman of the place as his wife.
78. This man ended up in trouble because of foreign customs and his interactions with the Greeks; many years later, Skyles, the son of Ariapeithes, faced almost the same outcome. Ariapeithes, the king of the Scythians, had Skyles with a woman from Istria, who was definitely not a native of Scythia. This mother taught him the Greek language and letters. Eventually, Ariapeithes was killed by treachery at the hands of Spargapeithes, the king of the Agathyrsians, and Skyles took over the kingdom. He not only claimed the throne but also married his father's wife, Opoia, a native Scythian, who had given birth to Oricos for Ariapeithes. When Skyles became king of the Scythians, he wasn't satisfied with the Scythian way of life; instead, he leaned more towards Greek customs due to his upbringing. He often did the following: when he arrived with the Scythians at the city of the Borysthenites (who now claim descent from Miletos), he would leave his men outside the city and enter alone, closing the gates behind him. Then he would change out of his Scythian gear and into Greek clothing, walking around the marketplace without any guards or companions (while his men kept watch at the gates to ensure no Scythians saw him in that outfit). He not only adopted Greek ways of living but also worshiped the gods according to Greek customs. After staying for a month or more, he would don his Scythian attire again and leave. He repeated this many times and even built a house in Borysthenes, taking a local woman as his wife.
79. Since however it was fated that evil should happen to him, it happened by an occasion of this kind:—he formed a desire to be initiated in the rites of Bacchus-Dionysos, and as he was just about to receive 79 the initiation, there happened a very great portent. He had in the city of the Borysthenites a house of great size and built with large expense, of which also I made mention a little before this, and round it were placed sphinxes and griffins of white stone: on this house Zeus 7901 caused a bolt to fall; and the house was altogether burnt down, but Skyles none the less for this completed his initiation. Now the Scythians make the rites of Bacchus a reproach against the Hellenes, for they say that it is not fitting to invent a god like this, who impels men to frenzy. So when Skyles had been initiated into the rites of Bacchus, one of the Borysthenites went off 80 to the Scythians and said: "Whereas ye laugh at us, O Scythians, because we perform the rite of Bacchus and because the god seizes us, now this divinity has seized also your king; and he is both joining in the rite of Bacchus and maddened by the influence of the god. And if ye disbelieve me, follow and I will show you." The chief men of the Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite led them secretly into the town and set them upon a tower. So when Skyles passed by with the company of revellers, and the Scythians saw him joining in the rite of Bacchus, they were exceedingly grieved at it, and they went out and declared to the whole band that which they had seen.
79. Since it was destined for something bad to happen to him, it occurred in this way: he wanted to be initiated into the rites of Bacchus-Dionysos, and just as he was about to receive 79 the initiation, a huge omen occurred. He had a large, elaborate house in the city of the Borysthenites, which I mentioned earlier, and around it were white stone sphinxes and griffins. Zeus 7901 sent down a lightning bolt that completely destroyed the house, but Skyles still finished his initiation. The Scythians criticize the Bacchus rites, saying it's inappropriate to invent a god who drives people wild. So when Skyles was initiated into the Bacchus rites, one of the Borysthenites went 80 to the Scythians and said: "You laugh at us, O Scythians, because we practice the rites of Bacchus and because the god takes hold of us. But now this deity has also taken hold of your king; he is participating in the Bacchus rites and is mad from the influence of the god. If you don’t believe me, come and I'll show you." The prominent Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite secretly led them into the town and placed them on a tower. When Skyles passed by with a group of revelers, and the Scythians saw him joining in the Bacchus rite, they were extremely distressed and went out to tell the whole crowd what they had witnessed.
80. After this when Skyles was riding out again to his own abode, the Scythians took his brother Octamasades for their leader, who was a son of the daughter of Teres, and made insurrection against Skyles. He then when he perceived that which was being done to his hurt and for what reason it was being done, fled for refuge to Thrace; and Octamasades being informed of this, proceeded to march upon Thrace. So when he had arrived at the river Ister, the Thracians met him; and as they were about to engage battle, Sitalkes sent a messenger to Octamasades and said: "Why must we make trial of one another in fight? Thou art my sister's son and thou hast in thy power my brother. Do thou give him back to me, and I will deliver to thee thy brother Skyles: and let us not either of us set our armies in peril, either thou or I." Thus Sitalkes proposed to him by a herald; for there was with Octamasades a brother of Sitalkes, who had gone into exile for fear of him. And Octamasades agreed to this, and by giving up his own mother's brother to Sitalkes he received his brother Skyles in exchange: and Sitalkes when he received his brother led him away as a prisoner, but Octamasades cut off the head of Skyles there upon the spot. Thus do the Scythians carefully guard their own customary observances, and such are the penalties which they inflict upon those who acquire foreign customs besides their own.
80. After that, when Skyles was riding back to his home, the Scythians chose his brother Octamasades, a son of Teres's daughter, as their leader and rebelled against Skyles. When he realized what was happening and why, he fled to Thrace. Octamasades, learning of this, decided to march into Thrace. When he reached the Ister River, the Thracians confronted him, and just as they were about to fight, Sitalkes sent a messenger to Octamasades, saying, "Why do we need to fight each other? You’re my sister's son, and you have my brother in your power. Return him to me, and I'll give you your brother Skyles. Let’s not put our armies at risk, neither you nor I." Sitalkes made this proposal through a herald because a brother of Sitalkes, who had feared him, was with Octamasades. Octamasades agreed, and by handing over his maternal uncle to Sitalkes, he got his brother Skyles in return. Once Sitalkes received his brother, he took him away as a prisoner, but Octamasades executed Skyles right there on the spot. This is how the Scythians strictly maintain their traditions, and such are the consequences they impose on those who adopt foreign customs in addition to their own.
81. How many the Scythians are I was not able to ascertain precisely, but I heard various reports of the number: for reports say both that they are very many in number and also that they are few, at least as regards the true Scythians. 81 Thus far however they gave me evidence of my own eyesight:—there is between the river Borysthenes and the Hypanis a place called Exampaios, of which also I made mention somewhat before this, saying that there was in it a spring of bitter water, from which the water flows and makes the river Hypanis unfit to drink. In this place there is set a bronze bowl, in size at least six times as large as the mixing-bowl at the entrance of the Pontus, which Pausanias the son of Cleombrotos dedicated: and for him who has never seen that, I will make the matter clear by saying that the bowl in Scythia holds easily six hundred amphors, 82 and the thickness of this Scythian bowl is six fingers. This then the natives of the place told me had been made of arrow-heads: for their king, they said, whose name was Ariantas, wishing to know how many the Scythians were, ordered all the Scythians to bring one arrow-head, each from his own arrow, and whosoever should not bring one, he threatened with death. So a great multitude of arrow-heads was brought, and he resolved to make of them a memorial and to leave it behind him: from these then, they said, he made this bronze bowl and dedicated it in this place Exampaios.
81. I couldn’t determine exactly how many Scythians there are, but I've heard various estimates: some say they are very numerous, while others claim there are few, at least when it comes to the true Scythians. 81 So far, I can only rely on what I have personally seen: between the river Borysthenes and the Hypanis, there's a spot called Exampaios, which I mentioned earlier, noting that it has a spring of bitter water that makes the river Hypanis undrinkable. At this location, there’s a bronze bowl that is at least six times larger than the mixing bowl at the entrance of the Pontus, dedicated by Pausanias, son of Cleombrotos. For those who haven't seen that bowl, I'll clarify by saying that the bowl in Scythia can easily hold six hundred amphoras, 82 and the thickness of this Scythian bowl is six fingers. The locals told me it was made from arrowheads: their king, named Ariantas, wanted to know how many Scythians there were, so he ordered every Scythian to bring him one arrowhead from their own arrows, threatening death to anyone who failed to do so. A huge number of arrowheads were collected, and he decided to create a memorial from them to leave behind. According to them, he fashioned this bronze bowl and dedicated it at this place, Exampaios.
82. This is what I heard about the number of the Scythians. Now this land has no marvellous things except that it has rivers which are by far larger and more numerous than those of any other land. One thing however shall be mentioned which it has to show, and which is worthy of wonder even besides the rivers and the greatness of the plain, that is to say, they point out a footprint of Heracles in the rock by the bank of the river Tyras, which in shape is like the mark of a man's foot but in size is two cubits long. This then is such as I have said; and I will go back now to the history which I was about to tell at first.
82. This is what I heard about the number of the Scythians. This land has no amazing features except that it has rivers that are much larger and more numerous than those in any other region. However, there's one thing worth mentioning that stands out even beyond the rivers and the vast plain: they show a footprint of Heracles in the rock by the bank of the river Tyras, which looks like a human foot but measures two cubits long. That's what I wanted to say; now I'll return to the story I was about to tell at first.
83. While Dareios was preparing to go against the Scythians and was sending messengers to appoint to some the furnishing of a land-army, to others that of ships, and to others the bridging over of the Thracian Bosphorus, Artabanos, the son of Hystaspes and brother of Dareios, urged him by no means to make the march against the Scythians, telling him how difficult the Scythians were to deal with. Since however he did not persuade him, though he gave him good counsel, he ceased to urge; and Dareios, when all his preparations had been made, began to march his army forth from Susa.
83. While Darius was getting ready to go after the Scythians and was sending out messengers to assign some people to supply a land army, others to provide ships, and others to build a bridge over the Thracian Bosphorus, Artabanus, the son of Hystaspes and brother of Darius, strongly advised him against marching against the Scythians, warning him about how tough they were to deal with. But since he couldn't convince him, despite giving good advice, he stopped pressing the issue; and Darius, after finishing all his preparations, started leading his army out of Susa.
84. Then one of the Persians, Oiobazos, made request to Dareios that as he had three sons and all were serving in the expedition, one might be left behind for him: and Dareios said that as he was a friend and made a reasonable request, he would leave behind all the sons. So Oiobazos was greatly rejoiced, supposing that his sons had been freed from service, but Dareios commanded those who had the charge of such things to put to death all the sons of Oiobazos.
84. Then one of the Persians, Oiobazos, asked Darius if he could leave one of his three sons at home since all were serving in the campaign. Darius said that because he was a friend and made a fair request, he would let all the sons stay behind. Oiobazos was very happy, thinking his sons had been released from duty, but Darius ordered those in charge to execute all of Oiobazos's sons.
85. These then were left, having been slain upon the spot where they were: and Dareios meanwhile set forth from Susa and arrived at the place on the Bosphorus where the bridge of ships had been made, in the territory of Chalcedon; and there he embarked in a ship and sailed to the so-called Kyanean rocks, which the Hellenes say formerly moved backwards and forwards; and taking his seat at the temple 83 he gazed upon the Pontus, which is a sight well worth seeing. Of all seas indeed it is the most marvellous in its nature. The length of it is eleven thousand one hundred furlongs, 84 and the breadth, where it is broadest, three thousand three hundred: and of this great Sea the mouth is but four furlongs broad, and the length of the mouth, that is of the neck of water which is called Bosphorus, where, as I said, the bridge of ships had been made, is not less than a hundred and twenty furlongs. This Bosphorus extends to the Propontis; and the Propontis, being in breadth five hundred furlongs and in length one thousand four hundred, has its outlet into the Hellespont, which is but seven furlongs broad at the narrowest place, though it is four hundred furlongs in length: and the Hellespont runs out into that expanse of sea which is called the Egean.
85. They were left there, having been killed right where they stood. Meanwhile, Darius set out from Susa and arrived at the spot on the Bosphorus where the ship bridge had been built, in the region of Chalcedon. There, he boarded a ship and sailed to the so-called Kyanean rocks, which the Greeks say used to move back and forth. Taking a seat at the temple 83, he looked out at the Pontus, which is a breathtaking sight. Of all the seas, it is truly the most remarkable in its nature. Its length is eleven thousand one hundred furlongs, 84, and at its widest point, it measures three thousand three hundred; yet the mouth of this great sea is only four furlongs wide, and the length of the mouth, known as the Bosphorus, where, as I mentioned, the ship bridge was constructed, is not less than one hundred and twenty furlongs. This Bosphorus leads to the Propontis, which is five hundred furlongs wide and one thousand four hundred long, draining into the Hellespont, which is just seven furlongs wide at its narrowest point, although it stretches for four hundred furlongs in length. The Hellespont opens up into the sea known as the Aegean.
86. These measurements I have made as follows:—a ship completes on an average in a long day a distance of seventy thousand fathoms, and in a night sixty thousand. Now we know that to the river Phasis from the mouth of the Sea (for it is here that the Pontus is longest) is a voyage of nine days and eight nights, which amounts to one hundred and eleven myriads 85 of fathoms; and these fathoms are eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Then from the land of the Sindians to Themiskyra on the river Thermodon (for here is the broadest part of the Pontus) it is a voyage of three days and two nights, which amounts to thirty-three myriads 86 of fathoms or three thousand three hundred furlongs. This Pontus then and also the Bosphorus and the Hellespont have been measured by me thus, and their nature is such as has been said: and this Pontus also has a lake which has its outlet into it, which lake is not much less in size than the Pontus itself, and it is called Maiotis and "Mother of the Pontus."
86. I've made these measurements as follows: A ship travels an average of seventy thousand fathoms during a long day and sixty thousand at night. We know that the journey from the mouth of the sea to the river Phasis (where the Pontus is longest) takes nine days and eight nights, which is a total of one hundred and eleven myriads 85 of fathoms; these fathoms equal eleven thousand one hundred furlongs. Then, the trip from the land of the Sindians to Themiskyra on the river Thermodon (where the Pontus is widest) takes three days and two nights, totaling thirty-three myriads 86 of fathoms or three thousand three hundred furlongs. I’ve measured the Pontus, the Bosphorus, and the Hellespont this way, and their characteristics are as stated: This Pontus also includes a lake that flows into it, which is almost as large as the Pontus itself, called Maiotis, or "Mother of the Pontus."
87. Dareios then having gazed upon the Pontus sailed back to the bridge, of which Mandrocles a Samian had been chief constructor; and having gazed upon the Bosphorus also, he set up two pillars 8601 by it of white stone with characters cut upon them, on the one Assyrian and on the other Hellenic, being the names of all the nations which he was leading with him: and he was leading with him all over whom he was ruler. The whole number of them without the naval force was reckoned to be seventy myriads 87 including cavalry, and ships had been gathered together to the number of six hundred. These pillars the Byzantians conveyed to their city after the events of which I speak, and used them for the altar of Artemis Orthosia, excepting one stone, which was left standing by the side of the temple of Dionysos in Byzantion, covered over with Assyrian characters. Now the place on the Bosphorus where Dareios made his bridge is, as I conclude, 8701 midway between Byzantion and the temple at the mouth of the Pontus.
87. Darius then looked out over the Pontus and sailed back to the bridge, which had been built by Mandrocles, a Samian. After taking in the Bosphorus as well, he set up two pillars 8601 made of white stone beside it, with inscriptions on one in Assyrian and on the other in Greek, listing the names of all the nations he was leading with him: he was taking with him all those over whom he ruled. The total number of them, excluding the naval forces, was counted to be seventy myriads 87 including cavalry, and there were six hundred ships gathered. The Byzantines took these pillars to their city after the events I mentioned, using them as the altar for Artemis Orthosia, except for one stone, which was left standing next to the temple of Dionysos in Byzantion, covered with Assyrian inscriptions. The spot on the Bosphorus where Darius built his bridge is, as I conclude, 8701 halfway between Byzantion and the temple at the mouth of the Pontus.
88. After this Dareios being pleased with the floating bridge rewarded the chief constructor of it, Mandrocles the Samian, with gifts tenfold; 88 and as an offering from these Mandrocles had a painting made of figures to present the whole scene of the bridge over the Bosphorus and king Dareios sitting in a prominent seat and his army crossing over; this he caused to be painted and dedicated it as an offering in the temple of Hera, with the following inscription:
88. After this, Darius, pleased with the floating bridge, rewarded the chief builder, Mandrocles of Samos, with ten times the gifts; 88 and as an offering from these, Mandrocles had a painting created to depict the entire scene of the bridge over the Bosphorus, with King Darius sitting in a prominent spot while his army crossed over. He had this painted and dedicated it as an offering in the temple of Hera, with the following inscription:
"Bosphorus having bridged over, the straits fish-abounding, to Hera
Mandrocleës dedicates this, of his work to record;
A crown on himself he set, and he brought to the Samians glory,
And for Dareios performed everything after his mind."
"Bosphorus has been bridged, the straits full of fish, to Hera Mandrocles dedicates this, a record of his work; he placed a crown on his own head and brought glory to the Samians, and he accomplished everything Darius wanted."
89. This memorial was made of him who constructed the bridge: and Dareios, after he had rewarded Mandrocles with gifts, passed over into Europe, having first commanded the Ionians to sail into the Pontus as far as the river Ister, and when they arrived at the Ister, there to wait for him, making a bridge meanwhile over the river; for the chief of his naval force were the Ionians, the Aiolians and the Hellespontians. So the fleet sailed through between the Kyanean rocks and made straight for the Ister; and then they sailed up the river a two days' voyage from the sea and proceeded to make a bridge across the neck, as it were, of the river, where the mouths of the Ister part off. Dareios meanwhile, having crossed the Bosphorus on the floating bridge, was advancing through Thrace, and when he came to the sources of the river Tearos he encamped for three days.
89. This memorial was dedicated to the builder of the bridge: and Darius, after rewarding Mandrocles with gifts, crossed into Europe. He first ordered the Ionians to sail into the Black Sea as far as the Danube River, and when they reached the Danube, he instructed them to wait for him there, while they built a bridge over the river. The main part of his naval force consisted of the Ionians, the Aeolians, and the Hellespontians. So, the fleet sailed between the Cyanean Rocks and headed straight for the Danube; then they sailed up the river for two days from the sea and began constructing a bridge across the narrow part of the river where the mouths of the Danube split off. Meanwhile, Darius, having crossed the Bosphorus on the floating bridge, was advancing through Thrace, and when he arrived at the sources of the river Tearos, he camped for three days.
90. Now the Tearos is said by those who dwell near it to be the best of all rivers, both in other respects which tend to healing and especially for curing diseases of the skin 89 both in men and in horses: and its springs are thirty-eight in number, flowing all from the same rock, of which some are cold and others warm. The way to them is of equal length from the city of Heraion near Perinthos and from Apollonia upon the Euxine Sea, that is to say two days' journey by each road. This Tearos runs into the river Contadesdos and the Contadesdos into the Agrianes and the Agrianes into the Hebros, which flows into the sea by the city of Ainos.
90. People living near the Tearos say it’s the best river of all, especially for healing and treating skin conditions in both humans and horses. There are thirty-eight springs that come from the same rock, with some being cold and others warm. The distance to reach them is the same from the city of Heraion near Perinthos and from Apollonia by the Euxine Sea, which is a two-day journey by either route. The Tearos flows into the river Contadesdos, which then flows into the Agrianes, and the Agrianes into the Hebros, which empties into the sea by the city of Ainos.
91. Dareios then, having come to this river and having encamped there, was pleased with the river and set up a pillar there also, with an inscription as follows: "The head-springs of the river Tearos give the best and fairest water of all rivers; and to them came leading an army against the Scythians the best and fairest of all men, Dareios the son of Hystaspes, of the Persians and of all the Continent king." These were the words which were there written.
91. Dareios, after arriving at this river and setting up camp, was impressed by the river and also raised a pillar there with an inscription that read: "The source of the river Tearos provides the finest and most beautiful water of all rivers; and to these waters came leading an army against the Scythians the finest and most beautiful of all men, Dareios, son of Hystaspes, king of the Persians and of all the Continent." These were the words that were inscribed there.
92. Dareios then set out from thence and came to another river whose name is Artescos, which flows through the land of the Odrysians. Having come to this river he did as follows:—he appointed a place for his army and bade every man as he passed out by it place one stone in this appointed place: and when the army had performed this, then he marched away his army leaving behind great mounds of these stones.
92. Darius then left there and arrived at another river called Artescos, which runs through the land of the Odrysians. When he reached this river, he did the following: he designated a spot for his army and instructed each soldier to place a stone there as they passed by. After the army completed this task, he marched on, leaving behind large piles of these stones.
93. But before he came to the Ister he conquered first the Getai, who believe in immortality: for the Thracians who occupy Salmydessos and are settled above the cities of Apollonian and Mesambria, called the Kyrmianai 90 and the Nipsaioi, delivered themselves over to Dareios without fighting; but the Getai, who are the bravest and the most upright in their dealings of all the Thracians, having betaken themselves to obstinacy were forthwith subdued.
93. But before he reached the Ister, he first defeated the Getai, who believe in immortality. The Thracians living in Salmydessos and settled above the cities of Apollonian and Mesambria, known as the Kyrmianai 90 and the Nipsaioi, surrendered to Dareios without a fight. However, the Getai, who are the bravest and most honorable of all the Thracians, became stubborn and were quickly overpowered.
94. And their belief in immortality is of this kind, that is to say, they hold that they do not die, but that he who is killed goes to Salmoxis, 91 a divinity, 92 whom some of them call Gebeleizis; and at intervals of four years 93 they send one of themselves, whomsoever the lot may select, as a messenger to Salmoxis, charging him with such requests as they have to make on each occasion; and they send him thus:—certain of them who are appointed for this have three javelins, and others meanwhile take hold on both sides of him who is being sent to Salmoxis, both by his hands and his feet, and first they swing him up, then throw him into the air so as to fall upon the spear-points: and if when he is pierced through he is killed, they think that the god is favourable to them; but if he is not killed, they find fault with the messenger himself, calling him a worthless man, and then having found fault with him they send another: and they give him the charge beforehand, while he is yet alive. These same Thracians also shoot arrows up towards the sky when thunder and lightning come, and use threats to the god, not believing that there exists any other god except their own.
94. Their belief in immortality is like this: they think that people don’t truly die, but that those who are killed go to Salmoxis, 91 a deity, 92 whom some of them call Gebeleizis. Every four years 93, they choose one of their own, selected by lot, to act as a messenger to Salmoxis, with specific requests to make on each occasion. They send him off like this: certain individuals assigned for this task have three javelins, while others hold onto the messenger by his hands and feet, swinging him up and then throwing him into the air so he falls onto the spear tips. If he gets pierced and dies, they believe the god approves of them; if not, they criticize the messenger, calling him useless, and then choose another one. They give him the instructions beforehand while he’s still alive. These same Thracians also shoot arrows up into the sky during thunderstorms and lightening, threatening their god, believing that no other deity exists besides their own.
95. This Salmoxis I hear from the Hellenes who dwell about the Hellespont and the Pontus, was a man, and he became a slave in Samos, and was in fact a slave of Pythagoras the son of Mnesarchos. Then having become free he gained great wealth, and afterwards returned to his own land: and as the Thracians both live hardly and are rather simple-minded, this Salmoxis, being acquainted with the Ionian way of living and with manners more cultivated 94 than the Thracians were used to see, since he had associated with Hellenes (and not only that but with Pythagoras, not the least able philosopher 95 of the Hellenes), prepared a banqueting-hall, 96 where he received and feasted the chief men of the tribe and instructed them meanwhile that neither he himself nor his guests nor their descendants in succession after them would die; but that they would come to a place where they would live for ever and have all things good. While he was doing that which has been mentioned and was saying these things, he was making for himself meanwhile a chamber under the ground; and when his chamber was finished, he disappeared from among the Thracians and went down into the underground chamber, where he continued to live for three years: and they grieved for his loss and mourned for him as dead. Then in the fourth year he appeared to the Thracians, and in this way the things which Salmoxis said became credible to them.
95. This Salmoxis, I hear from the Greeks living around the Hellespont and the Black Sea, was a man who became a slave in Samos, specifically a slave of Pythagoras, the son of Mnesarchos. After gaining his freedom, he acquired great wealth and eventually returned to his homeland. Since the Thracians lived tough lives and were quite straightforward, Salmoxis, being familiar with the Ionian lifestyle and more sophisticated manners than the Thracians were used to, having mingled with Greeks (and particularly with Pythagoras, one of the most skilled philosophers among them), set up a banquet hall, 94 where he hosted and feasted the leading men of the tribe. He also taught them that neither he nor his guests nor their descendants would die; instead, they would go to a place where they would live forever and enjoy all good things. While he was saying this and hosting the banquets, he was simultaneously constructing an underground chamber for himself. Once his chamber was completed, he disappeared from the Thracians and went down into the underground room, where he stayed for three years. They mourned his disappearance, believing him to be dead. Then, in the fourth year, he reappeared to the Thracians, making what Salmoxis had said believable to them.
96. Thus they say that he did; but as to this matter and the chamber under ground, I neither disbelieve it nor do I very strongly believe, but I think that this Salmoxis lived many years before Pythagoras. However, whether there ever lived a man Salmoxis, or whether he is simply a native deity of the Getai, let us bid farewell to him now.
96. So they say he did; but regarding this issue and the underground chamber, I neither disbelieve it nor completely believe it, but I think this Salmoxis lived many years before Pythagoras. However, whether there ever was a man named Salmoxis or if he is just a local deity of the Getai, let's say goodbye to him now.
97. These, I say, having such manners as I have said, were subdued by the Persians and accompanied the rest of the army: and when Dareios and with him the land-army arrived at the Ister, then after all had passed over, Dareios commanded the Ionians to break up the floating bridge and to accompany him by land, as well as the rest of the troops which were in the ships: and when the Ionians were just about to break it up and to do that which he commanded, Coës the son of Erxander, who was commander of the Mytilenians, said thus to Dareios, having first inquired whether he was disposed to listen to an opinion from one who desired to declare it: "O king, seeing that thou art about to march upon a land where no cultivated ground will be seen nor any inhabited town, do thou therefore let this bridge remain where it is, leaving to guard it those same men who constructed it. Then, if we find the Scythians and fare as we desire, we have a way of return; and also even if we shall not be able to find them, at least our way of return is secured: for that we should be worsted by the Scythians in fight I never feared yet, but rather that we might not be able to find them, and might suffer some disaster in wandering about. Perhaps some one will say that in speaking thus I am speaking for my own advantage, in order that I may remain behind; but in truth I am bringing forward, O king, the opinion which I found best for thee, and I myself will accompany thee and not be left behind." With this opinion Dareios was very greatly pleased and made answer to him in these words: "Friend from Lesbos, when I have returned safe to my house, be sure that thou appear before me, in order that I may requite thee with good deeds for good counsel."
97. These people I mentioned, with the behaviors I’ve described, were conquered by the Persians and joined the rest of the army. When Darius and the land army reached the Danube, after everyone had crossed over, Darius ordered the Ionians to dismantle the floating bridge and follow him on land, along with the other troops from the ships. As the Ionians were about to follow his command, Coës, the son of Erxander and commander of the Mytilenians, spoke to Darius, first asking if he was open to hearing a suggestion from someone who wanted to share it: "O king, since you’re about to march into a land without agricultural fields or any towns, I suggest leaving the bridge as it is and letting those who built it guard it. That way, if we find the Scythians and succeed, we have a way to return; and even if we don’t find them, at least we have secured a route back. I’m not worried about being defeated by the Scythians in battle, but rather about not finding them and facing some trouble while wandering. Some might say I’m suggesting this for my own benefit, wanting to stay behind, but honestly, I’m giving you the advice that I believe is best for you, and I will accompany you and won’t be left behind.” Darius was very pleased with this suggestion and responded, "Friend from Lesbos, once I return safely to my home, make sure to come to see me so I can reward you with good deeds for your wise counsel."
98. Having thus said and having tied sixty knots in a thong, he called the despots of the Ionians to speak with him and said as follows: "Men of Ionia, know that I have given up the opinion which I formerly declared with regard to the bridge; and do ye keep this thong and do as I shall say:—so soon as ye shall have seen me go forward against the Scythians, from that time begin, and untie a knot on each day: and if within this time I am not here, and ye find that the days marked by the knots have passed by, then sail away to your own lands. Till then, since our resolve has thus been changed, guard the floating bridge, showing all diligence to keep it safe and to guard it. And thus acting, ye will do for me a very acceptable service." Thus said Dareios and hastened on his march forwards.
98. Having said this and tied sixty knots in a strap, he called the leaders of the Ionians to speak with him and said: "Men of Ionia, I want you to know that I’ve changed my mind about the bridge; take this strap and do as I instruct: as soon as you see me advance against the Scythians, start untieing one knot each day. If I’m not back by the time all the knots are untied, you should sail back to your own lands. Until then, since our plan has changed, take care of the floating bridge, making sure to keep it safe. By doing this, you’ll be doing me a great service." With that, Darius hurried on with his march.
99. Now in front of Scythia in the direction towards the sea 97 lies Thrace; and where a bay is formed in this land, there begins Scythia, into which the Ister flows out, the mouth of the river being turned towards the South-East Wind. Beginning at the Ister then I am about to describe the coast land of the true Scythia, with regard to measurement. At once from the Ister begins this original land of Scythia, and it lies towards the midday and the South Wind, extending as far as the city called Carkinitis. After this the part which lies on the coast of the same sea still, a country which is mountainous and runs out in the direction of the Pontus, is occupied by the Tauric race, as far as the peninsula which is called the "Rugged Chersonese"; and this extends to the sea which lies towards the East Wind: for two sides of the Scythian boundaries lie along by the sea, one by the sea on the South, and the other by that on the East, just as it is with Attica: and in truth the Tauroi occupy a part of Scythia which has much resemblance to Attica; it is as if in Attica another race and not the Athenians occupied the hill region 98 of Sunion, supposing it to project more at the point into the sea, that region namely which is cut off by a line from Thoricos to Anaphlystos. Such I say, if we may be allowed to compare small things such as this with great, is the form of the Tauric land. 99 For him however who has not sailed along this part of the coast of Attica I will make it clear by another comparison:—it is as if in Iapygia another race and not the Iapygians had cut off for themselves and were holding that extremity of the land which is bounded by a line beginning at the harbour of Brentesion and running to Taras. And in mentioning these two similar cases I am suggesting many other things also to which the Tauric land has resemblance.
99. Now in front of Scythia, heading toward the sea 97, lies Thrace. At a point where a bay forms in this region, Scythia begins, into which the Ister flows, with the river's mouth facing the South-East Wind. Starting from the Ister, I will now describe the coastline of true Scythia in terms of its measurements. Scythia starts right at the Ister and stretches toward the midday and the South Wind, extending all the way to the city called Carkinitis. Beyond this, the coastal area of the same sea, which is mountainous and extends toward the Pontus, is inhabited by the Tauric people, reaching as far as the peninsula known as the "Rugged Chersonese," which reaches the sea facing the East Wind. Two sides of Scythian territory sit along the sea: one to the south and the other to the east, much like Attica. In fact, the Tauric region bears a strong resemblance to Attica; it is as if in Attica, another people rather than the Athenians occupied the hilly area 98 of Sunion, if that region were to extend further into the sea, a region that would be marked by a line from Thoricos to Anaphlystos. Thus, if we may be permitted to draw a comparison between the small and the great, this is the shape of the Tauric land. 99 For those who have not sailed along this part of the Attican coast, let me explain with another comparison:—it's like if in Iapygia, another group instead of the Iapygians had taken possession of the end of the land, defined by a line starting from the harbor of Brentesion and going to Taras. By referencing these two similar examples, I am alluding to many other comparisons that can be made with the Tauric land.
100. After the Tauric land immediately come Scythians again, occupying the parts above the Tauroi and the coasts of the Eastern sea, that is to say the parts to the West of the Kimmerian Bosphorus and of the Maiotian lake, as far as the river Tanaïs, which runs into the corner of this lake. In the upper parts which tend inland Scythia is bounded (as we know) 100 by the Agathyrsians first, beginning from the Ister, and then by the Neuroi, afterwards by the Androphagoi, and lastly by the Melanchlainoi.
100. After the Tauric area, the Scythians return, occupying the regions above the Tauroi and the shores of the Eastern sea, specifically the areas west of the Kimmerian Bosphorus and the Maiotian lake, extending to the Tanaïs river, which flows into the edge of this lake. In the higher inland areas, Scythia is bordered (as we know) 100 first by the Agathyrsians, starting from the Ister, then by the Neuroi, followed by the Androphagoi, and finally by the Melanchlainoi.
101. Scythia then being looked upon as a four-sided figure with two of its sides bordered by the sea, has its border lines equal to one another in each direction, that which tends inland and that which runs along by the sea: for from Ister to the Borysthenes is ten days' journey, and from the Borysthenes to the Maiotian lake ten days' more; and the distance inland to the Melanchlainoi, who are settled above the Scythians, is a journey of twenty days. Now I have reckoned the day's journey at two hundred furlongs: 101 and by this reckoning the cross lines of Scythia 102 would be four thousand furlongs in length, and the perpendiculars which tend inland would be the same number of furlongs. Such is the size of this land.
101. Scythia is viewed as a four-sided shape with two of its sides along the sea, having equal borderlines in every direction, both inland and by the sea. The journey from the Ister to the Borysthenes takes ten days, and it takes another ten days from the Borysthenes to the Maiotian lake. The distance inland to the Melanchlainoi, who live above the Scythians, is a twenty-day journey. I've calculated a day's journey to be two hundred furlongs: 101 and based on this calculation, the width of Scythia 102 would be four thousand furlongs, and the length inland would also be the same number of furlongs. That’s the size of this land.
102. The Scythians meanwhile having considered with themselves that they were not able to repel the army of Dareios alone by a pitched battle, proceeded to send messengers to those who dwelt near them: and already the kings of these nations had come together and were taking counsel with one another, since so great an army was marching towards them. Now those who had come together were the kings of the Tauroi, Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi, Gelonians, Budinoi and Sauromatai.
102. The Scythians, realizing that they couldn’t fend off Darius's army alone in a battle, decided to send messengers to nearby nations. The kings of these nations had already gathered and were discussing their next steps, given the massive army heading their way. The kings who came together included those from the Tauroi, Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi, Gelonians, Budinoi, and Sauromatai.
103. Of these the Tauroi have the following customs:—they sacrifice to the "Maiden" both ship-wrecked persons and also those Hellenes whom they can capture by putting out to sea against them; 103 and their manner of sacrifice is this:—when they have made the first offering from the victim they strike his head with a club: and some say that they push the body down from the top of the cliff (for it is upon a cliff that the temple is placed) and set the head up on a stake; but others, while agreeing as to the heads, say nevertheless that the body is not pushed down from the top of the cliff, but buried in the earth. This divinity to whom they sacrifice, the Tauroi themselves say is Iphigeneia the daughter of Agamemnon. Whatsoever enemies they have conquered they treat in this fashion:—each man cuts off a head and bears it away to his house; then he impales it on a long stake and sets it up above his house raised to a great height, generally above the chimney; and they say that these are suspended above as guards to preserve the whole house. This people has its living by plunder and war.
103. The Tauroi have the following customs: they sacrifice both shipwrecked people and any Hellenes they capture by setting out to sea against them; 103 their method of sacrifice is like this: after making the first offering from the victim, they hit his head with a club. Some say they push the body off the cliff (since the temple is located on a cliff) and put the head on a stake; others, while agreeing about the heads, insist that the body isn’t pushed off the cliff but buried in the ground. This god to whom they sacrifice, the Tauroi say is Iphigeneia, the daughter of Agamemnon. They treat any enemies they conquer this way: each man cuts off a head and takes it home; then he impales it on a long stake and displays it on top of his house, usually above the chimney; they believe these heads act as guards to protect the entire household. This people survives through plunder and war.
104. The Agathyrsians are the most luxurious of men and wear gold ornaments for the most part: also they have promiscuous intercourse with their women, in order that they may be brethren to one another and being all nearly related may not feel envy or malice one against another. In their other customs they have come to resemble the Thracians.
104. The Agathyrsians are the most affluent people and mostly wear gold jewelry. They also engage in casual relationships with their women to foster brotherhood among themselves, ensuring that they are all closely related and free from envy or hostility towards one another. In other aspects of their customs, they have come to resemble the Thracians.
105. The Neuroi practise the Scythian customs: and one generation before the expedition of Dareios it so befell them that they were forced to quit their land altogether by reason of serpents: for their land produced serpents in vast numbers, and they fell upon them in still larger numbers from the desert country above their borders; until at last being hard pressed they left their own land and settled among the Budinoi. These men it would seem are wizards; for it is said of them by the Scythians and by the Hellenes who are settled in the Scythian land that once in every year each of the Neuroi becomes a wolf for a few days and then returns again to his original form. For my part I do not believe them when they say this, but they say it nevertheless, and swear it moreover.
105. The Neuroi follow the customs of the Scythians: and one generation before Darius's expedition, they were forced to completely leave their land because of snakes. Their territory was infested with snakes in huge numbers, and even more came from the desert region just beyond their borders. Eventually, under intense pressure, they abandoned their homeland and settled among the Budinoi. It seems these people are wizards; the Scythians and Greeks living in Scythian territory say that once a year, each of the Neuroi turns into a wolf for a few days before returning to their original form. Personally, I don’t believe this claim, but they insist on it and swear it’s true.
106. The Androphagoi have the most savage manners of all human beings, and they neither acknowledge any rule of right nor observe any customary law. They are nomads and wear clothing like that of the Scythians, but have a language of their own; and alone of all these nations they are man-eaters.
106. The Androphagoi have the most brutal customs of all people, and they recognize no sense of justice or follow any traditional laws. They are nomadic and dress similarly to the Scythians, but they have their own language; and uniquely among all these nations, they are cannibals.
107. The Melanchlainoi wear all of them black clothing, whence also they have their name; and they practise the customs of the Scythians.
107. The Melanchlainoi wear all black clothing, which is where they get their name; and they follow the customs of the Scythians.
108. The Budinoi are a very great and numerous race, and are all very blue-eyed and fair of skin: and in their land is built a city of wood, the name of which is Gelonos, and each side of the wall is thirty furlongs in length and lofty at the same time, all being of wood; and the houses are of wood also and the temples; for there are in it temples of Hellenic gods furnished after Hellenic fashion with sacred images and altars and cells, 104 all of wood; and they keep festivals every other year 105 to Dionysos and celebrate the rites of Bacchus: for the Gelonians are originally Hellenes, and they removed 106 from the trading stations on the coast and settled among the Budinoi; and they use partly the Scythian language and partly the Hellenic. The Budinoi however do not use the same language as the Gelonians, nor is their manner of living the same:
108. The Budinoi are a large and numerous group, all of whom have blue eyes and fair skin. In their land, there’s a city made of wood called Gelonos, with walls that are thirty furlongs long on each side and quite tall, all constructed from wood. The houses and temples are also made of wood; the city has temples dedicated to Greek gods, designed in the Greek style with sacred images, altars, and cells, 104 all made of wood. They hold festivals every other year 105 in honor of Dionysus and celebrate Bacchus. The Gelonians are originally Greeks who moved 106 from trade stations on the coast to settle among the Budinoi. They speak a mix of Scythian and Greek. However, the Budinoi do not speak the same language as the Gelonians, nor do they have the same way of life:
109, for the Budinoi are natives of the soil and a nomad people, and alone of the nations in these parts feed on fir-cones; 107 but the Gelonians are tillers of the ground and feed on corn and have gardens, and resemble them not at all either in appearance or in complexion of skin. However by the Hellenes the Budinoi also are called Gelonians, not being rightly so called. Their land is all thickly overgrown with forests of all kinds of trees, and in the thickest forest there is a large and deep lake, and round it marshy ground and reeds. In this are caught otters and beavers and certainly other wild animals with square-shaped faces. The fur of these is sewn as a fringe round their coats of skin, and the testicles are made use of by them for curing diseases of the womb.
109, because the Budinoi are native to the land and a nomadic people, and uniquely among the nations in this area, they eat fir cones; 107 but the Gelonians are farmers who eat grains and have gardens, and they don't look anything like the Budinoi in terms of appearance or skin color. However, the Greeks also refer to the Budinoi as Gelonians, even though that name isn't accurate. Their land is densely covered with forests of all types of trees, and at the heart of the thickest forest, there's a large, deep lake surrounded by marshy land and reeds. In this area, they catch otters, beavers, and certainly other wild animals with square-shaped faces. The fur from these animals is used as a trim on their skin coats, and they use the testicles to treat womb diseases.
110. About the Sauromatai the following tale is told:—When the Hellenes had fought with the Amazons,—now the Amazons are called by the Scythians Oiorpata, 108 which name means in the Hellenic tongue "slayers of men," for "man" they call oior, and pata means "to slay,"—then, as the story goes, the Hellenes, having conquered them in the battle at the Thermodon, were sailing away and conveying with them in three ships as many Amazons as they were able to take prisoners. These in the open sea set upon the men and cast them out of the ships; but they knew nothing about ships, nor how to use rudders or sails or oars, and after they had cast out the men they were driven about by wave and wind and came to that part of the Maiotian lake where Cremnoi stands; now Cremnoi is in the land of the free Scythians. 109 There the Amazons disembarked from their ships and made their way into the country, and having met first with a troop of horses feeding they seized them, and mounted upon these they plundered the property of the Scythians.
110. Here's a story about the Sauromatai: When the Greeks fought the Amazons—who the Scythians call Oiorpata, a name that means "slayers of men" in Greek, since "man" is oior and pata means "to slay"—the Greeks, after defeating them in battle at the Thermodon, set sail with as many captured Amazons as they could fit in three ships. Out in the open sea, the Amazons attacked the men and threw them overboard; however, they didn’t know anything about ships or how to handle rudders, sails, or oars. After tossing the men out, they were tossed around by waves and wind until they reached the area of the Maiotian lake where Cremnoi is located; Cremnoi is in the territory of the free Scythians. 109 There, the Amazons got off their ships and ventured into the land, where they first encountered a herd of grazing horses. They captured the horses and, riding them, they ransacked the Scythians' property.
111. The Scythians meanwhile were not able to understand the matter, for they did not know either their speech or their dress or the race to which they belonged, but were in wonder as to whence they had come and thought that they were men, of an age corresponding to their appearance: and finally they fought a battle against them, and after the battle the Scythians got possession of the bodies of the dead, and thus they discovered that they were women. They took counsel therefore and resolved by no means to go on trying to kill them, but to send against them the youngest men from among themselves, making conjecture of the number so as to send just as many men as there were women. These were told to encamp near them, and do whatsoever they should do; if however the women should come after them, they were not to fight but to retire before them, and when the women stopped, they were to approach near and encamp. This plan was adopted by the Scythians because they desired to have children born from them.
111. The Scythians, meanwhile, couldn't understand what was going on because they didn't recognize their language, clothing, or the race they belonged to. They were puzzled about where these people had come from and thought they were men based on their appearance. Eventually, they fought a battle against them, and after the battle, the Scythians discovered that the bodies of the dead were actually women. They then decided not to continue trying to kill them but to send their youngest men to approach them, figuring that they should send as many men as there were women. The men were instructed to set up camp nearby and do whatever the women did. If the women came after them, they were not to fight but to retreat. When the women stopped, they were to move closer and camp again. The Scythians adopted this plan because they wanted to have children with them.
112. The young men accordingly were sent out and did that which had been commanded them: and when the Amazons perceived that they had not come to do them any harm, they let them alone; and the two camps approached nearer to one another every day: and the young men, like the Amazons, had nothing except their arms and their horses, and got their living, as the Amazons did, by hunting and by taking booty.
112. The young men were sent out and did what they were told. When the Amazons saw that they weren’t there to hurt them, they left them alone. Every day, the two camps got closer to each other. Like the Amazons, the young men had nothing but their weapons and horses and survived by hunting and taking what they could.
113. Now the Amazons at midday used to scatter abroad either one by one or by two together, dispersing to a distance from one another to ease themselves; and the Scythians also having perceived this did the same thing: and one of the Scythians came near to one of those Amazons who were apart by themselves, and she did not repulse him but allowed him to lie with her: and she could not speak to him, for they did not understand one another's speech, but she made signs to him with her hand to come on the following day to the same place and to bring another with him, signifying to him that there should be two of them, and that she would bring another with her. The young man therefore, when he returned, reported this to the others; and on the next day he came himself to the place and also brought another, and he found the Amazon awaiting him with another in her company. Then hearing this the rest of the young men also in their turn tamed for themselves the remainder of the Amazons;
113. At noon, the Amazons would typically spread out, either alone or in pairs, moving away from each other to take care of their needs. The Scythians noticed this and did the same. One of the Scythians approached an Amazon who was by herself, and instead of turning him away, she allowed him to be with her. They couldn’t speak to each other since they didn’t understand each other's languages, but she gestured for him to come back the next day to the same spot and to bring another person, indicating that there would be two of them and that she would also bring someone. When he returned, he shared this with the others, and the next day, he went back to the location with another person and found the Amazon waiting with another companion. Hearing this, the other young men also paired up with the remaining Amazons.
114, and after this they joined their camps and lived together, each man having for his wife her with whom he had had dealings at first; and the men were not able to learn the speech of the women, but the women came to comprehend that of the men. So when they understood one another, the men spoke to the Amazons as follows: "We have parents and we have possessions; now therefore let us no longer lead a life of this kind, but let us go away to the main body of our people and dwell with them; and we will have you for wives and no others." They however spoke thus in reply: "We should not be able to live with your women, for we and they have not the same customs. We shoot with bows and hurl javelins and ride horses, but the works of women we never learnt; whereas your women do none of these things which we said, but stay in the waggons and work at the works of women, neither going out to the chase nor anywhither else. We therefore should not be able to live in agreement with them: but if ye desire to keep us for your wives and to be thought honest men, go to your parents and obtain from them your share of the goods, and then let us go and dwell by ourselves."
114, and after this, they combined their camps and lived together, each man with the woman he had initially interacted with. The men couldn’t learn the women’s language, but the women started to understand the men’s. Once they were able to communicate, the men said to the Amazons: "We have families and possessions; let's not continue living this way. Let’s return to our main group and live with them, and we’ll take you as our wives, no one else." The Amazons replied: "We can’t live with your women because our customs are different. We hunt with bows, throw javelins, and ride horses, but we’ve never learned the tasks of women. On the other hand, your women don’t do any of this—they stay in the wagons and do women’s work, and they don’t go hunting or anywhere else. So, we wouldn’t be able to get along with them. But if you want to keep us as wives and be considered honorable men, go to your families, get your share of the goods, and then let’s go live by ourselves."
115. The young men agreed and did this; and when they had obtained the share of the goods which belonged to them and had returned back to the Amazons, the women spoke to them as follows: "We are possessed by fear and trembling to think that we must dwell in this place, having not only separated you from your fathers, but also done great damage to your land. Since then ye think it right to have us as your wives, do this together with us,—come and let us remove from this land and pass over the river Tanaïs and there dwell."
115. The young men agreed and did this; and when they received their share of the goods that belonged to them and returned to the Amazons, the women spoke to them as follows: "We are filled with fear and anxiety thinking that we must stay in this place, having not only separated you from your fathers but also caused significant harm to your land. Since you believe it is right to have us as your wives, let’s do this together—come and let’s leave this land and cross the river Tanaïs to live there."
116. The young men agreed to this also, and they crossed over the Tanaïs and made their way towards the rising sun for three days' journey from Tanaïs, and also towards the North Wind for three days' journey from the Maiotian lake: and having arrived at the place where they are now settled, they took up their abode there: and from thenceforward the women of the Sauromatai practise their ancient way of living, going out regularly on horseback to the chase both in company with the men and apart from them, and going regularly to war, and wearing the same dress as the men.
116. The young men agreed to this too, and they crossed the Tanaïs and traveled towards the rising sun for three days from Tanaïs, and also towards the North Wind for three days from the Maiotian lake. When they arrived at the place where they now live, they settled down there. From then on, the women of the Sauromatai continued their traditional lifestyle, frequently riding out for hunts both with the men and on their own, going to war regularly, and wearing the same clothes as the men.
117. And the Sauromatai make use of the Scythian tongue, speaking it barbarously however from the first, since the Amazons did not learn it thoroughly well. As regards marriages their rule is this, that no maiden is married until she has slain a man of their enemies; and some of them even grow old and die before they are married, because they are not able to fulfil the requirement of the law.
117. The Sauromatai speak the Scythian language, though they speak it poorly at first because the Amazons didn’t learn it properly. When it comes to marriage, their rule is that no woman can marry until she has killed an enemy man; some even grow old and die without ever getting married because they can’t meet this requirement.
118. To the kings of these nations then, which have been mentioned in order, the messengers of the Scythians came, finding them gathered together, and spoke declaring to them how the Persian king, after having subdued all things to himself in the other continent, had laid a bridge over the neck of the Bosphorus and had crossed over to that continent, and having crossed over and subdued the Thracians, was making a bridge over the river Ister, desiring to bring under his power all these regions also. "Do ye therefore," they said, "by no means stand aloof and allow us to be destroyed, but let us become all of one mind and oppose him who is coming against us. If ye shall not do so, we on our part shall either be forced by necessity to leave our land, or we shall stay in it and make a treaty with the invader; for what else can we do if ye are not willing to help us? and for you after this 110 it will be in no respect easier; for the Persian has come not at all less against you than against us, nor will it content him to subdue us and abstain from you. And of the truth of that which we say we will mention a strong evidence: if the Persian had been making his expedition against us alone, because he desired to take vengeance for the former servitude, he ought to have abstained from all the rest and to have come at once to invade our land, and he would thus have made it clear to all that he was marching to fight against the Scythians and not against the rest. In fact however, ever since he crossed over to this continent, he has compelled all who came in his way to submit to him, and he holds under him now not only the other Thracians but also the Getai, who are our nearest neighbours."
118. The messengers of the Scythians arrived to speak with the kings of the mentioned nations, who were gathered together. They told them how the Persian king, after conquering everything in the other continent, had built a bridge across the Bosphorus and crossed over. After crossing, he subdued the Thracians and was constructing a bridge over the Ister River, aiming to gain control over these regions as well. "So, please," they urged, "don’t stand by and let us be destroyed. Let’s unite and resist the one who’s coming against us. If you don’t help us, we will either have to leave our land or stay and negotiate with the invader; what choice do we have if you won’t assist us? For you, it won’t be any easier after this 110 either; the Persian is just as much a threat to you as he is to us, and he won't be satisfied just conquering us while ignoring you. To support our claim, we have strong evidence: if the Persian was only targeting us for revenge for past servitude, he would have ignored the others and directly invaded our land, demonstrating he was only after the Scythians. However, since he crossed to this continent, he has forced everyone in his path to submit, and he now controls not just the other Thracians but also the Getai, our closest neighbors."
119. When the Scythians proposed this, the kings who had come from the various nations took counsel together, and their opinions were divided. The kings of the Gelonians, of the Budinoi and of the Sauromatai agreed together and accepted the proposal that they should help the Scythians, but those of the Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi and Tauroi returned answer to the Scythians as follows: "If ye had not been the first to do wrong to the Persians and to begin war, then we should have surely thought that ye were speaking justly in asking for those things for which ye now ask, and we should have yielded to your request and shared your fortunes. As it is however, ye on the one hand made invasion without us into their land, and bare rule over the Persians for so long a time as God permitted you; and they in their turn, since the same God stirs them up, are repaying you with the like. As for us however, neither at that time did we do any wrong to these men nor now shall we attempt to do any wrong to them unprovoked: if however the Persians shall come against our land also, and do wrong first to us, we also shall refuse to submit 111: but until we shall see this, we shall remain by ourselves, for we are of opinion that the Persians have come not against us, but against those who were the authors of the wrong."
119. When the Scythians suggested this, the kings from various nations gathered to discuss it, and their opinions were mixed. The kings of the Gelonians, Budinoi, and Sauromatai agreed to help the Scythians, but the kings of the Agathyrsians, Neuroi, Androphagoi, Melanchlainoi, and Tauroi responded to the Scythians: "If you hadn’t been the ones to wrong the Persians first and start this war, we would have thought you were justified in asking for what you are now asking for, and we would have supported your request and shared in your fate. However, you invaded their land without us and ruled over the Persians for as long as God allowed; now they are retaliating because that same God has stirred them up. As for us, we neither wronged these men before nor will we wrong them now without cause. But if the Persians come into our land and wrong us first, then we will also refuse to submit 111: until then, we will stay out of it, because we believe the Persians are not coming for us, but for those who caused the wrong."
120. When the Scythians heard this answer reported, they planned not to fight a pitched battle openly, since these did not join them as allies, but to retire before the Persians and to drive away their cattle from before them, choking up with earth the wells and the springs of water by which they passed and destroying the grass from off the ground, having parted themselves for this into two bodies; and they resolved that the Sauromatai should be added to one of their divisions, namely that over which Scopasis was king, and that these should move on, if the Persians turned in that direction, straight towards the river Tanaïs, retreating before him by the shore of the Maiotian lake; and when the Persian marched back again, they should come after and pursue him. This was one division of their kingdom, appointed to go by the way which has been said; and the other two of the kingdoms, the large one over which Idanthyrsos was king, and the third of which Taxakis was king, were to join together in one, with the Gelonians and the Budinoi added to them, and they also were to retire before the Persians one day's march in front of them, going on out of their way and doing that which had been planned. First they were to move on straight for the countries which had refused to give their alliance, in order that they might involve these also in the war, and though these had not voluntarily undertaken the war with the Persians, they were to involve them in it nevertheless against their will; and after that they were to return to their own land and attack the enemy, if it should seem good to them in council so to do.
120. When the Scythians heard this response, they decided not to engage in an open battle since these didn’t join them as allies. Instead, they planned to retreat before the Persians and drive their cattle away, blocking the wells and springs with dirt as they passed and destroying the grass along the way. They split into two groups for this strategy. They decided to add the Sauromatai to one division, led by King Scopasis, who would move toward the Tanaïs River if the Persians headed in that direction, retreating along the shore of the Maiotian lake. When the Persians marched back, they would follow and pursue them. This was one division of their kingdom, tasked with the path mentioned; the other two kingdoms, led by King Idanthyrsos and King Taxakis, would unite along with the Gelonians and Budinoi, also retreating a day's march in front of the Persians, taking a detour to execute their plan. First, they would advance toward the territories that had refused to ally with them to draw those areas into the conflict. Even though those regions hadn’t voluntarily gone to war with the Persians, they planned to involve them against their will. After that, they would return to their land and attack the enemy if they decided to do so in council.
121. Having formed this plan the Scythians went to meet the army of Dareios, sending off the best of their horsemen before them as scouts; but all 112 the waggons in which their children and their women lived they sent on, and with them all their cattle (leaving only so much as was sufficient to supply them with food), and charged them that they should proceed continually towards the North Wind. These, I say, were being carried on before:
121. After making this plan, the Scythians moved to confront Dareios's army, sending their best horsemen ahead as scouts; meanwhile, they sent all the wagons carrying their women and children forward, along with their cattle (only keeping enough to feed them), and instructed them to keep heading toward the North Wind. These, I say, were being carried on ahead:
122, but when the scouts who went in front of the Scythians discovered the Persians distant about three days' march from Ister, then the Scythians having discovered them continued to pitch their camp one day's march in front, destroying utterly that which grew from the ground: and when the Persians saw that the horsemen of the Scythians had made their appearance, they came after them following in their track, while the Scythians continually moved on. After this, since they had directed their march towards the first of the divisions, the Persians continued to pursue towards the East and the river Tanaïs; and when the Scythians crossed over the river Tanaïs, the Persians crossed over after them and continued still to pursue, until they had passed quite through the land of the Sauromatai and had come to that of the Budinoi.
122, but when the scouts who went ahead of the Scythians found the Persians about three days' march away from the Danube, the Scythians, having spotted them, set up their camp a day's march in front, completely destroying everything that grew from the ground. When the Persians saw the Scythian horsemen appear, they followed in their tracks, while the Scythians kept moving forward. After that, since they were heading toward the first division, the Persians continued their pursuit to the east and towards the river Tanais. When the Scythians crossed the Tanais, the Persians followed them across and kept pursuing until they passed through the land of the Sauromatai and reached that of the Budinoi.
123. Now so long as the Persians were passing through Scythia and the land of the Sauromatai, they had nothing to destroy, seeing that the land was bare, 113 but when they invaded the land of the Budinoi, then they fell in with the wooden wall, which had been deserted by the Budinoi and left wholly unoccupied, and this they destroyed by fire. Having done so they continued to follow on further in the tracks of the enemy, until they had passed through the whole of this land and had arrived at the desert. This desert region is occupied by no men, and it lies above the land of the Budinoi, extending for a seven days' journey; and above this desert dwell the Thyssagetai, and four large rivers flow from them through the land of the Maiotians and run into that which is called the Maiotian lake, their names being as follows,—Lycos, Oaros, Tanaïs, Syrgis. 114
123. As long as the Persians were traveling through Scythia and the land of the Sauromatai, they found nothing to destroy since the land was empty, 113 but when they entered the territory of the Budinoi, they encountered the wooden wall, which had been abandoned by the Budinoi and was completely unoccupied, and they set it on fire. After that, they continued to follow the enemy's trail until they had crossed the entire land and reached the desert. This desert area is uninhabited and lies above the land of the Budinoi, stretching for a seven-day journey; beyond this desert live the Thyssagetai, and four major rivers flow from them through the land of the Maiotians into what is known as the Maiotian lake, named—Lycos, Oaros, Tanaïs, Syrgis. 114
124. When therefore Dareios came to the desert region, he ceased from his course and halted his army upon the river Oaros. Having so done he began to build eight large fortifications at equal distances from one another, that is to say about sixty furlongs, of which the ruins still existed down to my time; and while he was occupied in this, the Scythians whom he was pursuing came round by the upper parts and returned back to Scythia. Accordingly, since these had altogether disappeared and were no longer seen by the Persians at all, Dareios left those fortifications half finished, and turning back himself began to go towards the West, supposing that these were the whole body of the Scythians and that they were flying towards the West.
124. When Darius arrived in the desert area, he stopped his advance and set up his army along the Oaros River. After that, he began constructing eight large fortifications spaced evenly apart, about sixty furlongs from each other, the ruins of which still existed in my time. While he was busy with this, the Scythians he was chasing made their way around the higher ground and returned to Scythia. Since the Scythians had completely vanished and were no longer visible to the Persians, Darius left those fortifications unfinished and headed back west, thinking that those were the entire Scythian force and that they were fleeing in that direction.
125. And marching his army as quickly as possible, when he came to Scythia he met with the two divisions of the Scythians together, and having fallen in with these he continued to pursue them, while they retired out of his way one day's journey in advance: and as Dareios did not cease to come after them, the Scythians according to the plan which they had made continued to retire before him towards the land of those who had refused to give their alliance, and first towards that of the Melanchlainoi; and when Scythians and Persians both together had invaded and disturbed these, the Scythians led the way to the country of the Androphagoi; and when these had also been disturbed, they proceeded to the land of the Neuroi; and while these too were being disturbed, the Scythians went on retiring before the enemy to the Agathyrsians. The Agathyrsians however, seeing that their next neighbours also were flying from the Scythians and had been disturbed, sent a herald before the Scythians invaded their land and proclaimed to the Scythians not to set foot upon their confines, warning them that if they should attempt to invade the country, they would first have to fight with them. The Agathyrsians then having given this warning came out in arms to their borders, meaning to drive off those who were coming upon them; but the Melanchlainoi and Androphagoi and Neuroi, when the Persians and Scythians together invaded them, did not betake themselves to brave defence but forgot their former threat 115 and fled in confusion ever further towards the North to the desert region. The Scythians however, when the Agathyrsians had warned them off, did not attempt any more to come to these, but led the Persians from the country of the Neuroi back to their own land.
125. Marching his army as quickly as possible, when he reached Scythia, he encountered the two groups of Scythians together. He continued to pursue them while they retreated a day's journey ahead. As Darius kept chasing them, the Scythians stuck to their plan and continued to withdraw towards the territory of those who had refused to ally with them, first heading to that of the Melanchlainoi. When both the Scythians and Persians invaded and disrupted these lands, the Scythians led the way to the territory of the Androphagoi. After causing trouble there as well, they moved on to the land of the Neuroi. While the Neuroi were also being disturbed, the Scythians kept retreating before the enemy to the Agathyrsians. However, the Agathyrsians, noticing that their neighboring tribes were also fleeing from the Scythians and had been disturbed, sent a herald before the Scythians invaded their territory, warning them not to step foot on their land, stating that if they attempted to invade, they would first have to fight them. The Agathyrsians, having delivered this warning, armed themselves at their borders, ready to fend off those approaching. Meanwhile, the Melanchlainoi, Androphagoi, and Neuroi, when the Persians and Scythians invaded their territories together, did not stand their ground but forgot their earlier threats 115 and fled in confusion further north into the desert region. The Scythians, however, after being warned off by the Agathyrsians, did not try to approach them any longer but led the Persians back from the land of the Neuroi to their own territory.
126. Now as this went on for a long time and did not cease, Dareios sent a horseman to Idanthyrsos king of the Scythians and said as follows: "Thou most wondrous man, why dost thou fly for ever, when thou mightest do of these two things one?—if thou thinkest thyself able to make opposition to my power, stand thou still and cease from wandering abroad, and fight; but if thou dost acknowledge thyself too weak, cease then in that case also from thy course, and come to speech with thy master, bringing to him gifts of earth and water."
126. As this continued for a long time without stopping, Darius sent a messenger on horseback to Idanthyrsus, the king of the Scythians, and said: "You incredible man, why do you keep running away when you could choose one of two options?—if you think you can resist my power, then stop moving around and fight; but if you realize you're too weak, then also stop your retreat and talk to your leader, bringing gifts of earth and water."
127. To this the king of the Scythians Idanthyrsos made answer thus: "My case, O Persian, stands thus:—Never yet did I fly because I was afraid, either before this time from any other man, or now from thee; nor have I done anything different now from that which I was wont to do also in time of peace: and as to the cause why I do not fight with thee at once, this also I will declare to thee. We have neither cities nor land sown with crops, about which we should fear lest they should be captured or laid waste, and so join battle more speedily with you; but if it be necessary by all means to come to this speedily, know that we have sepulchres in which our fathers are buried; therefore come now, find out these and attempt to destroy them, and ye shall know then whether we shall fight with you for the sepulchres or whether we shall not fight. Before that however, unless the motion comes upon us, we shall not join battle with thee. About fighting let so much as has been said suffice; but as to masters, I acknowledge none over me but Zeus my ancestor and Hestia the queen of the Scythians. To thee then in place of gifts of earth and water I shall send such things as it is fitting that thou shouldest receive; and in return for thy saying that thou art my master, for that I say, woe betide thee." 116 This is the proverbial "saying of the Scythians." 117
127. The king of the Scythians, Idanthyrsos, replied: "Listen, Persian. My situation stands like this: I’ve never run away because I was scared, not now or from anyone before you. I’m not doing anything different now than I would in peace. As for why I’m not fighting you right away, I’ll tell you that too. We don’t have cities or farmland to protect, so there’s no rush to engage in battle with you. But if it’s absolutely necessary to fight quickly, know this: we have graves where our fathers are buried. So, come and find them and try to destroy them, then you’ll see if we’ll fight you for those graves or not. Until that happens, unless we're forced into a fight, we won’t engage with you. That’s enough about fighting; as for masters, I acknowledge none over me except for Zeus, my ancestor, and Hestia, the queen of the Scythians. Instead of gifts of earth and water, I’ll send you what’s appropriate for you to receive; and in response to your claim that you are my master, I say: woe to you." 116 This is the proverbial "saying of the Scythians." 117
128. The herald then had departed to report this to Dareios; and the kings of the Scythians, having heard mention of subjection to a master, were filled with wrath. They sent accordingly the division which was appointed to be joined with the Sauromatai, that division of which Scopasis was in command, bidding them come to speech with the Ionians, namely those who were guarding the bridge of the Ister, and meanwhile they who were left behind resolved not to lead the Persians wandering about any more, but to attack them constantly as they were getting provisions. Therefore they observed the soldiers of Dareios as they got provisions, and did that which they had determined: and the cavalry of the Scythians always routed that of the enemy, but the Persian horsemen as they fled fell back upon the men on foot, and these would come up to their assistance; and meanwhile the Scythians when they had driven in the cavalry turned back, fearing the men on foot. Also by night the Scythians used to make similar attacks:
128. The messenger then left to report this to Darius; and the Scythian kings, hearing about being subject to a master, were filled with rage. They sent the group that was meant to join the Sauromatians, led by Scopasis, instructing them to speak with the Ionians who were guarding the Ister bridge. Meanwhile, those who stayed behind decided not to let the Persians wander anymore but to constantly attack them as they gathered supplies. So they watched Darius's soldiers as they collected provisions and did what they had planned: the Scythian cavalry consistently defeated the enemy's cavalry, but as the Persian horsemen fled, they fell back on the infantry, who would come to help. Meanwhile, the Scythians, after routing the cavalry, turned back, fearing the foot soldiers. They also made similar attacks at night:
129, and the thing which, strange to say, most helped the Persians and hindered the Scythians in their attacks upon the camp of Dareios, I will mention, namely the voice of the asses and the appearance of the mules; for Scythia produces neither ass nor mule, as I have declared before, nor is there at all in the Scythian country either ass or mule on account of the cold. The asses accordingly by riotously braying used to throw into confusion the cavalry of the Scythians; and often, as they were in the middle of riding against the Persians, when the horses heard the voice of the asses they turned back in confusion and were possessed with wonder, pricking up their ears, because they had never heard such a voice nor seen the form of the creature before.
129, and strangely enough, what helped the Persians and hindered the Scythians in their attacks on Darius's camp the most was the sound of the donkeys and the sight of the mules. Scythia doesn't produce either donkeys or mules, as I've mentioned before, and there are none in the Scythian territory due to the cold. The donkeys, with their chaotic braying, often confused the Scythian cavalry. Frequently, while charging at the Persians, the Scythian horses would hear the sound of the donkeys and turn back in panic, filled with wonder, perked up their ears because they had never heard such a noise or seen such creatures before.
130. So far then the Persians had the advantage for a small part of the war. 118 But the Scythians, whenever they saw that the Persians were disquieted, then in order that they might remain a longer time in Scythia and in remaining might suffer by being in want of everything, would leave some of their own cattle behind with the herdsmen, while they themselves rode out of the way to another place, and the Persians would come upon the cattle and take them, and having taken them they were elated at what they had done.
130. Up until this point, the Persians had the upper hand for a small portion of the war. 118 But the Scythians, whenever they noticed that the Persians were anxious, would intentionally leave some of their cattle with the herdsmen to ensure they stayed in Scythia longer and suffered from a lack of resources. Meanwhile, they would go off to another location, and the Persians would find the cattle and take them, feeling pleased with their capture.
131. As this happened often, at length Dareios began to be in straits; and the kings of the Scythians perceiving this sent a herald bearing as gifts to Dareios a bird and a mouse and a frog and five arrows. The Persians accordingly asked the bearer of the gifts as to the meaning of the gifts which were offered; but he said that nothing more had been commanded to him but to give them and get away as speedily as possible; and he bade the Persians find out for themselves, if they had wisdom, that which the gifts were meant to express.
131. Since this happened frequently, Dareios eventually found himself in a tough spot; and the kings of the Scythians, noticing this, sent a messenger with a bird, a mouse, a frog, and five arrows as gifts for Dareios. The Persians asked the messenger about the meaning of the gifts, but he only said that he was told to give them and leave quickly; he urged the Persians to use their wisdom to figure out what the gifts represented.
132. Having heard this the Persians took counsel with one another; and the opinion of Dareios was that the Scythians were giving to him both themselves and also earth and water, making his conjecture by this, namely that a mouse is produced in the earth and feeds on the same produce of the earth as man, and a frog in the water, while a bird has great resemblance to a horse; 119 and moreover that in giving the arrows they were delivering up their own might in battle. This was the opinion expressed by Dareios; but the opinion of Gobryas, one of the seven men who killed the Magian, was at variance with it, for he conjectured that the gifts expressed this: "Unless ye become birds and fly up into the heaven, O Persians, or become mice and sink down under the earth, or become frogs and leap into the lakes, ye shall not return back home, but shall be smitten by these arrows."
132. After hearing this, the Persians discussed it among themselves. Dareios believed that the Scythians were surrendering to him both themselves and their land by giving him earth and water. He reasoned that a mouse comes from the ground and eats what humans do, a frog lives in the water, and a bird resembles a horse. 119 He also thought that by handing over their arrows, they were giving up their strength in battle. This was Dareios's viewpoint. However, Gobryas, one of the seven men who killed the Magian, disagreed. He suggested that the gifts meant this: "Unless you become birds and fly up to the heavens, or turn into mice and burrow underground, or become frogs and jump into the lakes, you will not return home but will instead be struck down by these arrows."
133. The Persians then, I say, were making conjecture of the gifts: and meanwhile the single division of the Scythians, that which had been appointed at first to keep guard along the Maiotian lake and then to go to the Ister and come to speech with the Ionians, when they arrived at the bridge spoke as follows: "Ionians, we have come bringing you freedom, if at least ye are willing to listen to us; for we are informed that Dareios gave you command to guard the bridge for sixty days only, and then, if he had not arrived within that time, to get you away to your own land. Now therefore, if ye do as we say, ye will be without blame from his part and without blame also from ours: stay the appointed days and then after that get you away." They then, when the Ionians had engaged themselves to do this, hastened back again by the quickest way:
133. The Persians were speculating about the gifts. Meanwhile, the Scythian group, which had originally been assigned to guard the Maiotian lake and then to head to the Ister to meet with the Ionians, arrived at the bridge and said: "Ionians, we come bringing you freedom, if you’re willing to listen to us; we’ve heard that Darius instructed you to guard the bridge for only sixty days, and if he hadn't shown up by then, you were to return home. So, if you follow our advice, you won’t be at fault in his eyes or ours: stay for the designated days and then go home." After the Ionians agreed to this, the Scythians hurried back the quickest way:
134, and meanwhile, after the coming of the gifts to Dareios, the Scythians who were left had arrayed themselves against the Persians with both foot and horse, meaning to engage battle. Now when the Scythians had been placed in battle-array, a hare darted through them into the space between the two armies, and each company of them, as they saw the hare, began to run after it. When the Scythians were thus thrown into disorder and were raising loud cries, Dareios asked what was this clamour arising from the enemy; and hearing that they were running after the hare, he said to those men to whom he was wont to say things at other times: "These men have very slight regard for us, and I perceive now that Gobryas spoke rightly about the Scythian gifts. Seeing then that now I myself too think that things are so, we have need of good counsel, in order that our retreat homewards may be safely made." To this replied Gobryas and said: "O king, even by report I was almost assured of the difficulty of dealing with these men; and when I came I learnt it still more thoroughly, since I saw that they were mocking us. Now therefore my opinion is, that as soon as night comes on, we kindle the camp-fires as we are wont to do at other times also, and deceive with a false tale those of our men who are weakest to endure hardships, and tie up all the asses and get us away, before either the Scythians make for the Ister to destroy the bridge or something be resolved by the Ionians which may be our ruin."
134, and meanwhile, after the gifts arrived for Darius, the leftover Scythians had lined up against the Persians with both foot soldiers and cavalry, ready for battle. As the Scythians formed their ranks, a hare dashed through their lines and into the space between the two armies, and each group of them, upon seeing the hare, began to chase after it. When the Scythians descended into chaos and started shouting loudly, Darius asked what the commotion from the enemy was about; upon learning they were running after the hare, he said to those he usually confided in, "These men have little respect for us, and I now see that Gobryas was right about the Scythian gifts. Since I too believe things are as such, we need good advice to ensure our safe retreat home." Gobryas replied, "O king, I was already almost certain, even by hearsay, that dealing with these men would be difficult; and when I arrived, I understood it even better, as I saw they were mocking us. Therefore, my suggestion is that as soon as night falls, we light the campfires as we usually do and deceive those among us who are the weakest with a false story. We should tie up all the donkeys and leave before the Scythians head for the Ister to destroy the bridge or before the Ionians decide something that could lead to our ruin."
135. Thus Gobryas advised; and after this, when night came on, Dareios acted on this opinion. Those of his men who were weakened by fatigue and whose loss was of least account, these he left behind in the camp, and the asses also tied up: and for the following reasons he left behind the asses and the weaker men of his army,—the asses in order that they might make a noise which should be heard, and the men really because of their weakness, but on a pretence stated openly that he was about to attack the Scythians with the effective part of the army, and that they meanwhile were to be defenders of the camp. Having thus instructed those who were left behind, and having kindled camp-fires, Dareios hastened by the quickest way towards the Ister: and the asses, having no longer about them the usual throng, 120 very much more for that reason caused their voice to be heard; 121 so the Scythians, hearing the asses, supposed surely that the Persians were remaining in their former place.
135. So Gobryas advised, and after that, when night fell, Dareios followed this advice. He left behind in the camp the men who were too exhausted and those whose loss wouldn’t matter as much, along with the donkeys tied up. He left the donkeys and the weaker soldiers behind for specific reasons—the donkeys would make noise that could be heard, and the soldiers were left due to their weakness. However, he pretended to say openly that he was going to attack the Scythians with the strong part of his army, and that they were to stay behind as defenders of the camp. After instructing those who remained and lighting campfires, Dareios hurried off by the quickest route toward the Ister. With fewer people around, the donkeys made even more noise, so the Scythians, hearing the donkeys, assumed the Persians were still in their original position.
136. But when it was day, those who were left behind perceived that they had been betrayed by Dareios, and they held out their hands in submission to the Scythians, telling them what their case was; and the Scythians, when they heard this, joined together as quickly as possible, that is to say the two combined divisions of the Scythians and the single division, and also the Sauromatai, 122 Budinoi, and Gelonians, and began to pursue the Persians, making straight for the Ister: but as the Persian army for the most part consisted of men on foot, and was not acquainted with the roads (the roads not being marked with tracks), while the Scythian army consisted of horsemen and was acquainted with the shortest cuts along the way, they missed one another and the Scythians arrived at the bridge much before the Persians. Then having learnt that the Persians had not yet arrived, they said to the Ionians who were in the ships: "Ionians, the days of your number are past, and ye are not acting uprightly in that ye yet remain waiting: but as ye stayed before from fear, so now break up the passage as quickly as ye may, and depart free and unhurt, 123 feeling thankfulness both to the gods and to the Scythians: and him who was formerly your master we will so convince, that he shall never again march with an army upon any nation."
136. But when morning came, those who were left behind realized that they had been betrayed by Dareios, and they raised their hands in submission to the Scythians, explaining their situation. The Scythians, upon hearing this, quickly organized themselves—uniting the two divisions of Scythians and one single division, as well as the Sauromatai, Budinoi, and Gelonians—and began to chase after the Persians, heading straight for the Ister. However, since most of the Persian army was made up of foot soldiers and unfamiliar with the roads (which had no marked tracks), while the Scythian army was composed of horsemen who knew the quickest routes, they missed each other, and the Scythians reached the bridge much earlier than the Persians. After learning that the Persians hadn’t arrived yet, they called out to the Ionians in the ships: "Ionians, your days are numbered, and it’s not right for you to continue waiting. Just as you previously hesitated out of fear, now break up the passage as quickly as you can, and leave safely and unharmed, feeling grateful to both the gods and the Scythians. We will ensure that your former master will never lead an army against any nation again."
137. Upon this the Ionians took counsel together; and Miltiades the Athenian on the one hand, who was commander and despot of the men of the Chersonese in Hellespont, was of opinion that they should follow the advice of the Scythians and set Ionia free: but Histiaios the Milesian was of the opposite opinion to this; for he said that at the present time it was by means of Dareios that each one of them was ruling as despot over a city; and if the power of Dareios should be destroyed, neither he himself would be able to bear rule over the Milesians, nor would any other of them be able to bear rule over any other city; for each of the cities would choose to have popular rather than despotic rule. When Histiaios declared his opinion thus, forthwith all turned to this opinion, whereas at the first they were adopting that of Miltiades.
137. After this, the Ionians gathered to discuss what to do. Miltiades, the Athenian who was in charge and a ruler of the people from the Chersonese in the Hellespont, believed they should take the Scythians' advice and free Ionia. However, Histiaios from Miletus disagreed. He pointed out that it was because of Darius that each of them was able to rule as a despot over their city. If Darius's power were to crumble, he wouldn't be able to control the Milesians, nor would any of the others be able to rule their cities, since each city would prefer popular rule over despotism. As soon as Histiaios expressed this viewpoint, everyone immediately shifted their support to him, after initially backing Miltiades.
138. Now these were they who gave the vote between the two opinions, and were men of consequence in the eyes of the king, 124—first the despots of the Hellespontians, Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclos of Lampsacos, Herophantos of Parion, Metrodoros of Proconnesos, Aristagoras of Kyzicos, and Ariston of Byzantion, these were those from the Hellespont; and from Ionia, Strattis of Chios, Aiakes of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaia, and Histiaios of Miletos, whose opinion had been proposed in opposition to that of Miltiades; and of the Aiolians the only man of consequence there present was Aristagoras of Kyme.
138. These were the people who voted on the two opinions and were important figures in the eyes of the king, 124—first, the rulers of the Hellespontians: Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclos of Lampsacos, Herophantos of Parion, Metrodoros of Proconnesos, Aristagoras of Kyzicos, and Ariston of Byzantion; these were the representatives from the Hellespont. From Ionia, there were Strattis of Chios, Aiakes of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaia, and Histiaios of Miletos, who opposed Miltiades’ opinion. Among the Aiolians, the only significant person present was Aristagoras of Kyme.
139. When these adopted the opinion of Histiaios, they resolved to add to it deeds and words as follows, namely to break up that part of the bridge which was on the side towards the Scythians, to break it up, I say, for a distance equal to the range of an arrow, both in order that they might be thought to be doing something, though in fact they were doing nothing, and for fear that the Scythians might make an attempt using force and desiring to cross the Ister by the bridge: and in breaking up that part of the bridge which was towards Scythia they resolved to say that they would do all that which the Scythians desired. This they added to the opinion proposed, and then Histiaios coming forth from among them made answer to the Scythians as follows: "Scythians, ye are come bringing good news, and it is a timely haste that ye make to bring it; and ye on your part give us good guidance, while we on ours render to you suitable service. For, as ye see, we are breaking up the passage, and we shall show all zeal in our desire to be free: and while we are breaking up the bridge, it is fitting that ye should be seeking for those of whom ye speak, and when ye have found them, that ye should take vengeance on them on behalf of us as well as of yourselves in such manner as they deserve."
139. When they agreed with Histiaios' suggestion, they decided to take action by breaking up the part of the bridge that faced the Scythians, specifically for a distance equal to the range of an arrow. They intended to give the impression that they were doing something, even though they weren't really accomplishing anything, and they were also concerned that the Scythians might try to cross the Ister using the bridge. By damaging that section of the bridge facing Scythia, they planned to claim they would fulfill the Scythians' requests. They added this to the proposal, and then Histiaios stepped forward and addressed the Scythians: "Scythians, you have come bringing good news, and your arrival is timely; you provide us with wise guidance, and we will serve you well in return. As you can see, we are dismantling the passage, and we are committed to our desire for freedom: while we break up the bridge, it would be appropriate for you to seek out those you mentioned, and once you find them, please take vengeance on their behalf as well as ours, in whatever way they deserve."
140. The Scythians then, believing for the second time that the Ionians were speaking the truth, turned back to make search for the Persians, but they missed altogether their line of march through the land. Of this the Scythians themselves were the cause, since they had destroyed the pastures for horses in that region and had choked up with earth the springs of water; for if they had not done this, it would have been possible for them easily, if they desired it, to discover the Persians: but as it was, by those things wherein they thought they had taken their measures best, they failed of success. The Scythians then on their part were passing through those regions of their own land where there was grass for the horses and springs of water, and were seeking for the enemy there, thinking that they too were taking a course in their retreat through such country as this; while the Persians in fact marched keeping carefully to the track which they had made before, and so they found the passage of the river, though with difficulty: 125 and as they arrived by night and found the bridge broken up, they were brought to the extreme of fear, lest the Ionians should have deserted them.
140. The Scythians, believing for the second time that the Ionians were telling the truth, turned back to search for the Persians, but they completely missed their path through the land. This was because of the Scythians themselves, who had destroyed the horse pastures in that area and filled in the water springs with dirt. If they hadn’t done that, they could have easily found the Persians if they wanted to. Instead, with the very actions they thought were strategic, they ended up failing. The Scythians were moving through their own territory where there was grass for the horses and water springs, looking for their enemies there, assuming the Persians were also retreating through that type of land. Meanwhile, the Persians carefully followed the route they had established before, which allowed them to eventually cross the river, though it was difficult. 125 When they arrived at night and found the bridge dismantled, they were filled with fear that the Ionians might have abandoned them.
141. Now there was with Dareios an Egyptian who had a voice louder than that of any other man on earth, and this man Dareios ordered to take his stand upon the bank of the Ister and to call Histiaios of Miletos. He accordingly proceeded to do so; and Histiaios, hearing the first hail, produced all the ships to carry the army over and also put together the bridge.
141. Now, there was an Egyptian with Darius who had a louder voice than anyone else on the planet, and Darius told him to stand by the bank of the Ister and call for Histiaeus of Miletus. He did just that; when Histiaeus heard the initial call, he gathered all the ships to transport the army and also assembled the bridge.
142. Thus the Persians escaped, and the Scythians in their search missed the Persians the second time also: and their judgment of the Ionians is that on the one hand, if they be regarded as free men, they are the most worthless and cowardly of all men, but on the other hand, if regarded as slaves, they are the most attached to their master and the least disposed to run away of all slaves. This is the reproach which is cast against the Ionians by the Scythians.
142. So the Persians got away, and the Scythians failed to find them a second time as well. The Scythians judge the Ionians by saying that, on one hand, if you see them as free men, they're the most worthless and cowardly of all people. But on the other hand, if you see them as slaves, they are the most loyal to their master and the least likely to escape of all slaves. This is the criticism that the Scythians have against the Ionians.
143. Dareios then marching through Thrace arrived at Sestos in the Chersonese; and from that place, he passed over himself in his ships to Asia, but to command his army in Europe he left Megabazos a Persian, to whom Dareios once gave honour by uttering in the land of Persia 126 this saying:—Dareios was beginning to eat pomegranates, and at once when he opened the first of them, Artabanos his brother asked him of what he would desire to have as many as there were seeds in the pomegranate: and Dareios said that he would desire to have men like Megabazos as many as that in number, rather than to have Hellas subject to him. In Persia, I say, he honoured him by saying these words, and at this time he left him in command with eight myriads 127 of his army.
143. Darius then marched through Thrace and arrived at Sestos in the Chersonese. From there, he personally crossed over to Asia in his ships, but to lead his army in Europe, he left a Persian named Megabazos in charge. Once in Persia, Darius had honored him with this saying:—Darius had just started eating pomegranates, and when he opened the first one, his brother Artabanus asked him what he would wish to have as many as the seeds in the pomegranate. Darius replied that he would prefer to have as many men like Megabazos as the number of seeds, rather than having Greece under his control. In Persia, I say, he honored him with these words, and at this time, he left him in command of eight myriads of his army.
144. This Megabazos uttered one saying whereby he left of himself an imperishable memory with the peoples of Hellespont: for being once at Byzantion he heard that the men of Calchedon had settled in that region seventeen years before the Byzantians, and having heard it he said that those of Calchedon at that time chanced to be blind; for assuredly they would not have chosen the worse place, when they might have settled in that which was better, if they had not been blind. This Megabazos it was who was left in command at that time in the land of the Hellespontians, and he proceeded to subdue all who did not take the side of the Medes.
144. This Megabazos made a remark that gave him a lasting legacy among the people of the Hellespont: while he was in Byzantion, he learned that the people of Calchedon had settled there seventeen years before the Byzantines. After hearing this, he commented that the Calchedonians must have been blind at that time; otherwise, they would not have chosen the worse location when they could have settled in a better one if they hadn’t been blind. This Megabazos was in charge at that time in the land of the Hellespontians, and he went on to conquer everyone who didn't side with the Medes.
145. He then was doing thus; and at this very same time a great expedition was being made also against Libya, on an occasion which I shall relate when I have first related this which follows.—The children's children of those who voyaged in the Argo, having been driven forth by those Pelasgians who carried away at Brauron the women of the Athenians,—having been driven forth I say by these from Lemnos, had departed and sailed to Lacedemon, and sitting down on Mount Taÿgetos they kindled a fire. The Lacedemonians seeing this sent a messenger to inquire who they were and from whence; and they answered the question of the messenger saying that they were Minyai and children of heroes who sailed in the Argo, for 128 these, they said, had put in to Lemnos and propagated the race of which they sprang. The Lacedemonians having heard the story of the descent of the Minyai, sent a second time and asked for what purpose they had come into the country and were causing a fire to blaze. They said that they had been cast out by the Pelasgians, and were come now to the land of their fathers, 129 for most just it was that this should so be done; and they said that their request was to be permitted to dwell with these, having a share of civil rights and a portion allotted to them of the land. And the Lacedemonians were content to receive the Minyai upon the terms which they themselves desired, being most of all impelled to do this by the fact that the sons of Tyndareus were voyagers in the Argo. So having received the Minyai they gave them a share of land and distributed them in the tribes; and they forthwith made marriages, and gave in marriage to others the women whom they brought with them from Lemnos.
145. He was doing this, and at the same time, a major expedition was being launched against Libya, an event I’ll explain after I tell you what happens next. The grandchildren of those who traveled on the Argo, driven away by the Pelasgians who had abducted Athenian women at Brauron, were forced to leave Lemnos. They sailed to Lacedemon and set up camp on Mount Taÿgetos where they started a fire. The Lacedemonians saw this and sent a messenger to ask who they were and where they came from. They replied that they were the Minyai and descendants of the heroes who sailed on the Argo, for these heroes had stopped at Lemnos and fathered their line. When the Lacedemonians heard about the Minyai’s descent, they sent another message asking why they had come to their land and why they had lit a fire. The Minyai explained that they had been expelled by the Pelasgians and had come to the land of their ancestors, claiming it was right for them to do so. They requested to be allowed to live among the Lacedemonians with civil rights and a portion of land. The Lacedemonians agreed to accept the Minyai on their own terms, mainly because the sons of Tyndareus were also part of the Argo's crew. So, they welcomed the Minyai, allocated them land, integrated them into the tribes, and they immediately took wives, including the women they brought from Lemnos.
146. However, when no very long time had passed, the Minyai forthwith broke out into insolence, asking for a share of the royal power and also doing other impious things: therefore the Lacedemonians resolved to put them to death; and having seized them they cast them into a prison. Now the Lacedemonians put to death by night all those whom they put to death, but no man by day. When therefore they were just about to kill them, the wives of the Minyai, being native Spartans and daughters of the first citizens of Sparta, entreated to be allowed to enter the prison and come to speech every one with her own husband: and they let them pass in, not supposing that any craft would be practised by them. They however, when they had entered, delivered to their husbands all the garments which they were wearing, and themselves received those of their husbands: thus the Minyai having put on the women's clothes went forth out of prison as women, and having escaped in this manner they went again to Taÿgetos and sat down there.
146. However, not long after, the Minyai quickly became arrogant, demanding a share of the royal power and engaging in other disrespectful acts. As a result, the Lacedemonians decided to execute them, capturing them and throwing them into a prison. The Lacedemonians executed all those they planned to kill at night, but never during the day. Just when they were about to carry out the executions, the wives of the Minyai, who were native Spartans and daughters of prominent citizens of Sparta, begged to be allowed to enter the prison and speak to their husbands. They were let in, as no one expected them to be deceitful. Once inside, they gave their husbands their own clothes and took the men's garments in exchange. So, the Minyai, now dressed in women's clothes, walked out of prison disguised as women, and in this way, they escaped back to Taÿgetos and settled there.
147. Now at this very same time Theras the son of Autesion, the son of Tisamenos, the son of Thersander, the son of Polyneikes, was preparing to set forth from Lacedemon to found a settlement. This Theras, who was of the race of Cadmos, was mother's brother to the sons of Aristodemos, Eurysthenes and Procles; and while these sons were yet children, Theras as their guardian held the royal power in Sparta. When however his nephews were grown and had taken the power into their hands, then Theras, being grieved that he should be ruled by others after he had tasted of rule himself, said that he would not remain in Lacedemon, but would sail away to his kinsmen. Now there were in the island which is now called Thera, but formerly was called Callista, descendants of Membliaros the son of Poikiles, a Phenician: for Cadmos the son of Agenor in his search for Europa put in to land at the island which is now called Thera; and, whether it was that the country pleased him when he had put to land, or whether he chose to do so for any other reason, he left in this island, besides other Phenicians, Membliaros also, of his own kinsmen. These occupied the island called Callista for eight generations of men, before Theras came from Lacedemon.
147. At the same time, Theras, the son of Autesion, the son of Tisamenos, the son of Thersander, and the son of Polyneikes, was getting ready to leave Lacedemon to establish a new settlement. Theras, who belonged to the lineage of Cadmos, was the maternal uncle of the sons of Aristodemos, Eurysthenes and Procles. While these boys were still children, Theras acted as their guardian and held royal power in Sparta. However, once his nephews grew up and took control, Theras, feeling upset about being ruled by others after having once ruled himself, decided he would leave Lacedemon and sail to his relatives. There were people on the island now known as Thera, but previously called Callista, who were descendants of Membliaros, the son of Poikiles, a Phoenician. When Cadmos, the son of Agenor, was searching for Europa, he landed on the island now known as Thera; whether it was because the land appealed to him or for some other reason, he left behind Membliaros, a relative of his, along with other Phoenicians. These people inhabited the island called Callista for eight generations before Theras arrived from Lacedemon.
148. To these then, I say, Theras was preparing to set forth, taking with him people from the tribes, and intending to settle together with those who have been mentioned, not with any design to drive them out, but on the contrary claiming them very strongly as kinfolk. And when the Minyai after having escaped from the prison went and sat down on Taÿgetos, Theras entreated of the Lacedemonians, as they were proposing to put them to death, that no slaughter might take place, and at the same time he engaged himself to take them forth out of the land. The Lacedemonians having agreed to this proposal, he sailed away with three thirty-oared galleys to the descendants of Membliaros, not taking with him by any means all the Minyai, but a few only; for the greater number of them turned towards the land of the Paroreatai and Caucones, and having driven these out of their country, they parted themselves into six divisions and founded in their territory the following towns,—Lepreon, Makistos, Phrixai, Pyrgos, Epion, Nudion; of these the Eleians sacked the greater number within my own lifetime. The island meanwhile got its name of Thera after Theras 130 who led the settlement.
148. So, I say this: Theras was getting ready to leave, bringing people from the tribes with him, and planning to settle alongside those already mentioned, not to drive them away, but rather to strongly claim them as relatives. When the Minyai escaped from prison and sat down on Taÿgetos, Theras pleaded with the Lacedemonians, who were intending to kill them, to spare their lives and promised to take them out of the land. The Lacedemonians agreed to this, so he set sail with three thirty-oared ships to the descendants of Membliaros, taking only a few Minyai with him; most of them moved toward the land of the Paroreatai and Caucones, and after driving those people out, they split into six groups and founded the following towns in that territory: Lepreon, Makistos, Phrixai, Pyrgos, Epion, Nudion. The Eleians plundered most of these during my lifetime. Meanwhile, the island was named Thera after Theras 130 who led the settlement.
149. And since his son said that he would not sail with him, therefore he said that he would leave him behind as a sheep among wolves; and in accordance with that saying this young man got the name of Oiolycos, 131 and it chanced that this name prevailed over his former name: then from Oiolycos was begotten Aigeus, after whom are called the Aigeidai, a powerful clan 132 in Sparta: and the men of this tribe, since their children did not live to grow up, established by the suggestion of an oracle a temple to the Avenging Deities 133 of Laïos and OEdipus, and after this the same thing was continued 134 in Thera by the descendants of these men.
149. Since his son said he wouldn't sail with him, he decided to leave him behind like a sheep among wolves. Because of that statement, the young man was given the name Oiolycos, 131, which ended up being more common than his original name. From Oiolycos came Aigeus, after whom the Aigeidai, a powerful clan 132 in Sparta, is named. Because the children of this tribe didn't survive to adulthood, they built a temple to the Avenging Deities 133 of Laïos and OEdipus, following an oracle's suggestion. This practice continued 134 in Thera by the descendants of these men.
150. Up to this point of the story the Lacedemonians agree in their report with the men of Thera; but in what is to come it is those of Thera alone who report that it happened as follows. Grinnos 135 the son of Aisanios, a descendant of the Theras who has been mentioned, and king of the island of Thera, came to Delphi bringing the offering of a hecatomb from his State; and there were accompanying him, besides others of the citizens, also Battos the son of Polymnestos, who was by descent of the family of Euphemos 136 of the race of the Minyai. Now when Grinnos the king of the Theraians was consulting the Oracle about other matters, the Pythian prophetess gave answer bidding him found a city in Libya; and he made reply saying: "Lord, 137 I am by this time somewhat old and heavy to stir, but do thou bid some one of these younger ones do this." As he thus said he pointed towards Battos. So far at that time: but afterwards when he had come away they were in difficulty about the saying of the Oracle, neither having any knowledge of Libya, in what part of the earth it was, nor venturing to send a colony to the unknown.
150. Up to this point in the story, the Lacedemonians agree with the people of Thera in their report; however, what follows is only reported by the people of Thera. Grinnos, the son of Aisanios, a descendant of the mentioned Theras and king of the island of Thera, came to Delphi to bring an offering of a hecatomb from his state. Along with him were other citizens, including Battos, the son of Polymnestos, who was from the family of Euphemos, belonging to the Minyai. While Grinnos, the king of the Theraians, was consulting the Oracle about various matters, the Pythian prophetess instructed him to establish a city in Libya. He responded, saying, “Lord, I’m getting a bit old and set in my ways to move, but please ask one of these younger men to do it.” As he said this, he pointed to Battos. That was the situation at the time; however, after they left, they faced challenges regarding the Oracle's message, as they had no knowledge of Libya or where it was, nor did they dare to send a colony to an unknown place.
151. Then after this for seven years there was no rain in Thera, and in these years all the trees in their island were withered up excepting one: and when the Theraians consulted the Oracle, the Pythian prophetess alleged this matter of colonising Libya to be the cause. As then they had no remedy for their evil, they sent messengers to Crete, to find out whether any of the Cretans or of the sojourners in Crete had ever come to Libya. These as they wandered round about the country came also the city of Itanos, and there they met with a fisher for purple named Corobios, who said that he had been carried away by winds and had come to Libya, and in Libya to the island of Platea. This man they persuaded by payment of money and took him to Thera, and from Thera there set sail men to explore, at first not many in number; and Corobios having guided them to this same island of Platea, they left Corobios there, leaving behind with him provisions for a certain number of months, and sailed themselves as quickly as possible to make report about the island to the men of Thera.
151. After that, there was no rain in Thera for seven years, and during that time, all the trees on the island dried up except for one. When the Theraians consulted the Oracle, the Pythian prophetess said that they colonizing Libya was the cause. With no solution to their problem, they sent messengers to Crete to find out if any Cretans or visitors to Crete had ever been to Libya. While exploring the area, they reached the city of Itanos, where they met a purple dye fisherman named Corobios. He claimed that he had been swept away by the winds and had ended up in Libya, specifically on the island of Platea. They convinced him to come with them by giving him money and took him back to Thera. From Thera, a small group of men set sail to explore, with Corobios guiding them to the island of Platea. They left Corobios there with supplies for several months and hurried back to report on the island to the people of Thera.
152. Since however these stayed away longer than the time appointed, Corobios found himself destitute; and after this a ship of Samos, of which the master was Colaios, while sailing to Egypt was carried out of its course and came to this island of Platea; and the Samians hearing from Corobios the whole story left him provisions for a year. They themselves then put out to sea from the island and sailed on, endeavouring to reach Egypt but carried away continually by the East Wind; and as the wind did not cease to blow, they passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came to Tartessos, guided by divine providence. Now this trading-place was at that time untouched by any, so that when these returned back home they made profit from their cargo greater than any other Hellenes of whom we have certain knowledge, with the exception at least of Sostratos the son of Laodamas the Eginetan, for with him it is not possible for any other man to contend. And the Samians set apart six talents, the tenth part of their gains, and had a bronze vessel made like an Argolic mixing-bowl with round it heads of griffins projecting in a row; and this they dedicated as an offering in the temple of Hera, setting as supports under it three colossal statues of bronze seven cubits in height, resting upon their knees. By reason first of this deed great friendship was formed by those of Kyrene and Thera with the Samians.
152. However, since they were gone longer than expected, Corobios found himself in a tough spot. Then, a ship from Samos, captained by Colaios, was sailing to Egypt but got off course and ended up on the island of Platea. The Samians, after hearing Corobios's full story, left him supplies for an entire year. They then set sail from the island, trying to reach Egypt, but were constantly pushed off course by the East Wind. As the wind kept blowing, they went through the Pillars of Heracles and arrived at Tartessos, guided by divine providence. At that time, this trade center was untouched by anyone, so when they returned home, they made more profit from their cargo than any other Greeks we know of, except for Sostratos, the son of Laodamas from Aegina, as no one could compete with him. The Samians dedicated six talents, which was a tenth of their profits, and had a bronze vessel made in the shape of an Argolic mixing-bowl, adorned with heads of griffins along the rim. They offered this in the temple of Hera, supporting it with three colossal bronze statues, each seven cubits tall, resting on their knees. Because of this act, strong friendships were forged between the people of Kyrene and Thera with the Samians.
153. The Theraians meanwhile, when they arrived at Thera after having left Corobios in the island, reported that they had colonised an island on the coast of Libya: and the men of Thera resolved to send one of every two brothers selected by lot and men besides taken from all the regions of the island, which are seven in number; and further that Battos should be both their leader and their king. Thus then they sent forth two fifty-oared galleys to Platea.
153. The Theraians, after leaving Corobios on the island, got to Thera and reported that they had settled an island off the coast of Libya. The people of Thera decided to send one of every two brothers chosen by lot, along with additional men selected from all seven regions of the island. They also decided that Battos would be their leader and king. So, they sent out two fifty-oared galleys to Platea.
154. This is the report of the Theraians; and for the remainder of the account from this point onwards the Theraians are in agreement with the men of Kyrene: from this point onwards, I say, since in what concerns Battos the Kyrenians tell by no means the same tale as those of Thera; for their account is this:—There is in Crete a city called Oäxos 138 in which one Etearchos became king, who when he had a daughter, whose mother was dead, named Phronime, took to wife another woman notwithstanding. She having come in afterwards, thought fit to be a stepmother to Phronime in deed as well as in name, giving her evil treatment and devising everything possible to her hurt; and at last she brings against her a charge of lewdness and persuades her husband that the truth is so. He then being convinced by his wife, devised an unholy deed against the daughter: for there was in Oäxos one Themison, a merchant of Thera, whom Etearchos took to himself as a guest-friend and caused him to swear that he would surely serve him in whatsoever he should require: and when he had caused him to swear this, he brought and delivered to him his daughter and bade him take her away and cast her into the sea. Themison then was very greatly vexed at the deceit practised in the matter of the oath, and he dissolved his guest-friendship and did as follows, that is to say, he received the girl and sailed away, and when he got out into the open sea, to free himself from blame as regards the oath which Etearchos had made him swear, he tied her on each side with ropes and let her down into the sea, and then drew her up and came to Thera.
154. This is the report from the Theraians; and from here on, the Theraians agree with the people of Kyrene: from this point onward, I say, because regarding Battos, the Kyrenians tell a completely different story than those from Thera; their account is this:—There is a city in Crete called Oäxos 138 where a man named Etearchos became king. After his wife died, he had a daughter named Phronime, but he married another woman. Once she came into the household, she decided to be a stepmother to Phronime in name and in action, treating her poorly and plotting all sorts of harm against her. Eventually, she accused Phronime of promiscuity and convinced her husband that it was true. Believing his wife, he planned a terrible act against his daughter: in Oäxos, there was a merchant from Thera named Themison, whom Etearchos welcomed as a guest-friend and made him swear to serve him in whatever he needed. After making him take that oath, he handed over his daughter and ordered Themison to take her away and throw her into the sea. Themison was greatly disturbed by the deceit related to the oath, and he ended their guest-friendship. He took the girl and sailed away, and once he was out in the open sea, to relieve himself of blame regarding the oath Etearchos had made him swear, he tied her up with ropes on both sides and lowered her into the water, then pulled her back up and returned to Thera.
155. After that, Polymnestos, a man of repute among the Theraians, received Phronime from him and kept her as his concubine; and in course of time there was born to him from her a son with an impediment in his voice and lisping, to whom, as both Theraians and Kyrenians say, was given the name Battos, but I think that some other name was then given, 139 and he was named Battos instead of this after he came to Libya, taking for himself this surname from the oracle which was given to him at Delphi and from the rank which he had obtained; for the Libyans call a king battos: and for this reason, I think, the Pythian prophetess in her prophesying called him so, using the Libyan tongue, because she knew that he would be a king in Libya. For when he had grown to be a man, he came to Delphi to inquire about his voice; and when he asked, the prophetess thus answered him:
155. After that, Polymnestos, a respected man among the Theraians, took Phronime as his concubine. Eventually, she gave birth to a son who had a speech impediment and a lisp. According to both the Theraians and Kyrenians, he was named Battos, but I think he was given another name initially, 139 and was later called Battos after arriving in Libya, adopting this surname from the oracle's message at Delphi and from the status he had achieved; because in Libya, they refer to a king as battos: and for this reason, I believe the Pythian prophetess used this name while prophesying, speaking in the Libyan language, as she knew he would become a king in Libya. When he grew up, he went to Delphi to ask about his voice; and when he inquired, the prophetess responded:
"For a voice thou camest, O Battos, but thee lord Phoebus Apollo Sendeth as settler forth to the Libyan land sheep-abounding,"
"For a voice you came, O Battos, but the god Phoebus Apollo sends you as a settler to the land of Libya, where sheep are plentiful,"
just as if she should say using the Hellenic tongue, "For a voice thou camest, O king." He thus made answer: "Lord, I came to thee to inquire concerning my voice, but thou answerest me other things which are not possible, bidding me go as a settler to Libya; but with what power, or with what force of men should I go?" Thus saying he did not at all persuade her to give him any other reply; and as she was prophesying to him again the same things as before, Battos departed while she was yet speaking, 140 and went away to Thera.
just as if she were saying in Greek, "You came for a voice, O king." He replied, "Lord, I came to you to ask about my voice, but you are telling me things that aren't possible, asking me to go settle in Libya; but with what power, or how many men should I go?" By saying this, he didn’t convince her to give him a different answer; and as she continued to prophesy to him the same things as before, Battos left while she was still speaking, 140 and went away to Thera.
156. After this there came evil fortune both to himself and to the other men of Thera; 141 and the Theraians, not understanding that which befell them, sent to Delphi to inquire about the evils which they were suffering: and the Pythian prophetess gave them reply that if they joined with Battos in founding Kyrene in Libya, they would fare the better. After this the Theraians sent Battos with two fifty-oared galleys; and these sailed to Libya, and then came away back to Thera, for they did not know what else to do: and the Theraians pelted them with missiles when they endeavoured to land, and would not allow them to put to shore, but bade them sail back again. They accordingly being compelled sailed away back, and they made a settlement in an island lying near the coast of Libya, called, as was said before, Platea. This island is said to be of the same size as the now existing city of Kyrene.
156. After this, bad luck struck both him and the other people of Thera; 141 and the Theraians, not understanding what was happening to them, sent to Delphi to ask about the problems they were facing. The Pythian oracle told them that if they joined Battos to establish Kyrene in Libya, things would improve for them. Following this, the Theraians sent Battos with two fifty-oared ships; they sailed to Libya but then returned to Thera because they didn’t know what else to do. The Theraians threw stones at them when they tried to land and wouldn’t let them come ashore, telling them to sail back. Reluctantly, they sailed away and settled on an island near the coast of Libya, which was previously mentioned as Platea. This island is said to be about the same size as the city of Kyrene that exists today.
157. In this they continued to dwell two years; but as they had no prosperity, they left one of their number behind and all the rest sailed away to Delphi, and having come to the Oracle they consulted it, saying that they were dwelling in Libya and that, though they were dwelling there, they fared none the better: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them thus:
157. They stayed there for two years, but since they weren’t prospering, they left one of their group behind and the rest sailed to Delphi. When they arrived at the Oracle, they asked for guidance, explaining that they were living in Libya and that, despite their stay, they weren’t doing any better. The Pythian prophetess responded to them like this:
"Better than I if thou knowest the Libyan land sheep-abounding, Not having been there than I who have been, at thy wisdom I wonder."
"You're better than me if you know the land of Libya, full of sheep, not having been there, while I've been, your wisdom astonishes me."
Having heard this Battos and his companions sailed away back again; for in fact the god would not let them off from the task of settlement till they had come to Libya itself: and having arrived at the island and taken up him whom they had left, they made a settlement in Libya itself at a spot opposite the island, called Aziris, which is enclosed by most fair woods on both sides and a river flows by it on one side.
Having heard this, Battos and his companions sailed back, because the god wouldn't allow them to avoid the task of settling until they reached Libya itself. Once they arrived at the island and picked up the one they had left behind, they established a settlement in Libya at a location across from the island called Aziris, which is surrounded by beautiful woods on both sides and has a river flowing by it on one side.
158. In this spot they dwelt for six years; and in the seventh year the Libyans persuaded them to leave it, making request and saying that they would conduct them to a better region. So the Libyans led them from that place making them start towards evening; and in order that the Hellenes might not see the fairest of all the regions as they passed through it, they led them past it by night, having calculated the time of daylight: and this region is called Irasa. Then having conducted them to the so-called spring of Apollo, they said, "Hellenes, here is a fit place for you to dwell, for here the heaven is pierced with holes."
158. They stayed in this spot for six years, and in the seventh year, the Libyans convinced them to leave, asking to take them to a better area. So, the Libyans led them away from that place, starting their journey in the evening. To ensure the Hellenes wouldn’t see the most beautiful area as they passed through, they took them past it at night, timing their travel to avoid daylight. This area is called Irasa. After leading them to the so-called spring of Apollo, they said, "Hellenes, this is a great place for you to settle, for here the sky is full of holes."
159. Now during the lifetime of the first settler Battos, who reigned forty years, and of his son Arkesilaos, who reigned sixteen years, the Kyrenians continued to dwell there with the same number as 142 when they first set forth to the colony; but in the time of the third king, called Battos the Prosperous, the Pythian prophetess gave an oracle wherein she urged the Hellenes in general to sail and join with the Kyrenians in colonising Libya. For the Kyrenians invited them, giving promise of a division of land; and the oracle which she uttered was as follows:
159. During the time of the first settler Battos, who ruled for forty years, and his son Arkesilaos, who ruled for sixteen years, the Kyrenians continued to live there with the same population as 142 when they first established the colony. However, during the reign of the third king, known as Battos the Prosperous, the Pythian prophetess delivered an oracle encouraging the Hellenes to sail and join the Kyrenians in colonizing Libya. The Kyrenians invited them, promising a share of the land; and the oracle she spoke was as follows:
"Who to the land much desirèd, to Libya, afterwards cometh, After the land be divided, 143 I say he shall some day repent it."
"Whoever desires the much-coveted land of Libya will eventually come there, but after the land is divided, 143 I say he will one day regret it."
Then great numbers were gathered at Kyrene, and the Libyans who dwelt round had much land cut off from their possessions; therefore they with their king whose name was Adicran, as they were not only deprived of their country but also were dealt with very insolently by the Kyrenians, sent to Egypt and delivered themselves over to Apries king of Egypt. He then having gathered a great army of Egyptians, sent it against Kyrene; and the men of Kyrene marched out to the region of Irasa and to the spring Theste, 144 and there both joined battle with the Egyptians and defeated them in the battle: for since the Egyptians had not before made trial of the Hellenes in fight and therefore despised them, they were so slaughtered that but few of them returned back to Egypt. In consequence of this and because they laid the blame of it upon Apries, the Egyptians revolted from him.
Then a large number of people gathered at Kyrene, and the Libyans living nearby had a lot of land taken away from them. Because of this, they, along with their king Adicran, who were not only stripped of their homeland but also treated very rudely by the Kyrenians, sent a delegation to Egypt and surrendered themselves to Apries, the king of Egypt. He then assembled a huge army of Egyptians and sent it against Kyrene. The people of Kyrene went out to the region of Irasa and to the spring Theste, 144 and there they engaged in battle with the Egyptians and defeated them. Since the Egyptians had never fought the Hellenes before and therefore looked down on them, they suffered heavy losses, and only a few of them made it back to Egypt. As a result of this defeat and because they blamed Apries for it, the Egyptians revolted against him.
160. This Battos had a son called Arkesilaos, who first when he became king made a quarrel with his own brothers, until they finally departed to another region of Libya, and making the venture for themselves founded that city which was then and is now called Barca; and at the same time as they founded this, they induced the Libyans to revolt from the Kyrenians. After this, Arkesilaos made an expedition against those Libyans who had received them and who had also revolted from Kyrene, and the Libyans fearing him departed and fled towards the Eastern tribes of Libyans: and Arkesilaos followed after them as they fled, until he arrived in his pursuit at Leucon in Libya, and there the Libyans resolved to attack him. Accordingly they engaged battle and defeated the Kyrenians so utterly that seven thousand hoplites of the Kyrenians fell there. After this disaster Arkesilaos, being sick and having swallowed a potion, was strangled by his brother Haliarchos, 145 and Haliarchos was killed treacherously by the wife of Arkesilaos, whose name was Eryxo.
160. This Battos had a son named Arkesilaos, who, when he became king, started a fight with his brothers. Eventually, they left for another part of Libya and established a city called Barca, which still exists today. At the same time, they convinced the Libyans to rebel against the Kyrenians. After that, Arkesilaos launched an expedition against the Libyans who had welcomed them and who had also revolted from Kyrene. The Libyans, fearing him, fled towards the Eastern tribes of Libya, and Arkesilaos pursued them until he reached Leucon in Libya, where the Libyans decided to attack him. They engaged in battle and defeated the Kyrenians so completely that seven thousand Kyrenian hoplites were killed there. Following this disaster, Arkesilaos, who was ill and had taken a potion, was strangled by his brother Haliarchos, and Haliarchos was treacherously killed by Arkesilaos's wife, Eryxo.
161. Then Battos the son of Arkesilaos succeeded to the kingdom, who was lame and not sound in his feet: and the Kyrenians with a view to the misfortune which had befallen them sent men to Delphi to ask what form of rule they should adopt, in order to live in the best way possible; and the Pythian prophetess bade them take to themselves a reformer of their State from Mantineia of the Arcadians. The men of Kyrene accordingly made request, and those of Mantineia gave them the man of most repute among their citizens, whose name was Demonax. This man therefore having come to Kyrene and having ascertained all things exactly, 146 in the first place caused them to have three tribes, distributing them thus:—one division he made of the Theraians and their dependants, 147 another of the Peloponnesians and Cretans, and a third of all the islanders. 148 Then secondly for the king Battos he set apart domains of land and priesthoods, but all the other powers which the kings used to possess before, he assigned as of public right to the people.
161. Then Battos, the son of Arkesilaos, took over the kingdom. He was lame and had trouble walking. The people of Kyrene, concerned about the misfortune that had befallen them, sent men to Delphi to ask what kind of governance they should adopt to live their best life. The Pythian prophetess advised them to take a reformer from Mantineia in Arcadia. The people of Kyrene made a request, and the Mantineians sent them their most respected citizen, named Demonax. After arriving in Kyrene and understanding the situation thoroughly, 146 he first established three tribes, organizing them as follows: one group was made up of the Theraians and their dependents, 147 another consisted of the Peloponnesians and Cretans, and the third included all the islanders. 148 Next, he set aside lands and priesthoods for King Battos, but all the other powers that kings had previously held were given to the people as public rights.
162. During the reign of this Battos things continued to be thus, but in the reign of his son Arkesilaos there arose much disturbance about the offices of the State: for Arkesilaos son of Battos the Lame and of Pheretime said that he would not suffer it to be according as the Mantineian Demonax had arranged, but asked to have back the royal rights of his forefathers. After this, stirring up strife he was worsted and went as an exile to Samos, and his mother to Salamis in Cyprus. Now at that time the ruler of Salamis was Euelthon, the same who dedicated as an offering the censer at Delphi, a work well worth seeing, which is placed in the treasury of the Corinthians. To him having come, Pheretime asked him for an army to restore herself and her son to Kyrene. Euelthon however was ready to give her anything else rather than that; and she when she received that which he gave her said that this too was a fair gift, but fairer still would be that other gift of an army for which she was asking. As she kept saying this to every thing which was given, at last Euelthon sent out to her a present of a golden spindle and distaff, with wool also upon it: and when Pheretime uttered again the same saying about this present, Euelthon said that such things as this were given as gifts to women and not an army.
162. During Battos's reign, things went on like this, but during his son Arkesilaos's reign, there was a lot of unrest regarding government positions. Arkesilaos, the son of the Lame Battos and Pheretime, insisted that he wouldn’t allow things to be run as Mantineian Demonax had set up; instead, he demanded the royal rights of his ancestors back. After stirring up conflict, he was defeated and went into exile in Samos, while his mother fled to Salamis in Cyprus. At that time, Euelthon was the ruler of Salamis, the same one who dedicated the censer at Delphi, a renowned work that can be seen in the treasury of the Corinthians. When Pheretime approached him, she asked for an army to help restore her and her son to Kyrene. However, Euelthon was willing to give her anything but that. When she received what he offered, she said it was a decent gift but that an army would be an even better one. As she continued to say this about every gift she was given, Euelthon eventually sent her a present of a golden spindle and distaff, with wool on it. When Pheretime repeated her comment about this gift, Euelthon replied that such things were given to women, not armies.
163. Arkesilaos meanwhile, being in Samos, was gathering every one together by a promise of dividing land; and while a great host was being collected, Arkesilaos set out to Delphi to inquire of the Oracle about returning from exile: and the Pythian prophetess gave him this answer: "For four named Battos and four named Arkesilaos, eight generations of men, Loxias grants to you to be kings of Kyrene, but beyond this he counsels you not even to attempt it. Thou however must keep quiet when thou hast come back to thy land; and if thou findest the furnace full of jars, heat not the jars fiercely, but let them go with a fair wind: if however thou heat the furnace fiercely, enter not thou into the place flowed round by water; for if thou dost thou shalt die, both thou and the bull which is fairer than all the rest."
163. Meanwhile, Arkesilaos was in Samos, gathering everyone together with a promise to divide the land. As a large crowd assembled, Arkesilaos went to Delphi to ask the Oracle about returning from exile. The Pythian prophetess responded: "For four named Battos and four named Arkesilaos, eight generations of men, Loxias grants you the rule of Kyrene, but beyond this, he advises you not to try. However, you must stay quiet when you return to your land; and if you find the furnace full of jars, don't heat the jars too fiercely, but let them go with a gentle wind. If you do heat the furnace too fiercely, do not enter the place surrounded by water; because if you do, you will die, both you and the bull that is more beautiful than all the others."
164. Thus the Pythian prophetess gave answer to Arkesilaos; and he, having taken to him those in Samos, made his return to Kyrene; and when he had got possession of the power, he did not remember the saying of the Oracle but endeavoured to exact penalties from those of the opposite faction for having driven him out. Of these some escaped out of the country altogether, but some Arkesilaos got into his power and sent them away to Cyprus to be put to death. These were driven out of their course to Cnidos, and the men of Cnidos rescued them and sent them away to Thera. Some others however of the Kyrenians fled to a great tower belonging to Aglomachos a private citizen, and Arkesilaos burnt them by piling up brushwood round. Then after he had done the deed he perceived that the Oracle meant this, in that the Pythian prophetess forbade him, if he found the jars in the furnace, to heat them fiercely; and he voluntarily kept away from the city of the Kyrenians, fearing the death which had been prophesied by the Oracle and supposing that Kyrene was flowed round by water. 149 Now he had to wife a kinswoman of his own, the daughter of the king of Barca whose name was Alazeir: to him he came, and men of Barca together with certain of the exiles from Kyrene, perceiving him going about in the market-place, killed him, and also besides him his father-in-law Alazeir. Arkesilaos accordingly, having missed the meaning of the oracle, whether with his will or against his will, fulfilled his own destiny.
164. So the Pythian prophetess replied to Arkesilaos; and he, joined by those in Samos, returned to Kyrene. Once he took power, he forgot the Oracle's warning and tried to punish those from the opposing faction for driving him out. Some of them fled the country altogether, while others fell into Arkesilaos's hands and were sent to Cyprus to be executed. They were diverted to Cnidos, where the people of Cnidos saved them and sent them to Thera. However, some other Kyrenians took refuge in a large tower owned by Aglomachos, a private citizen, and Arkesilaos burned them alive by piling brushwood around them. After committing this act, he realized the Oracle's meaning: the Pythian prophetess had warned him not to heat the jars too fiercely if he found them in the furnace. He then chose to stay away from the city of the Kyrenians, fearing the death foretold by the Oracle and believing Kyrene was surrounded by water. 149 He was married to a relative, the daughter of the king of Barca named Alazeir. While he was in the marketplace, he was killed by men from Barca along with his father-in-law Alazeir. Thus, whether intentionally or not, Arkesilaos misinterpreted the Oracle and sealed his own fate.
165. His mother Pheretime meanwhile, so long as Arkesilaos having worked evil for himself dwelt at Barca, herself held the royal power of her son at Kyrene, both exercising his other rights and also sitting in council: but when she heard that her son had been slain in Barca, she departed and fled to Egypt: for she had on her side services done for Cambyses the son of Cyrus by Arkesilaos, since this was the Arkesilaos who had given over Kyrene to Cambyses and had laid a tribute upon himself. Pheretime then having come to Egypt sat down as a suppliant of Aryandes, bidding him help her, and alleging as a reason that it was on account of his inclination to the side of the Medes that her son had been slain. 166. Now this Aryandes had been appointed ruler of the province of Egypt by Cambyses; and after the time of these events he lost his life because he would measure himself with Dareios. For having heard and seen that Dareios desired to leave behind him as a memorial of himself a thing which had not been made by any other king, he imitated him, until at last he received his reward: for whereas Dareios refined gold and made it as pure as possible, and of this caused coins to be struck, Aryandes, being ruler of Egypt, did the same thing with silver; and even now the purest silver is that which is called Aryandic. Dareios then having learnt that he was doing this put him to death, bringing against him another charge of attempting rebellion.
165. His mother Pheretime, meanwhile, while Arkesilaos was causing trouble for himself in Barca, held the royal power on behalf of her son in Kyrene, exercising his rights and sitting in council. But when she heard that her son had been killed in Barca, she fled to Egypt. She had support from the services Arkesilaos had provided to Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, since this Arkesilaos was the one who had turned over Kyrene to Cambyses and imposed a tribute on himself. Pheretime then arrived in Egypt and sought help from Aryandes, asking him to assist her and claiming that her son's death was due to Aryandes' loyalty to the Medes. 166. Aryandes had been appointed ruler of Egypt by Cambyses. After these events, he lost his life because he dared to compare himself to Dareios. Having heard and seen that Dareios wanted to leave behind something unique and unmatched by any other king, he tried to copy him, until he ultimately faced the consequences. While Dareios refined gold and created pure coins, Aryandes, as ruler of Egypt, did the same with silver; even today, the finest silver is called Aryandic. Upon learning that Aryandes was doing this, Dareios executed him, accusing him of attempting rebellion.
167. Now at the time of which I speak this Aryandes had compassion on Pheretime and gave her all the troops that were in Egypt, both the land and the sea forces, appointing Amasis a Maraphian to command the land-army and Badres, of the race of the Pasargadai, to command the fleet: but before he sent away the army, Aryandes despatched a herald to Barca and asked who it was who had killed Arkesilaos; and the men of Barca all took it upon themselves, for they said they suffered formerly many great evils at his hands. Having heard this, Aryandes at last sent away the army together with Pheretime. This charge then was the pretext alleged; but in fact the army was being sent out (as I believe) for the purpose of subduing Libya: for of the Libyans there are many nations of nations of various kinds, and but few of them are subject to the king, while the greater number paid no regard to Dareios.
167. At that time, Aryandes felt sorry for Pheretime and gave her all the troops in Egypt, including the land and naval forces. He appointed Amasis, a Maraphian, to lead the land army and Badres, from the Pasargadai clan, to command the fleet. But before sending the army off, Aryandes sent a herald to Barca to ask who had killed Arkesilaos. The people of Barca took responsibility, claiming they had suffered many great injustices at his hands. After hearing this, Aryandes finally sent the army away with Pheretime. This reason was the official explanation, but in reality, the army was being dispatched (as I believe) to conquer Libya. There are many different nations of Libyans, and only a few of them were under the king's rule, while the majority ignored Dareios.
168. Now the Libyans have their dwelling as follows:—Beginning from Egypt, first of the Libyans are settled the Adyrmachidai, who practise for the most part the same customs as the Egyptians, but wear clothing similar to that of the other Libyans. Their women wear a bronze ring 150 upon each leg, and they have long hair on their heads, and when they catch their lice, each one bites her own in retaliation and then throws them away. These are the only people of the Lybians who do this; and they alone display to the king their maidens when they are about to be married, and whosoever of them proves to be pleasing to the king is deflowered by him. These Adyrmachidai extend along the coast from Egypt as far as the port which is called Plynos.
168. The Libyans live as follows: Starting from Egypt, the first group of Libyans are the Adyrmachidai, who follow mostly the same customs as the Egyptians but dress like other Libyans. Their women wear a bronze ring 150 on each leg, have long hair, and when they find lice, each one bites her own in revenge and then gets rid of them. These are the only Libyans who do this; they are also the only ones who show their maidens to the king when they are about to get married, and whichever one pleases the king is taken by him. The Adyrmachidai stretch along the coast from Egypt to the port known as Plynos.
169. Next after these come the Giligamai, 151 occupying the country towards the West as far as the island of Aphrodisias. In the space within this limit lies off the coast the island of Platea, where the Kyrenians made their settlement; and on the coast of the mainland there is Port Menelaos, and Aziris, where the Kyrenians used to dwell. From this point begins the silphion 152 and it extends along the coast from the island of Platea as far as the entrance of the Syrtis. This nation practises customs nearly resembling those of the rest.
169. After these come the Giligamai, 151 who live in the country to the West, reaching as far as the island of Aphrodisias. Within this area lies the island of Platea, where the Kyrenians settled; and on the mainland coast, there is Port Menelaos and Aziris, where the Kyrenians used to live. From this point begins the silphion 152 and it stretches along the coast from the island of Platea to the entrance of the Syrtis. This nation has customs that are quite similar to those of others.
170. Next to the Giligamai on the West are the Asbystai: 153 these dwell above 154 Kyrene, and the Asbystai do not reach down the sea, for the region along the sea is occupied by Kyrenians. These most of all the Libyans are drivers of four-horse chariots, and in the greater number of their customs they endeavour to imitate the Kyrenians.
170. Next to the Giligamai in the West are the Asbystai: 153 they live above 154 Kyrene, and the Asbystai don't go down to the sea, since the area along the coast is occupied by the Kyrenians. Among all the Libyans, they are the most skilled at driving four-horse chariots, and they try to mirror the customs of the Kyrenians.
171. Next after the Asbystai on the West come the Auchisai: these dwell above Barca and reach down to the sea by Euesperides: and in the middle of the country of the Auchisai dwell the Bacales, 155 a small tribe, who reach down to the sea by the city of Taucheira in the territory of Barca: these practise the same customs as those above Kyrene.
171. Next to the Asbystai in the West are the Auchisai: they live above Barca and extend down to the sea near Euesperides. In the center of Auchisai territory live the Bacales, 155, a small tribe, who also reach down to the sea at the city of Taucheira in the Barca area: they follow the same customs as those from above Kyrene.
172. Next after these Auschisai towards the West come the Nasamonians, a numerous race, who in the summer leave their flocks behind by the sea and go up to the region of Augila to gather the fruit of the date-palms, which grow in great numbers and very large and are all fruit-bearing: these hunt the wingless locusts, and they dry them in the sun and then pound them up, and after that they sprinkle them upon milk and drink them. Their custom is for each man to have many wives, and they make their intercourse with them common in nearly the same manner as the Massagetai, 156 that is they set up a staff in front of the door and so have intercourse. When a Nasamonian man marries his first wife, the custom is for the bride on the first night to go through the whole number of the guests having intercourse with them, and each man when he has lain with her gives a gift, whatsoever he has brought with him from his house. The forms of oath and of divination which they use are as follows:—they swear by the men among themselves who are reported to have been the most righteous and brave, by these, I say, laying hands upon their tombs; and they divine by visiting the sepulchral mounds of their ancestors and lying down to sleep upon them after having prayed; and whatsoever thing the man sees in his dream, this he accepts. They practise also the exchange of pledges in the following manner, that is to say, one gives the other to drink from his hand, and drinks himself from the hand of the other; and if they have no liquid, they take of the dust from the ground and lick it.
172. Next to the Auschisai in the West are the Nasamonians, a large group of people. In the summer, they leave their sheep by the sea and head to the Augila region to harvest the abundant and large date-palm fruits. They hunt wingless locusts, dry them in the sun, crush them, and then mix them into milk to drink. Each man typically has multiple wives, and their relationships are somewhat communal, similar to the Massagetai. They set up a staff in front of the door as a signal for their relationships. When a Nasamonian man marries his first wife, the custom is for the bride to spend her first night with all the guests, and after each man has been with her, he gives her a gift from his home. Their oaths and divination practices are as follows: they swear by the most righteous and brave men among them, placing their hands on their tombs. They also divine by visiting the burial mounds of their ancestors, lying down to sleep on them after praying, and interpreting whatever they dream. They also exchange pledges by drinking from each other’s hands, and if there's no liquid available, they take some dust from the ground and lick it.
173. Adjoining the Nasamonians is the country of the Psylloi. These have perished utterly in the following manner:—The South Wind blowing upon them dried up all their cisterns of water, and their land was waterless, lying all within the Syrtis. They then having taken a resolve by common consent, marched in arms against the South Wind (I report that which is reported by the Libyans), and when they had arrived at the sandy tract, the South Wind blew and buried them in the sand. These then having utterly perished, the Nasamonians from that time forward possess their land.
173. Next to the Nasamonians is the territory of the Psylloi. They completely perished in the following way: The South Wind blew on them and dried up all their water supplies, leaving their land without water, all within the Syrtis. They then decided together to march against the South Wind (this is what the Libyans say), and when they reached the sandy area, the South Wind blew and buried them in the sand. After they completely perished, the Nasamonians took over their land.
174. Above these towards the South Wind in the region of wild beasts dwell the Garamantians, 157 who fly from every man and avoid the company of all; and they neither possess any weapon of war, nor know how to defend themselves against enemies.
174. Above these, towards the South Wind in the area where wild beasts live, the Garamantians, 157, avoid everyone and steer clear of company. They don’t have any weapons for battle and don’t know how to protect themselves from enemies.
175. These dwell above the Nasamonians; and next to the Nasamonians along the sea coast towards the West come the Macai, who shave their hair so as to leave tufts, letting the middle of their hair grow long, but round this on all sides shaving it close to the skin; and for fighting they carry shields made of ostrich skins. Through their land the river Kinyps runs out into the sea, flowing from a hill called the "Hill of the Charites." This Hill of the Charites is overgrown thickly with wood, while the rest of Libya which has been spoken of before is bare of trees; and the distance from the sea to this hill is two hundred furlongs.
175. These tribes live above the Nasamonians; and next to the Nasamonians along the coast to the west are the Macai, who shave their hair to create tufts, letting the middle grow long while shaving the sides close to the skin. For battle, they use shields made from ostrich skins. The river Kinyps flows through their land into the sea, coming from a hill known as the "Hill of the Charites." This Hill of the Charites is densely wooded, while the rest of Libya mentioned earlier is treeless; the distance from the sea to this hill is about two hundred furlongs.
176. Next to these Macai are the Gindanes, whose women wear each of them a number of anklets made of the skins of animals, for the following reason, as it is said:—for every man who has commerce with her she binds on an anklet, and the woman who has most is esteemed the best, since she has been loved by the greatest number of men.
176. Next to these Macai are the Gindanes, whose women wear several anklets made from animal skins. The reason for this, as they say, is that for every man who has a relationship with her, she puts on an anklet, and the woman with the most anklets is considered the best, as she has been loved by the greatest number of men.
177. In a peninsula which stands out into the sea from the land of these Gindanes dwell the Lotophagoi, who live by eating the fruit of the lotos only. Now the fruit of the lotos is in size like that of the mastich-tree, and in flavour 158 it resembles that of the date-palm. Of this fruit the Lotophagoi even make for themselves wine.
177. On a peninsula that juts into the sea from the land of these Gindanes, the Lotophagoi live, and their diet consists solely of the fruit of the lotos. The lotos fruit is about the size of a mastic tree's fruit and tastes somewhat like a date. The Lotophagoi even make wine from this fruit.
178. Next after the Lotophagoi along the sea-coast are the Machlyans, who also make use of the lotos, but less than those above mentioned. These extend to a great river named the river Triton, and this runs out into a great lake called Tritonis, in which there is an island named Phla. About this island they say there was an oracle given to the Lacedemonians that they should make a settlement in it.
178. Next to the Lotophagoi along the coast are the Machlyans, who also use the lotus, but not as much as those mentioned earlier. They stretch to a big river called the Triton, which flows into a large lake known as Tritonis, where there is an island called Phla. It's said that an oracle was given to the Lacedemonians instructing them to establish a settlement there.
179. The following moreover is also told, namely that Jason, when the Argo had been completed by him under Mount Pelion, put into it a hecatomb and with it also 159 a tripod of bronze, and sailed round Pelopponese, desiring to come to Delphi; and when in sailing he got near Malea, a North Wind seized his ship and carried it off to Libya, and before he caught sight of land he had come to be in the shoals of the lake Tritonis. Then as he was at a loss how he should bring his ship forth, the story goes that Triton appeared to him and bade Jason give him the tripod, saying that he would show them the right course and let them go away without hurt: and when Jason consented to it, then Triton showed them the passage out between the shoals and set the tripod in his own temple, after having first uttered a prophecy over the tripod 160 and having declared to Jason and his company the whole matter, namely that whensoever one of the descendants of those who sailed with him in the Argo should carry away this tripod, then it was determined by fate that a hundred cities of Hellenes should be established about the lake Tritonis. Having heard this the native Libyans concealed the tripod.
179. It is also said that Jason, after finishing the Argo under Mount Pelion, loaded it with a hecatomb and a bronze tripod, and set sail around the Peloponnese, aiming to reach Delphi. As he was sailing near Malea, a North Wind caught his ship and carried it off to Libya. Before he saw any land, he ended up in the shallows of Lake Tritonis. Confused about how to get his ship out, the story goes that Triton appeared to him and told Jason to give him the tripod. Triton promised to show them the right way and let them leave unharmed. When Jason agreed, Triton guided them out of the shallows and placed the tripod in his temple after making a prophecy over it, telling Jason and his crew that whenever a descendant of those who had sailed with him in the Argo took the tripod, it was destined that a hundred Greek cities would be established around Lake Tritonis. After hearing this, the local Libyans hid the tripod.
180. Next to these Machlyans are the Auseans. These and the Machlyans dwell round the lake Tritonis, and the river Triton is the boundary between them: and while the Machlyans grow their hair long at the back of the head, the Auseans do so in front. At a yearly festival of Athene their maidens take their stand in two parties and fight against one another with stones and staves, and they say that in doing so they are fulfilling the rites handed down by their fathers for the divinity who was sprung from that land, whom we call Athene: and those of the maidens who die of the wounds received they call "false-maidens." But before they let them begin the fight they do this:—all join together and equip the maiden who is judged to be the fairest on each occasion, with a Corinthian helmet and with full Hellenic armour, and then causing her to go up into a chariot they conduct her round the lake. Now I cannot tell with what they equipped the maidens in old time, before the Hellenes were settled near them; but I suppose that they used to be equipped with Egyptian armour, for it is from Egypt that both the shield and the helmet have come to the Hellenes, as I affirm. They say moreover that Athene is the daughter of Poseidon and of the lake Tritonis, and that she had some cause of complaint against her father and therefore gave herself to Zeus, and Zeus made her his own daughter. Such is the story which these tell; and they have their intercourse with women in common, not marrying but having intercourse like cattle: and when the child of any woman has grown big, he is brought before a meeting of the men held within three months of that time, 161 and whomsoever of the men the child resembles, his son he is accounted to be.
180. Next to the Machlyans are the Auseans. Both groups live around Lake Tritonis, with the Triton River as their boundary. The Machlyans grow their hair long at the back, while the Auseans do so at the front. During an annual festival for Athene, their young women form two teams and throw stones and sticks at each other. They believe this tradition honors the goddess who originated from their land, whom we call Athene. The young women who are injured fatally in the fights are referred to as "false-maidens." Before the battle begins, everyone comes together to equip the fairest maiden of the occasion with a Corinthian helmet and full Hellenic armor, then they place her in a chariot and parade her around the lake. I’m not sure what they used to equip the maidens in the past, before the Hellenes settled nearby, but I assume they used Egyptian armor, since both the shield and helmet originated from Egypt, as I maintain. They also say that Athene is the daughter of Poseidon and Lake Tritonis, and that she had grievances against her father, which led her to submit to Zeus, who then made her his daughter. This is the story they share; they have communal relationships with women, not marrying but engaging in relations like livestock. When a child is born, once he grows a bit, he is brought before a gathering of men within three months of that time, 161, and he is considered the son of whichever man he resembles.
181. Thus then have been mentioned those nomad Libyans who live along the sea-coast: and above these inland is the region of Libya which has wild beasts; and above the wild-beast region there stretches a raised belt of sand, extending from Thebes of the Egyptians to the Pillars of Heracles. In this belt at intervals of about ten days' journey there are fragments of salt in great lumps forming hills, and at the top of each hill there shoots up from the middle of the salt a spring of water cold and sweet; and about the spring dwell men, at the furthest limit towards the desert, and above the wild-beast region. First, at a distance of ten days' journey from Thebes, are the Ammonians, whose temple is derived from that of the Theban Zeus, for the image of Zeus in Thebes also, as I have said before, 162 has the head of a ram. These, as it chances, have also other water of a spring, which in the early morning is warm; at the time when the market fills, 163 cooler; when midday comes, it is quite cold, and then they water their gardens; but as the day declines, it abates from its coldness, until at last, when the sun sets, the water is warm; and it continues to increase in heat still more until it reaches midnight, when it boils and throws up bubbles; and when midnight passes, it becomes cooler gradually till dawn of day. This spring is called the fountain of the Sun.
181. So, we've talked about the nomadic Libyans who live along the coast. Inland, there's a region of Libya filled with wild animals, and above that region lies a raised area of sand stretching from Thebes in Egypt to the Pillars of Heracles. In this sandy area, about every ten days of travel, there are big chunks of salt forming hills, and atop each hill, a cold, sweet spring of water bubbles up from the middle of the salt. People live around the spring, at the farthest edge towards the desert, above the region of wild animals. First, about ten days’ journey from Thebes, are the Ammonians, whose temple is modeled after that of the Theban Zeus, whose statue in Thebes, as I mentioned earlier, 162 has a ram's head. These people also have another spring that starts off warm in the early morning; when the market gets busy, 163 it becomes cooler; at noon, it gets pretty cold, and they use it to water their gardens. As the day goes on, it gradually warms up again until sunset when the water is warm; it keeps getting hotter until midnight, when it boils and bubbles. After midnight, it slowly cools down until dawn. This spring is called the Fountain of the Sun.
182. After the Ammonians, as you go on along the belt of sand, at an interval again of ten days' journey there is a hill of salt like that of the Ammonians, and a spring of water, with men dwelling about it; and the name of this place is Augila. To this the Nasamonians come year by year to gather the fruit of the date-palms.
182. After the Ammonians, as you continue along the sandy stretch, ten days later you'll find a salt hill similar to the one near the Ammonians, along with a spring of water and people living around it. This place is called Augila. The Nasamonians visit here every year to harvest the dates from the date-palms.
183. From Augila at a distance again of ten days' journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water and a great number of fruit-bearing date-palms, as there are also in the other places: and men dwell here who are called the Garmantians, a very great nation, who carry earth to lay over the salt and then sow crops. From this point is the shortest way to the Lotophagoi, for from these it is a journey of thirty days to the country of the Garmantians. Among them also are produced the cattle which feed backwards; and they feed backwards for this reason, because they have their horns bent down forwards, and therefore they walk backwards as they feed; for forwards they cannot go, because the horns run into the ground in front of them; but in nothing else do they differ from other cattle except in this and in the thickness and firmness to the touch 164 of their hide. These Garamantians of whom I speak hunt the "Cave-dwelling" 165 Ethiopians with their four-horse chariots, for the Cave-dwelling Ethiopians are the swiftest of foot of all men about whom we hear report made: and the Cave-dwellers feed upon serpents and lizards and such creeping things, and they use a language which resembles no other, for in it they squeak just like bats.
183. From Augila, ten days' journey away, there’s another hill of salt and a spring of water, along with a lot of fruit-bearing date palms, similar to those found in other places. People live here who are known as the Garmantians, a large nation that brings dirt to cover the salt and then plants crops. This point offers the quickest route to the Lotophagoi, as it takes thirty days to reach the Garmantians' land from here. They also have cattle that feed backwards. They do this because their horns are bent downwards, causing them to walk backwards while they eat; they can’t move forward because their horns dig into the ground in front of them. Other than this and the thickness and firmness of their hide, these cattle are similar to ordinary livestock. The Garmantians I’m talking about hunt the "Cave-dwelling" Ethiopians with their four-horse chariots, as the Cave-dwelling Ethiopians are the fastest runners among all the people we hear about. The Cave-dwellers eat snakes, lizards, and other creeping creatures, and they speak a language that is unlike any other, as it sounds like bats squeaking.
184. From the Garmantians at a distance again of ten days' journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water, and men dwell round it called Atarantians, who alone of all men about whom we know are nameless; for while all taken together have the name Atarantians, each separate man of them has no name given to him. These utter curses against the Sun when he is at his height, 166 and moreover revile him with all manner of foul terms, because he oppresses them by his burning heat, both themselves and their land. After this at a distance of ten days' journey there is another hill of salt and spring of water, and men dwell round it. Near this salt hill is a mountain named Atlas, which is small in circuit and rounded on every side; and so exceedingly lofty is it said to be, that it is not possible to see its summits, for clouds never leave them either in the summer or in the winter. This the natives say is the pillar of the heaven. After this mountain these men got their name, for they are called Atlantians; and it is said that they neither eat anything that has life nor have any dreams.
184. From the Garmantians, a ten-day journey away, there's another salt hill and a spring of water, where a group of people lives called the Atarantians. They are unique among everyone we know because they have no personal names; while they’re all called Atarantians together, each individual has no name. They shout curses at the Sun when it’s at its peak, 166 and insult him with all sorts of nasty words because his scorching heat oppresses both them and their land. After that, a ten-day journey further, there's another salt hill and a spring of water where people live. Near this salt hill stands a mountain named Atlas, which is small in size and rounded all around; it's said to be so tall that its peaks are never visible because clouds cling to them all year round. The locals refer to this as the pillar of heaven. These people got their name from this mountain, as they are called Atlantians, and it's said they neither eat anything that is alive nor have dreams.
185. As far as these Atlantians I am able to mention in order the names of those who are settled in the belt of sand; but for the parts beyond these I can do so no more. However, the belt extends as far as the Pillars of Heracles and also in the parts outside them: and there is a mine of salt in it at a distance of ten days' journey from the Atlantians, and men dwelling there; and these all have their houses built of the lumps of salt, since these parts of Libya which we have now reached 167 are without rain; for if it rained, the walls being made of salt would not be able to last: and the salt is dug up there both white and purple in colour. 168 Above the sand-belt, in the parts which are in the direction of the South Wind and towards the interior of Libya, the country is uninhabited, without water and without wild beasts, rainless and treeless, and there is no trace of moisture in it.
185. As for these Atlantians, I can list the names of those who live in the sandy area, but I can't do so for the regions beyond that. However, the sandy area stretches all the way to the Pillars of Heracles and even beyond them: there’s a salt mine located ten days' journey from the Atlantians, and people live there; their homes are made from salt blocks since the parts of Libya we've reached 167 are dry and don’t get any rain. If it did rain, the walls made of salt wouldn't hold up. The salt found there is both white and purple in color. 168 Above the sandy area, going towards the South Wind and deeper into Libya, the land is uninhabited, lacking water and wildlife; it has no rain and no trees, and there's no sign of moisture at all.
186. I have said that from Egypt as far as the lake Tritonis Libyans dwell who are nomads, eating flesh and drinking milk; and these do not taste at all of the flesh of cows, for the same reason as the Egyptians also abstain from it, nor do they keep swine. Moreover the women of the Kyrenians too think it not right to eat cows' flesh, because of the Egyptian Isis, and they even keep fasts and celebrate festivals for her; and the women of Barca, in addition from cows' flesh, do not taste of swine either.
186. I mentioned that from Egypt to Lake Tritonis, there are Libyans who are nomads, eating meat and drinking milk; they don't eat cow's flesh, just like the Egyptians who avoid it, and they also don't raise pigs. Additionally, the women of Cyrene believe it's wrong to eat cow's flesh because of the Egyptian goddess Isis, and they even observe fasts and celebrate festivals in her honor; similarly, the women of Barca also refrain from eating cow's flesh and avoid pork.
187. Thus it is with these matters: but in the region to the West of lake Tritonis the Libyans cease to be nomads, and they do not practise the same customs, nor do to their children anything like that which the nomads are wont to do; for the nomad Libyans, whether all of them I cannot say for certain, but many of them, do as follows:—when their children are four years old, they burn with a greasy piece of sheep's wool the veins in the crowns of their heads, and some of them burn the veins of the temples, so that for all their lives to come the cold humour may not run down from their heads and do them hurt: and for this reason it is (they say) that they are so healthy; for the Libyans are in truth the most healthy of all races concerning which we have knowledge, whether for this reason or not I cannot say for certain, but the most healthy they certainly are: and if, when they burn the children, a convulsion comes on, they have found out a remedy for this; for they pour upon them the water of a he-goat and so save them. I report that which is reported by the Libyans themselves.
187. This is how it is with these matters: in the area west of Lake Tritonis, the Libyans stop being nomads, and they don’t follow the same customs, nor do they treat their children in the same way that nomadic people do. The nomadic Libyans, although I can’t say for sure if it’s all of them, but many of them, have a practice: when their children turn four years old, they burn the veins on the tops of their heads with a greasy piece of sheep's wool, and some of them also burn the veins at the temples. This is done so that, for the rest of their lives, the cold humor won’t flow down from their heads and harm them. They claim this is why they are so healthy; the Libyans are indeed the healthiest of all the races we know about. Whether it’s because of this practice or not, I can’t say for certain, but they are definitely very healthy. If a convulsion happens while they are burning the children, they have discovered a remedy for this: they pour the water from a he-goat on them to save them. I’m sharing this based on what the Libyans themselves have reported.
188. The following is the manner of sacrifice which the nomads have:—they cut off a part of the animal's ear as a first offering and throw it over the house, 169 and having done this they twist its neck. They sacrifice only to the Sun and the Moon; that is to say, to these all the Libyans sacrifice, but those who dwell round the lake Tritonis sacrifice most of all to Athene, and next to Triton and Poseidon.
188. This is how the nomads perform their sacrifices: they cut off a portion of the animal's ear as an initial offering and toss it over the house, 169 and after doing this, they break its neck. They only sacrifice to the Sun and the Moon; in other words, all the Libyans make sacrifices to these deities, but those living around Lake Tritonis primarily sacrifice to Athene, followed by Triton and Poseidon.
189. It would appear also that the Hellenes made the dress and the aigis of the images of Athene after the model of the Libyan women; for except that the dress of the Libyan women is of leather, and the tassels which hang from their aigis are not formed of serpents but of leather thongs, in all other respects Athene is dressed like them. Moreover the name too declares that the dress of the figures of Pallas has come from Libya, for the Libyan women wear over their other garments bare goat-skins (aigeas) with tasselled fringes and coloured over with red madder, and from the name of these goat-skins the Hellenes formed the name aigis. I think also that in these regions first arose the practice of crying aloud during the performance of sacred rites, for the Libyan women do this very well. 170 The Hellenes learnt from the Libyans also the yoking together of four horses.
189. It seems that the Greeks styled the clothing and the aigis of the images of Athena after the Libyan women; because aside from the fact that the Libyan women's outfits are made of leather, and the tassels hanging from their aigis are made of leather thongs instead of serpents, in every other way Athena is dressed like them. Additionally, the name itself suggests that the clothing of the figures of Pallas originated in Libya, as Libyan women wear bare goat-skins (aigeas) over their other garments, with fringed tassels and dyed with red madder, and from the name of these goat-skins, the Greeks derived the name aigis. I also believe that the practice of loudly calling out during sacred rituals first started in these regions because the Libyan women do this very well. 170 The Greeks also learned from the Libyans how to yoke four horses together.
190. The nomads bury those who die just in the same manner as the Hellenes, except only the Nasamonians: these bury bodies in a sitting posture, taking care at the moment when the man expires to place him sitting and not to let him die lying down on his back. They have dwellings composed of the stems of asphodel entwined with rushes, and so made that they can be carried about. Such are the customs followed by these tribes.
190. The nomads bury their dead just like the Greeks, except for the Nasamonians: they bury bodies in a sitting position, making sure that when a person dies, they’re placed sitting up and not left lying on their back. They live in homes made from asphodel stems intertwined with rushes, designed to be portable. These are the customs practiced by these tribes.
191. On the West of the river Triton next after the Auseans come Libyans who are tillers of the soil, and whose custom it is to possess fixed habitations; and they are called Maxyans. They grow their hair long on the right side of their heads and cut it short upon the left, and smear their bodies over with red ochre. These say that they are of the men who came from Troy.
191. On the west side of the river Triton, right after the Auseans, are the Libyans, who farm the land and usually have permanent homes; they are known as Maxyans. They grow their hair long on the right side of their heads and keep it short on the left, and they cover their bodies with red ochre. They claim to be descendants of the people who came from Troy.
This country and the rest of Libya which is towards the West is both much more frequented by wild beasts and much more thickly wooded than the country of the nomads: for whereas the part of Libya which is situated towards the East, where the nomads dwell, is low-lying and sandy up to the river Triton, that which succeeds it towards the West, the country of those who till the soil, is exceedingly mountainous and thickly-wooded and full of wild beasts: for in the land of these are found both the monstrous serpent and the lion and the elephant, and bears and venomous snakes and horned asses, besides the dog-headed men, and the headless men with their eyes set in their breasts (at least so say the Libyans about them), and the wild men and wild women, and a great multitude of other beasts which are not fabulous like these. 171
This country and the rest of Libya to the west are both much more populated by wild animals and more heavily forested than the nomads' territory. The eastern part of Libya, where the nomads live, is flat and sandy up to the Triton River, while the area to the west, where the farmers reside, is very mountainous, densely wooded, and full of wild animals. In this land, you can find terrifying creatures like large snakes, lions, elephants, bears, venomous snakes, and horned donkeys, as well as the dog-headed people and headless people with eyes in their chests (at least that's what the Libyans say), along with wild men and women, and many other non-mythical beasts as well. 171
192. In the land of the nomads however there exist none of these, but other animals as follows:—white-rump antelopes, gazelles, buffaloes, asses, not the horned kind but others which go without water (for in fact these never drink), oryes, 172 whose horns are made into the sides of the Phenician lyre (this animal is in size about equal to an ox), small foxes, hyenas, porcupines, wild rams, wolves, 173 jackals, panthers, boryes, land-crocodiles about three cubits in length and very much resembling lizards, ostriches, and small snakes, each with one horn: these wild animals there are in this country, as well as those which exist elsewhere, except the stag and the wild-boar; but Libya has no stags nor wild boars at all. Also there are in this country three kinds of mice, one is called the "two-legged" mouse, another the zegeris (a name which is Libyan and signifies in the Hellenic tongue a "hill"), and a third the "prickly" mouse. 174 There are also weasels produced in the silphion, which are very like those of Tartessos. Such are the wild animals which the land of the Libyans possesses, so far as we were able to discover by inquiries extended as much as possible.
192. In the land of the nomads, however, there are none of these, but other animals as follows:—white-rumped antelopes, gazelles, buffaloes, donkeys, not the horned kind but others that go without water (since they never actually drink), oryxes, 172 whose horns are used for the sides of the Phoenician lyre (this animal is about the size of an ox), small foxes, hyenas, porcupines, wild rams, wolves, 173 jackals, panthers, boryes, land crocodiles about three cubits long that closely resemble lizards, ostriches, and small snakes, each with one horn. These wild animals are found in this country, as well as those that exist elsewhere, except for stags and wild boars; Libya has neither stags nor wild boars at all. There are also three types of mice in this country: one is called the "two-legged" mouse, another the zegeris (a Libyan name meaning "hill" in Greek), and a third the "prickly" mouse. 174 There are also weasels found in the silphion, which are very similar to those from Tartessos. These are the wild animals that the land of the Libyans has, as far as we were able to learn through extensive inquiries.
193. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zauekes, 175 whose women drive their chariots for them to war.
193. Next to the Maxyan Libyans are the Zauekes, 175 whose women drive their chariots into battle for them.
194. Next to these are the Gyzantes, 176 among whom honey is made in great quantity by bees, but in much greater quantity still it is said to be made by men, who work at it as a trade. However that may be, these all smear themselves over with red ochre and eat monkeys, which are produced in very great numbers upon their mountains.
194. Next to these are the Gyzantes, 176 where bees produce a lot of honey, but it's said that humans make even more, as they do it as a business. Regardless, they all cover themselves in red ochre and eat monkeys, which are very plentiful on their mountains.
195. Opposite these, as the Carthaginians say, there lies an island called Kyrauis, two hundred furlongs in length but narrow, to which one may walk over from the mainland; and it is full of olives and vines. In it they say there is a pool, from which the native girls with birds' feathers smeared over with pitch bring up gold-dust out of the mud. Whether this is really so I do not know, but I write that which is reported; and nothing is impossible, 177 for even in Zakynthos I saw myself pitch brought up out of a pool of water. There are there several pools, and the largest of them measures seventy feet each way and is two fathoms in depth. Into this they plunge a pole with a myrtle-branch bound to it, and then with the branch of the myrtle they bring up pitch, which has the smell of asphalt, but in other respects it is superior to the pitch of Pieria. This they pour into a pit dug near the pool; and when they have collected a large quantity, then they pour it into the jars from the pit: and whatever thing falls into the pool goes under ground and reappears in the sea, which is distant about four furlongs from the pool. Thus then the report about the island lying near the coast of Libya is also probably enough true.
195. Across from these, according to the Carthaginians, there’s an island called Kyrauis, two hundred furlongs long but narrow, which you can walk to from the mainland; it’s full of olive trees and vines. They say there’s a pool on the island, from which local girls bring up gold dust from the mud using birds’ feathers coated in pitch. I can’t say for sure if that’s true, but I’m sharing what’s been reported; after all, nothing is impossible, 177 because I saw pitch being pulled from a pool of water myself in Zakynthos. There are several pools there, the largest measuring seventy feet across and two fathoms deep. They dip a pole with a myrtle branch tied to it into the pool, and then they use the myrtle branch to bring up pitch, which smells like asphalt but is otherwise better than the pitch from Pieria. They pour it into a pit dug near the pool, and once they’ve collected a lot, they transfer it into jars from the pit: anything that falls into the pool goes underground and resurfaces in the sea, which is about four furlongs from the pool. So, the story about the island near the coast of Libya is probably true enough.
196. The Carthaginians say also this, namely that there is a place in Libya and men dwelling there, outside the Pillars of Heracles, to whom when they have come and have taken the merchandise forth from their ships, they set it in order along the beach and embark again in their ships, and after that they raise a smoke; and the natives of the country seeing the smoke come to the sea, and then they lay down gold as an equivalent for the merchandise and retire to a distance away from the merchandise. The Carthaginians upon that disembark and examine it, and if the gold is in their opinion sufficient for the value of the merchandise, they take it up and go their way; but if not, they embark again in their ships and sit there; and the others approach and straightway add more gold to the former, until they satisfy them: and they say that neither party wrongs the other; for neither do the Carthaginians lay hands on the gold until it is made equal to the value of their merchandise, nor do the others lay hands on the merchandise until the Carthaginians have taken the gold.
196. The Carthaginians also say that there’s a place in Libya, outside the Pillars of Heracles, where people live. When they arrive and take their goods from the ships, they arrange the items along the beach and then board their ships again. After that, they create a smoke signal. The locals see the smoke and come down to the sea, laying down gold as payment for the goods before stepping away from the merchandise. The Carthaginians then get off their ships to check it. If they think the gold is enough for the value of their goods, they take it and leave; if not, they get back on their ships and wait. The locals then come closer and add more gold until they meet the Carthaginians' price. They claim that neither side cheats the other, as the Carthaginians don’t take the gold until it matches the value of their goods, and the locals don’t touch the goods until the Carthaginians have taken the gold.
197. These are the Libyan tribes whom we are able to name; and of these the greater number neither now pay any regard to the king of the Medes nor did they then. Thus much also I have to say about this land, namely that it is occupied by four races and no more, so far as we know; and of these races two are natives of the soil and the other two not so; for the Libyans and the Ethiopians are natives, the one race dwelling in the Northern parts of Libya and the other in the Southern, while the Phenicians and the Hellenes are strangers.
197. These are the Libyan tribes we can identify; most of them don’t pay any attention to the king of the Medes, and they never did. I also want to mention that this land is home to only four races, as far as we know. Of these races, two are native to the area and the other two are not; the Libyans and the Ethiopians are the natives, with one group living in the northern parts of Libya and the other in the southern parts, while the Phoenicians and the Greeks are outsiders.
198. I think moreover that (besides other things) in goodness of soil Libya does not very greatly excel 178 as compared with Asia or Europe, except only the region of Kinyps, for the same name is given to the land as to the river. This region is equal to the best of lands in bringing forth the fruit of Demeter, 179 nor does it at all resemble the rest of Libya; for it has black soil and is watered by springs, and neither has it fear of drought nor is it hurt by drinking too abundantly of rain; for rain there is in this part of Libya. Of the produce of the crops the same measures hold good here as for the Babylonian land. And that is good land also which the Euesperites occupy, for when it bears best it produces a hundred-fold, but the land in the region of Kinyps produces sometimes as much as three-hundred-fold.
198. I also believe that, among other things, Libya does not significantly surpass 178 in soil quality when compared to Asia or Europe, with the exception of the Kinyps region, which shares its name with the river. This area is as fertile as the best lands in producing Demeter's fruit, 179, and it is unlike the rest of Libya; it has rich black soil and is fed by springs, so it doesn’t suffer from drought, nor is it harmed by excessive rain, since this part of Libya receives plenty of rainfall. The crop yields here are comparable to those of Babylonian land. The land occupied by the Euesperites is also fertile; when it produces at its best, it can yield a hundredfold, but the land in the Kinyps area sometimes yields as much as three hundredfold.
199. Moreover the land of Kyrene, which is the highest land of the part of Libya which is occupied by nomads, has within its confines three seasons of harvest, at which we may marvel: for the parts by the sea-coasts first have their fruits ripe for reaping and for gathering the vintage; and when these have been gathered in, the parts which lie above the sea-side places, those situated in the middle, which they call the hills, 180 are ripe for the gathering in; and as soon as this middle crop has been gathered in, that in the highest part of the land comes to perfection and is ripe; so that by the time the first crop has been eaten and drunk up, the last is just coming in. Thus the harvest for the Kyrenians lasts eight months. Let so much as has been said suffice for these things.
199. Furthermore, the land of Kyrene, which is the most elevated area of that part of Libya inhabited by nomads, has three distinct harvest seasons, which is quite remarkable. The coastal regions first have their fruits ready to be harvested and their grapes ready for picking. Once those are harvested, the inland areas, known as the hills, are ready for gathering. And as soon as the middle harvest is completed, the crops in the highest areas of the land reach maturity and are ready to be picked. This way, by the time the first harvest is consumed, the last one is just beginning to come in. So, the harvest season for the people of Kyrene lasts for eight months. That’s enough said about these matters.
200. Now when the Persian helpers of Pheretime, 181 having been sent from Egypt by Aryandes, had arrived at Barca, they laid siege to the city, proposing to the inhabitants that they should give up those who were guilty of the murder of Arkesilaos: but as all their people had taken a share in the guilt, they did not accept the proposals. Then they besieged Barca for nine months, both digging underground passages which led to the wall and making vigorous attacks upon it. Now the passages dug were discovered by a worker of bronze with a shield covered over with bronze, who had thought of a plan as follows:—carrying it round within the wall he applied it to the ground in the city, and whereas the other places to which he applied it were noiseless, at those places where digging was going on the bronze of the shield gave a sound; and the men of Barca would make a countermine there and slay the Persians who were digging mines. This then was discovered as I have said, and the attacks were repulsed by the men of Barca.
200. When the Persian helpers of Pheretime, 181 sent from Egypt by Aryandes, arrived at Barca, they laid siege to the city. They proposed to the residents that they should hand over the individuals responsible for the murder of Arkesilaos. However, since everyone in the city shared the blame, they rejected the offer. Consequently, they besieged Barca for nine months, digging underground tunnels that led to the wall and launching vigorous assaults on it. The tunnels were discovered by a bronze worker who carried a bronze-covered shield. He devised a plan: by moving it around inside the wall and placing it on the ground in the city, where it was silent in most places, the shield made noise wherever digging was happening. The people of Barca would then create counter-mines in those locations and kill the Persians who were digging. This was discovered as I mentioned, and the attacks were repelled by the people of Barca.
201. Then as they were suffering hardship for a long time and many were falling on both sides, and especially on that of the Persians, Amasis the commander of the land-army contrived as follows:—perceiving that the Barcaians were not to be conquered by force but might be conquered by guile, he dug by night a broad trench and over it he laid timber of no great strength, and brought earth and laid it above on the top of the timber, making it level with the rest of the ground: then at daybreak he invited the men of Barca to a parley; and they gladly consented, and at last they agreed to make a treaty: and the treaty they made with one another was taken over the hidden trench, namely that so long as this earth should continue to be as it was, so long the oath should remain firm, and that the men of Barca should promise to pay tribute of due amount to the king, and the Persians should do no further violence to the men of Barca. 182 After the oath the men of Barca trusting to these engagements both went forth themselves from their city and let any who desired it of the enemy pass within their walls, having opened all the gates; but the Persians first broke down the concealed bridge and then began to run inside the city wall. And the reason why they broke down the bridge which they had made was that they might keep their oaths, since they had sworn to the men of Barca that the oath should remain firm continually for so long time as the earth should remain as it then was, but after that they had broken it down, the oath no longer remained firm.
201. After enduring hardship for a long time and seeing many casualties on both sides, especially among the Persians, Amasis, the commander of the land army, devised a plan: realizing that the Barcaians couldn't be defeated by force but might be outsmarted, he dug a wide trench at night. Then he laid down weak timber over the trench and covered it with dirt, leveling it with the surrounding ground. At dawn, he invited the men of Barca to talk, and they agreed, ultimately deciding to make a treaty. The treaty was made over the hidden trench, stating that as long as the ground stayed as it was, the oath would remain binding. The Barcaians promised to pay tribute to the king, and the Persians agreed to refrain from further violence against them. 182 After the oath, the Barcaians, trusting in these agreements, left their city and allowed anyone from the enemy who wanted to enter, opening all the gates. However, the Persians first dismantled the hidden bridge before rushing inside the city walls. They destroyed the bridge they had created to uphold their oaths, as they had sworn to the Barcaians that the oath would remain binding as long as the ground stayed the same. After they broke it down, the oath no longer held.
202. Now the most guilty of the Barcaians, when they were delivered to her by the Persians, Pheretime impaled in a ring round about the wall; and she cut off the breasts of their wives and set the wall round with these also in order: but the rest of the men of Barca she bade the Persians carry off as spoil, except so many of them as were of the house of Battos and not sharers in the guilt of the murder; and to these Pheretime gave the city in charge.
202. Now the most guilty of the Barcaians, when they were handed over to her by the Persians, Pheretime impaled them in a circle around the wall; and she cut off the breasts of their wives and placed them around the wall as well. However, she ordered the remaining men of Barca to be taken away as spoils, except for those from the house of Battos who weren't involved in the murder; and Pheretime put these men in charge of the city.
203. So the Persians having made slaves of the rest of the Barcaians departed to go back: and when they appeared at the gates of the city of Kyrene, the Kyrenians let them go through their town in order to avoid neglect of some oracle. Then as the army was going through, Badres the commander of the fleet urged that they should capture the city, but Amasis the commander of the land-army would not consent to it; for he said that they had been sent against no other city of the Hellenes except Barca. When however they had passed through and were encamping on the hill of Zeus Lycaios, they repented of not having taken possession of Kyrene; and they endeavoured again to pass into it, but the men of Kyrene would not allow them. Then upon the Persians, although no one fought against them, there fell a sudden panic, and they ran away for about sixty furlongs and then encamped. And when the camp had been placed here, there came to it a messenger from Aryandes summoning them back; so the Persians asked the Kyrenians to give them provisions for their march and obtained their request; and having received these, they departed to go to Egypt. After this the Libyans took them up, 183 and killed for the sake of their clothes and equipment those of them who at any time were left or straggled behind, until at last they came to Egypt.
203. After the Persians enslaved the rest of the Barcaians, they headed back. When they reached the gates of the city of Kyrene, the people of Kyrene allowed them to pass through their town to avoid angering an oracle. As the army marched through, Badres, the commander of the fleet, pushed for them to capture the city, but Amasis, the commander of the land army, refused. He insisted they had only been sent to conquer Barca, not any other city of the Hellenes. However, after passing through and setting up camp on the hill of Zeus Lycaios, they regretted not taking Kyrene and tried to enter it again, but the people of Kyrene wouldn’t let them in. Then, even though nobody fought against them, the Persians suddenly panicked and ran away for about sixty furlongs before setting up another camp. Once they were settled, a messenger from Aryandes arrived, calling them back. The Persians asked the Kyrenians for food for their journey, and they got what they needed. After this, the Libyans attacked them, killing those who had been left behind for their clothes and equipment until they finally reached Egypt.
204. This army of the Persians reached Euesperides, and this was their furthest point in Libya: and those of the Barcaians whom they had reduced to slavery they removed again from Egypt and brought them to the king, and king Dareios gave them a village in the land of Bactria in which to make a settlement. To this village they gave the name of Barca, and it still continued to be inhabited by them even down to my own time, in the land of Bactria.
204. This Persian army arrived at Euesperides, which was their farthest point in Libya. They took the Barcaians they had enslaved back from Egypt to the king. King Darius gave them a village in Bactria to settle in. They named this village Barca, and it continued to be inhabited by them up until my own time in Bactria.
205. Pheretime however did not bring her life happily to an end any more than they: for as soon as she had returned from Libya to Egypt after having avenged herself on the Barcaians, she died an evil death, having become suddenly full of worms while yet alive: for, as it seems, too severe punishments inflicted by men prove displeasing 184 to the gods. Such and so great was the punishment inflicted by Pheretime the wife of Battos on the men of Barca.
205. However, Pheretime didn't end her life happily any more than they did. As soon as she returned from Libya to Egypt after taking her revenge on the Barcaians, she died a terrible death, unexpectedly infested with worms while still alive. It seems that harsh punishments given by humans don't sit well with the gods. This was the severe punishment inflicted by Pheretime, the wife of Battos, on the people of Barca.
NOTES TO BOOK IV.
1 (return)
[ Some enterprises had been
entrusted to others, e.g. the attack on Samos; but this had not been the
case with the capture of Babylon, therefore some Editors have proposed
corrections, e.g. {au tou} (Schweighäuser), and {autika} (Stein).]
1 (return)
[ Some businesses had been handed over to others, like the attack on Samos; but this wasn't true for the capture of Babylon, so some editors have suggested changes, like {au tou} (Schweighäuser) and {autika} (Stein).]
2 (return)
[ See i. 106.]
2 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See i. 106.]
3 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}: this
means Eastern Asia as distinguished from the coasts of Asia Minor; see i.
103 and 177.]
3 (return)
[ {tes ano 'Asies}: this refers to Eastern Asia as different from the coasts of Asia Minor; see i. 103 and 177.]
4 (return)
[ {katapausantes}: the
expression is awkward if meant to be equivalent to {kai katepausan}, but
it is hardly improved by the alteration to {katapausontes}. Perhaps the
clause is out of place.]
4 (return)
[ {katapausantes}: the expression sounds awkward if it's meant to be the same as {kai katepausan}, but changing it to {katapausontes} doesn’t really help. Maybe the clause just doesn’t fit here.]
5 (return)
[ {ponos}.]
5 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[{ponos}.]
6 (return)
[ {peristixantes}: so the
two best MSS.; others have {peristesantes} or {peristexantes}. The word
{peristixantes} would be from {peristikho}, equivalent to {peristikhizo},
and is acknowledged in this sense by Hesychius.]
6 (return)
[ {peristixantes}: this is found in the two best manuscripts; others have {peristesantes} or {peristexantes}. The term {peristixantes} would come from {peristikho}, which is similar to {peristikhizo}, and this meaning is recognized by Hesychius.]
7 (return)
[ The connexion is not clear
either at the beginning of the chapter or here. This clause would seem to
be a repetition of that at the beginning of the chapter, and that which
comes between should be an explanation of the reason why the slaves are
blinded. As it stands, however, we can only refer it to the clause which
follows, {ou gar arotai eisi alla nomades}, and even so there is no real
solution of the difficulty, for it is not explained why nomads should have
blinded slaves. Perhaps the best resource is to suppose that some part of
the explanation, in connexion with the manner of dealing with the milk,
has been lost.]
7 (return)
[ The connection is unclear both at the start of the chapter and here. This clause seems to repeat what's at the beginning of the chapter, and what comes in between should provide an explanation for why the slaves are blinded. As it is, however, we can only link it to the clause that follows, {ou gar arotai eisi alla nomades}, and even then, there’s no real solution to the issue, since it doesn’t explain why nomads would have blinded slaves. Perhaps the best approach is to assume that some part of the explanation, related to how the milk is handled, has been lost.]
8 (return)
[ {te per}: a conjectural
emendation for {e per}, "which is a very great lake".]
8 (return)
[ {te per}: a suggested correction for {e per}, "which is a very large lake".]
9 (return)
[ {epi touton arkhonton}:
the word {arkhonton} is omitted in some MSS. and by some Editors.]
9 (return)
[ {epi touton arkhonton}: the word {arkhonton} is left out in some manuscripts and by some editors.]
10 (return)
[ {sagarin}.]
10 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {sagarin}.]
11 (return)
[ {tous basileious}: so
Wesseling. The MSS. have {tous basileas}, "the kings," which may perhaps
be used here as equivalent to {tous basileious}: some Editors, including
Stein, adopt the conjecture {tou basileos}, "from the youngest of them
who, was king, those who," etc.]
11 (return)
[ {all kings}: so Wesseling. The manuscripts have {all the kings}, which might be used here as the same as {all kings}: some editors, including Stein, suggest the conjecture {from the youngest of them who was king, those who}, etc.]
12 (return)
[ {tou basileos}: some
Editors read by conjecture {Skolotou basileos}, "after their king
Scolotos".]
12 (return)
[ {the king}: some
editors suggest by conjecture {Skolotos the king}, "after their king
Scolotos".]
1201 (return)
[ {katazonnumenon}: or
{kata tade zonnumenon}, "girded in this manner".]
1201 (return)
[ {katazonnumenon}: or
{kata tade zonnumenon}, "secured in this way".]
13 (return)
[ {mekhanesasthai ten
metera Skuthe}: the better MSS. read {mekhanasthai} and {Skuthen}: the
meaning seems doubtful, and some Editors would omit the clause as an
interpolation.]
13 (return)
[ {mekhanesasthai ten
metera Skuthe}: the better manuscripts read {mekhanasthai} and {Skuthen}: the
meaning seems unclear, and some editors would remove the clause as an addition.]
14 (return)
[ {pros pollous deomenon}:
the better MSS. read {pro pollou deomena}. The passage has been emended in
various ways, e.g. {pros pollous deoi menontas} (Buttmann), {pros pollous
menontas} (Bredow), {pro spodou deomenon} (Stein).]
14 (return)
[ {for many requesting}:
the better manuscripts read {for many needing}. The passage has been edited in
several ways, e.g. {for many gods being mentioned} (Buttmann), {for many
being mentioned} (Bredow), {for desire requesting} (Stein).]
15 (return)
[ {poiesas}: some
authorities have {eipas}.]
15 (return)
[ {poiesas}: some
sources have {eipas}.]
16 (return)
[ Italy means for
Herodotus only the Southern part of the peninsula.]
16 (return)
[ For Herodotus, Italy only refers to the southern part of the peninsula.]
17 (return)
[ {diekosioisi}: so the
best authorities; others have {priekosioisi}.]
17 (return)
[ {diekosioisi}: according to the best sources; others have {priekosioisi}.]
18 (return)
[ {'Italioteon}, i.e.
Hellenic settlers in Italy.]
18 (return)
[ {'Italioteon}, meaning Hellenic settlers in Italy.]
19 (return)
[ {to agalmati to
'Apollonos}: {agalma} is used for anything dedicated to a god, most
commonly the sacred image.]
19 (return)
[ {to agalmati to 'Apollonos}: {agalma} refers to anything devoted to a deity, usually a sacred image.]
20 (return)
[ {katuperthe}: "above,"
i.e. beyond them towards the North. Similarly when dealing with Libya the
writer uses the same word of those further from the coast towards the
South; see ch. 174.]
20 (return)
[ {katuperthe}: "above," i.e. further north beyond them. In the same way, when discussing Libya, the writer uses this term for those who are farther south from the coast; see ch. 174.]
21 (return)
[ {en autoisi toisi epesi
poieon}: "even in the verses which he composed," in which he might be
expected as a poet to go somewhat beyond the literal truth.]
21 (return)
[ {en autoisi toisi epesi
poieon}: "even in the verses he created," where he might be
expected as a poet to go a bit beyond the literal truth.]
22 (return)
[ Or, "Alizonians".]
22 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[Or, "Alizonians".]
23 (return)
[ {'Olbiopolitas}.]
23 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {'Olbiopolitas}.]
24 (return)
[ See ch. 101, where the
day's journey is reckoned at 200 stades (23 English miles).]
24 (return)
[ See ch. 101, where the day's journey is counted as 200 stades (23 English miles).]
25 (return)
[ The meaning of {eremos}
here is not waste and barren land, but land without settled inhabitants.]
25 (return)
[ The meaning of {eremos} here is not waste and barren land, but land without established inhabitants.]
26 (return)
[ i.e. "Man-eaters".]
26 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. "Man-eaters".]
27 (return)
[ This is the reading of
the MSS., but it is not consistent with the distance given in ch. 101, nor
with the actual facts: some Editors therefore read "four" instead of
"fourteen".]
27 (return)
[ This is how the manuscripts read, but it doesn't match the distance stated in ch. 101, nor does it align with the actual facts: some editors suggest reading "four" instead of "fourteen".]
28 (return)
[ i.e. "Cliffs".]
28 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. "Cliffs".]
29 (return)
[ i.e. "Black-cloaks".]
29 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. "Black cloaks".]
30 (return)
[ {'Argippaioi}: it is not
certain that this is the form which ought to be read here: Latin writers
make the name "Arimphaei," and in some MSS. it is given here as
{'Orgempaioi}.]
30 (return)
[ {'Argippaioi}: it's unclear if this is the correct version to read here: Latin authors use the name "Arimphaei," and in some manuscripts, it is presented as {'Orgempaioi}.]
31 (return)
[ {agalmati}.]
31 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {agalmati}.]
32 (return)
[ {ta genesia}.]
32 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {the genesis}.]
33 (return)
[ Or, "violent".]
33 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "aggressive".]
34 (return)
[ Od. iv. 85.]
34 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Od. iv. 85.]
36 (return)
[ {prosthekas},
"additions".]
36 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {prosthekas}, "add-ons".]
3701 (return)
[ Omitting {legon}.]
3701 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Omitting {legon}.]
38 (return)
[ The word "Asia" is not
contained in the MSS. and need not be inserted in the text, but it is
implied, if not expressed; see chap. 41.]
38 (return)
[ The term "Asia" doesn't appear in the manuscripts and doesn't need to be added to the text, but it's understood, if not stated; see chap. 41.]
39 (return)
[ {aktai}.]
39 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {aktai}.]
41 (return)
[ i.e. 100,000 fathoms,
equivalent to 1000 stades; see ii. 6, note 10.]
41 (return)
[ i.e. 100,000 fathoms, equivalent to 1,000 stades; see ii. 6, note 10.]
42 (return)
[ {oude sumballein axie}.]
42 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {old gathering axie}.]
43 (return)
[ ii. 158.]
43 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ ii. 158.]
4301 (return)
[ {brota}: some MSS.
have {probata} "cattle".]
4301 (return)
[ {brota}: some manuscripts have {probata} "cattle".]
44 (return)
[ {omoia parekhomene}: the
construction is confused, but the meaning is that all but the Eastern
parts are known to be surrounded by sea.]
44 (return)
[ {omoia parekhomene}: the construction is unclear, but it means that everything except the Eastern areas is recognized to be surrounded by the sea.]
45 (return)
[ {logion}: some MSS. have
{logimon}, "of reputation".]
45 (return)
[ {logion}: some manuscripts have
{logimon}, "of reputation".]
46 (return)
[ Stein reads {eisi de}
for {eisi de}, and punctuates so that the meaning is, "it has become the
greatest of all rivers in the following manner:—besides other rivers
which flow into it, those which especially make it great are as follows".]
46 (return)
[ Stein reads {eisi de} for {eisi de}, and punctuates so that the meaning is, "it has become the greatest of all rivers in the following way:—besides other rivers that flow into it, the ones that particularly enhance its greatness are as follows".]
47 (return)
[ {pente men oi}: this
perhaps requires emendation, but the corrections proposed are hardly
satisfactory, e.g. {pente megaloi} or {pente monoi}.]
47 (return)
[ {five but the}: this
might need some changes, but the suggestions offered are not very
convincing, like {five large} or {five alone}.]
48 (return)
[ Or "Skios": called by
Thucydides "Oskios" (ii. 96).]
48 (return)
[ Or "Skios": referred to by Thucydides as "Oskios" (ii. 96).]
49 (return)
[ {eti}: most of the MSS.
give {esti}, which is adopted by some Editors.]
49 (return)
[ {eti}: most of the manuscripts give {esti}, which is adopted by some editors.]
50 (return)
[ "Sacred Ways".]
50 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ "Sacred Ways".]
51 (return)
[ {Gerreon}: in some MSS.
{Gerrou}, "the region called Gerros".]
51 (return)
[ {Gerreon}: in some manuscripts.
{Gerrou}, "the area known as Gerros".]
52 (return)
[ {tesserakonta}: some
Editors have altered this number, but without authority or sufficient
reason.]
52 (return)
[ {tesserakonta}: some
editors have changed this number, but without proper authority or good reason.]
53 (return)
[ {di eremou}: see note 25
on ch. 18. The region here spoken of is that between the Gerrians and the
agricultural Scythians.]
53 (return)
[ {di eremou}: see note 25 on ch. 18. The area mentioned here is located between the Gerrians and the farming Scythians.]
5301 (return)
[ {es touto elos}:
i.e. the Dneiper-Liman. (The Medicean and Florentine MSS. read {es to
elos}, not {es to telos}, as hitherto reported.)]
5301 (return)
[ {es touto elos}: i.e. the Dneiper-Liman. (The Medicean and Florentine manuscripts read {es to elos}, not {es to telos}, as previously reported.)]
55 (return)
[ {Metros}: i.e. the
Mother of the gods, Kybele, cp. ch. 76; some less good authorities have
{Demetros}.]
55 (return)
[ {Metros}: i.e. the Mother of the gods, Kybele, see ch. 76; some less reliable sources refer to her as {Demetros}.]
56 (return)
[ {reei de}: most MSS.
have {reei men gar}.]
56 (return)
[ {reei de}: most manuscripts have {reei men gar}.]
57 (return)
[ Or, "Apia".]
57 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Apia".]
58 (return)
[ Or, "Goitosyros".]
58 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Goitosyros".]
59 (return)
[ The MSS. have also
"Arippasa" and "Artimpasa".]
59 (return)
[ The manuscripts also have "Arippasa" and "Artimpasa".]
60 (return)
[ The authorities have
also "Thagimasa" and "Thamimasidas".]
60 (return)
[ The authorities also have "Thagimasa" and "Thamimasidas".]
61 (return)
[ {ton arkheion}: some
read by conjecture {en to arkheio}, "at the seat of government," or "in
the public place".]
61 (return)
[ {the archive}: some
interpret it as {in the archive}, "at the seat of power," or "in
the public space."]
63 (return)
[ {upo ton kheimonon}.]
63 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {to the end of winter}.]
64 (return)
[ {akinakes}.]
64 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {akinakes}.]
66 (return)
[ {kata per baitas}.]
66 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {words per stanza}.]
67 (return)
[ Or, "and put them
together in one bundle".]
67 (return)
[ Or, "and gather them into one bundle".]
68 (return)
[ See i. 105.]
68 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See i. 105.]
69 (return)
[ {kuperou}: it is not
clear what plant is meant.]
69 (return)
[ {kuperou}: it's unclear which plant is being referred to.]
70 (return)
[ i.e. for this purpose.
The general use of bronze is attested by ch. 81.]
70 (return)
[ i.e. for this purpose. The common use of bronze is confirmed by ch. 81.]
71 (return)
[ {ode anabibazontes,
epean k.t.l}: the reference of {ode} is directly to the clause {epean——trakhelou},
though in sense it refers equally to the following, {katothen de k.t.l}.
Some Editors punctuate thus, {ode anabibazontes epean} and omit {de} after
{katothen}, making the reference of {ode} to the latter clause alone.]
71 (return)
[ {ode anabibazontes, epean k.t.l}: the reference of {ode} is directly to the clause {epean——trakhelou}, though in meaning it also refers to the next part, {katothen de k.t.l}. Some Editors punctuate it this way, {ode anabibazontes epean} and leave out {de} after {katothen}, making the reference of {ode} pertain only to the latter clause.]
72 (return)
[ {oruontai}, as in iii.
117, but here they howl for pleasure.]
72 (return)
[ {oruontai}, as in iii. 117, but here they scream out in joy.]
73 (return)
[ Like the Egyptians for
example, cp. ii. 91.]
73 (return)
[ For instance, like the Egyptians, see ii. 91.]
74 (return)
[ {mete ge on allelon}:
the MSS. have {me ti ge on allelon}. Most Editors read {allon} for
{allelon} and alter the other words in various ways ({me toi ge on, me
toigaron} etc.), taking {me} as in {me oti} (ne dicam aliorum). The
reading which I have adopted is based on that of Stein, who reads {mete
teon allon} and quotes vii. 142, {oute ge alloisi 'Ellenon oudamoisi, umin
de de kai dia panton ekista}. With {allon} the meaning is, "rejecting
those of other nations and especially those of the Hellenes". For the use
of {me} after {pheugein} cp. ii. 91.]
74 (return)
[ {mete ge on allelon}:
the manuscripts have {me ti ge on allelon}. Most editors read {allon} for
{allelon} and change the other words in various ways ({me toi ge on, me
toigaron} etc.), interpreting {me} as in {me oti} (ne dicam aliorum). The
reading I’ve chosen is based on Stein’s version, which reads {mete
teon allon} and cites vii. 142, {oute ge alloisi 'Ellenon oudamoisi, umin
de de kai dia panton ekista}. With {allon}, the meaning is "rejecting
those from other nations and especially those from the Hellenes". For the use
of {me} after {pheugein}, see ii. 91.]
75 (return)
[ Or, according to some
MSS., "as they proved in the case of Anacharsis and afterwards of
Skyles".]
75 (return)
[ Or, according to some manuscripts, "as they showed in the case of Anacharsis and later of Skyles".]
76 (return)
[ {gen pollen}.]
76 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {gen pollen}.]
77 (return)
[ {epitropou}.]
77 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {commission}.]
78 (return)
[ {peplastai}: some
authorities give {pepaistai}, "has been invented as a jest".]
78 (return)
[ {peplastai}: some
sources suggest {pepaistai}, "has been created as a joke".]
79 (return)
[ {es kheiras agesthai}.]
79 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {it's good to experience}.]
7901 (return)
[ {o theos}.]
7901 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {theos}.]
80 (return)
[ {diepresteuse}: this or
{epresteuse} is the reading of most of the MSS. The meaning is uncertain,
since the word does not occur elsewhere. Stein suggests that it may mean
"scoffed (at the Scythians)". Various conjectures have been tried, e.g.
{diedresteuse}, {diedrepeteuse}, etc.]
80 (return)
[ {diepresteuse}: this or
{epresteuse} is the reading of most of the manuscripts. The meaning is unclear,
since the word doesn’t appear anywhere else. Stein suggests that it might mean
"mocked (at the Scythians)." Various theories have been proposed, e.g.
{diedresteuse}, {diedrepeteuse}, etc.]
81 (return)
[ {os Skuthas einai}: cp.
ii. 8. Some (e.g. Dindorf and Bähr) translate "considering that they are
Scythians," i.e. for a nation so famous and so widely extended.]
81 (return)
[ {os Skuthas einai}: cp.
ii. 8. Some (e.g. Dindorf and Bähr) translate "since they are
Scythians," which refers to a nation that is both well-known and widespread.]
83 (return)
[ {epi to iro}: the MSS.
mostly have {epi iro}, and Stein adopts the conjecture {epi rio}, "on a
projecting point". The temple would be that of {Zeus ourios} mentioned in
ch. 87. (In the Medicean MS. the omitted {i} is inserted above the line beforethe
{r}, not directly over it, as represented by Stein, and the accent is not
omitted.)]
83 (return)
[ {epi to iro}: most of the manuscripts have {epi iro}, and Stein proposes the conjecture {epi rio}, meaning "on a projecting point." The temple would be the one dedicated to {Zeus ourios} mentioned in ch. 87. (In the Medicean manuscript, the missing {i} is inserted above the line beforethe {r}, not directly over it as shown by Stein, and the accent is not missing.)]
85 (return)
[ i.e. 1,110,000.]
85 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 1.11 million.]
86 (return)
[ i.e. 330,000.]
86 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 330K.]
8601 (return)
[ {stelas}, i.e.
"square blocks"; so also in ch. 91.]
8601 (return)
[ {stelas}, meaning "square blocks"; the same is mentioned in ch. 91.]
87 (return)
[ i.e. 700,000.]
87 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 700K.]
8701 (return)
[ {os emoi dokeei
sumballomeno}, "putting the evidence together".]
8701 (return)
[ {os emoi dokeei
sumballomeno}, "putting the evidence together".]
88 (return)
[ {pasi deka}: probably a
loose expression like {ta panta muria}, iii. 74.]
88 (return)
[ {pasi deka}: likely a casual phrase similar to {ta panta muria}, iii. 74.]
89 (return)
[ {psoren}, "mange".]
89 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {psoren}, "mange".]
91 (return)
[ {Salmoxin}: some
inferior MSS. have {Zalmoxin}, or {Zamolxin}, and the spelling in other
writers varies between these forms.]
91 (return)
[ {Salmoxin}: some
lesser manuscripts have {Zalmoxin}, or {Zamolxin}, and the spelling in other
authors varies between these forms.]
92 (return)
[ {daimona}, sometimes
used for deified men as distinguished from gods, cp. ch. 103.]
92 (return)
[ {daimona}, sometimes used for deified individuals as opposed to gods, see ch. 103.]
93 (return)
[ {dia penteteridos}.]
93 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {fifth day of the month}.]
94 (return)
[ {bathutera}.]
94 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {bathtub}.]
95 (return)
[ {ou to asthenestato
sophiste}. No depreciation seems to be intended here.]
95 (return)
[ {you to the most astute
thinker}. No reduction in value appears to be implied here.]
96 (return)
[ {andreona}.]
96 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {andreona}.]
97 (return)
[ i.e. the Mediterranean:
or the passage may mean simply, "Thrace runs out further into the sea than
Scythia".]
97 (return)
[ i.e. the Mediterranean: or the statement might just mean, "Thrace extends further into the sea than Scythia."]
98 (return)
[ {gounon}.]
98 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {gounon}.]
99 (return)
[ More literally, "I say
this, so far as it is allowed to compare, etc. Such is the form of the
Tauric land".]
99 (return)
[ More literally, "I say this as far as it’s fair to compare, etc. This is what the Tauric land looks like".]
100 (return)
[ {ede}. The
Agathyrsians however have not been mentioned before in this connection.]
100 (return)
[ {ede}. However, the Agathyrsians haven’t been referenced before in this context.]
101 (return)
[ {stadia}.]
101 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {stadiums}.]
102 (return)
[ {tes Skuthikes ta
epikarsia}, i.e. the lines running from West to East.]
102 (return)
[ {tes Skuthikes ta epikarsia}, i.e. the lines running from West to East.]
103 (return)
[ {epanakhthentes}: so
the Medicean MS. and another: the rest have {epanakhthentas}. Some Editors
read by conjecture {apeneikhthentas}, "cast away on their coast".]
103 (return)
[ {epanakhthentes}: so the Medicean manuscript and another: the rest have {epanakhthentas}. Some editors suggest {apeneikhthentas}, meaning "cast away on their coast".]
104 (return)
[ {neoisi}.]
104 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {neoisi}.]
105 (return)
[ {trieteridas}.]
105 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {trieteridas}.]
107 (return)
[ {phtheirotrageousi}.]
107 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {phtheirotrageousi}.]
109 (return)
[ i.e. the Royal
Scythians: see ch. 20.]
109 (return)
[ i.e. the Royal Scythians: see ch. 20.]
110 (return)
[ {epi touto}, the
reading of the Aldine edition. The MSS. have {epi touto}. Stein suggests
{dia touto}.]
110 (return)
[ {epi touto}, the reading of the Aldine edition. The manuscripts have {epi touto}. Stein suggests {dia touto}.]
111 (return)
[ {ou peisometha}: some
MSS. read {ouk oisometha}. Editors have emended by conjecture in various
ways, e.g. {ou periopsometha}, "we shall not allow it"; {oi epoisometha}
or {oi epeisometha}, "we shall go out to attack him"; {aposometha}, "we
shall repel him".]
111 (return)
[ {ou peisometha}: some manuscripts read {ouk oisometha}. Editors have made various conjectural amendments, like {ou periopsometha}, "we won’t allow it"; {oi epoisometha} or {oi epeisometha}, "we will go out to confront him"; {aposometha}, "we will repel him".]
112 (return)
[ {paras}, or {pasai},
belonging to {gunaikes}.]
112 (return)
[ {paras}, or {pasai},
belonging to {gunaikes}.]
113 (return)
[ {khersou}, "dry".]
113 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {khersou}, "dry".]
114 (return)
[ Perhaps the same as
the "Hyrgis" mentioned in ch. 57. Some Editors read "Hyrgis" in this
passage.]
114 (return)
[Maybe it's the same as the "Hyrgis" mentioned in ch. 57. Some editors read "Hyrgis" in this passage.]
115 (return)
[ See ch. 119.]
115 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 119.]
116 (return)
[ {klaiein lego}.]
116 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {crying out I say}.]
117 (return)
[ {touto esti e apo
Skutheon resis}: this refers to the last words, {klaiein lego}. Most
Editors have doubts about the genuineness of the sentence, regarding it a
marginal gloss which has crept into the text; but perhaps without
sufficient reason.]
117 (return)
[ {this is from Skutheon’s passage}: this refers to the last words, {I speak while crying}. Most editors question the authenticity of this sentence, considering it a marginal note that has made its way into the text; but perhaps there isn't enough reason for that.]
118 (return)
[ Or, "with some slight
effect on the course of the war".]
118 (return)
[ Or, "with a minor impact on the course of the war".]
119 (return)
[ See i. 216.]
119 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[See i. 216.]
120 (return)
[ {eremothentes tou
omilou}.]
120 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {speaking of the
group}.]
121 (return)
[ {iesan tes phones}.]
121 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {iesan tes phones}.]
122 (return)
[ {e mia kai
Sauromatai}: some Editors read {e meta Sauromateon}. The MSS. give {e mia
Sauromatai} (some {Sauromateon}). Stein inserts {kai}.]
122 (return)
[ {and the Sauromatae}: some editors read {and after the Sauromatae}. The manuscripts give {and the Sauromatae} (some {Sauromatae}). Stein adds {and}.]
123 (return)
[ {khairontes
eleutheroi}.]
123 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {good people
free}.]
124 (return)
[ The list includes only
those who voted in favour of the proposal of Histiaios (i.e. Miltiades is
not included in it): hence perhaps Stein is right in suggesting some
change in the text, e.g. {oi diapherontes te ten psephon basileos kai
eontes logou pleistou}. The absence of the name of Coës is remarked by
several commentators, who forget that he had accompanied Dareios: see ch.
97.]
124 (return)
[ The list only includes those who voted for the proposal of Histiaios (meaning Miltiades is not on it): this might be why Stein suggests a change in the text, like {oi diapherontes te ten psephon basileos kai eontes logou pleistou}. Several commentators note the absence of Coës's name, but they overlook the fact that he had gone with Dareios: see ch. 97.]
125 (return)
[ Or, "and even so they
found the passage of the river with difficulty".]
125 (return)
[Or, "and even so they had trouble crossing the river."]
126 (return)
[ {en Persesi}.]
126 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {in Persian}.]
127 (return)
[ i.e. 80,000.]
127 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. 80,000.]
128 (return)
[ {gar}: some MSS. read
{de}; so Stein and other Editors.]
128 (return)
[ {gar}: some manuscripts read {de}; so Stein and other editors.]
129 (return)
[ i.e. Castor and
Polydeukes the sons of Tyndareus, who were among the Argonauts.]
129 (return)
[ i.e. Castor and Pollux, the sons of Tyndareus, who were part of the Argonauts.]
130 (return)
[ {Phera} (genitive).]
130 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {Phera} (genitive).]
131 (return)
[ From {ois} "sheep" and
{lukos} "wolf" ({oin en lukoisi}).]
131 (return)
[ From {ois} "sheep" and {lukos} "wolf" ({oin en lukoisi}).]
132 (return)
[ {phule}, the word
being here apparently used loosely.]
132 (return)
[ {phule}, the term being used here in a somewhat informal way.]
133 (return)
[ {'Erinuon}.]
133 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {'Erinuon}.]
134 (return)
[ {meta touto upemeine
touto touto}: some Editors mark a lacuna after {upemeine}, or supply some
words like {sunebe de}: "after this the children survived, and the same
thing happened also in Thera, etc".]
134 (return)
[ {meta this preserves
this this}: some editors note a gap after {upemeine}, or add words like {sunebe de}: "after this, the children survived, and the same thing happened in Thera, etc".]
135 (return)
[ Or, "Grinos".]
135 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Grinos".]
136 (return)
[ {Euphemides}: the MSS.
have {Euthumides}: the correction is from Pindar, Pyth. iv. 455.]
136 (return)
[ {Euphemides}: the manuscripts
have {Euthumides}: the correction is from Pindar, Pyth. iv. 455.]
137 (return)
[ {onax}, the usual form
of address to Apollo; so in ch. 155.]
137 (return)
[ {onax}, the typical way to address Apollo; see ch. 155.]
138 (return)
[ Or, "Axos".]
138 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Axos".]
139 (return)
[ i.e. Aristoteles,
Pind. Pyth. v. 87.]
139 (return)
[ i.e. Aristotle,
Pind. Pyth. v. 87.]
140 (return)
[ {metaxu apolipon}.]
140 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {metaxu apolipon}.]
141 (return)
[ Or, "it happened both
to himself and to the other men of Thera according to their former evil
fortune"; but this would presuppose the truth of the story told in ch.
151, and {paligkotos} may mean simply "adverse" or "hostile".]
141 (return)
[ Or, "it happened to him and the other men of Thera because of their past bad luck"; but this would assume the truth of the story in ch. 151, and {paligkotos} may just mean "unlucky" or "hostile".]
142 (return)
[ {eontes tosoutoi osoi
k.t.l.} They could hardly have failed to increase in number, but no new
settlers had been added.]
142 (return)
[ {eontes tosoutoi osoi k.t.l.} They could barely have avoided growing in number, but no new settlers had arrived.]
143 (return)
[ {usteron elthe gas
anadaiomenes}, "too late for the division of land".]
143 (return)
[ {usteron elthe gas
anadaiomenes}, "too late for the division of land".]
144 (return)
[ Or, "Thestis".]
144 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Thestis".]
145 (return)
[ The MSS. give also
"Aliarchos" and "Learchos".]
145 (return)
[ The MSS. also provide "Aliarchos" and "Learchos".]
146 (return)
[ {mathon ekasta}.]
146 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {mathon ekasta}.]
147 (return)
[ {ton terioikon}: i.e.
conquered Libyans.]
147 (return)
[ {ton terioikon}: i.e. conquered Libyans.]
148 (return)
[ {nesioteon panton}:
i.e. the natives of the Cyclades, cp. vi. 99.]
148 (return)
[ {natives of all}:
i.e. the locals of the Cyclades, see vi. 99.]
149 (return)
[ {amphirruton ten
Kurenen einai}: some Editors read by conjecture {ten amphirruton Kurenen
einai} (or {Kurenen ten amph, einai}), "that Kyrene was the place flowed
round by water".]
149 (return)
[ {the surrounding Kyrene}: some editors suggest from conjecture {the surrounding Kyrene} (or {Kyrene the surrounding, is}), "that Kyrene was the place flowed around by water".]
150 (return)
[ {pselion}.]
150 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {pselion}.]
151 (return)
[ Or, "Giligammai".]
151 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Giligammai".]
152 (return)
[ i.e. the plant so
called, figured on the coins of Kyrene and Barca.]
152 (return)
[that is, the plant referred to, shown on the coins of Kyrene and Barca.]
153 (return)
[ Or, "Asbytai".]
153 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or, "Asbytai".]
154 (return)
[ i.e. further from the
coast, so {katuperthe}, ch. 174 etc., cp. ch. 16.]
154 (return)
[ i.e. farther from the coast, so {katuperthe}, ch. 174 etc., compare ch. 16.]
155 (return)
[ Or "Cabales".]
155 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "Cabales".]
156 (return)
[ See i. 216.]
156 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See i. 216.]
157 (return)
[ Distinct from the
people of the same name mentioned in ch. 183: those here mentioned are
called "Gamphasantes" by Pliny.]
157 (return)
[Different from the people with the same name mentioned in ch. 183: the ones referenced here are called "Gamphasantes" by Pliny.]
158 (return)
[ {glukuteta},
"sweetness".]
158 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {glukuteta}, "sweetness".]
159 (return)
[ {allen te ekatomben
kai de kai}.]
159 (return)
[ {everyone to the sacrifices
and so on}.]
160 (return)
[ {epithespisanta to
tripodi}, which can hardly mean "prophesied sitting upon the tripod".]
160 (return)
[ {exchanging words with the
tripod}, which can hardly mean "predicted while sitting on the tripod".]
161 (return)
[ Lit. "the men come
together regularly to one place within three months," which seems to mean
that meetings are held every three months, before one of which the child
is brought.]
161 (return)
[ Lit. "the men meet regularly in one place every three months," which suggests that meetings happen every three months, before which the child is brought.]
162 (return)
[ See ii. 42.]
162 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ii. 42.]
163 (return)
[ i.e. in the middle of
the morning.]
163 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ i.e. mid-morning.]
164 (return)
[ {tripsin}: the "feel"
to the touch: hence it might mean either hardness or softness according to
the context.]
164 (return)
[ {tripsin}: the "feel" to the touch: so it could mean either hardness or softness depending on the context.]
165 (return)
[ {troglodutas}:
"Troglodytes".]
165 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {troglodytes}: "Troglodytes".]
166 (return)
[ {uperballonti}: "when
his heat is greatest".]
166 (return)
[ {uperballonti}: "when his excitement is at its peak".]
167 (return)
[ {ede}.]
167 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {ede}.]
168 (return)
[ Or "red".]
168 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "red".]
169 (return)
[ {domon}: Reiske reads
{omon} by conjecture, "over his shoulder".]
169 (return)
[ {domon}: Reiske interprets
{omon} as "over his shoulder".]
170 (return)
[ Or (according to some
MSS.), "practise this much and do it well".]
170 (return)
[ Or (according to some manuscripts), "practice this much and do it well."]
171 (return)
[ {akatapseusta}.
Several Editors have adopted the conjecture {katapseusta}, "other fabulous
beasts".]
171 (return)
[ {akatapseusta}. Several editors have accepted the idea of {katapseusta}, meaning "other amazing creatures."]
172 (return)
[ {orues}: perhaps for
{oruges} from {orux}, a kind of antelope.]
172 (return)
[ {orues}: maybe for {oruges} from {orux}, a type of antelope.]
173 (return)
[ {diktues}: the meaning
is uncertain.]
173 (return)
[ {diktues}: the meaning is unclear.]
174 (return)
[ {ekhinees},
"urchins".]
174 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {ekhinees}, "street kids".]
175 (return)
[ Or "Zabykes".]
175 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "Zabykes".]
176 (return)
[ Or "Zygantes".]
176 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Or "Zygantes".]
177 (return)
[ {eie d' an pan}: cp.
v. 9. Some translate, "and this might well be so".]
177 (return)
[ {eie d' an pan}: cp. v. 9. Some translate, "and this could very well be the case".]
178 (return)
[ {oud' areten einai tis
e Libue spoudaie}.]
178 (return)
[ {oud' areten einai tis e Libue spoudaie}.]
180 (return)
[ {bounous}.]
180 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {bonus}.]
181 (return)
[ See ch. 167.]
181 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See ch. 167.]
182 (return)
[ {meden allo neokhmoun
kata Barkaious}: cp. v. 19.]
182 (return)
[ {meden allo neokhmoun
kata Barkaious}: cp. v. 19.]
183 (return)
[ {paralabontes}.]
183 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {paralabontes}.]
184 (return)
[ {epiphthonoi}.]
184 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ {epiphthonoi}.]
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