This is a modern-English version of The Wars of the Jews; Or, The History of the Destruction of Jerusalem, originally written by Josephus, Flavius.
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and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
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THE WARS OF THE JEWS
OR HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
By Flavius Josephus
Translated by William Whiston
Contents
PREFACE
1. 1 Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down after a sophistical manner; and while those that were there present have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but no where the accurate truth of the facts; I have proposed to myself, for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; 2 Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].
1. 1 The war that the Jews fought against the Romans has been the greatest of all, not just in our time, but possibly ever; whether in cases where cities battled other cities or nations fought nations. Some people who weren't involved have gathered together ridiculous and inconsistent stories based on hearsay and have written them down in a misleading way. Meanwhile, those who were actually there have given false accounts, either out of a desire to flatter the Romans or out of hatred for the Jews. Their writings sometimes include accusations and sometimes praise, but they never provide an accurate account of the facts. For the sake of those living under Roman rule, I have decided to translate the books I originally wrote in our native language for the Upper Barbarians into Greek. 2 I am Joseph, son of Matthias, a Hebrew by birth, a priest, and one who initially fought against the Romans and was later forced to witness what happened next. [I am the author of this work].
2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Geltin were not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what manner it ended.
2. At the time when this major upheaval was happening, the situation for the Romans was pretty chaotic. The Jews who were pushing for change also rose up during these turbulent times; they were in a strong position financially and politically, which made the situation in the East very chaotic. Some were looking for profit while others feared loss amid the turmoil. The Jews believed that all of their people beyond the Euphrates would join them in rebellion. The Gauls living near the Romans were stirring, and the Geltin were restless; everything was in disarray after Nero's death. This situation created an opportunity for many to seek power, and the soldiers were eager for change, hoping to make some money. I found it ridiculous to see the truth distorted in such significant matters and that no one was addressing it; allowing those Greeks and Romans not involved in the wars to remain ignorant while reading either flattery or lies, whereas the Parthians, Babylonians, distant Arabians, and our people beyond the Euphrates, including the Adiabeni, were well informed about the origins of the war, the suffering it caused us, and how it ultimately ended.
3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.
3. It’s true that these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories; however, I think they fail to achieve their own goal and don’t present anything that’s solid. They aim to show the greatness of the Romans while downplaying the actions of the Jews, not realizing that those who only conquer the weak can’t truly be seen as great. They also seem unashamed to ignore the length of the war, the large number of Roman forces that suffered greatly in it, or the strength of the commanders, whose significant efforts regarding Jerusalem will seem insignificant if what they accomplished is considered a small matter.
4. However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country. For that it was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it, and that they were the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple, Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance. But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to these of the Jews 3 are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.
4. However, I won’t swing to the other extreme, just to oppose those who praise the Romans, nor will I overstate the actions of my fellow countrymen; instead, I will present the actions of both sides accurately. Yet, I will adjust my language to match the emotions I feel regarding the events I’m describing, and I must be allowed to express some sorrow over the suffering endured by my country. After all, it was our own rebellious attitude that led to our downfall, and it was the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who were reluctant to attack, which resulted in the destruction of our holy temple. Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, can attest to this; throughout the entire war, he showed compassion for the people oppressed by the rebels and often delayed the siege of the city to give the rebels a chance to reconsider. However, if anyone unjustly criticizes us when we speak passionately about the tyrants, the robbers, or mourn the misfortunes of our country, I ask that they understand my feelings, even if it goes against the norms of historical writing, because it has come to pass that our city, Jerusalem, had reached a level of prosperity unmatched by any other city under Roman rule, and yet ultimately fell into tremendous misfortune once again. Therefore, it seems to me that the sufferings of all people throughout history, when compared to those of the Jews 3 are not as significant; and they weren’t caused by outsiders. This makes it impossible for me to hold back my grief. But if anyone is unyielding in their judgment of me, let them attribute the facts to the historical record and the lamentations to me as the writer alone.
5. However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory Of what hath not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own: accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.
5. However, I can rightly criticize the learned men among the Greeks, who, when such significant events have occurred in their own times—events that, by comparison, completely overshadow the ancient wars—still act as judges of those affairs and pass harsh judgments on the works of the best writers from the past. Although modern writers may be better at expressing themselves eloquently, they fall short when it comes to executing what they intended to achieve. While they also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers hadn't adequately covered those topics, they are just as inferior in skill as they are different in their perspectives. In the past, everyone felt compelled to record what happened in their own time, where their direct involvement in the events made their accounts valuable; it was shameful to write lies when readers would recognize them as such. However, taking on the task of preserving memories that haven’t been recorded before and representing the events of one’s own time for future generations is truly worthy of praise and commendation. Now, the one who deserves respect for their efforts is not just someone who rearranges and reorders the works of others but rather someone who not only shares what hasn't been previously recorded but also composes a complete history of their own. Accordingly, I've invested a lot of time and resources into this history, even as a foreigner, and I dedicate this work as a record of great actions to both the Greeks and the Barbarians. Yet, for some of our prominent figures, their mouths are quick to open and their tongues are set loose for profit and lawsuits, but they fall silent when it comes to writing history, where they must be truthful and meticulously gather facts; so they leave the writing of such histories to those less capable and those not familiar with the actions of leaders. Nonetheless, we will prioritize the true account of historical facts, no matter how much it is overlooked by Greek historians.
6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my history. Now as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.
6. To write about the history of the Jews, who they originally were, how they rebelled against the Egyptians, the countries they traveled through, the lands they later conquered, and how they were driven out, I don’t think this is the right time or necessary; many Jews before me have meticulously documented the history of our ancestors, as have some Greeks, who have translated our histories into their own language without significantly misrepresenting the facts. However, I will start my account where those writers and our prophets left off. As for the war that occurred in my own time, I will cover it in detail and with all the care I can manage; but for events that happened before my time, I will go over them briefly.
7. [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Sosins upon them; as also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the first sallies of the war.
7. [For example, I will describe] how Antiochus, known as Epiphanes, forcibly took Jerusalem and held it for three years and three months, before being driven out of the country by the sons of Asmoneus: after that, how their descendants fought over the government and invited the Romans and Pompey into their affairs; how Herod, the son of Antipater, dismantled their governance and brought Sosins against them; and also how our people caused a rebellion after Herod's death, while Augustus was the Roman emperor and Quintilius Varus was in that region; and how the war began in the twelfth year of Nero, including what happened to Cestius and which places the Jews attacked during the initial skirmishes of the war.
8. As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons 4 made an expedition into the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee; and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them. For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.
8. I will also describe how they built walls around the nearby cities; how Nero was worried about the entire war after Cestius's defeat, which led him to make Vespasian the general for this conflict; how Vespasian, along with his elder son 4, launched a campaign into Judea; the size of the Roman army he used; the number of his auxiliaries that were lost throughout Galilee; how he completely captured some cities by force and negotiated the capture of others on certain terms. Now that I’ve reached this point, I will detail the Romans' efficient military organization and the discipline of their legions; the vastness of both Galilees, along with their geography, and the boundaries of Judea. Additionally, I will specifically discuss the unique aspects of the region, including the lakes and springs found there, and the hardships each city faced during their capture—all this with precision, based on what I witnessed firsthand. I won’t hide any of the hardships I experienced because I will share them with those who know the truth of these events.
9. After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews' affairs were become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what mutations of government then happened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against them, and fell into dissensions among themselves.
9. After this, I will explain how, when the situation for the Jews had become very dire, Nero died, and Vespasian, who was about to attack Jerusalem, was called back to take on the leadership. I'll cover the signs that indicated he would gain that leadership, the changes in government that took place in Rome, and how he became emperor reluctantly due to his soldiers. Also, I will discuss how, when he left for Egypt to take on the responsibilities of the empire, the situation for the Jews became very chaotic, and how tyrants arose against them and fell into conflicts among themselves.
10. Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got together; and in what state the city was, by the means of the seditious, at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures; of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar, and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of their festivals, and seven purifications of purity, 5 and the sacred ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the temple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known truth of things.
10. Also, I will describe how Titus marched from Egypt into Judea for the second time; how he gathered his forces, where he found them, and how many he had; the condition of the city due to the rebellious factions when he arrived; the attacks he launched, and how many earthworks he built; the three walls that surrounded the city and their dimensions; the city's strength and the design of the temple and the holy house; as well as the measurements of those buildings, the altar, and everything precisely specified. I’ll also cover some of their festivals, the seven purifications of purity, 5 and the sacred duties of the priests, along with their garments and those of the high priests; and the nature of the innermost part of the temple; all without omitting anything or adding anything to the known truth.
11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people, and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted on the captives; as also how the temple was burnt, against the consent of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the temple were snatched out of the fire; the destruction also of the entire city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the tyrants captives, and the multitude of those that were made slaves, and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed. Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they demolished the strong holds that were in the country; and how Titus went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his return into Italy, and his triumph.
11. After this, I will talk about the cruelty of the tyrants toward their own people, as well as the Romans' mercy in sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, wanting to save the city and the temple, urged the rebels to reach an agreement. I will also highlight the suffering of the people and their disasters; how much they were affected by the rebellion and how much by the famine, and ultimately how they were captured. I won’t forget to mention the misfortunes of the deserters, the punishments given to the captives, how the temple was burned against Caesar's wishes, and how many sacred items stored in the temple were pulled from the flames; the total destruction of the city, along with the signs and wonders that preceded it; the capture of the tyrants, and the large number of people who were enslaved, as well as the different types of misfortunes they each faced. Additionally, I will describe what the Romans did to the remains of the wall, how they tore down the strongholds across the land, and how Titus traveled throughout the region to manage its affairs, along with his return to Italy and his triumphant celebration.
12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter.
12. I have covered all these topics in seven books, and I have eliminated any chance for complaints or accusations from those familiar with this war; I have documented it for the sake of those who value truth, not for those who enjoy made-up stories. I will start my account with what I refer to as my First Chapter.
1 (return)
[ I have already observed
more than once, that this History of the Jewish War was Josephus's first
work, and published about A.D. 75, when he was but thirty-eight years of
age; and that when he wrote it, he was not thoroughly acquainted with
several circumstances of history from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes,
with which it begins, till near his own times, contained in the first and
former part of the second book, and so committed many involuntary errors
therein. That he published his Antiquities eighteen years afterward, in
the thirteenth year of Domitian, A.D. 93, when he was much more completely
acquainted with those ancient times, and after he had perused those most
authentic histories, the First Book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of
the Priesthood of John Hyrcanus, etc. That accordingly he then reviewed
those parts of this work, and gave the public a more faithful, complete,
and accurate account of the facts therein related; and honestly corrected
the errors he had before run into.]
1 (return)
[ I have noticed more than once that Josephus's History of the Jewish War was his first book, published around A.D. 75, when he was only thirty-eight. At the time he wrote it, he wasn't fully aware of many historical details from the era of Antiochus Epiphanes, where the account starts, up to close to his own time, which led to several unintentional mistakes. He published his Antiquities eighteen years later, in the thirteenth year of Domitian, A.D. 93, when he had gained a much better understanding of those ancient times, having reviewed the most reliable sources, like the First Book of Maccabees and the Chronicles of the Priesthood of John Hyrcanus. As a result, he revisited parts of his earlier work and provided the public with a more accurate and complete account of the events, correcting the mistakes he had made previously.]
2 (return)
[ Who these Upper
Barbarians, remote from the sea, were, Josephus himself will inform us,
sect. 2, viz. the Parthians and Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [of the
Jews among them]; besides the Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or
Assyrians. Whence we also learn that these Parthians, Babylonians, the
remotest Arabians, [or at least the Jews among them,] as also the Jews
beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's
Hebrew, or rather Chaldaic, books of The Jewish War, before they were put
into the Greek language.]
2 (return)
[Josephus tells us who these Upper Barbarians, far from the sea, were: the Parthians and Babylonians, plus the most distant Arabians [of the Jews among them]; along with the Jews on the other side of the Euphrates and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. From this, we also learn that these Parthians, Babylonians, and the most distant Arabians, [or at least the Jews among them], as well as the Jews across the Euphrates and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or more accurately, Chaldaic, writings on The Jewish War before they were translated into Greek.]
3 (return)
[ That these calamities of
the Jews, who were our Savior's murderers, were to be the greatest that
had ever been since the beginning of the world, our Savior had directly
foretold, Matthew 24:21; Mark 13:19; Luke 21:23, 24; and that they proved
to be such accordingly, Josephus is here a most authentic witness.]
3 (return)
[The suffering of the Jews, who were responsible for our Savior's death, was to be the worst that had ever occurred since the start of the world, as our Savior directly predicted, Matthew 24:21; Mark 13:19; Luke 21:23, 24; and Josephus is a reliable witness to confirm that this was indeed the case.]
4 (return)
[ Titus.]
4 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[Titus.]
5 (return)
[ These seven, or rather
five, degrees of purity, or purification, are enumerated hereafter, B. V.
ch. 5. sect. 6. The Rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Reland there
informs us.]
5 (return)
[These seven, or actually five, levels of purity, or purification, are listed later, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6. The Rabbis identify ten levels, as Reland points out there.]
BOOK I.
Containing The Interval Of One Hundred And Sixty-Seven
Years.
From The Taking Of Jerusalem By Antiochus Epiphanes,
To The Death Of Herod The Great.
Covering The Span Of One Hundred And Sixty-Seven
Years.
From The Capture Of Jerusalem By Antiochus Epiphanes,
To The Death Of Herod The Great.CHAPTER 1.
How The City Jerusalem Was Taken, And The Temple Pillaged
[By Antiochus Epiphanes]. As Also Concerning The Actions Of
The Maccabees, Matthias And Judas; And Concerning The Death
Of Judas.
How The City Jerusalem Was Taken, And The Temple Pillaged
[By Antiochus Epiphanes]. As Well As The Actions Of
The Maccabees, Matthias And Judas; And Regarding The Death
Of Judas.1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals. However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple 1 concerning which we shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.
1. At the same time that Antiochus, known as Epiphanes, was having a dispute with the sixth Ptolemy over his claim to the entire region of Syria, a major uprising broke out among the powerful men in Judea, who were arguing over who should take control of the government. Each of the dignitaries was unwilling to submit to their peers. However, Onias, one of the high priests, emerged victorious and drove out the sons of Tobias from the city. They fled to Antiochus and urged him to use them as his leaders and to launch an attack on Judea. The king, already inclined to this, agreed with them, advanced on the Jews with a large army, took their city by force, and killed many of those who supported Ptolemy. He sent his soldiers to loot without mercy. He also plundered the temple and halted the daily sacrifice of atonement for three years and six months. Meanwhile, Onias, the high priest, escaped to Ptolemy, who granted him a territory in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city similar to Jerusalem and a temple like its temple 1 which we will discuss more in detail later.
2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants, man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction, till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his wicked doings to avenge themselves.
2. Antiochus wasn't satisfied with just taking the city unexpectedly, looting it, or inflicting a massive slaughter; overwhelmed by his intense emotions and recalling the suffering he endured during the siege, he forced the Jews to disregard their laws, leave their infants uncircumcised, and sacrifice pigs on the altar. They all strongly resisted, and the most respected among them were executed. Bacchides, who was sent to take charge of the fortresses, carried out these cruel orders along with his inherent brutality, committing all sorts of extreme atrocities. He tortured the bravest of the locals one by one and threatened their city with total destruction every day, pushing the desperate victims to eventually take matters into their own hands for revenge.
3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.
3. So Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, a priest from a village called Modin, gathered his family, which included his five sons, armed himself, and killed Bacchides with daggers. After that, scared of the many enemy garrisons, he fled to the mountains. A lot of people followed him, which encouraged him to come down and fight Antiochus's generals. He defeated them and drove them out of Judea. Because of this success, he gained control and became the leader of his people by their choice. He then died, leaving the leadership to Judas, his oldest son.
4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel. He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.
4. Now Judas, thinking that Antiochus wouldn’t stay quiet, gathered an army from his fellow countrymen and was the first to form a friendship alliance with the Romans. He drove Epiphanes out of the country after a second attempt to invade it, achieving this by delivering a major defeat. Encouraged by this great success, he launched an attack on the garrison in the city, which had not been blocked off until then. He expelled them from the upper city and forced the soldiers into the lower part, known as the Citadel. He then took control of the temple, cleansed the entire area, surrounded it with walls, created new vessels for sacred rituals, and brought them into the temple since the old ones had been desecrated. He also built another altar and began offering sacrifices. Once the city had restored its sacred constitution, Antiochus died; his son Antiochus took over the kingdom, along with his animosity towards the Jews.
5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow, Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined battle, Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy's troops, he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to be the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a glorious action; nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king's forces, being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in Syria.
5. Antiochus gathered together fifty thousand foot soldiers, five thousand cavalry, and eighty elephants, and marched through Judea into the mountainous areas. He then captured Bethsura, a small city; but at a spot called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow, Judas confronted him with his army. However, before the two forces clashed, Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the largest of the elephants adorned with a tall tower and dressed in gold military trappings for protection, thought Antiochus himself was riding it. He ran a long way ahead of his own troops, cutting through the enemy lines to reach the elephant. However, he couldn't reach the man who appeared to be the king because of the height; still, he pierced the belly of the beast, bringing it down on top of him and was crushed to death. He had only attempted great things, showing that he valued glory over life. The man controlling the elephant was just an ordinary soldier; if he had turned out to be Antiochus, Eleazar's bold action would have only suggested that he chose to die for a chance at glory. This failure foreshadowed for his brother [Judas] how the overall battle would go. It’s true that the Jews fought bravely for a long time, but the king's forces, being larger in number and favored by fortune, won the battle. After many of his men were killed, Judas took the rest and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. Antiochus then went to Jerusalem but stayed only a few days because he needed supplies, and he moved on. He left behind a garrison that he thought would be enough to hold the place but withdrew most of his army to take their winter quarters in Syria.
6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's generals at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them.
6. Now, after the king had left, Judas wasn't inactive; as many from his own nation came to him, he gathered those who had escaped from the battle and fought again against Antiochus's generals in a village called Adasa. He was too strong for his enemies in the fight, killing a large number of them, but ultimately, he was also killed. It wasn't long after that his brother John fell victim to a plot by Antiochus's supporters and was killed by them.
CHAPTER 2.
Concerning The Successors Of Judas, Who Were Jonathan And
Simon, And John Hyrcanus.
About the Successors of Judas, Who Were Jonathan and
Simon, and John Hyrcanus.1. When Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.
1. When Jonathan, Judas's brother, took over, he acted very carefully in relation to his people and strengthened his authority by maintaining good relations with the Romans. He also formed an alliance with Antiochus's son. However, this wasn't enough to ensure his safety, as the tyrant Trypho, who was in charge of Antiochus's son, plotted against him. Trypho also tried to eliminate Jonathan's supporters and captured him with a trick while he was on his way to Ptolemais to meet Antiochus, accompanied by just a few people. He imprisoned Jonathan and then launched an attack against the Jews. Afterward, Trypho was driven away by Simon, Jonathan's brother, and out of anger at his defeat, he had Jonathan executed.
2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner, and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to subdue Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself with him, and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of the empire [of Seleucus].
2. However, Simon handled public affairs bravely, taking over Gazara, Joppa, and Jamnia, which were nearby cities. He also captured the garrison and destroyed the citadel. Later, he supported Antiochus against Trypho, whom he besieged in Dora before heading off on his campaign against the Medes. Yet, he couldn't make the king feel guilty about his ambition, even after helping him kill Trypho. It wasn't long before Antiochus sent his general Cendebeus with an army to ravage Judea and defeat Simon. Nevertheless, even though he was older, he managed the war as if he were much younger. He also sent his sons with a group of strong men against Antiochus while he led part of the army himself from another direction. He set up many men in ambush in various mountain locations and succeeded in all his attacks against them. After achieving such a glorious victory, he was appointed high priest and freed the Jews from Macedonian rule after one hundred and seventy years of the Seleucid Empire.
3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison, and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus. 2 But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted of Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to his mother and brethren.
3. This Simon also had a plan against him and was killed at a feast by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who imprisoned his wife and two sons and sent some people to kill John, who was also known as Hyrcanus. 2 However, when the young man learned about their approach beforehand, he hurried to the city, confident in the support of the people there due to his father's heroic legacy and the resentment they felt towards Ptolemy's injustice. Ptolemy also tried to enter the city through another gate but was turned away by the people, who had just welcomed Hyrcanus. He then quickly withdrew to one of the fortresses near Jericho called Dagon. Once Hyrcanus received the high priesthood that his father had held and made sacrifices to God, he rushed to confront Ptolemy to rescue his mother and brothers.
4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that unless he would go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands, and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the injuries he done to their family. Now John's case was this: When he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his affections. And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.
4. So he besieged the fortress and was better than Ptolemy in many ways, but he was defeated by Ptolemy when it came to the deep love he had for his family. When Ptolemy was in trouble, he brought out his mother and brothers, placed them on the wall, beat them with rods in front of everyone, and threatened to throw them down unless he left immediately. Seeing this, Hyrcanus's compassion and concern overwhelmed his anger. However, his mother wasn’t afraid, whether from the beatings she endured or the death threat; she stretched out her hands and begged her son not to let the harm done to her spare the miserable man, saying it would be better for her to die at Ptolemy’s hand than to live a long life while he got away with the wrongs done to their family. Now, John's situation was this: When he saw his mother’s bravery and heard her plea, he prepared his attacks; but when he saw her being beaten and suffering, he became weak and was completely overcome by his feelings. Because of this, the siege dragged on, and the year of rest arrived, which the Jews observe every seventh year just as they do every seventh day. Thus, in this year, Ptolemy was freed from the siege and killed John’s brothers and their mother before fleeing to Zeno, also known as Cotylas, the tyrant of Philadelphia.
5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon, that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
5. Antiochus was so furious about what he had endured from Simon that he launched an expedition into Judea, set up camp outside Jerusalem, and besieged Hyrcanus. However, Hyrcanus opened the tomb of David, the wealthiest of all kings, and took out about three thousand talents in cash. He then persuaded Antiochus to lift the siege by promising him three thousand talents. Furthermore, he was the first among the Jews to have enough money to start hiring foreign mercenaries as well.
6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them empty of good troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa. 7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste, which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city, that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.
6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was away on a campaign against the Medes, it gave Hyrcanus a chance to get back at him. He immediately attacked the cities of Syria, believing, as it turned out to be true, that they would be lacking strong troops. He captured Medaba and Samea, along with the nearby towns, as well as Shechem and Gerizzim; in addition, he conquered the Cutheans, who lived around the temple that was built to mimic the one in Jerusalem. He also took many other cities in Idumea, including Adoreon and Marissa. 7. He then advanced as far as Samaria, where the city Sebaste now stands, built by King Herod, surrounding it with a wall. He appointed his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, to oversee the siege, pushing it so hard that famine spread within the city, forcing the inhabitants to eat anything they could find that wasn’t even considered food. They also called on Antiochus, known as Cyzicenus, to assist them; he prepared and accepted their invitation but was defeated by Aristobulus and Antigonus. In fact, these brothers chased him all the way to Scythopolis, forcing him to flee. They then returned to Samaria and locked the people back inside the wall; after taking the city, they destroyed it and enslaved its inhabitants. With their continued success, they kept their enthusiasm high and marched their army all the way to Scythopolis, launching an attack and ravaging all the land up to Mount Carmel.
8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied, and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war, in which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died, leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world,—the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father in felicity.
8. But then John and his sons' successes made them targets of envy, leading to unrest in the country. Many people banded together and wouldn't stop until they started an open war, which they lost. So John lived the rest of his life very happily, governing in an extraordinary way for thirty-three full years. He died, leaving behind five sons. He was truly a very happy man and had no reason to complain about his fortune. He uniquely had three of the most desirable things in the world—the leadership of his nation, the high priesthood, and the gift of prophecy. The Deity communicated with him, and he knew everything that was going to happen later; so much so that he foresaw and predicted that his two oldest sons wouldn’t remain in power. It would be worth telling the story of their downfall and how much less fortunate they were compared to their father.
CHAPTER 3.
How Aristobulus Was The First That Put A Diadem About His
Head; And After He Had Put His Mother And Brother To Death,
Died Himself, When He Had Reigned No More Than A Year.
How Aristobulus Was The First That Put A Diadem About His
Head; And After He Had Put His Mother And Brother To Death,
Died Himself, When He Had Reigned No More Than A Year.1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three months after our people came down into this country, when they were set free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him; for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to death in prison.
1. After their father died, the older brother, Aristobulus, turned the government into a kingdom and was the first to wear a crown, doing so four hundred seventy-one years and three months after our people arrived in this country, finally free from Babylonian slavery. He seemed to favor his brother Antigonus, making him his equal, but he imprisoned the others. He also imprisoned his mother because she challenged his rule; John had left her in charge of public affairs. He went so far as to let her die of starvation in prison.
2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now at this very time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person, and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him; for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it was in his power to take the kingdom himself.
2. But revenge caught up with him regarding his brother Antigonus, whom he loved and had made his partner in the kingdom; because he killed him due to the lies that wicked people around the palace spread against him. At first, Aristobulus didn't believe the rumors, partly because of his affection for his brother and partly because he thought many of these stories were due to the jealousy of those spreading them. However, when Antigonus once returned from the army in a grand fashion to the festival where we traditionally make shelters for God, Aristobulus happened to be sick at that time. As the feast came to an end, Antigonus approached, surrounded by his armed men, dressed in the finest attire, largely to pray to God for his brother's wellbeing. At that very moment, these wicked people went to the king and told him about the way Antigonus and his armed men came with such grandeur and the arrogance with which Antigonus marched, claiming that his arrogance was too much for a private citizen and that he had come with a large group to kill him, as he could not stand the idea of living in royal comfort when he had the chance to take the kingdom for himself.
3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage; for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know beforehand that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king's message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very the suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.
3. Now Aristobulus, gradually and reluctantly, began to believe these accusations; and he made sure not to show his suspicion openly, though he took precautions to protect himself from any potential threats. He placed his guards in a dark underground passage because he was sick in a place once called the Citadel, but later renamed Antonia. He instructed that if Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him be; but if he showed up in armor, they should kill him. He also sent some people to inform Antigonus in advance that he should come unarmed. However, this time, the queen cleverly conspired with those who plotted his downfall, convincing those sent to deliver the king's message to keep it secret. Instead, she told Antigonus that his brother had heard he had acquired a fine suit of armor with beautiful decorations in Galilee, and since his current illness prevented him from coming to see all that splendor, he greatly desired to see him now in his armor, saying, "Because soon you will be leaving me."
4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark passage which was called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are strong enough to resist envy perpetually.
4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, his brother's good nature led him to believe that no harm would come from him, so he came along in his armor to show it to his brother. However, while he was going through that dark passage known as Strato's Tower, he was killed by the bodyguards, becoming a prominent example of how slander can destroy goodwill and natural affection, and how none of our positive feelings are strong enough to withstand envy forever.
5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, [they were not a few who attended upon him as his scholars,] "O strange!" said he, "it is good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive, who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible to be fill filled." And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But in a little time news came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's disorder.
5. Everyone would be surprised by Judas in this situation. He was part of the Essene sect and had never failed or misled anyone with his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was walking by the temple and shouted to his friends, [there were quite a few who followed him as his students], "Oh, how strange!" he said, "It's better for me to die now since truth is gone before me, and something I predicted has turned out to be false; for this Antigonus is alive today, who should have died today; and the place where he was supposed to be killed, according to that deadly order, was Strato's Tower, which is six hundred furlongs from here; and yet four hours of the day have already passed; this makes my prediction impossible to fulfill." After the old man said this, he felt downcast and remained that way. But soon after, news arrived that Antigonus had been killed in an underground location also called Strato's Tower, the same name as the Caesarea by the seaside; and this confusion was what caused the prophet's distress.
6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and groaned, and said, "So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them." As soon as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no longer than a year.
6. After that, Aristobulus regretted the terrible crime he had committed, which only worsened his condition. He grew increasingly unwell, and his mind was constantly troubled by the memories of his actions. His intense grief tore him apart inside, causing him to vomit a large amount of blood. One of his servants carried out that blood, but by some strange twist of fate, he slipped and fell in the exact spot where Antigonus had been killed, spilling some of the murderer's blood onto the ground where the blood of the murdered man still remained. A mournful cry arose from the onlookers, as if the servant had spilled the blood intentionally in that place. When the king heard the commotion, he asked what had happened, but no one dared to tell him. He pressed them harder for an explanation, and eventually, after threatening them, they finally spoke. He then broke down in tears and groaned, saying, "I can see that I won't escape the all-seeing eye of God concerning the terrible crimes I’ve committed; the vengeance for my kinsman’s blood is pursuing me swiftly. Oh, most shameless body! How long will you carry a soul that deserves to die for the punishment it should face for the murder of a mother and a brother? How long will I continue to bleed slowly? Let them take it all at once; may their spirits no longer be disappointed by small offerings of my insides." As soon as he finished speaking, he died, having ruled for no more than a year.
CHAPTER 4.
What Actions Were Done By Alexander Janneus, Who Reigned
Twenty-Seven Years.
What Actions Were Taken By Alexander Janneus, Who Ruled
For Twenty-Seven Years.1. And now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public affairs.
1. And now the king's wife freed the king's brothers and made Alexander king, who seemed both older and more level-headed than the others. When he took over, he killed one of his brothers, wanting to rule on his own; however, he held the other brother in high regard, as he preferred a peaceful life without getting involved in public matters.
2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and took what belonged to himself as well as the king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza, with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.
2. There was a battle between him and Ptolemy, known as Lathyrus, who had captured the city Asochis. He managed to kill many of his enemies, but the victory mostly went to Ptolemy. However, when Ptolemy was chased by his mother Cleopatra and retreated into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara and captured it. He also took Amathus, the strongest fortress in the area around Jordan, which contained the most valuable possessions of Theodorus, the son of Zeno. In response, Theodorus marched against him, reclaiming his belongings as well as the king's baggage, and killed ten thousand Jews. Still, Alexander recovered from this setback and directed his forces toward the coast, capturing Raphia and Gaza, along with Anthedon, which was later named Agrippias by King Herod.
3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the Gileadires and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.
3. But after he had enslaved the citizens of all these cities, the Jewish nation rebelled against him during a festival; because riots often start at these celebrations. It seemed like he wouldn't escape the trap they had set for him if it weren't for his foreign allies, the Pisidians and Cilicians, who helped him out. He never included the Syrians in his mercenary troops due to their deep-seated hostility towards the Jewish people. After killing more than six thousand of the rebels, he launched an attack into Arabia. Once he had conquered that region, along with the Gileadites and Moabites, he ordered them to pay him tribute and returned to Areathus. Seeing his significant success, Theodorus was amazed and took the fortress, destroying it.
4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and, in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily complied with their requests, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.
4. However, when he fought with Obodas, the king of the Arabians, who had set a trap for him near Golan and conspired against him, he lost his entire army, which was trapped in a deep valley and overwhelmed by the large number of camels. After he managed to escape to Jerusalem, he incited the population, who already hated him, to rise up against him due to the magnitude of his disaster. Nevertheless, he was too strong for them; over several battles fought on both sides, he killed no fewer than fifty thousand Jews within six years. Yet he had no reason to celebrate these victories, as they only drained his own kingdom. Eventually, he stopped fighting and tried to reach an agreement by talking with his subjects. But his inconsistent and unstable behavior made them despise him even more. When he asked them why they hated him so much and what he could do to appease them, they replied that he should kill himself, as it would be the only way for them to be reconciled with someone who had inflicted such terrible suffering on them, even in death. At the same time, they called upon Demetrius, known as Eucerus, to help them; and he quickly agreed to their demands, hoping for significant rewards, and came with his army. The Jews allied with their auxiliaries near Shechem.
5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen, and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand; while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave off their rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries showed the greatest exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.
5. Yet Alexander faced both these forces with one thousand cavalry and eight thousand foot mercenaries. He also had with him about ten thousand Jews who supported him, while the opposing side had three thousand cavalry and fourteen thousand infantry. Before the battle began, the kings made announcements in an attempt to sway each other's soldiers to switch sides; Demetrius aimed to persuade Alexander's mercenaries to abandon him, and Alexander tried to convince the Jews allied with Demetrius to leave him. However, neither the Jews gave up their anger, nor did the Greeks show disloyalty, so they engaged in a fierce battle with their weapons. In this fight, Demetrius emerged victorious, although Alexander's mercenaries displayed remarkable bravery and skill. Yet the outcome of the battle was unexpected for both sides; those who had invited Demetrius to their cause did not remain loyal to him, even though he won. Meanwhile, six thousand Jews, feeling sympathy for Alexander's changed circumstances as he fled to the mountains, came over to his side. Demetrius could not tolerate this shift in the situation; believing that Alexander was once again a formidable rival and that the entire nation would eventually rally to him, he left the area and went on his way.
6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part of them, and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander's death; so at last, though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.
6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] crowd didn’t give up their arguments with him when the [foreign] auxiliaries left; instead, they were constantly at war with Alexander until he killed most of them and drove the others into the city of Berneselis. After he destroyed that city, he took the captives to Jerusalem. His anger became so extreme that his cruelty reached a level of shocking disrespect; he ordered eight hundred people to be hung on crosses in the middle of the city and had the throats of their wives and children cut in front of them. He watched these executions while drinking and lying down with his concubines. This led to such a deep shock among the people that eight thousand of his opponents fled the very next night from all of Judea, and their escape only ended with Alexander's death. Eventually, though it took a long time and was very hard to achieve, his actions brought some peace to his kingdom, and he stopped fighting.
7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Seleucidae. 3 Alexander was afraid of him, when he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers, in order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches, and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians, whose king retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army while they were in disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.
7. Yet Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, became a source of trouble once again. He was the brother of Demetrius and the last of the Seleucid dynasty. 3 Alexander feared him when he was marching against the Arabians, so he dug a deep trench between Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa. He also built a tall wall in front of the trench and constructed wooden towers to prevent any sudden attacks. However, he couldn't stop Antiochus, who burned the towers, filled in the trenches, and moved forward with his army. Seeing revenge on Alexander as less important, Antiochus went directly against the Arabians. Their king retreated to areas of the country that were more suitable for fighting the enemy, then suddenly turned his ten thousand horsemen around and attacked Antiochus's army while they were disorganized, leading to a fierce battle. Antiochus's troops fought bravely as long as he was alive, even though the Arabians inflicted heavy losses on them. But when he fell at the frontlines while trying to rally his troops, they all started to retreat, and a large portion of his army was lost in the battle or during their flight. The remaining soldiers who fled to the village of Cana were mostly consumed by a lack of supplies, with only a few exceptions.
8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus's possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and twenty years.
8. Around this time, the people of Damascus, driven by their hatred for Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas to take over the government and made him king of Celesyria. Aretas launched an expedition against Judea and defeated Alexander in battle, but they later agreed to withdraw. After capturing Pella, Alexander marched back to Gerasa, motivated by his greed for Theodorus's possessions. He built a triple wall around the garrison and took the place by force. He also destroyed Golan, Seleucia, and the area known as the Valley of Antiochus; in addition, he captured the stronghold of Gamala and stripped Demetrius, who was governing there, of his possessions due to the numerous crimes against him, before returning to Judea after spending three years on this campaign. He was welcomed back by the nation because of his successful endeavors. However, once at peace, he fell ill with a quartan fever and believed that returning to military matters would cure him. Unfortunately, by undertaking expeditions at inappropriate times and pushing his body beyond its limits, he ultimately met his demise. Consequently, he died in the midst of his troubles after reigning for twenty-seven years.
CHAPTER 5.
Alexandra Reigns Nine Years, During Which Time The Pharisees
Were The Real Rulers Of The Nation.
Alexandra ruled for nine years, during which the Pharisees were the actual leaders of the nation.
1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with, and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the warmth of his temper.
1. Alexander left the kingdom to his wife, Alexandra, trusting that the Jews would readily accept her because she had been opposed to the cruelty he showed them and had fought against his violations of their laws, winning the people's favor. He was right in his expectations; this woman maintained power due to the people’s belief in her piety. She focused on the ancient customs of her country and removed those from government who violated their holy laws. Since she had two sons with Alexander, she appointed the elder, Hyrcanus, as high priest because of his age and his calm nature, which wouldn’t disrupt the peace. However, she kept the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private individual because of his fiery temperament.
2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. Now Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; 4 and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees governed her.
2. Now the Pharisees joined her to help run the government. They are a specific group of Jews who seem more religious than others and interpret the laws more precisely. Alexandra listened to them significantly because she was a devout woman. The Pharisees gradually won her over and became the real managers of public affairs: they exiled and reduced whoever they wanted; they controlled people at their wish; 4 and, to sum it all up, they enjoyed royal authority while Alexandra handled the costs and challenges. She was savvy in managing large matters and was always focused on gathering soldiers, which allowed her to increase the army by half and secure a large force of foreign troops. This made her nation powerful at home and a force to be reckoned with abroad, while she led others and the Pharisees led her.
3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure, and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men [before mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were dispersed all over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, 5 by agreements and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.
3. So, they killed Diogenes, a notable person and a friend of Alexander, and accused him of helping the king with his advice to crucify the eight hundred men mentioned earlier. They also convinced Alexandra to execute the others who had offended the king. Alexandra was superstitious enough to agree to their requests, so they executed whoever they wanted. The main ones in danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men because of their status but to banish them from the city, unless she believed them to be innocent; thus, they were allowed to go unpunished and scattered throughout the countryside. When Alexandra sent her army to Damascus, claiming that Ptolemy was constantly oppressing that city, she took control of it, and it offered little resistance. She also managed to persuade Tigranes, the king of Armenia, who had his troops near Ptolemais and was besieging Cleopatra, through agreements and gifts, to withdraw. As a result, Tigranes quickly lifted the siege due to the domestic unrest that arose from Lucullus's campaign in Armenia.
4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned nine years.
4. In the meantime, Alexandra fell ill, and Aristobulus, her younger son, seized this opportunity, along with his many friends who were his servants because of their youthful loyalty, and took control of all the fortresses. He also used the money he found in them to gather a group of mercenary soldiers and declared himself king. Additionally, after Hyrcanus complained to his mother, she felt sorry for him and placed Aristobulus's wife and sons under house arrest in Antonia, which was a fortress adjacent to the northern part of the temple. As I mentioned earlier, it was formerly known as the Citadel but was later named Antonia when Antony was in charge of the East, similar to how other cities like Sebaste and Agrippias were renamed after Sebastus and Agrippa. However, Alexandra died before she could hold Aristobulus accountable for disinheriting his brother after reigning for nine years.
CHAPTER 6.
When Hyrcanus Who Was Alexander's Heir, Receded From His
Claim To The Crown Aristobulus Is Made King; And Afterward
The Same Hyrcanus By The Means Of Antipater, Is Brought Back
By Abetas. At Last Pompey Is Made The Arbitrator Of The
Dispute Between The Brothers.
When Hyrcanus, who was Alexander's heir, stepped back from his claim to the throne, Aristobulus became king. Later, Hyrcanus was brought back by Abetas with the help of Antipater. In the end, Pompey was appointed as the judge in the dispute between the two brothers.
1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those of his party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the hostages that might be for his preservation [which were Aristobulus's wife, with her children]; but they came to an agreement before things should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of Aristobulus.
1. Hyrcanus was the heir to the kingdom, and his mother entrusted it to him before she passed away; however, Aristobulus was more powerful and noble than he was. When they fought over the kingdom near Jericho, most of the people deserted Hyrcanus and joined Aristobulus. Hyrcanus, along with the loyal supporters who remained with him, fled to Antonia and took control of the hostages who could ensure his safety [which included Aristobulus's wife and her children]. Before things got out of hand, they reached an agreement: Aristobulus would be king, and Hyrcanus would step down but keep all his other titles as the king's brother. They were reconciled in the temple, embracing each other warmly while the crowd looked on; they also swapped residences, with Aristobulus moving to the royal palace and Hyrcanus moving into Aristobulus's house.
2. Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this concerned Antipater 6 whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus, and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a filing it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been taken at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.
2. The other people who were at odds with Aristobulus were worried when he unexpectedly took power; this was especially true for Antipater 6, whom Aristobulus had always despised. Antipater was originally from Idumea and was one of the prominent figures in that nation due to his wealthy background and other influential connections. He convinced Hyrcanus to escape to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to claim the kingdom for himself; he also persuaded Aretas to accept Hyrcanus and help him return to his rule. Antipater publicly criticized Aristobulus’s character and praised Hyrcanus, urging Aretas to support Hyrcanus and highlighting how fitting it would be for a ruler of such a great kingdom to help those who were wronged, arguing that Hyrcanus was treated unfairly by losing the dominion that was rightfully his by birth. After winning them over, he took Hyrcanus in the night and escaped the city, fleeing quickly to a location called Petra, the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he handed Hyrcanus over to Aretas. Through extensive discussions and by winning Aretas over with numerous gifts, he managed to persuade him to provide an army to restore Hyrcanus to his kingdom. This army consisted of fifty thousand infantry and cavalry, against which Aristobulus could not defend himself; he was abandoned at the outset and was driven back to Jerusalem. He would have been captured sooner if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not intervened and lifted the siege. Scaurus had been sent to Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great during his campaign against Tigranes, and upon arriving in Damascus, which had recently been taken by Metellus and Lollius, he forced them to leave. When he learned about the situation in Judea, he hurried there as if it were a prize.
3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.
3. As soon as he arrived in the country, ambassadors from both brothers came to him, each seeking his help. However, Aristobulus's offer of three hundred talents weighed more on him than the fairness of the situation. Once Scaurus received the money, he sent a messenger to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, threatening them with the anger of the Romans and Pompey if they didn’t lift the siege. This scared Aretas, who retreated from Judea to Philadelphia, while Scaurus returned to Damascus. Aristobulus wasn't satisfied just to escape his brother’s grasp; he gathered all his forces, chased after his enemies, and fought them at a place called Papyron, killing about six thousand of them, including Antipater's brother Phalion.
4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he departed from Diospolis.
4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater realized they had lost their hopes from the Arabians, they turned to their enemies for help. Since Pompey had passed through Syria and arrived in Damascus, they fled to him for assistance. Without offering any bribes, they made the same fair requests they had previously made to Aretas, asking him to oppose the aggressive actions of Aristobulus and to grant the kingdom to the person who rightfully deserved it, both for his good character and his greater age. However, Aristobulus was not idle in this situation; confident in the bribes that Scaurus had accepted, he positioned himself at the scene and dressed in the most regal way he could manage. Yet, he soon considered it beneath him to approach in such a subservient manner and could not bear to pursue his own interests in a way that felt so humiliating compared to what he was used to; so he left Diospolis.
5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his fortune in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However, Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.
5. Pompey was very angry at this behavior; Hyrcanus and his friends pleaded with Pompey repeatedly, so he took both his Roman troops and many of his Syrian allies and marched against Aristobulus. After passing by Pella and Scythopolis and arriving at Corea, which leads into the region of Judea from the Mediterranean, he learned that Aristobulus had fled to Alexandrium, a strongly fortified place on a high mountain. He sent for him and ordered him to come down. Aristobulus was inclined to try his luck in battle, as he found the summons quite demanding, rather than simply obeying it. However, he noticed that the crowd was very frightened, and his friends urged him to consider the power of the Romans and how unyielding it was. So, he followed their advice and went down to Pompey. After making a lengthy apology for himself and justifying his claim to rule, he went back to the fortress. When his brother called him again to present his case, he came down and spoke about its fairness, then left without any objection from Pompey, feeling caught between hope and fear. When he came down, it was to convince Pompey to let him keep the government entirely, and when he went back up to the citadel, it was to avoid appearing too submissive. Nevertheless, Pompey ordered him to surrender his fortified places and forced him to write to each of their governors to hand them over, as they had been instructed to follow only his written orders. Consequently, he did as he was commanded but still felt angry about what had happened and withdrew to Jerusalem to prepare to fight Pompey.
6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast number of palm trees 7 besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party would not so much as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised.
6. But Pompey didn't give him time to prepare [for a siege], instead trailing closely behind him; he was forced to hurry because he heard about Mithridates’ death while in Jericho. This area is the most fertile part of Judea, filled with countless palm trees 7 as well as balsam trees, from which they cut the sprouts with sharp stones to collect the juice that drips down like tears. Pompey set up camp there for one night and then rushed off the next morning to Jerusalem. But Aristobulus was so scared of his approach that he came out to meet him, pleading for mercy. He also promised Pompey money and agreed to surrender both himself and the city, which calmed Pompey’s anger. However, he failed to fulfill any of the promises he made, as Aristobulus’s supporters wouldn’t even let Gabinius enter the city to collect the money he had promised.
CHAPTER 7.
How Pompey Had The City Of Jerusalem Delivered Up To Him But
Took The Temple By Force. How He Went Into The Holy Of
Holies; As Also What Were His Other Exploits In Judea.
How Pompey Received the City of Jerusalem But Took the Temple by Force. How He Entered the Holy of Holies; Along with His Other Accomplishments in Judea.
1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken, that temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.
1. Pompey was really angry about this treatment and took Aristobulus into custody. When he arrived in the city, he looked around for a good spot to launch his attack; he saw that the walls were so strong it would be difficult to breach them, and the valley in front of the walls was daunting. The temple located in that valley was also surrounded by a very sturdy wall, meaning that if the city fell, that temple would serve as a secondary refuge for the enemy to retreat to.
2. Now as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into that palace with an army, who distributed a garrison about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus's party very ready to afford them both counsel and assistance.
2. While he was taking a long time to think about this issue, a riot broke out among the people in the city. Aristobulus's supporters wanted to fight and free their king, whereas Hyrcanus's supporters were in favor of opening the gates to Pompey. The fear of the Roman soldiers' impressive organization led to Hyrcanus's group becoming quite large. As a result, Aristobulus's supporters were defeated and retreated to the temple, cutting off communication between the temple and the city by destroying the bridge that connected them. They prepared to resist as much as they could. Meanwhile, since the others had let the Romans into the city and handed over the palace, Pompey sent Piso, one of his top officers, into that palace with an army. Piso set up a garrison throughout the city because he couldn’t convince anyone who had fled to the temple to negotiate. He then arranged everything around them to support their attacks, with Hyrcanus's group ready to offer both advice and help.
3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior situation; nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.
3. But Pompey himself filled the ditch on the north side of the temple and the entire valley as well, with the army having to carry the materials for that task. It was very challenging to fill that valley because of its great depth, especially since the Jews used every possible means to defend their advantageous position. The Romans might not have succeeded if Pompey hadn’t noted the seventh days, when the Jews refrained from all kinds of work for religious reasons, and built his rampart while holding his soldiers back from fighting on those days; the Jews only defended themselves on the Sabbath. Once Pompey had filled the valley, he put up tall towers on the rampart and brought the siege engines they had brought from Tyre close to the wall, trying to break it down. The slingers were able to push back those standing above them, driving them away; however, the towers on this side of the city put up a strong resistance and were indeed remarkable for their size and splendor.
4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were appointed by their law; for it was in the third month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in their own defense.
4. It was here that, despite the numerous hardships the Romans faced, Pompey couldn’t help but admire not only the various examples of the Jews' bravery but especially the fact that they continued their religious services without interruption, even when surrounded by darts on all sides. It was as if the city were in complete peace, as they conducted their daily sacrifices, purifications, and every aspect of their worship to God with the utmost precision. Even when the temple was actually taken, and they were being killed daily around the altar, they did not abandon their mandated acts of Divine worship. It was during the third month of the siege that the Romans finally managed, with difficulty, to bring down one of the towers and enter the temple. The first to bravely climb over the wall was Faustus Cornelius, the son of Sylla; he was followed by two centurions, Furius and Fabius, each accompanied by their own cohort, which surrounded the Jews and killed them, some as they ran for refuge to the temple, and others as they fought back in defense for a time.
5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of the Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater number was wounded.
5. Many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies attacking them with swords, continued their worship calmly and were killed while making their drink offerings and burning incense, choosing their duties to God over their own safety. Most of them were killed by their fellow countrymen from the opposing side, and countless others threw themselves off cliffs. Some were so overwhelmed by the impossible situation they faced that they set fire to the buildings near the wall and perished in the flames. A total of twelve thousand Jews were killed; however, very few Romans were killed, though a larger number were injured.
6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself 8 whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the Captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely, with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon Jerusalem itself.
6. But nothing affected the nation more during the disasters they were experiencing than the fact that their sacred place, which had never been seen by outsiders, was opened up to strangers. Pompey and his associates entered the temple itself 8, a place that was only lawful for the high priest to enter, and they saw what was stored there: the candlestick with its lamps, the table, the pouring vessels, the censers—all made entirely of gold—as well as a large quantity of spices piled up, along with two thousand talents of sacred money. However, he didn’t touch the money or anything else that was inside; instead, he instructed the temple ministers to clean it the very next day after he took it and to perform their usual sacrifices. Additionally, he appointed Hyrcanus as high priest because he had shown great enthusiasm during the siege and had prevented the people in the countryside from fighting for Aristobulus, which they had been eager to do. In this way, he acted like a good general, winning over the people more with kindness than fear. Among the captives was Aristobulus’s father-in-law, who was also his uncle, so he punished the most guilty with execution, while rewarding Faustus and his brave fighters with prestigious gifts, and imposed a tribute on the region and on Jerusalem itself.
7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, 9 that had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius, who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country, such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was anciently called Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome.
7. He also took back all the cities that the nation had previously captured, which belonged to Celesyria, and placed them under the authority of the Roman governor appointed at that time. He scaled down Judea to its rightful size. He rebuilt Gadara, 9 which had been destroyed by the Jews, to please Demetrius, a resident of Gadara and one of his former slaves. He also made other cities free from their dominance, particularly those that hadn't been destroyed earlier, such as Hippos, Scythopolis, Pella, Samaria, and Marissa; in addition to these, Ashdod, Jamnia, and Arethusa. He treated the coastal cities similarly, including Gaza, Joppa, and Dora, as well as what was originally known as Strato's Tower, which was later rebuilt with magnificent structures and renamed Caesarea by King Herod. He restored all of these to their respective citizens and placed them under the province of Syria; this province, along with Judea and the regions stretching to Egypt and the Euphrates, he assigned to Scaurus as the governor, providing him with two legions for support. Meanwhile, he hurried through Cilicia on his way to Rome, taking Aristobulus and his children as captives. They included two daughters and two sons; one of the sons, Alexander, escaped during the journey, while the younger one, Antigonus, along with his sisters, was taken to Rome.
CHAPTER 8.
Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus, Who Ran Away From Pompey,
Makes An Expedition Against Hyrcanus; But Being Overcome By
Gabinius He Delivers Up The Fortresses To Him. After This
Aristobulus Escapes From Rome And Gathers An Army Together;
But Being Beaten By The Romans, He Is Brought Back To Rome;
With Other Things Relating To Gabinius, Crassus And Cassius.
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, who fled from Pompey, launches an attack against Hyrcanus; however, after being defeated by Gabinius, he surrenders the fortresses to him. Following this, Aristobulus escapes from Rome and assembles an army; but after being defeated by the Romans, he is taken back to Rome, along with other matters concerning Gabinius, Crassus, and Cassius.
1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia 10
1. In the meantime, Scaurus went on an expedition into Arabia, but he was halted by the tough terrain around Petra. Still, he ravaged the area around Pella, although he faced significant challenges there too, as his army was suffering from starvation. To help with this shortage, Hyrcanus provided some support and sent provisions through Antipater, who Scaurus also sent to Aretas, knowing he was familiar with him, to persuade him to pay money for peace. The king of Arabia agreed to the request and gave him three hundred talents; after that, Scaurus withdrew his army from Arabia 10
2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who, as he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army, composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and Machaerus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.
2. But as for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus who escaped from Pompey, after a while he gathered a significant group of men and put a lot of pressure on Hyrcanus. He took control of Judea and seemed likely to overthrow him quickly. In fact, he had reached Jerusalem and dared to rebuild its wall that Pompey had destroyed, if not for Gabinius, who was sent as Scaurus's successor in Syria. Gabinius showed his courage, particularly by launching an expedition against Alexander. Fearing that Gabinius would attack him, Alexander assembled a large army made up of ten thousand armed infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry. He also built walls around strategic locations: Alexandrium, Hyrcanium, and Machaerus, which were situated in the Arabian mountains.
3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came Gabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined, he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the remainder to Alexandrium.
3. However, Gabinius sent Marcus Antonius ahead of him and followed with his entire army. The select group of soldiers with Antipater, along with another group of Jews led by Malichus and Pitholaus, joined the captains with Marcus Antonius and confronted Alexander. Gabinius soon arrived with his main army. Since Alexander couldn't withstand the combined forces of the enemy, he retreated. But when he got close to Jerusalem, he had to fight and lost six thousand men in the battle—three thousand were killed and three thousand were captured. He fled with the rest to Alexandrium.
4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished, and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his injunctions, the following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and Mariassa, and Adoreus, and Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.
4. When Gabinius arrived at Alexandrium, he found a large camp there. He tried to convince them to join him by promising forgiveness for their past actions, but when they refused to negotiate, he killed many of them and imprisoned a considerable number in the citadel. Marcus Antonius, their leader, distinguished himself in this battle; he always showed great courage, but never as much as he did now. Gabinius, leaving forces to secure the citadel, left to restore the cities that hadn’t been destroyed and rebuild those that had. As a result, he ordered the restoration of the following cities: Scythopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollonia, Jamnia, Raphia, Mariassa, Adoreus, Gamala, Ashdod, and many others. A large number of people quickly moved to these cities and became their residents.
5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Machaerus, as he put Alexandrium into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also parted the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical government, and were governed for the future by all aristocracy.
5. After Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to Alexandrium and continued the siege. When Alexander lost hope of gaining the government, he sent ambassadors to Gabinius, asking him to forgive any offenses and surrendered the remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Machaerus, as he later handed over Alexandrium to him. Gabinius then destroyed all of these at the request of Alexander's mother, so they wouldn't become strongholds in another war. She was there to persuade Gabinius out of concern for her relatives who were captives in Rome, including her husband and other children. After this, Gabinius brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and put him in charge of the temple while establishing a government by aristocracy. He also divided the entire nation into five districts, giving one to Jerusalem, another to Gadara, a third to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and the fifth to Sepphoris, a city in Galilee. The people were pleased to be freed from monarchical rule and were governed in the future by an aristocracy.
6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances. He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old; and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against him under Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated to Machaerus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that remained with Aristobulus brake through the Roman army, and marched together to Machaerus; and when the king had lodged the first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses up to him.
6. However, Aristobulus created yet another basis for new troubles. He fled from Rome and gathered many Jews who were eager for a change, especially those who had supported him in the past. After taking control of Alexandrium, he tried to build a wall around it. But as soon as Gabinius sent an army against him, led by Siscuria, Antonius, and Servilius, he realized what was happening and retreated to Machaerus. He dismissed the useless crowd and only took with him the armed men, numbering about eight thousand, including Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant in Jerusalem but had defected to Aristobulus with a thousand of his soldiers. The Romans pursued them, and when they fought a battle, Aristobulus's side initially fought bravely for a long time. However, they were eventually overwhelmed by the Romans. About five thousand of his men were killed, and around two thousand fled to a small hill. The remaining thousand who stayed with Aristobulus broke through the Roman lines and made their way to Machaerus. After spending the first night on its ruins, the king hoped to raise another army if the fighting would pause for a bit. He fortified the stronghold, though it was done poorly. The Romans attacked him, and he fought back beyond his strength for two days until he was captured and brought before Gabinius, along with his son Antigonus, who had also fled from Rome with him. Gabinius then took him back to Rome. As a result, the senate placed him under confinement but returned his children to Judea because Gabinius had informed them in letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, in exchange for her surrendering the fortresses to him.
7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians, he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, [for he was come back already out of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,] and sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet. However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of Parthin, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers that they had run away.
7. But now as Gabinius was heading to war against the Parthians, he was delayed by Ptolemy, whom he brought back to Egypt after his return from the Euphrates. He relied on Hyrcanus and Antipater to supply everything needed for this mission. Antipater provided him with money, weapons, grain, and reinforcements; he also convinced the Jews who were there to help and secured the routes at Pelusium to let them through. However, during Gabinius's absence, the other part of Syria was in turmoil, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, led the Jews in another revolt. He gathered a massive army and started killing all the Romans in the area. Gabinius was worried since he had just returned from Egypt and had to come back quickly due to the chaos, so he sent Antipater, who was able to calm some of the rebels. Nevertheless, thirty thousand still sided with Alexander, who was eager to fight as well. Therefore, Gabinius went out to battle when the Jews confronted him; the conflict took place near Mount Tabor, where ten thousand of them were killed, and the rest scattered and fled. Gabinius then arrived in Jerusalem and organized the government as Antipater wanted; afterward, he marched off, fought, and defeated the Nabateans. As for Mithridates and Orsanes, who escaped from Parthia, he discreetly sent them away but told the soldiers that they had fled.
8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians. He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched; but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more largely].
8. In the meantime, Crassus succeeded Gabinius in Syria. He took all the remaining gold from the temple in Jerusalem to fund his campaign against the Parthians. He also took the two thousand talents that Pompey had left untouched. However, after crossing the Euphrates, he met his own demise along with his army; this isn’t the right moment to discuss those events in detail.
9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province, and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her, Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now as he made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the kind offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them; so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter we shall speak elsewhere. 11
9. But now Cassius, following Crassus, stopped the Parthians who were advancing to enter Syria. Cassius had fled to that province, and after taking control, he quickly marched into Judea; and when he captured Taricheae, he enslaved thirty thousand Jews. He also killed Pitholaus, who had supported the rebellious followers of Aristobulus; it was Antipater who advised him to do this. Antipater married a woman from a prominent family among the Arabisus named Cypros, and they had four sons together: Phasaelus and Herod, who later became king, along with Joseph and Pheroras; they also had a daughter named Salome. As he built friendships with powerful men through his kind actions and hospitality, he formed a close bond with the king of Arabia by marrying into his family; so much so that when he went to war with Aristobulus, he entrusted his children to him. Once Cassius had forced Alexander to come to terms and settle down, he returned to the Euphrates to prevent the Parthians from crossing it again; we will discuss this matter elsewhere. 11
CHAPTER 9.
Aristobulus Is Taken Off By Pompey's Friends, As Is His Son
Alexander By Scipio. Antipater Cultivates A Friendship With
Caesar, After Pompey's Death; He Also Performs Great Actions
In That War, Wherein He Assisted Mithridates.
Aristobulus is taken out by Pompey's friends, and his son Alexander by Scipio. Antipater builds a friendship with Caesar after Pompey's death; he also takes significant actions in that war, where he supported Mithridates.
1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar; for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party; and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the royal sepulchers.
1. After Pompey and the senate fled across the Ionian Sea, Caesar took control of Rome and the empire and freed Aristobulus from captivity. He also assigned two legions to him and rushed him to Syria, hoping that he would easily conquer that region and the areas neighboring Judea. However, envy thwarted Aristobulus's eagerness and Caesar's expectations; he was poisoned by supporters of Pompey. For a long time, he didn’t even receive a burial in his homeland; instead, his corpse was left above ground, preserved in honey, until Antony sent it to the Jews for burial in the royal tombs.
2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon, who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater care of her brother and sister.
2. His son Alexander was also beheaded by Scipio in Antioch, and this was on Pompey's orders, following an accusation made against him in his court for the harm he had caused to the Romans. Meanwhile, Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, who was then in charge of Chalcis under Libanus, gathered his siblings by sending his son Philippio to Ascalon to bring them back. Philippio took Antigonus and his sisters away from Aristobulus's wife and brought them to their father. He fell in love with the younger daughter and married her, but was later killed by his father because of this. After killing his son, Ptolemy married her; her name was Alexandra. Because of this marriage, he took even better care of her brother and sister.
3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Asealon, he persuaded the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all into the city, with the men that were about him.
3. After Pompey died, Antipater switched sides and built a friendship with Caesar. Since Mithridates of Pergamus, with the forces he commanded against Egypt, was blocked from getting into Pelusium and had to stay at Asealon, he convinced the Arabians, among whom he had lived, to help him and came himself with three thousand armed men. He also encouraged influential people in Syria, along with the residents of Libanus, Ptolemy, Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy, to aid him, which led to the cities in that area easily joining the fight. With the extra strength he gained from Antipater, Mithridates decided to advance toward Pelusium; when they denied him passage, he laid siege to the city. During the attack, Antipater notably distinguished himself by breaking down the part of the wall in front of him and being the first to jump into the city with his men.
4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their own accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay, when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp, while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.
4. So, Pelusium was captured. However, as they were advancing, the Egyptian Jews living in the area known as the land of Onias stopped them. Then Antipater not only convinced them not to block their march but also to provide supplies for their army. As a result, even the people around Memphis chose not to fight against them and instead joined Mithridates voluntarily. He went around the Delta and battled the remaining Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp. In fact, when he was in trouble during the fight with all his right wing, Antipater turned around and came along the riverbank to help him, having already defeated those opposing him on the left wing. After this victory, he attacked those pursuing Mithridates, killing many of them and chasing the rest to the point of capturing their camp, losing only about eighty of his own men. In contrast, Mithridates lost around eight hundred during the pursuit. He also managed to save himself unexpectedly and became a credible witness for Caesar regarding Antipater's remarkable achievements.
5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And when Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
5. After that, Caesar encouraged Antipater to take on more risky ventures for him, praising him highly and promising rewards. In all these ventures, he readily faced many dangers and became a courageous warrior, earning numerous wounds all over his body as proof of his bravery. When Caesar had sorted out the situation in Egypt and was heading back to Syria, he granted Antipater Roman citizenship, tax exemption, and made him someone to be admired through the honors and gestures of friendship he showed him. Because of this, he also reaffirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
CHAPTER 10.
Caesar Makes Antipater Procurator Of Judea; As Does
Antipater Appoint Phasaelus To Be Governor Of Jerusalem, And
Herod Governor Of Galilee; Who, In Some Time, Was Called To
Answer For Himself [Before The Sanhedrim], Where He Is
Acquitted. Sextus Caesar Is Treacherously Killed By Bassus
And Is Succeeded By Marcus.
Caesar appoints Antipater as the Procurator of Judea; Antipater then appoints Phasaelus as the Governor of Jerusalem and Herod as the Governor of Galilee. Later, Herod is summoned to defend himself [before the Sanhedrin], where he is found not guilty. Sextus Caesar is treacherously murdered by Bassus and is succeeded by Marcus.
1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.
1. Around this time, Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, approached Caesar and unexpectedly became the reason for Antipater's further advancement. Instead of mourning the fact that his father seemed to have been poisoned due to his disputes with Pompey, and instead of complaining about Scipio's cruelty towards his brother while seeking mercy, he came to Caesar and accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of completely driving him and his siblings out of their homeland. He claimed they acted unjustly and recklessly against their own nation. He also argued that the support they sent him to Egypt wasn't out of goodwill but out of fear from past conflicts, intending to gain forgiveness for their alliance with his enemy, Pompey.
2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-will to Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live; for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.
2. Then Antipater took off his clothes and revealed the many wounds on his body, saying that he didn't need to say anything to show his loyalty to Caesar because his body spoke for itself. He expressed disbelief at Antigonus's audacity, considering he was the son of an enemy of the Romans and a fugitive. He noted that it ran in his family to be interested in unrest and rebellion, yet he dared to accuse others in front of the Roman governor and tried to gain something for himself when he should have been grateful just to be allowed to live. He pointed out that Antigonus’s desire to control public affairs wasn’t really out of necessity, but because he wanted to create chaos among the Jews and use whatever he gained from the Romans to harm those who had helped him.
3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild 12 those walls of his country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.
3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most deserving of the high priesthood and allowed Antipater to choose any authority he wanted; however, he left the final decision on such honor to the one who bestowed it. Thus, he was made procurator of all Judea and also granted permission to rebuild 12 the walls of his country that had been destroyed. Caesar ordered that these honorary grants be engraved in the Capitol so they could serve as a testament to his own justice and the virtue of Antipater.
4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king; and both the Romans and Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their governor. And, at the same time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, 13 with equal authority into Galilee.
4. As soon as Antipater escorted Caesar out of Syria, he returned to Judea. The first thing he did was rebuild the wall of his own city, Jerusalem, that Pompey had destroyed. Then, he traveled throughout the region to calm the disturbances he found there. He used a mix of threats and advice, telling everyone that if they submitted to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peacefully, enjoying what they had in a state of universal tranquility. But if they listened to those with unrealistic hopes of gaining from stirring up new troubles, they would find him to be their lord instead of their procurator, and Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king. Both the Romans and Caesar would become their enemies rather than their rulers, as they would not allow him to be removed from the position he'd been given. Meanwhile, he took charge of the country's affairs himself, seeing that Hyrcanus was ineffectual and not suitable to manage the kingdom. He appointed his eldest son, Phasaelus, as governor of Jerusalem and its surrounding areas, and he also sent his younger son, Herod, with equal authority into Galilee.
5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the good-will of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
5. Herod was an active man who quickly found the right challenges for his energetic nature. When he discovered that Hezekias, the leader of the bandits, was causing trouble in the surrounding areas of Syria with a large group of men, he captured and killed him along with many other robbers. This was especially praised by the Syrians, who sang hymns in Herod's honor both in villages and cities, grateful for the peace he brought them and for protecting their possessions. During this time, he also got to know Sextus Caesar, a relative of the great Caesar and the governor of Syria. Inspired by Herod’s impressive achievements, Phasaelus also sought to match him. He won the favor of the people of Jerusalem by effectively managing city affairs and did not misuse his authority in any negative way. As a result, the nation treated Antipater with the respect typically reserved for a king, and the honors he received were on par with those given to an absolute ruler; however, he still maintained a strong loyalty and allegiance to Hyrcanus.
6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one to be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.
6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in his prosperity; for the success of these young men affected even Hyrcanus personally, though he didn’t say anything to anyone. What bothered him the most was Herod’s great achievements, and the fact that so many messengers kept coming to inform him of the impressive reputation he was gaining in all his endeavors. There were also many people in the royal palace who fueled his jealousy; those who were thwarted in their plans by the wisdom of either the young men or Antipater. These people pointed out that by letting Antipater and his sons manage public affairs, he was left with nothing but the title of king, without any real authority. They questioned how long he would deceive himself by raising kings against his own interests, for those young men were no longer hiding their control over affairs; they were clearly the leaders of the nation and had pushed him out of his power. This was evident when Herod killed so many men without any direct orders from him, whether spoken or written, going against Jewish law. They argued that if he wasn't a king, but just an ordinary man, he should still face trial and answer to him and to the laws of his country, which do not allow anyone to be killed without being condemned in court.
7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he loved Herod.
7. Hyrcanus gradually became more worked up by these discussions and eventually could no longer take it, so he called for Herod to stand trial. Following his father's advice, and once he could spare time from Galilee, he went up to Jerusalem after placing garrisons in Galilee. He brought along a sizable group of soldiers, enough to appear strong but not so many that he looked like he had an army ready to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor so few that he risked being mocked by his rivals. Meanwhile, Sextus Caesar worried about the young man being captured by his enemies and facing punishment, so he sent a message to Hyrcanus explicitly stating that he should clear Herod of the serious charges against him. Hyrcanus did so, as he was already inclined to, since he had affection for Herod.
8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation bore him, but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against him with his army.
8. But Herod, thinking he had avoided punishment without the king's approval, withdrew to Sextus, in Damascus, and prepared everything to defy him if he summoned him again; meanwhile, those who wished ill advised Hyrcanus, telling him that Herod had left in anger and was ready to wage war against him. The king, believing what they said, was at a loss for what to do, as he realized his rival was stronger than he was. Now, since Herod had been appointed general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he became a significant threat, not only because of the support he had from the people but also due to his own power. As a result, Hyrcanus was filled with extreme fear, anticipating that Herod would soon march against him with his army.
9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown his power to the nation.
9. He wasn’t wrong in his guess; Herod gathered his army out of anger for being threatened with accusations in a public court and marched to Jerusalem to take Hyrcanus's kingdom. He would have succeeded quickly if not for his father and brother, who came out together to calm his rage. They urged him to limit his revenge to just threats and intimidation, reminding him to spare the king, under whom he had gained such power. They advised him not to be so upset about his trial that he forgot to be grateful for his acquittal; and not to dwell so long on the negative that he became ungrateful for his deliverance. They pointed out that if we believe God determines success in war, then an unjust cause is a greater disadvantage than the advantages of an army. Therefore, he shouldn’t feel overly confident about winning a battle against his king, who had supported him, been a benefactor, and had never treated him harshly except for listening to bad advice, which only cast a shadow of injustice on him. So, Herod was swayed by these arguments and thought that what he had already done was enough for his future ambitions and that he had sufficiently demonstrated his power to the nation.
10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his good-will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the rest of Caesar's commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus.
10. In the meantime, there was unrest among the Romans near Apamia, leading to a civil war sparked by the betrayal and murder of Sextus Caesar by Cecilius Bassus, who did this out of loyalty to Pompey. He also took command of his forces. However, as the other commanders loyal to Caesar attacked Bassus with their entire army to avenge Caesar's death, Antipater sent support through his sons, both in memory of the slain Caesar and for the sake of the living Caesar, who were their allies. As this conflict dragged on for quite a while, Marcus came out of Italy as the successor to Sextus.
CHAPTER 11.
Herod Is Made Procurator Of All Syria; Malichus Is Afraid Of
Him, And Takes Antipater Off By Poison; Whereupon The
Tribunes Of The Soldiers Are Prevailed With To Kill Him.
Herod is appointed as the governor of all of Syria; Malichus is scared of him and has Antipater killed by poison; then, the army tribunes are persuaded to eliminate him.
1. There, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held the government for three years and seven months. 14 Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook himself to that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.
1. At this time, there was a major war among the Romans sparked by the sudden and treacherous assassination of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after he had held power for three years and seven months. 14 Following this murder, there was significant turmoil, and the powerful leaders were greatly divided, each aligning with the group that offered them the best chance of personal advancement. Consequently, Cassius went to Syria to gather the forces stationed at Apamia, where he managed to broker peace between Bassus and Marcus, as well as the legions that were in conflict with him. He lifted the siege of Apamia, took command of the army, and began demanding tribute from the cities, exacting their money to such an extent that they could not bear it.
2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's threats, parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him; and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the cities themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus, because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately. 15
2. He ordered that the Jews gather seven hundred talents. In response to Cassius's threats, Antipater divided the responsibility of collecting this amount among his sons and other acquaintances, insisting it be done right away. He even compelled Malichus, who was his enemy, to contribute as well, out of necessity. Herod first eased Cassius's anger by bringing in his share from Galilee, which was one hundred talents, earning him high favor. When he criticized the others for being slow, he was upset with the cities themselves; he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, along with two lesser-known places. He even threatened to kill Malichus for not being quicker in collecting his dues, but Antipater intervened to save Malichus and the other cities, gaining Cassius’s favor by immediately delivering a hundred talents. 15
3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation.
3. However, after Cassius left, Malichus forgot the favor that Antipater had done for him and started plotting against him, eager to remove someone who obstructed his wicked schemes. Antipater, fearing Malichus’s power and deceit, crossed the Jordan to gather an army for protection against his treacherous plans. But when Malichus was caught in his conspiracy, he boldly deceived Antipater’s sons. He completely tricked Phasaelus, the guardian of Jerusalem, and Herod, who was in charge of the weapons, using many excuses and oaths to convince them to help him reconcile with his father. As a result, Antipater saved him again by persuading Marcus, the then-president of Syria, not to go through with his plan to kill Malichus due to his disruptive actions.
4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.
4. During the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, and the younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus gathered an army from Syria. Since Herod was likely to play a significant role in supplying resources, they appointed him procurator of all Syria and gave him an army of foot soldiers and cavalry. Cassius also promised him that after the war, he would make him king of Judea. However, it turned out that the power and ambitions of his son led to his downfall; Malichus, fearing this, bribed one of the king's cup-bearers to deliver a poisoned drink to Antipater. As a result, Antipater fell victim to Malichus's treachery and died at a feast. He was otherwise a capable leader, successfully reclaiming the government for Hyrcanus and maintaining it in his control.
5. However, Malichus, when he was suspected of poisoning Antipater, and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral for his father.
5. However, Malichus, when people suspected him of poisoning Antipater and the crowd was angry with him for it, denied any wrongdoing and convinced them he was innocent. He also prepared to show his strength and gathered soldiers, knowing that Herod wouldn’t let things slide. Herod, in fact, came at him with an army to avenge his father’s death. But after listening to his brother Phasaelus' advice not to retaliate openly to avoid sparking a riot, he accepted Malichus's explanation and claimed he was cleared of suspicion. He also organized a grand funeral for his father.
6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to introduce foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malithus came to him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.
6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was in chaos at the time, and brought peace to the city. After that, during the [Pentecost] festival, he returned to Jerusalem with his armed men. Because of this, Hyrcanus, responding to Malichus’s request out of fear of being blamed, prohibited them from allowing outsiders to mingle with the local people during their purification process. However, Herod dismissed this pretense and the command that was given, and he came in at night. Malichus then approached him and mourned for Antipater. Herod pretended to accept his mourning, even though he struggled to hide his anger towards him. Nevertheless, he did express his grief over his father's murder in letters to Cassius, who also hated Malichus for other reasons. Cassius replied that he should take revenge on Malichus for his father's death and secretly instructed the tribunes under him to support Herod in this just endeavor he was planning.
7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus. When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and get the crown for himself.
7. When Cassius took Laodicea, powerful men gathered from all over with gifts and crowns in hand. This was the moment Herod decided to punish Malichus. Suspecting this while he was in Tyre, Malichus planned to secretly pull his son, who was a hostage there, away and prepare to flee to Judea. His desperation to escape pushed him to think even bigger; he believed he could incite a rebellion against the Romans while Cassius was occupied with the war against Antony, easily remove Hyrcanus from power, and claim the crown for himself.
8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against him; accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately affrighted, till he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command of Cassius, "Then," said he, "Cassius hath saved both me and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both." Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus.
8. But fate mocked the hopes he had; for Herod anticipated what he was so eager about and invited both Hyrcanus and him to dinner. He called over one of the main servants standing nearby and sent him out, pretending it was to prepare for dinner, but in reality, it was to give a heads-up about the plot against him. They recalled the orders Cassius had given them and left the city with their swords drawn, heading to the seashore, where they surrounded Malichus and killed him with multiple wounds. As a result, Hyrcanus was immediately terrified, to the point of fainting and falling in shock. He could only be revived with difficulty and then asked who had killed Malichus. When one of the tribunes responded that it was done on Cassius’s orders, he said, "Then Cassius has saved both me and my country by eliminating someone who was plotting against us." It's unclear whether he spoke from his true feelings or if his fear forced him to praise the act, but either way, Herod punished Malichus through this means.
CHAPTER 12.
Phasaelus Is Too Hard For Felix; Herod Also Overcomes
Antigonus In Rattle; And The Jews Accuse Both Herod And
Phasaelus But Antonius Acquits Them, And Makes Them
Tetrarchs.
Phasaelus is too tough for Felix; Herod also beats Antigonus in battle; and the Jews blame both Herod and Phasaelus, but Antonius clears them and makes them Tetrarchs.
1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother. Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus's brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all, Masada.
1. After Cassius left Syria, another rebellion broke out in Jerusalem, where Felix attacked Phasaelus with an army, seeking to avenge Malichus’s death on Herod by targeting his brother. At that time, Herod was with Fabius, the governor of Damascus, and as he was heading to help his brother, he was held back by illness. Meanwhile, Phasaelus managed to hold his own against Felix and criticized Hyrcanus for his ingratitude, both for how he had supported Malichus and for ignoring Malichus’s brother when he took control of the fortresses. He had already captured many of them, including the strongest one, Masada.
2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over all Syria 16 and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.
2. However, nothing could be enough for him against the power of Herod, who, once he had recovered, took back the other fortresses and forced him out of Masada in a begging position. He also expelled Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, from Galilee, after Marion had already taken control of three fortified locations. But as for the Tyrians he had captured, he kept them all alive; in fact, he even gave some of them gifts and sent them on their way, which earned him goodwill from the city and hatred for the tyrant. Marion had indeed gained that tyrannical power from Cassius, who appointed tyrants over all of Syria, and out of animosity towards Herod, he supported Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, especially on Fabius's behalf, who had been made an ally with money and was thus on his side during his invasion. But it was Ptolemy, Antigonus's relative, who provided all that he needed.
3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done; for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now, because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king.
3. After Herod battled these opposition forces in the streets of Judea, he was victorious in the fight, pushed Antigonus out, and returned to Jerusalem, admired by everyone for his impressive achievement. Even those who hadn’t supported him before now rallied around him because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus. Previously, he had married a woman from his own country of noble descent named Doris, with whom he had a son, Antipater. Now, he married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, and granddaughter of Hyrcanus, thus becoming related to the king.
4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against him; and thus did they part at this time.
4. After Caesar and Antony killed Cassius near Philippi, and Caesar went to Italy while Antony headed to Asia, among the cities that sent envoys to Antony in Bithynia, the prominent Jewish leaders also came and accused Phasaelus and Herod of seizing power by force, claiming that Hyrcanus only held an honorary title. Herod was prepared to respond to these accusations; and by winning Antony's favor with large sums of money, he managed to convince him not to listen to the allegations against him. And so they parted ways at this time.
5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused the brethren. 17 But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to them. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.
5. However, after this, a hundred of the leading men among the Jews came to Daphne near Antioch to see Antony, who was already infatuated with Cleopatra to the point of obsession; these Jews brought forward the most powerful men in terms of status and speaking ability to accuse their fellow Jews. 17 But Messala opposed them and defended the others, with Hyrcanus standing by him due to his connection to them. When Antony heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus who he thought was best suited to govern, and he replied that Herod and his supporters were the best choice. Antony was pleased with that answer because he had previously been treated hospitably and kindly by Hyrcanus's father Antipater when he entered Judea with Gabinius; so he appointed the brethren as tetrarchs and entrusted them with the governance of Judea.
6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs.
6. But when the ambassadors were outraged by this action, Antony took fifteen of them and put them in custody, planning to execute them soon. He dismissed the rest in disgrace, which caused an even bigger uproar in Jerusalem. They sent another thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony was staying as he was heading to Jerusalem. He sent out the governor of Tyre to deal with the noisy group and ordered him to punish anyone he could catch and to manage those he had appointed as tetrarchs.
7. But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore, and earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in bonds also.
7. But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went to the shore and seriously asked the ambassadors not to bring disaster upon themselves or war to their homeland with their reckless arguments. When their behavior became even more outrageous, Antony sent out armed men who killed many and wounded even more. Those who were killed were buried by Hyrcanus, and he also ensured that the wounded received medical care. However, the ones who escaped didn’t settle down and caused such chaos in the city that they angered Antony, who then executed those he had in custody as well.
CHAPTER 13.
The Parthians Bring Antigonus Back Into Judea, And Cast
Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Into Prison. The Flight Of Herod, And
The Taking Of Jerusalem And What Hyrcanus And Phasaelus
Suffered.
The Parthians bring Antigonus back to Judea and throw Hyrcanus and Phasaelus in prison. Herod's escape, the capture of Jerusalem, and what Hyrcanus and Phasaelus went through.
1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want his assistance.
1. Two years later, after Barzapharnes, a governor from the Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had taken control of Syria, and when Lysanias had already taken over after his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, passed away, he convinced the governor with a promise of a thousand talents and five hundred women to restore Antigonus to his throne and remove Hyrcanus. With this, Pacorus agreed and marched along the coast, instructing Barzapharnes to attack the Jews as he traveled through the Mediterranean region. However, the Tyrians refused to take in Pacorus, even though those from Ptolemais and Sidon accepted him. So, he assigned a squad of his cavalry to a royal cup-bearer, who shared his name [Pacorus], and ordered him to head into Judea to assess the situation with their enemies and assist Antigonus when he needed help.
2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the woodland 18 ] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them.
2. While these men were attacking Carmel, many Jews gathered together to Antigonus and expressed their readiness to launch an attack into the region. He then sent them ahead to a place known as Drymus, [the woodland 18] to take control of the area. A battle broke out between them; they managed to push the enemy back and chased them as far as Jerusalem. As their numbers grew, they advanced to the king's palace. However, Hyrcanus and Phasaelus met them with a strong force, leading to a battle in the marketplace, where Herod's group defeated the enemy and cornered them in the temple, placing sixty men in the nearby houses to guard them. But the crowd, angered against their brethren, came in and burned those men alive. In his fury over their deaths, Herod attacked and killed many people, and soon both sides began launching surprise attacks on each other daily, resulting in constant skirmishes and casualties among them.
3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that Pacorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus; however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less suspected; he also 19 left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.
3. When the festival we call Pentecost was approaching, the areas around the temple and the entire city were filled with a crowd of people who had come from the countryside, most of whom were armed. At this time, Phasaelus was guarding the wall, while Herod, along with a few others, defended the royal palace. When he launched an attack on his enemies, who were out of formation in the northern part of the city, he killed a large number of them and sent the rest fleeing. He managed to trap some within the city and others behind the outer rampart. In the meantime, Antigonus requested that Pacorus be allowed to act as a mediator between them. Phasaelus was convinced to let the Parthian into the city with five hundred cavalry, treating him hospitably. Pacorus claimed he had come to restore order, but in truth, he intended to support Antigonus. However, he plotted against Phasaelus and convinced him to go as an ambassador to Barzapharnes to negotiate peace, despite Herod urging him not to and advising him to eliminate the traitor instead of falling for his traps, as the barbarians are inherently treacherous. Nonetheless, Pacorus left and took Hyrcanus with him to appear less suspicious; he also left some horsemen, known as the Freemen, with Herod and took Phasaelus with the others.
4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the night time; they had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already not far off them.
4. But now, when they arrived in Galilee, they discovered that the local people had revolted and were armed. They approached their leader deceitfully, asking him to hide his treacherous plans by being friendly towards them. So, he initially gave them gifts; later, as they left, he set ambushes for them. When they reached one of the coastal cities called Ecdippon, they realized a trap had been set for them; they learned about a promise of a thousand talents and how Antigonus had dedicated most of the women there, among the five hundred, to the Parthians. They also noticed that the barbarians were constantly laying ambushes for them at night. They had almost been captured before, except that they had waited for Herod's capture first in Jerusalem, knowing that if he found out about their treachery, he would protect himself; this wasn't just a rumor, as they saw the guards not far from them.
5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away, although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.
5. Nor would Phasaelus consider abandoning Hyrcanus and fleeing, even though Ophellius strongly urged him to do so; this man had learned the entire plan of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians. But Phasaelus approached the Parthian governor and confronted him directly for laying this treacherous plan against them, especially since he had done it for money; he promised him that he would pay him more for their protection than Antigonus had promised for the kingdom. However, the cunning Parthian tried to dispel all this suspicion with excuses and oaths, and then went to [the other] Pacorus; shortly after, those Parthians who were left and responsible seized Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do nothing more than curse their treachery and falsehood.
6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others that his brother was seized; and Alexandra 20 the shrewdest woman in the world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him openly.
6. In the meantime, the cup-bearer was sent back and plotted to capture Herod by tricking him and luring him out of the city, as he had been ordered to do. However, from the start, Herod was suspicious of the barbarians. After learning that a messenger meant to bring him letters about the planned betrayal had fallen into enemy hands, he decided not to leave the city. Pacorus insisted that he should go out and meet the messengers with the letters, claiming that the enemy hadn't captured them and that the letters only detailed Phasaelus's actions. Yet, he had also heard from others that his brother was captured. Alexandra 20, the smartest woman around and Hyrcanus's daughter, begged him not to go out or trust those barbarians, who had come with the intention of attacking him openly.
7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.
7. While Pacorus and his friends were figuring out how to execute their plan secretly, since they couldn't confront a man as clever as Herod openly, he outsmarted them. He left with his closest relatives under the cover of night, without alerting their enemies. However, as soon as the Parthians realized what was happening, they chased after them. Herod instructed his mother, sister, his fiancée and her mother, and his youngest brother to hurry, while he and his servants did their best to fend off the attackers. Even after fighting off many of them, he finally reached the stronghold of Masada.
8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.
8. But he experienced that the Jews attacked him more fiercely than the Parthians and constantly created troubles for him, ever since he got sixty furlongs from the city; sometimes these encounters turned into a kind of regular battle. In the place where Herod defeated them and killed a large number, he later built a citadel to commemorate his significant actions there. He decorated it with the most expensive palaces, constructed very strong fortifications, and named it after himself, Herodium. As they fled, many people joined him every day, and at a place called Thressa in Idumea, his brother Joseph met him and advised him to lighten his group since Masada wouldn’t be able to accommodate such a large crowd, which was over nine thousand. Herod took this advice and sent away the larger part of his following to go to Idumea, providing them with supplies for their journey. He managed to reach the fortress safely with his closest relatives and kept only his most capable supporters with him. There, he left eight hundred of his men to guard the women and enough supplies for a siege, but he hurried to Petra in Arabia.
9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea, as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.
9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they started looting and attacked the homes of those who had fled, as well as the king's palace, taking everything except for Hyrcanus's money, which amounted to only about three hundred talents. They found some other money, but not nearly as much as they had anticipated; Herod had long suspected the treachery of the barbarians and had ensured that the most valuable parts of his treasure were moved to Idumea, as everyone close to him had done as well. However, the Parthians went so far in their wrongdoing that they plunged the entire region into war without warning and destroyed the city of Marissa. They not only made Antigonus king, but they also delivered Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound to him so he could torture them. Antigonus even bit off Hyrcanus's ears with his own teeth while he was kneeling before him, ensuring that Hyrcanus could never regain the high priesthood in any future situation, since high priests had to be perfect and without defects.
10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone; so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, "I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies."
10. However, he couldn't fulfill his intention of harming Phasaelus because of his bravery; even though he didn't control his sword or hands, he defended himself by smashing his head against a stone. This showed that he was Herod's true brother, while Hyrcanus was a very degenerate relative. He died courageously, making the end of his life match his actions. There's also another story about his death, claiming he survived that blow, but a surgeon sent by Antigonus to heal him filled the wound with poison, which killed him. Regardless of how he died, his beginning was heroic. It's also said that before he passed away, a poor woman told him how Herod had escaped from their grasp, and he responded, "I now die peacefully, knowing I leave someone alive who will take revenge on my enemies."
11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia.
11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, even though they didn't get the women they really wanted, still put Antigonus in charge of Jerusalem, took Hyrcanus, bound him, and brought him to Parthia.
CHAPTER 14.
When Herod Is Rejected In Arabia, He Makes Haste To Rome
Where Antony And Caesar Join Their Interest To Make Him King
.
When Herod is Rejected in Arabia, He Rushes to Rome
Where Antony and Caesar Combine Their Interests to Make Him King
.1. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive; by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with himself:—that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed. Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence; and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians; for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom.
1. Herod was even more determined to travel into Arabia quickly, hoping to get money from the king while his brother was still alive. He thought that with this money, he could convince the greedy barbarians to spare Phasaelus. He reasoned that if the Arabian king had forgotten his father's friendship and was too greedy to give him a gift, he could at least borrow enough to save his brother and offer the king the son of the man who needed saving as collateral. So, he brought his seven-year-old nephew along with him. He was prepared to offer three hundred talents for his brother and intended to ask the Tyrians to support his request. However, fate moved faster than his plans; since Phasaelus had died, Herod's brotherly love was now pointless. Additionally, he couldn't find any lasting allies among the Arabians. The king, Malichus, sent him a message right away, ordering him to leave his territory. He pretended that the Parthians were threatening him, suggesting that they had sent ambassadors to demand Herod's expulsion from Arabia. In truth, they wanted to hold onto the debts owed to Antipater and avoid repaying his sons for the gifts their father had given them. Malichus also took the bold advice of those who, like him, wanted to rob Herod of what Antipater had left with them; these men were the most powerful of all those within his kingdom.
2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death; and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor, who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being neither afrighted at the height of that storm which then happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.
2. When Herod realized that the Arabians were his enemies, despite hoping they would be friendly, he responded out of anger and decided to return to Egypt. That first evening, he stayed at one of the temples there, intending to reconnect with those he'd left behind. The next day, as he was heading toward Rhinocurura, he received news that his brother had died and how it happened. After mourning him as much as he could under the circumstances, he quickly pushed aside those worries and continued his journey. However, after some time, the king of Arabia regretted his actions and sent messengers to bring Herod back. Herod, anticipating this, had already arrived in Pelusium, where he couldn't get a passage from those with the fleet. So, he asked the captains for permission to pass. Respecting his reputation and importance, they escorted him to Alexandria. Upon his arrival in the city, Cleopatra welcomed him with great fanfare, hoping to convince him to lead her forces in an upcoming campaign. But he turned down her requests, and despite the chaos of the storm occurring at that time and the unrest in Italy, he set sail for Rome.
3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, 21 and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for assistance.
3. But while he was in danger near Pamphylia and had to jettison most of the ship's cargo, he barely made it safely to Rhodes, a place that had suffered greatly in the war with Cassius. There, he was welcomed by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and even though he was short on cash, he outfitted a massive three-decked ship, on which he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, 21 and quickly made their way to Rome. First, he met with Antony because of the friendship his father had with him, and he shared the hardships he and his family were facing; that he had left his closest relatives under siege in a fortress, and that he had come to him through a storm to plead for help.
4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good-will he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them; while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.
4. Antony felt compassion for the changes in Herod's situation, remembering how hospitably Antipater had treated him, but more importantly, he recognized Herod's own qualities. He decided to make Herod the king of the Jews, who he had previously appointed as tetrarch. The rivalry he had with Antigonus also influenced this decision, as he considered Antigonus a troublemaker and an enemy of the Romans. Meanwhile, Herod saw Caesar as more supportive than Antony, recalling the recent wars he fought alongside his father, the hospitality he received, and the goodwill Caesar had shown him, in addition to Herod's own proactive nature. So, he called the senate together, where Messalas and then Atratinus presented Herod to them, highlighting the merits of his father and Herod's own loyalty to the Romans. They also pointed out that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he quickly fell into conflict with them but also because he disregarded the Romans and took control with the help of the Parthians. These reasons deeply affected the senate; just then, Antony entered and told them that making Herod king would benefit them in the Parthian war, leading everyone to vote in favor. After the senate adjourned, Antony and Caesar left with Herod between them, while the consul and other officials led the way to offer sacrifices and present the decree in the Capitol. Antony also hosted a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.
CHAPTER 15.
Antigonus Besieges Those That Were In Masada, Whom Herod
Frees From Confinement When He Came Back From Rome, And
Presently Marches To Jerusalem Where He Finds Silo Corrupted
By Bribes.
Antigonus lays siege to those in Masada, whom Herod frees from imprisonment when he returns from Rome, and then he quickly marches to Jerusalem where he discovers that Silo has been corrupted by bribes.
1. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod; and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which, therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush; nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten, and ran away.
1. During this time, Antigonus was laying siege to those in Masada, who had plenty of supplies but were short on water. Because of this, Joseph, Herod's brother, was considering escaping to the Arabians with two hundred of his friends, having heard that Malichus regretted his actions toward Herod. He had almost left the fortress, but on the very night he planned to depart, a heavy rain fell, filling his reservoirs with water, so he no longer needed to escape. After that, they launched surprise attacks on Antigonus's forces, killing many of them, some in open battles and others in ambushes. However, they didn't always succeed in their efforts; at times, they were defeated and had to flee.
2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that, he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus; and when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean time, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes.
2. In the meantime, Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria to stop the Parthian attacks. After accomplishing that, he went to Judea, supposedly to help Joseph and his faction but actually to collect money from Antigonus. Once he set up camp close to Jerusalem and secured enough funds, he left with most of his forces. However, he kept Silo with some troops to avoid making his bribery too obvious. Antigonus hoped the Parthians would come to his aid again, so he maintained a good relationship with Silo in the meantime, ensuring nothing would disrupt his chances.
3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Dellius, 22 a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,] Herod made all excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress.
3. By this time, Herod had sailed out of Italy and arrived in Ptolemais. Once he gathered a considerable army of foreigners and his fellow countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, with assistance from Ventidius and Silo, both of whom Dellius, 22 a messenger sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod [into his kingdom]. At that moment, Ventidius was busy in the cities, addressing the disturbances caused by the Parthians, while Silo was in Judea, corrupted by the bribes Antigonus had given him; still, Herod wasn’t powerless, as his forces grew every day, and nearly all of Galilee joined him, with few exceptions. He planned to focus on his most urgent task, which was Masada, to rescue his relatives from the siege they were enduring. However, Joppa was in his way and hindered his progress; he needed to capture that city first, as it was in enemy hands, to ensure that no fortress would remain in enemy control when he moved on to Jerusalem. Silo also willingly joined him, seeing a good opportunity to draw his forces [from Jerusalem]; when the Jews pursued him and pressured him [during his retreat], Herod launched a counterattack with a small group of his men, quickly putting them to flight and rescuing Silo when he was in trouble.
4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him, induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on his side, was the hopes from him when he should be established in his kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power.
4. After this, Herod captured Joppa and then quickly headed to Masada to rescue his family. As he marched, many people joined him out of loyalty to his father, some because of his growing reputation, and others to repay favors they had received from both of them. However, the main reason so many rallied to him was the hope that he would reward them once he secured his kingdom. As a result, he had already built an impressive army that was hard to defeat. But Antigonus set a trap for him as he advanced, which did little damage to his enemies. Nevertheless, he easily recovered his family members in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers accompanying Silo merged with his forces, and many others from the city joined him out of fear of his might.
5. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront; but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him. Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight.
5. After setting up his camp on the west side of the city, the guards there shot arrows and threw darts at them, while others charged out in teams to attack those in the front lines. However, Herod ordered an announcement to be made at the wall, stating that he had come for the good of the people and to protect the city, with no intention of seeking revenge against his open enemies, but to forgive them, despite their strong opposition to him. Meanwhile, the soldiers loyal to Antigonus created a loud uproar, preventing anyone from hearing the proclamation or switching sides. In response, Antigonus instructed his forces to drive the enemy away from the walls, and they quickly began launching darts from the towers, causing Herod's forces to retreat.
6. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters; because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses; and in order to provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Samaria [which city had joined itself to him] to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea, [or Idumea,] and Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also by bribes obtained of Silo to let a part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius.
6. It was here that Silo realized he had accepted bribes. He got many of the soldiers to complain about their lack of basic supplies and to demand their pay so they could buy food. They insisted that he lead them to suitable places for winter quarters because the areas around the city were devastated by Antigonus's army, which had taken everything. This prompted him to move the army and try to break the siege. However, Herod approached Silo's captains and many of the soldiers, pleading with them not to leave him, as he was sent there by Caesar, Antony, and the Senate. He promised that he would ensure their needs were met that very day. After making this appeal, he quickly went into the countryside and brought back such a large amount of supplies that he removed all of Silo's excuses. To ensure that they wouldn't run out of supplies in the coming days, he sent word to the people around Samaria [who had allied with him] to bring corn, wine, oil, and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus learned of this, he sent some of his men with orders to stop these supply collectors and set ambushes for them. This order was followed, and a large number of armed men gathered around Jericho, hiding in the mountains to watch for those delivering provisions. Yet Herod was not idle; he took ten cohorts with him—five Roman and five Jewish—along with some mixed mercenary troops and a few horsemen, and went to Jericho. When he arrived, he found the city deserted except for five hundred men with their wives and children, who had taken refuge on the mountain tops. He captured them and let them go while the Romans attacked the rest of the city, plundering it and finding houses filled with all kinds of valuable goods. The king then left a garrison in Jericho, returned, and sent the Roman army into the cities that had allied with him to establish their winter quarters, specifically in Judea [or Idumea], Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also bribed Silo to allow part of his army to be stationed at Lydda as a favor to Antonius.
CHAPTER 16.
Herod Takes Sepphoris And Subdues The Robbers That Were In
The Caves; He After That Avenges Himself Upon Machaerus, As
Upon An Enemy Of His And Goes To Antony As He Was Besieging
Samosata.
Herod captures Sepphoris and defeats the robbers hiding in the caves. He then takes revenge on Machaerus, treating it like an enemy stronghold, and goes to Antony while he is besieging Samosata.
1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus.
1. The Romans enjoyed abundance in everything and took a break from warfare. However, Herod was not idle; he took control of Idumea and held it with two thousand foot soldiers and four hundred cavalry. He accomplished this by sending his brother Joseph there to prevent any changes from Antigonus. He also moved his mother and all his relatives, who had been in Masada, to Samaria; and after ensuring their safety, he set out to capture the rest of Galilee and to remove the garrisons stationed there by Antigonus.
2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, 23 in a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela, and came himself forty days afterwards 24 with the rest of his forces Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms; for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers: when therefore it came to a pitched battle, they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one; but Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan;] and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroas, to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions accordingly.
2. When Herod reached Sepphoris during a heavy snowfall, he easily took the city; the guards who were supposed to defend it ran away before it was attacked. He gave his distressed followers a chance to rest and refresh themselves, since there was a lot of supplies in the city. After that, he quickly went after the robbers hiding in the caves, who were causing havoc across much of the land, inflicting as much damage as a war would have. He sent ahead three groups of foot soldiers and a troop of cavalry to the village of Arbela and followed himself forty days later with the rest of his forces. However, the enemy was not scared by his attack and met him armed; they were skilled like warriors but bold like thieves. When it turned into a full battle, they managed to rout Herod's left flank with their right flank. But Herod quickly turned from his right flank to assist and rallied his left flank, driving back the fleeing soldiers and attacking the pursuers, which dampened their spirits until they couldn't withstand the direct assaults and fled. 3. Herod chased them down, killing many as he pursued them and decimating their ranks until the survivors scattered beyond the Jordan River; Galilee was freed from the fear they had instilled, except for those who remained hidden in caves, which would take longer to defeat. To address this, Herod first distributed the spoils of their previous battles to the soldiers, giving each of them one hundred and fifty silver drachmas, and even more to their commanders, then sent them to their winter quarters. He also instructed his youngest brother Pheroas to ensure there was a good market for the soldiers to buy provisions and to build a wall around Alexandrium, which he managed to do.
4. In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made, that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children; yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them.
4. Meanwhile, Antony stayed in Athens while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to join the fight against the Parthians, but he instructed them to first resolve the issues in Judea. Herod willingly sent Silo on to Ventidius, but he set out himself against those hiding in the caves. These caves were located on steep, rocky mountains and were hard to access, with only a few narrow, winding paths leading up to them. The rock face in front of the caves dropped into deep valleys with almost vertical cliffs, making it difficult for the king to figure out how to attack. Eventually, he decided on a risky plan: he lowered some of his toughest men in chests to the cave entrances. These men killed the robbers and their families, and when the robbers resisted, they sent in fire and burned them. Herod wanted to save some, so he announced that anyone willing to surrender could do so. But no one came willingly, and many who were forced to come preferred death over capture. Among them was an elderly man with seven children. His family, along with their mother, asked him to let them go when they were promised safety. Instead, he killed each of his children as they stepped out of the cave. Herod was close enough to see this and was filled with compassion, reaching out to the old man, pleading for him to spare his kids. But the old man didn't change his mind and even scolded Herod for his low status, killing his wife as well as his children. After throwing their bodies down the cliff, he eventually jumped down after them.
5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen, and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him; they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country.
5. This way, Herod took control of the caves and the robbers hiding in them. He left part of his army behind, enough to prevent any uprisings, and appointed Ptolemy as their general before heading back to Samaria. He also took with him three thousand infantry and six hundred cavalry to confront Antigonus. While he was away, those who often stirred up trouble in Galilee took the opportunity to launch a surprise attack on Ptolemy, the leader of his forces, and killed him. They ravaged the area before retreating to the swamps and hard-to-find places. When Herod learned of this uprising, he quickly came to support the region, defeating many of the rebels and lifting the sieges on all the fortresses they had attacked. He also imposed a penalty on his enemies, demanding a tribute of a hundred talents due to the chaos they caused in the region.
6. By this time [the Parthians being already driven out of the country, and Pacorus slain] Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Machaerus, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and promised to give him money for such his assistance; but he complied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Machaerus was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus.
6. By this time, with the Parthians already driven out and Pacorus dead, Ventidius, acting on Antony's orders, sent a thousand horsemen and two legions as reinforcements to Herod against Antigonus. Antigonus wrote to Machaerus, their general, asking for help, making many sad complaints about Herod's brutality and the harm he was causing to the kingdom. He promised to pay for Machaerus's assistance, but Machaerus refused to betray his trust. He respected the person who sent him, especially since Herod offered him more money than Antigonus did. So, while he pretended to be friends with Antigonus, he actually came to spy on his situation; however, he did not fully comply with Herod’s wishes, as Herod had advised against it. Antigonus, however, figured out Machaerus's intentions ahead of time and shut him out of the city, defending himself against him like an enemy from the walls. Eventually, Machaerus felt ashamed of his actions and retreated to Emmaus to see Herod. In his rage over his failed mission, he killed all the Jews he encountered, showing no mercy to those who supported Herod, treating them all as if they were loyal to Antigonus.
7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Machaerus as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Machaerus of maladministration. But Machaerus was made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony; but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata 25 with a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly, he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata.
7. After that, Herod got really angry with him and was ready to go to war against Machaerus as his rival; but he held back his anger and went to Antony to accuse Machaerus of mismanagement. Machaerus realized his mistakes and quickly followed the king, sincerely begging him for reconciliation, which he achieved. However, Herod didn’t change his plan to go to Antony; when he learned that Antony was besieging Samosata 25 with a large army, a strong city near the Euphrates, he hurried even more, seeing this as a perfect chance to demonstrate his bravery and do something that would impress Antony. When he arrived, he quickly ended the siege, killing many of the barbarians and taking a lot of loot from them; so much so that Antony, who had previously admired his bravery, was now even more impressed. As a result, he showered Herod with even more honors and gave him stronger assurances that he would gain his kingdom; and now King Antiochus was forced to surrender Samosata.
CHAPTER 17.
The Death Of Joseph [Herod's Brother] Which Had Been
Signified To Herod In Dreams. How Herod Was Preserved Twice
After A Wonderful Manner. He Cuts Off The Head Of Pappus,
Who Was The Murderer Of His Brother And Sends That Head To
[His Other Brother] Pheroras, And In No Long Time He
Besieges Jerusalem And Marries Mariamne.
The Death of Joseph [Herod's Brother] Which Had Been
Revealed to Herod in Dreams. How Herod Was Saved Twice
in a Remarkable Way. He Beheads Pappus,
Who Was the Killer of His Brother, and Sends That Head to
[His Other Brother] Pheroras. Soon After, He
Besieges Jerusalem and Marries Mariamne.1. In the mean time, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Machaerus would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Machaerus sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria, and here was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskillful in war.
1. In the meantime, Herod's situation in Judea was bad. He had left his brother Joseph in charge but instructed him not to take any action against Antigonus until he returned, since Machaerus wouldn't be reliable, as shown by what had happened so far. However, as soon as Joseph learned that his brother was far away, he ignored the instructions he received and marched toward Jericho with five cohorts that Machaerus sent with him. This move was meant to secure the grain, as it was now the middle of summer. But when his enemies attacked him in the mountains and in tough-to-navigate areas, he was killed while bravely fighting in battle, and the entire Roman cohorts were wiped out. These cohorts were newly raised from Syria, and they lacked any experienced soldiers who could have supported those who were less skilled in combat.
2. This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously; for when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus's, that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumea, where Machaerus was building a wall about one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt; but Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.
2. This victory wasn’t enough for Antigonus; instead, he became so enraged that he treated Joseph’s lifeless body brutally. After he obtained the bodies of those who had been killed, he beheaded Joseph, even though his brother Pheroras was willing to pay fifty talents for its return. Following this victory, the situation in Galilee became so chaotic that supporters of Antigonus brought the main leaders who aligned with Herod to the lake and drowned them. There were also significant changes in Idumea, where Machaerus was constructing a wall around a fortress called Gittha. However, Herod was still unaware of these developments. After capturing Samosata, Antony appointed Sosius to manage affairs in Syria and ordered him to support Herod against Antigonus before heading to Egypt. Sosius sent two legions ahead to Judea to aid Herod and followed soon after with the rest of his army.
3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got him eight hundred men of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony, joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications in the night time.
3. While Herod was at Daphne near Antioch, he had some dreams that clearly hinted at his brother's death. As he jumped out of bed in a panic, messengers arrived to inform him of that tragedy. After mourning for a bit, he set aside most of his grief and quickly prepared to confront his enemies. Even though he pushed himself beyond his limits and traveled as far as Lebanon, he gathered eight hundred men from nearby and joined forces with a Roman legion. Before dawn, he launched an attack into Galilee, confronted his enemies, and drove them back to where they had come from. He also immediately and relentlessly assaulted the fortress. However, he was forced to set up camp in the nearby villages due to an intense storm before he could capture it. But after a few days, when the second legion from Antony joined him, the enemy was terrified by his strength and abandoned their defenses during the night.
4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother's murderers; where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately. And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart.
4. After this, he marched through Jericho as quickly as he could to take revenge on his brother's murderers. While he was there, he experienced a divine sign, and when he unexpectedly escaped, people started to think he was very favored by God. That evening, many of the leading men feasted with him, and after the feast ended and all the guests left, the house collapsed right away. He interpreted this as a common signal of the dangers he would face and how he would escape them in the war he was about to fight. The next morning, he set out with his army, and about six thousand of his enemies came rushing down from the mountains and began to battle those at the front. However, they didn't dare directly confront the Romans; instead, they threw stones and spears from a distance, which injured quite a few people. In this skirmish, even one of Herod's men was struck by a dart.
5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Machaerus; but Herod overran the enemy's country, and demolished five little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his head-quarters were at the village called Cana.
5. Antigonus wanted to outdo Herod, not just in bravery but also in the size of his army, so he sent Pappus, one of his associates, to lead a force against Samaria, which was meant to challenge Machaerus. However, Herod invaded the enemy territory, destroying five small towns and killing two thousand soldiers in those towns, setting their homes on fire before returning to his camp, which was located in a village called Cana.
6. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while; but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for their defense; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within; upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps; and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and lying on heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed themselves, and fled away; upon the confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem, unless he tad been hindered by the depth of winter's [coming on]. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who was already disposed to forsake the city.
6. A large crowd of Jews came to him every day, both from Jericho and other parts of the region. Some were motivated by their hatred for Antigonus, while others admired the great things Herod had done; still, others were driven by a foolish desire for change. So, he immediately confronted them. Pappus and his group weren't intimidated by their numbers or enthusiasm; instead, they charged out eagerly to fight. It became a fierce battle. Other parts of their army resisted for a time, but Herod, fueled by rage over his brother's murder and eager to take revenge on those responsible, quickly defeated his opponents. After defeating them, he focused on those who continued to stand their ground and pursued them relentlessly, resulting in a massive slaughter. Many were forced back into the village they had come from, and he pressed hard against the rear, killing a vast number of them. He also stormed into the village, where every house was filled with armed men and the upper floors were packed with soldiers defending themselves. After defeating those outside, he tore down the houses and dragged out those who were inside; many died when the roofs collapsed on them. Those who tried to escape the ruins were met with the soldiers waiting with swords drawn, and the number of slain piled up to such an extent that the victors couldn't move along the roads. The enemy could not withstand this defeat, and when the crowd gathered saw that those in the village had been killed, they scattered and fled. Confident in this victory, Herod would have marched straight to Jerusalem had he not been delayed by the approaching winter. This was the obstacle that thwarted his entire glorious campaign and prevented Antigonus from being defeated, as he was already inclined to abandon the city.
7. Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that more of them; these were men who had run away out of the battle into the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.
7. That evening, after Herod had sent his friends off to rest from their exhaustion, he left as well, still heated in his armor like a regular soldier, intending to take a bath. He only had one servant with him, and just as he was about to enter the bath, one of his enemies confronted him with a sword. Then a second enemy appeared, followed by a third, and soon more of them. These were soldiers who had fled from the battle and taken refuge in the bath, still in their armor, trembling in fear and trying to stay out of sight. When they saw the king, they panicked and fled past him, even though he was naked, trying to escape to the public road. Unfortunately, there happened to be no one else around to stop them, and Herod was just relieved that he hadn't been harmed, allowing them all to escape safely.
8. But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and demolished the suburbs, end raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already.
8. But the next day, Herod had Pappus’s head chopped off. Pappus was the general for Antigonus and had been killed in the battle. Herod sent the head to his brother Pheroras as punishment for their slain brother, since Pappus was the one who had killed Joseph. As winter came to an end, Herod marched to Jerusalem and brought his army to the city walls. This was three years since he had been made king in Rome. He set up camp by the temple, on the side that could be besieged, the same place where Pompey had captured the city. He divided the work among his army, demolished the suburbs, raised three earthworks, and ordered that towers be built on those mounds. He left some of his closest associates to handle the work while he himself went to Samaria to marry the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, who had previously been promised to him, as we mentioned before. He managed to do this on the side while the city was under siege, as he already had great disdain for his enemies.
9. When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king; and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to Herod's assistance.
9. After marrying Mariamne, he returned to Jerusalem with a larger army. Sosius also joined him with a significant force of both cavalry and infantry, which he sent ahead through the inland areas while he traveled through Phoenicia. Once the entire army was assembled, consisting of eleven battalions of foot soldiers and six thousand cavalry, along with a substantial number of Syrian auxiliaries, they set up their camp near the northern wall. Herod's confidence came from the senate's decree that made him king, while Sosius relied on Antony, who had sent the army under his command to support Herod.
CHAPTER 18.
How Herod And Sosius Took Jerusalem By Force; And What Death
Antigonus Came To. Also Concerning Cleopatra's Avaricious
Temper.
How Herod and Sosius Captured Jerusalem by Force; And the Fate That Antigonus Met. Also About Cleopatra's Greed.
1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall; and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any way as in the mines under ground.
1. The large group of Jews in the city was split into several factions. The people gathered around the temple, being the weaker part, claimed that given the circumstances, the happiest and most religious person would be the one who died first. Meanwhile, the bolder, tougher people banded together and started robbing others in various ways. They particularly targeted areas around the city, as there was no food left for either the horses or the men. Some of the trained fighters, who were used to regular combat, were put in charge of defending the city during the siege. They pushed back those who were building ramps against the wall and constantly came up with new tools to disrupt the enemy's efforts. However, they had little success, especially underground in the mines.
2. Now as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war; although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was slaughter of vast multitudes every where, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of this siege, and by reason that the Jews who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all ages, like madmen. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona. 26 Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody.
2. Regarding the robberies that took place, the king devised ambushes to limit their attacks; he also ensured that supplies would be brought to them from far away. He had the upper hand over the Jews, thanks to the Romans' military expertise; even though they were extremely brave, they wouldn't dare engage in a direct battle with the Romans, which would mean certain death. Instead, they would suddenly emerge from their underground tunnels, and before the Romans could take down one wall, they would have built another in its place. To sum it up, they demonstrated no lack of effort or clever strategies, having resolved to hold out until the very end. Despite the large army surrounding them, they endured a siege for five months until some of Herod's chosen men managed to climb the wall and fell into the city, followed by Sosius's centurions. They were the first to seize the area around the temple, and once the army surged in, there was widespread slaughter due to the Romans' fury at the lengthy siege. The Jews loyal to Herod sought to ensure that none of their enemies escaped. As a result, many were massacred while crowded in narrow streets, in homes, or fleeing to the temple. Mercy was shown to neither infants, the elderly, nor women; even though the king ordered them to spare the people, no one could be persuaded to stop the killing, and they slaughtered individuals of all ages like wild animals. At that moment, Antigonus, disregarding his past and present situation, came down from the citadel and fell at Sosius's feet, who, showing no pity for him after the change in his fortunes, laughed at him mercilessly and called him Antigona. 26 Yet he didn’t treat him like a woman or let him go free; instead, he bound him and kept him in custody.
3. But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert,—and told him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the axe bring him to his end, 27 who still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it.
3. But right now, Herod’s main concern, after gaining control over his enemies, was to rein in the enthusiasm of his foreign allies; the large crowd of outsiders was very eager to see the temple and what was sacred within the holy place. The king tried to hold them back, partly through his speeches, partly through threats, and even partly through force, believing that allowing them to see something they shouldn’t would be a bigger loss than an actual defeat. He also prohibited the looting of the city, urgently asking Sosius whether the Romans intended to leave him as king of a desolate place by stripping the city of money and people, and he expressed that he thought ruling over all the land was too small a reward for the killing of so many citizens. When Sosius replied that it was only fair to let the soldiers plunder as a reward for their suffering during the siege, Herod responded that he would personally reward every one of the soldiers with his own money. Thus, he bought the safety of his country, fulfilled his promises to them, and generously gifted each soldier, with even larger presents for their commanders, and a very royal reward for Sosius himself, leaving everyone in a wealthy state. Consequently, Sosius dedicated a gold crown to God and then left Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in chains to Antony; then, the axe brought him to his end, 27 who still had a strong desire to live and some cold hopes of it until the very end, but through his cowardly actions, he truly deserved to die by it.
4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city; and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party, he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.
4. Then King Herod recognized the crowd that was in the city; for those who were on his side, he made them even more loyal by giving them honors, but for those who supported Antigonus, he had them killed. As his funds dwindled, he turned all his valuables into cash and sent it to Antony and his associates. However, he couldn’t buy his way out of all his troubles; Antony was now completely captivated by Cleopatra and was entirely under her spell. Cleopatra had already killed all her relatives, leaving no one closely related to her alive, and then she began to eliminate those who were not related to her at all. She slandered the leading men among the Syrians to Antony and convinced him to have them executed, so she could easily take control of their property. Moreover, she extended her greedy ambitions to the Jews and Arabians and secretly worked to have Herod and Malichus, the kings of those nations, killed at Antony's command.
5. Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon 28 excepted. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him.
5. Now, regarding her demands on Antony, he partially agreed; even though he thought it was too horrible to kill such good and great kings, he became distanced from the friendship he had for them. He also took a significant portion of their land, including the palm tree plantation at Jericho, where the balsam tree also grows, and gave it to her. He did this with all the cities on this side of the Eleutherus River, except for Tyre and Sidon 28. After she gained control of these places and had accompanied Antony on his campaign against the Parthians all the way to the Euphrates, she passed through Apamia and Damascus into Judea, where Herod appeased her anger towards him with generous gifts. He also rented back the territories that had been taken from his kingdom for an annual fee of two hundred talents. He took her as far as Pelusium and showed her every possible courtesy. Not long after this, Antony returned from Parthia, bringing with him Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, as a captive gift for Cleopatra; this Parthian was immediately handed over to her along with his wealth and all the spoils taken with him.
CHAPTER 19.
How Antony At The Persuasion Of Cleopatra Sent Herod To
Fight Against The Arabians; And Now After Several Battles,
He At Length Got The Victory. As Also Concerning A Great
Earthquake.
How Antony, at Cleopatra's urging, sent Herod to fight against the Arabians; and after several battles, he finally achieved victory. Also, about a major earthquake.
1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other.
1. When the war at Actium started, Herod decided to help Antony since he was free from his issues in Judea and had taken Hyrcania, which was controlled by Antigonus's sister. However, Cleopatra cleverly prevented him from joining Antony in his dangers. As we've noted before, she had a plot against the kings of Judea and Arabia, so she convinced Antony to let Herod handle the war against the Arabians. This way, if Herod won, she could take control of Arabia, and if he lost, she could take over Judea; she aimed to eliminate one of those kings through the other.
2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diespous; and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took it, with all the men in it. 3. In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity; for in the seventh 29 year of his reign, when the war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech which he made to them:
2. However, this plan ended up benefiting Herod; right from the start, he took hostages from the enemy, gathered a large number of horsemen, and ordered them to march against the enemies near Diespous. He defeated that army, even though they fought fiercely against him. After this defeat, the Arabians were stirred into action, gathering in large numbers at Kanatha, a city in Celesyria, and waited for the Jews. When Herod arrived, he aimed to handle this war wisely and ordered the construction of a wall around their camp; however, the crowd did not follow those orders and, emboldened by their previous victory, immediately attacked the Arabians. They won the first clash and pursued the Arabs, but traps were set for Herod during that pursuit. Athenio, one of Cleopatra's generals and a constant adversary of Herod, sent local men against him from Kanatha; buoyed by this fresh offensive, the Arabians regained their courage and regrouped, combining their forces in difficult, rocky terrain, where they routed Herod's men and inflicted heavy casualties. Those who escaped retreated to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their camp and captured it, along with all the men inside. 3. Shortly after this disaster, Herod arrived to bring assistance, but he was too late. The reason for that defeat was that the officers failed to follow orders; had the battle not started so suddenly, Athenio wouldn't have found the opportunity to set his traps for Herod. Nevertheless, he later took revenge on the Arabians, invading their territory and causing them more damage than their one victory could offset. Yet, while he was getting back at his enemies, another misfortune struck him. In the seventh year of his reign, during the peak of the war over Actium, at the start of spring, there was an earthquake that destroyed a huge number of livestock and killed thirty thousand men. However, the army was unscathed because they were camped outdoors. Meanwhile, news of this earthquake boosted the Arabians' morale, exaggerated through the usual mix of stories that arise after tragic events, claiming that all of Judea had been destroyed. Believing that the land was now easy to conquer due to the lack of inhabitants, they first sacrificed the Jewish ambassadors who had come to them, and then marched straight into Judea. The Jewish nation was terrified by this invasion and demoralized by the series of calamities they were facing. Yet, Herod gathered them together and tried to motivate them to defend themselves with a speech he made to encourage them:
4. "The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident, they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on, Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive; nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing further to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of our enemies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one therefore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly." 30
4. "The fear you're feeling right now seems completely unreasonable to me. Sure, it makes sense to be upset about the misfortune that has come your way, but panicking about the invasion by men is not manly. As for me, I’m not afraid of our enemies after this earthquake; instead, I think God has set a trap for the Arabians so we can take revenge on them. Their current invasion is more about our unfortunate situation than them relying on their weapons or readiness for battle. Hope that relies on others’ failures instead of your own strength is fragile because there’s no guarantee with men, whether in good times or bad. You can see that fortune changes easily; just look at your own experiences – when you were victorious once, your enemies eventually defeated you. It’s quite possible that those who think they’re guaranteed to beat you will end up being beaten themselves. When people are too confident, they let their guard down, while fear makes others act carefully. So, your fear actually suggests you should be brave; when you were too bold before, that’s when Athenio’s betrayal happened. But your current hesitation and apparent sadness give me hope we’ll win. It’s wise to be cautious, but when it’s time for action, we should lift our spirits and make our enemies, no matter how wicked, believe that no human or divine misfortune can break the courage of the Jews while we’re alive. No one will let an Arabian take control of what they’ve captured, many times over. Don’t be upset by the tremors of the earth, nor think this earthquake is a sign of further disaster; such natural events happen without necessarily meaning more bad news. There might be some early signs before plagues, famines, or earthquakes, but these disasters have limits and don’t predict further calamities. And really, what worse damage could a violent war do to us than what the earthquake has already caused? In fact, there’s a clear sign of our enemies’ doom – and it’s not a natural one, nor caused by outsiders, but the fact that they’ve brutally killed our ambassadors, violating the common laws of humanity. They’ve taken so many lives as if they saw them as sacrifices to God for this war. But they won’t escape God’s watchful eye or His unstoppable strength; we’ll get our revenge soon if we still have any courage like our ancestors and stand up to punish these traitors. So let everyone fight not just for their wives or children or to protect their country, but for our fallen ambassadors; those dead ambassadors will lead our fight better than we can. And if you will follow my lead, I will go into danger in front of you because you know that your courage is unstoppable unless you cause harm by acting recklessly." 30
5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general, Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear,—so Herod came upon them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and foot-men were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory.
5. After Herod motivated them with his speech and saw how eager they were to go, he made a sacrifice to God. After that, he crossed the Jordan River with his army and set up camp near Philadelphia, close to the enemy and near a fortification that lay between them. He then began attacking them from a distance and was eager to engage in battle right away, since some of his men had already been sent to take over the fortification. However, the king sent others who quickly forced them out of the fort. Meanwhile, he positioned himself at the front of the army, which he organized for battle every day, and challenged the Arabians to fight. But none of them came out of their camp, as they were terrified, and their general, Elthemus, was too afraid to say anything. So, Herod attacked, breaking down their fortification, which forced them out to fight. They charged out in disarray, with horsemen and foot soldiers mixed together. Although they outnumbered the Jews, they lacked their enthusiasm, even though they had no choice but to face danger because they were desperate for a victory.
6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain; but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished, till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption, he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler.
6. While they put up a fight, not many were killed; but as soon as they turned to flee, a lot were trampled to death by the Jews, and many were killed by their own people, leading to five thousand dying in their escape. The rest of the crowd avoided immediate death by rushing into the fortification. Herod surrounded them and laid siege. While they were on the verge of being captured by their enemies, they faced another crisis: thirst and lack of water. The king was above listening to their messengers, and when they offered five hundred talents for their freedom, he pressed even harder on them. As their thirst consumed them, they eventually surrendered in large numbers to the Jews, until in five days, four thousand were captured. On the sixth day, the remaining crowd lost hope of saving themselves and came out to fight. Herod engaged them and killed about seven thousand more, so harshly punishing Arabia that the nation chose him as their ruler.
CHAPTER 20.
Herod Is Confirmed In His Kingdom By Caesar, And Cultivates
A Friendship With The Emperor By Magnificent Presents; While
Caesar Returns His Kindness By Bestowing On Him That Part Of
His Kingdom Which Had Been Taken Away From It By Cleopatra
With The Addition Of Zenodoruss Country Also.
Herod is confirmed in his kingdom by Caesar and fosters a friendship with the emperor through lavish gifts, while Caesar shows his appreciation by giving Herod back the part of his kingdom that Cleopatra had taken away, along with Zenodorus's territory as well.
1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued his assistance to him. However, the king resolved to expose himself to dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing of the truth, but spoke thus before his face: "O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the bow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to kill Cleopatra; and I promised him that, if she were once dead, I would afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears, as did God himself also who hath bestowed the government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have been."
1. But now Herod was deeply worried about an important matter due to his friendship with Antony, who had already been defeated by Caesar at Actium; yet he was more scared than harmed because Caesar didn't believe he had completely pushed Antony out while Herod continued to support him. Nevertheless, the king decided to take risks: he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar was staying, and approached him without his crown, dressed like an ordinary person, but acting like a king. He didn't hide anything and spoke directly to Caesar: "O Caesar, I was made king of the Jews by Antony, and I want you to know that I have used my royal power wisely and entirely for his benefit; I won’t hide that you would have found me ready to fight at his side if the Arabians hadn't interfered. However, I sent him as much help as I could and thousands of measures of grain. In fact, I didn't abandon my benefactor after his setback at Actium; I gave him the best advice I could when I could no longer support him in battle, telling him that the only way to turn his situation around was to eliminate Cleopatra. I promised him that if she were gone, I would provide him with money, fortifications for protection, an army, and my own support in the war against you: but his feelings for Cleopatra blinded him, as did God, who has granted you the rule. I admit that I too have been defeated along with him; with his last misfortune, I’ve set aside my crown and come to you, hoping for safety in your virtue; and I ask you to first consider how loyal a friend I have been, not just whose friend I was."
2. Caesar replied to him thus: "Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before; for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree: I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony."
2. Caesar responded, "No, you won’t just be safe, but you will also be a king; and it will be a stronger position than before. You deserve to rule over many people because of the strength of our friendship. I hope you will remain just as loyal to me, relying on my success, which I trust you will support because of your generous nature. However, Antony made a good choice in favoring Cleopatra over you; this way, we’ve gained you through her madness, and you’ve started being my ally before I became yours. For this reason, Quintus Didius has informed me that you sent him help against the gladiators. So I assure you that I will officially grant you the kingdom; I will also try to do you more favors in the future, so you won’t feel any loss from Antony's absence."
3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him. But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of; and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence; nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos, and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza 31 and Anthedon, and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make these presents as the generosity of him that received them.
3. When Caesar said nice things to the king and put the crown back on his head, he announced the gifts he had given him through a formal decree, praising the man in an impressive way. In response, Herod tried to win Caesar's favor with the gifts he presented, and he asked Caesar to pardon Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who had come to him in desperation. However, Caesar's anger against Alexander was too strong, and he pointed out the many serious offenses that Alexander had committed, ultimately rejecting the request. After this, Caesar traveled to Egypt through Syria, where Herod welcomed him with lavish celebrations. It was then that Herod first rode alongside Caesar as he inspected his army near Ptolemais, hosting him and his friends, and later providing the rest of the army with supplies for a feast. He also ensured there was plenty of water for the troops as they marched through the dry land to Pelusium and did the same on their return, ensuring they lacked nothing. Both Caesar and his soldiers believed that Herod’s kingdom was too small for the generous gifts he offered. Therefore, when Caesar arrived in Egypt and after Cleopatra and Antony had died, he not only gave him further honors but also expanded his kingdom by restoring the territories taken by Cleopatra and adding Gadara, Hippos, and Samaria, along with coastal cities like Gaza 31, Anthedon, Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also gifted him four hundred Galatians as a personal guard, which had previously served Cleopatra. Nothing motivated Caesar to give these gifts as much as Herod's generosity.
4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety.
4. Furthermore, after the initial battles at Actium, he expanded his kingdom to include both the area known as Trachonitis and its surrounding regions, Batanea and Auranitis. This happened because Zenodorus, who had rented Lysanias's house, had been sending thieves from Trachonitis to attack the people of Damascus. As a result, the Damascenes turned to Varro, the governor of Syria, asking him to inform Caesar about their troubles. Once Caesar was made aware, he ordered the elimination of this group of thieves. Consequently, Varro led a campaign against them, clearing the land of these criminals and taking it away from Zenodorus. Later, Caesar granted this territory to Herod to prevent it from becoming a haven for the thieves who were threatening Damascus. He also appointed Herod as the procurator of all Syria, ten years later when he returned to that province, establishing it so that other procurators could not take any administrative action without his input. After Zenodorus died, Caesar gave Herod all the land situated between Trachonitis and Galilee. More importantly for Herod, he was favored by Caesar right after Agrippa, and by Agrippa right after Caesar, leading to a significant level of success. However, the nobility of his spirit exceeded this, and the core of his greatness was devoted to promoting piety.
CHAPTER 21.
Of The [Temple And] Cities That Were Built By Herod And
Erected From The Very Foundations; As Also Of Those Other
Edifices That Were Erected By Him; And What Magnificence He
Showed To Foreigners; And How Fortune Was In All Things
Favorable To Him.
Of The [Temple And] Cities That Were Built By Herod And
Constructed From The Ground Up; As Well As Other
Structures That He Built; And The Great Splendor He
Displayed To Foreigners; And How Fortune Was Favorable To Him In All Aspects.1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel 32 he repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments; to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two great] friends.
1. In the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple and surrounded it with a wall that enclosed an area twice as large as before. The costs he incurred were enormous, and the wealth surrounding it was immeasurable. You can see evidence of this in the grand colonnades built around the temple and the fortress located to its north. He constructed the colonnades from the ground up, but he renovated the fortress 32 at a significant expense; it was essentially a royal palace, which he named Antonia in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in the Upper City, featuring two very large and beautifully designed rooms; they couldn't even be compared in size to the holy house itself. He named one room Caesareum and the other Agrippium, after his two great friends.
2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner.
2. He didn’t just remember them with specific buildings and their names; his generosity went even further to entire cities. He built a beautiful wall around a region in Samaria that was twenty furlongs long, brought in six thousand residents, and assigned a very fertile piece of land to it. In the middle of this city, he constructed a large temple dedicated to Caesar and set aside a sacred area around it measuring three and a half furlongs. He named the city Sebaste, after Sebastus, or Augustus, and organized the city's affairs in a very orderly way.
3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when any body lets down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history.
3. When Caesar granted him an additional territory, he also built a temple of white marble near the springs of Jordan. This location is called Panium, where there's a mountain that rises to a great height. At its side, there’s a dark cave, which has a steep drop, going down to a great depth. It holds a massive amount of water that remains still, and when someone attempts to lower something to measure the depth, no length of cord is long enough to reach the bottom. The springs of Jordan flow from the base of this cave, and some believe this is the true source of the Jordan River; we will discuss this matter in more detail in our next account.
4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar's honor; and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.
4. But the king also built other places in Jericho, between the fortress Cypros and the old palace, that were better and more convenient for travelers, naming them after his friends. To sum it up, there wasn't a single place in his kingdom that was suitable for the purpose that didn't include something honoring Caesar; and after he filled his own country with temples, he extended his admiration to his province, constructing many cities that he named Cesareas.
5. And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was much decayed, [its name was Strato's Tower,] but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore between Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecum 33 [at Athens]; and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships also].
5. When he noticed that there was a city by the seaside that was in ruins, [its name was Strato's Tower,] but that the location had great potential for improvement thanks to his generosity, he completely rebuilt it using white stone and decorated it with several magnificent palaces, where he particularly showcased his generosity. The situation was that there was no good harbor along the coastline between Dora and Joppa, where this city was located, forcing anyone sailing from Phoenicia to Egypt to brave the rough seas due to the south winds that threatened them. When the wind picked up even slightly, it created huge waves that crashed against the rocks, leaving the sea agitated for quite a distance. However, the king, through his expenses and their generous distribution, conquered nature and built a harbor larger than the Pyrecum 33 [at Athens]; and in the sheltered parts of the water, he constructed other deep docks [for the ships as well].
6. Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.
6. Even though the location he chose was completely against his intentions, he worked so hard to overcome that challenge that the strength of his construction couldn't easily be overcome by the sea. The beauty and elegance of the projects were such that it seemed like he faced no difficulties during the process. After measuring out as large an area as previously mentioned, he placed stones into twenty fathoms of water, the majority of which were fifty feet long, nine feet deep, and ten feet wide, with some even larger. Once the harbor was filled to that depth, he expanded the existing wall above the sea to be two hundred feet wide; one hundred of those feet had buildings in front of it to withstand the waves, which is why it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves. The rest of the space was bordered by a stone wall that encircled it. On this wall stood very large towers, the most important and beautiful of which was named Drusium, after Drusus, who was Caesar's son-in-law.
7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt; and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven, upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there; but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, 34 and named it Cesarea accordingly.
7. There were also a lot of arches where the sailors lived; and all the places around them formed a large valley or walkway, for a quay [or landing place] for those who came ashore; but the entrance was to the north, as the north wind was the gentlest of all the winds. At the mouth of the harbor, there were three massive Colossi on each side, with the ones on your left as you sail into the port supported by a solid tower; the ones on the right were supported by two upright stones joined together, which were larger than the tower on the other side of the entrance. There were ongoing buildings connected to the harbor, which were also made of white stone; and the narrow streets of the city led to this harbor, built at equal distances from each other. Across from the mouth of the harbor, on an elevated spot, there was a temple for Caesar, which was impressive both in beauty and size; it housed a Colossus of Caesar, not smaller than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was designed to resemble. The other Colossus in Rome was comparable to that of Juno at Argos. So he dedicated the city to the province and the harbor to the sailors there; but he credited the honor of the building to Caesar, 34 and named it Cesarea accordingly.
8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and market-place, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple.
8. He also constructed other buildings, like the amphitheater, theater, and marketplace, in a way that matched that style; and he established games every five years, calling them Caesar's Games. He was the first to offer the largest prizes during the 192nd Olympiad, where not just the winners, but also the runners-up and even those in third place, received his royal generosity. He also rebuilt Anthedon, a coastal city that had been destroyed in the wars, and renamed it Agrippeum. Additionally, he showed such great affection for his friend Agrippa that he had his name engraved on the gate he had erected in the temple.
9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.
9. Herod was also very fond of his father, just like no one else ever was; he built a monument for his father, including a city he constructed in the best plain in his kingdom, which had plenty of rivers and trees, and he named it Antipatris. He also built a wall around a fortress that was above Jericho, which was a very strong and beautiful structure, and dedicated it to his mother, naming it Cypros. Furthermore, he dedicated a tower in Jerusalem and named it after his brother Phasaelus, whose size, grandeur, and impressive design we will describe later. He also built another city in the valley that goes north from Jericho and named it Phasaelis.
10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium 35 and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.
10. As he secured a legacy for his family and friends for eternity, he also made sure to create a memorial for himself. He built a fortress on a mountain towards Arabia and named it after himself, Herodium 35. He referred to the hill, which resembled a woman's breast and was sixty furlongs from Jerusalem, by the same name. He decorated it with intricate artistry and great ambition, constructing round towers at the top and filling the remaining space with the most luxurious palaces, making the inner rooms splendid and investing significant wealth in the outer walls, partitions, and roofs. Additionally, he brought in a massive amount of water from a great distance at a high cost and built an ascent with two hundred steps made of the whitest marble, as the hill itself was moderately high and entirely artificial. He also built other palaces at the base of the hill, large enough to hold the furnishings and accommodate his friends, so that, despite being well-equipped, the fortress appeared more like a city than just a palace due to its confines.
11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places, and frequently also. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians? or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia, full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length.
11. After he completed so much, he demonstrated the greatness of his character to many foreign cities. He constructed gyms in Tripoli, Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall around Byblus, along with large halls, cloisters, temples, and marketplaces in Berytus and Tyre, as well as theaters in Sidon and Damascus. He also built aqueducts for the residents of Laodicea who lived by the sea, and for those in Ascalon, he created baths and elaborate fountains, along with cloisters surrounding a courtyard, all remarkable for their craftsmanship and size. Furthermore, he dedicated groves and meadows to certain communities, and numerous cities received lands from his donations, as if they were part of his own kingdom. He also provided annual funding, which was perpetual, for sports facilities, ensuring that these rewards would always be available for them, as well as for the people of Cos. He gave grain to anyone who needed it and donated large sums of money to Rhodes for shipbuilding, doing this in many places and frequently. After the temple of Apollo was destroyed by fire, he rebuilt it at his own expense, and in a better way than it was before. What more can I say about the gifts he made to the Lycians and Samnians, or about his immense generosity throughout Ionia, tailored to everyone's needs? Aren't the Athenians, Lacedemonians, Nicopolitans, and the Pergamus in Mysia all filled with donations that Herod gave them? And as for the large open space in Antioch, Syria, didn’t he pave it with polished marble, even though it was twenty furlongs long? He transformed an area previously avoided by everyone because it was dirty and unpleasant, adding a cloister of the same length to enhance it.
12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached. For when he perceived that they were come to nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of Phasaelis, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seem to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.
12. It’s true, someone might say, these were favors specific to those certain places where he gave his support; but the gifts he offered to the Eleans were not just for Greece, but for the entire world, as far as the fame of the Olympic games extended. When he saw that they were failing due to lack of funds, and that the remnants of ancient Greece were essentially gone, he didn’t just join the competitors in the return of the games, which he happened to witness while sailing to Rome, but he also secured permanent funding for them, ensuring that his legacy as a competitor would never fade. It would take a long time if I were to list all the debts and tributes he paid off for various people, as he relieved the townspeople of Phasaelis, Batanea, and the smaller cities around Cilicia from the annual dues they previously owed. However, the fear he felt greatly troubled his spirit, as he worried he would be envied or seen as seeking more recognition than he deserved, especially since he offered more generous gifts to these cities than their own leaders did.
13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by the means of his great skill in riding horses; for in one day he caught forty wild beasts: 36 that country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark. And then, besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind and body, fortune was also very favorable to him; for he seldom failed of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the occasion of such failings, but he either was betrayed by some, or the rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat.
13. Herod had a physique that matched his ambitious spirit and was always an exceptional hunter, generally achieving great success thanks to his impressive horse riding skills; in just one day, he captured forty wild animals. 36 That region also has bears, and most of it is filled with stags and wild donkeys. He was also a warrior who couldn’t be easily defeated; many people were amazed by his agility during training, especially when they saw him throw the javelin straight ahead and hit the target with his arrows. Besides these feats that relied on his strength and determination, luck was also on his side; he rarely experienced failure in war, and when he did, it wasn’t solely due to his own mistakes but often because he was betrayed by others or his soldiers acted recklessly, leading to his defeat.
CHAPTER 22.
The Murder Of Aristobulus And Hyrcanus, The High Priests, As
Also Of Mariamne The Queen.
The Murder of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, the High Priests, as well as Mariamne the Queen.
1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes, by raising him up domestical troubles; and he began to have wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. For, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of Parthin to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes, when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this,—not that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod.
1. However, fortune took its revenge on Herod through his great successes by bringing domestic troubles into his life. He started having conflicts in his family, particularly because of his wife, whom he loved deeply. When he took over the government, he sent away his first wife, Doris, whom he had married while still a common man and who was from Jerusalem. He then married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus. This led to unrest in his family, which began shortly after but escalated mostly upon his return from Rome. First, he expelled Antipater, Doris's son, to favor his sons with Mariamne, allowing Antipater to enter the city only during festivals. Then, he killed his wife’s grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he returned from Parthia, claiming he suspected him of plotting against him. Hyrcanus had been captured by Barzapharnes when he invaded Syria, but many from his homeland across the Euphrates wanted him to stay with them out of sympathy for his situation. Had he listened to their advice and not crossed the river to Herod, he would have survived. His desire for his granddaughter’s marriage to Herod led him back, trusting him and being overly attached to his homeland. Herod’s irritation stemmed not from any attempts by Hyrcanus to seize the crown, but simply because it seemed more appropriate for Hyrcanus to be king than for Herod.
2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments, and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a pool till he was drowned.
2. Herod had five children with Mariamne: two daughters and three sons. The youngest son was raised in Rome, where he died. He treated the two oldest sons as royal since their mother was of noble birth and they were born after he became king. However, the strongest feeling he had was his love for Mariamne, which grew daily and overshadowed all his other concerns. He wasn’t troubled by anything else because of his deep love for her. But Mariamne’s hatred for him was just as intense as his love for her. She had every right to be angry due to his actions, and her boldness came from his feelings for her. She openly confronted him about what he had done to her grandfather, Hyrcanus, and her brother, Aristobulus. He didn’t spare Aristobulus, even though he was just a child; after appointing him as high priest at seventeen, he quickly killed him. When Aristobulus donned the sacred garments and approached the altar during a festival, the crowd wept. Later, the child was sent to Jericho at night and was drowned in a pool on Herod's orders.
3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her, and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed; which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.
3. For these reasons, Mariamne criticized Herod, along with his sister and mother, in a particularly insulting way, while he remained silent due to his feelings for her. However, the women were extremely angry with her and spread rumors that she was unfaithful to him, believing this would anger Herod even more. They also fabricated various other details to make their claims more believable, accusing her of sending a picture of herself to Antony in Egypt and claiming her lust was so outrageous that she showcased herself to a man who was obsessed with women and had the power to harm her. This accusation hit Herod like a bolt of lightning, throwing him into turmoil, especially because his love for her made him jealous. He also reflected that Cleopatra was cunning and that she was responsible for the downfall of both King Lysanias and Malichus the Arabian. His fear stretched beyond just the potential end of his marriage; it extended to worrying about his own life.
4. When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be faithful to him, and bare him good-will on account of their kindred; he also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her—"Yes," says she, "thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedst him to kill me." 37
4. So, when he was about to take a trip abroad, he entrusted his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as someone who would be loyal to him and care for her because of their family ties. He also gave Joseph a secret instruction that if Antony killed him, he should kill her too. But Joseph, without any bad intentions and just to show the king's love for his wife—how he couldn't bear to think of being separated from her, even by death—shared this huge secret with her. When Herod returned and they were talking, he confirmed his love for her with many oaths and assured her that he had never loved any other woman the way he loved her. "Yes," she replied, "you certainly showed your love for me with the orders you gave Joseph when you told him to kill me." 37
5. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph; whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both of them to be slain immediately; but as soon as ever his passion was over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living.
5. When he found out that this huge secret was exposed, he acted like a crazy person and said that Joseph would never have revealed his orders unless he had seduced her. His anger drove him completely mad, and jumping out of bed, he ran around the palace in a frenzy; during this chaos, his sister Salome took the chance to ruin her own reputation and confirmed his suspicions about Joseph. In his uncontrollable jealousy and rage, he ordered both of them to be killed right away. But once his anger subsided, he regretted what he had done, and as his fury faded, his feelings for her reignited. In fact, his desire for her was so intense that he couldn't believe she was dead; in his turmoil, he would act as if he were speaking to her as if she were still alive, until time taught him better. His grief and distress, now that she was gone, were as strong as the love he had for her while she was alive.
CHAPTER 23.
Calumnies Against The Sons Of Mariamne. Antipateris
Preferred Before Them. They Are Accused Before Caesar, And
Herod Is Reconciled To Them.
Lies Against The Sons Of Mariamne. Antipateris
Favored Over Them. They Are Accused Before Caesar, And
Herod Makes Amends With Them.1. Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them as they grew up to be men; and when they were Come to an age fit for marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain of them spake now more plainly to the king that there were treacherous designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.
1. Now Mariamne's sons inherited the resentment that their mother had endured; and as they reflected on the magnitude of Herod's betrayal towards her, they viewed him with suspicion, seeing him as their enemy. This attitude developed while they were being educated in Rome, but intensified even more after their return to Judea. Their feelings grew stronger as they matured into men; and when they reached an age suitable for marriage, one of them married the daughter of their aunt Salome, who had been the one to accuse their mother, while the other married the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. Now, they spoke boldly and harbored deep resentment. Those who slandered them took advantage of this boldness and some openly told the king that his sons were plotting against him. The son-in-law of Archelaus, counting on his father-in-law, was preparing to flee to accuse Herod before Caesar. After Herod's mind had been filled with these accusations for a while, he restored favor with Antipater, whom he had with Doris, as a safeguard against his other sons and started doing everything he could to elevate him above them.
2. But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs; but when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation; but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger, Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into his father's will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem. He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.
2. But these sons couldn't handle the shift in their situation; when they saw someone born of a mother without a notable background, their noble birth left them unable to hide their anger. Whenever they felt uneasy, they openly displayed their frustration. As these sons grew more and more angry day by day, Antipater was busy using all his considerable abilities to flatter their father and create all kinds of slander against his brothers. He told some stories himself and got others to spread more tales about them, until he completely eliminated any hope his brothers had of inheriting the kingdom. He was already named in his father's will as the successor. Consequently, he was sent to Caesar adorned with royal gifts and symbols of kingship, except for the crown. He also managed to bring his mother back into Mariamne's bedroom over time. The two tactics he used against his brothers were flattery and slander, which he employed to the point where the king considered putting his sons to death.
3. So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and charged him with an attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death, he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these, that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.
3. So the father brought Alexander all the way to Rome and accused him of trying to poison him in front of Caesar. Alexander could barely speak for crying; but with a judge who was wiser than Antipater and more intelligent than Herod, he skillfully avoided blaming his father. Instead, he used strong reasoning to refute the false accusations against him. After he proved his brother's innocence, who was in a similar situation, he finally lamented the deceit of Antipater and the dishonor they faced. He was able to defend himself, not just because of his clear conscience, but also because he was eloquent; he was great at giving speeches. When he finally said that if his father accused them of this crime, it was within his power to have them killed, it made the whole audience cry. He managed to convince Caesar to dismiss the accusations and quickly reconcile with their father. But the terms of this reconciliation were that they had to obey their father in everything, and he would have the authority to leave the kingdom to whichever of them he chose.
4. After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa, 38 where Archelaus treated them in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty talents.
4. After this, the king returned from Rome and seemed to have forgiven his sons for these accusations; however, he still had his suspicions about them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the source of those accusations; yet he didn't openly show his hatred towards them, as he respected the fact that he had helped them reconcile. As Herod sailed by Cilicia, he stopped at Eleusa, 38, where Archelaus treated them very kindly and thanked him for saving his son-in-law. He was very pleased with their reconciliation, especially since he had previously written to his friends in Rome asking them to support Alexander at his trial. He escorted Herod as far as Zephyrium and gave him gifts worth thirty talents.
5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of greater consequence than the kingdom itself,—"and which I will render still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay, indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births; for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him that is dishonored sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not. And let every one consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant] respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious, his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons' side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be at concord with them. But do you, O my good children, reflect upon the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to command you,—continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case you be at concord one with another." When the king had thus spoken, and had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed the multitude; some of which gave their assent to what he had said, and wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he said.
5. When Herod arrived in Jerusalem, he gathered the people together and introduced his three sons. He explained his absence, expressed his deep gratitude to God, and thanked Caesar for restoring peace to his household during a time of turmoil and achieving harmony among his sons, which he considered more important than the kingdom itself. "I will strengthen this arrangement further, as Caesar has given me the power to manage the government and choose my successor. Therefore, as a way to repay his kindness and to secure my own interests, I declare that these three sons will be kings. First, I ask for God’s approval for what I’m about to do, and then I seek your approval as well. The age of one of them and the nobility of the other two will ensure their succession. My kingdom is so vast that it can support more than one king. Now, keep in their positions those whom Caesar has appointed and their father has designated, and do not show favorites, but respect each one according to their birthright. The one who shows undue respect will not bring joy to the honored one beyond what is due, but will instead cause sorrow to the one who is dishonored. I will assign relatives and friends to them as companions, structuring these arrangements to help maintain their unity, knowing that negative influences can lead to disputes, while positive company can nurture their natural bond. Still, I ask that all my army’s captains currently put their hopes in me; I am not handing my kingdom to my sons, but merely giving them royal titles. This means they will enjoy the privileges of rule, while I will bear the responsibilities of governance, whether I want to or not. Consider my age, how I have lived my life, and my piety; I am not so old that my death is imminent, nor have I lived extravagantly to the point of dying young. We have been so devout to God that we have reason to expect a long life. But those who seek a friendship with my sons to conspire against me will face my wrath. I don’t wish to undermine my own children and thus I do not wish for excessive reverence towards them, understanding that such behavior only leads to arrogance. If everyone nearby remembers that good behavior will earn my favor, but treachery will lead to nothing but disappointment, I believe they will side with me, meaning that they will support my sons as well; it is in their best interest for me to reign and be at peace with them. But, my dear children, remember the natural bonds that even wild animals maintain; reflect on Caesar, who has facilitated our reconciliation; and remember me, who asks you to continue as brothers. I bestow upon you royal garments and honors, and I pray to God to uphold my wishes, as long as you remain united." After the king spoke and greeted each of his sons kindly, he dismissed the crowd. Some supported his words and hoped for their fulfillment, while those wishing for change pretended not to hear what he said.
CHAPTER 24.
The Malice Of Antipater And Doris. Alexander Is Very Uneasy
On Glaphyras Account. Herod Pardons Pheroras, Whom He
Suspected, And Salome Whom He Knew To Make Mischief Among
Them. Herod's Eunuchs Are Tortured And Alexander Is Bound.
The Malice Of Antipater And Doris. Alexander Is Very Uneasy
About Glaphyra. Herod Pardons Pheroras, Whom He
Suspected, And Salome Whom He Knew Was Causing Trouble
Among Them. Herod's Eunuchs Are Tortured And Alexander Is Bound.1. But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him. But then this last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in their minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their [seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from the smallest occasions. Antipater also was perpetually setting some to provoke him to speak, that the lies he raised of him might seem to have some foundation of truth; and if, among the many stories that were given out, but one of them could be proved true, that was supposed to imply the rest to be true also. And as to Antipater's friends, they were all either naturally so cautious in speaking, or had been so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by their means. Nor should one be mistaken if he called the life of Antipater a mystery of wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexander's acquaintance with money, or got into their favor by flatteries; by which two means he gained all his designs, and brought them to betray their master, and to steal away, and reveal what he either did or said. Thus did he act a part very cunningly in all points, and wrought himself a passage by his calumnies with the greatest shrewdness; while he put on a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexander and Aristobulus, but suborned other men to inform of what they did to Herod. And when any thing was told against Alexander, he would come in, and pretend [to be of his side], and would begin to contradict what was said; but would afterward contrive matters so privately, that the king should have an indignation at him. His general aim was this,—to lay a plot, and to make it believed that Alexander lay in wait to kill his father; for nothing afforded so great a confirmation to these calumnies as did Antipater's apologies for him.
1. But now the argument that existed between them still followed these brothers when they parted, and the mistrust they had for each other only grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were very upset that the privilege of being the first-born was granted to Antipater; meanwhile, Antipater was angry at his brothers for being in line to succeed him. However, since he had a fickle and cunning nature, he knew how to keep his mouth shut and used a lot of cleverness to hide the resentment he felt towards them; while Alexander and Aristobulus, relying on their noble births, expressed everything that was on their minds. Many people also stirred the pot further, and several of their supposed friends crept into their circle to spy on them. Anything Alexander said was immediately reported back to Antipater, and from Antipater, it would reach Herod with embellishments. The young man couldn’t say anything without offending someone, as whatever he said was twisted into something malicious against him. If he ever spoke a bit freely, huge accusations would be fabricated from the slightest remarks. Antipater was also constantly setting people up to provoke him into speaking, so the lies he spread about Alexander would seem more credible; and if even one of those many rumors could be proven true, it was assumed that the rest were true too. As for Antipater’s friends, they were either naturally careful in their speech or had been bribed to keep quiet, so none of these major secrets leaked out through them. One wouldn’t be wrong to call Antipater’s life a web of wickedness; he either bought off Alexander’s friends with money or won them over with flattery; through these two methods, he achieved all his goals and turned them against their master, making them steal and reveal what he did or said. Thus, he played a very cunning role in all matters, maneuvering his way through his slanders with great cleverness; all the while, he pretended to be a caring brother to Alexander and Aristobulus but secretly employed others to inform Herod about their actions. Whenever something negative was said about Alexander, he would step in and act like he was on his side, starting to dispute what was said, but would then quietly manipulate things so that the king would become angry with him. His ultimate goal was to create a scheme and make it look like Alexander was plotting to kill his father; for nothing lent more credibility to these slanders than Antipater’s excuses for him.
2. By these methods Herod was inflamed, and as much as his natural affection to the young men did every day diminish, so much did it increase towards Antipater. The courtiers also inclined to the same conduct, some of their own accord, and others by the king's injunction, as particularly did Ptolemy, the king's dearest friend, as also the king's brethren, and all his children; for Antipater was all in all; and what was the bitterest part of all to Alexander, Antipater's mother was also all in all; she was one that gave counsel against them, and was more harsh than a step-mother, and one that hated the queen's sons more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All men did therefore already pay their respects to Antipater, in hopes of advantage; and it was the king's command which alienated every body [from the brethren], he having given this charge to his most intimate friends, that they should not come near, nor pay any regard, to Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also become terrible, not only to his domestics about the court, but to his friends abroad; for Caesar had given such a privilege to no other king as he had given to him, which was this,—that he might fetch back any one that fled from him, even out of a city that was not under his own jurisdiction. Now the young men were not acquainted with the calumnies raised against them; for which reason they could not guard themselves against them, but fell under them; for their father did not make any public complaints against either of them; though in a little time they perceived how things were by his coldness to them, and by the great uneasiness he showed upon any thing that troubled him. Antipater had also made their uncle Pheroras to be their enemy, as well as their aunt Salome, while he was always talking with her, as with a wife, and irritating her against them. Moreover, Alexander's wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against them, by deriving her nobility and genealogy [from great persons], and pretending that she was a lady superior to all others in that kingdom, as being derived by her father's side from Temenus, and by her mother's side from Darius, the son of Hystaspes. She also frequently reproached Herod's sister and wives with the ignobility of their descent; and that they were every one chosen by him for their beauty, but not for their family. Now those wives of his were not a few; it being of old permitted to the Jews to marry many wives, 39 and this king delighting in many; all which hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra's boasting and reproaches.
2. Herod became increasingly upset, and even though his natural affection for the young men faded each day, it grew stronger for Antipater. The courtiers followed this trend, some willingly and others under the king’s orders, especially Ptolemy, the king's closest friend, along with the king's brothers and all his children; Antipater dominated everything. The hardest part for Alexander was that Antipater's mother was equally influential; she advised against them and was more ruthless than a stepmother, hating the queen's sons more than is typical for a mother-in-law to hate her son-in-law. Consequently, everyone started to show respect to Antipater, hoping to gain an advantage. The king’s command isolated Alexander and his friends, as he had instructed his closest advisors not to associate with them. Herod had become intimidating not only to his household but also to his allies outside; Caesar had granted him a privilege no other king received, allowing him to retrieve anyone who fled from him, even from cities that weren’t under his authority. The young men were unaware of the slanders against them, which left them defenseless and vulnerable. Their father didn’t publicly complain about either of them, but they soon realized how things stood due to his coldness toward them and his visible distress over anything that bothered him. Antipater had turned their uncle Pheroras and aunt Salome into their enemies by constantly chatting with her, almost like a husband, stoking her animosity against them. Additionally, Glaphyra, Alexander's wife, intensified this hatred, bragging about her high birth and lineage, claiming she was superior to everyone else in the kingdom, tracing her paternal line back to Temenus and her maternal line to Darius, son of Hystaspes. She often criticized Herod's sister and wives for their lack of noble heritage, asserting that he chose them for their looks rather than their backgrounds. Herod had many wives, as it was historically acceptable for Jews to have multiple partners, and he enjoyed that lifestyle; all of these women resented Alexander because of Glaphyra's arrogance and insults.
3. Nay, Aristobulus had raised a quarrel between himself and Salome, who was his mother-in-law, besides the anger he had conceived at Glaphyra's reproaches; for he perpetually upbraided his wife with the meanness of her family, and complained, that as he had married a woman of a low family, so had his brother Alexander married one of royal blood. At this Salome's daughter wept, and told it her with this addition, that Alexander threatened the mothers of his other brethren, that when he should come to the crown, he would make them weave with their maidens, and would make those brothers of his country schoolmasters; and brake this jest upon them, that they had been very carefully instructed, to fit them for such an employment. Hereupon Salome could not contain her anger, but told all to Herod; nor could her testimony be suspected, since it was against her own son-in-law There was also another calumny that ran abroad and inflamed the king's mind; for he heard that these sons of his were perpetually speaking of their mother, and, among their lamentations for her, did not abstain from cursing him; and that when he made presents of any of Mariamne's garments to his later wives, these threatened that in a little time, instead of royal garments, they would clothe theft in no better than hair-cloth.
3. No, Aristobulus had started a fight with Salome, who was his mother-in-law, in addition to the anger he felt from Glaphyra's insults; he constantly criticized his wife for her family's lack of status and complained that while he had married a woman from a low family, his brother Alexander had married someone of royal heritage. This made Salome's daughter cry, and she added that Alexander threatened the mothers of his brothers, saying that when he became king, he would make them weave with their maidens and turn his brothers into schoolteachers, joking that they had been trained specifically for such jobs. This caused Salome to lose her temper and tell Herod everything, and her testimony couldn't be doubted since it was against her own son-in-law. There was also another rumor going around that stirred the king's anger; he heard that these sons of his were always talking about their mother and, amid their mourning for her, didn’t hold back from cursing him. When he gave gifts of Mariamne's clothes to his later wives, they threatened that soon they would be dressing in nothing better than sackcloth instead of royal garments.
4. Now upon these accounts, though Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men's high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing them to a better mind; but before he went to Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he called them to him, and partly threatened them a little, as a king; but for the main, he admonished them as a father, and exhorted them to love their brethren, and told them that he would pardon their former offenses, if they would amend for the time to come. But they refuted the calumnies that had been raised of them, and said they were false, and alleged that their actions were sufficient for their vindication; and said withal, that he himself ought to shut his ears against such tales, and not be too easy in believing them, for that there would never be wanting those that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as long as any would give ear to them.
4. Now, considering these matters, although Herod was somewhat afraid of the young men’s strong spirit, he didn’t give up on trying to change their minds. Before he left for Rome, where he was heading by sea, he called them to him. He partly threatened them a little, like a king would, but mainly, he advised them like a father, encouraging them to love one another and saying he would forgive their past mistakes if they promised to do better in the future. However, they defended themselves against the accusations made against them, claiming they were false, and argued that their actions were enough to clear their names. They also said that he should ignore such stories and not be too quick to believe them, as there would always be those willing to spread lies about them as long as someone was willing to listen.
5. When they had thus soon pacified him, as being their father, they got clear of the present fear they were in. Yet did they see occasion for sorrow in some time afterward; for they knew that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies; who were both of them heavy and severe persons, and especially Pheroras, who was a partner with Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, excepting his diadem. He had also a hundred talents of his own revenue, and enjoyed the advantage of all the land beyond Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked of Caesar to make him a tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod had also given him a wife out of the royal family, who was no other than his own wife's sister, and after her death had solemnly espoused to him his own eldest daughter, with a dowry of three hundred talents; but Pheroras refused to consummate this royal marriage, out of his affection to a maidservant of his. Upon which account Herod was very angry, and gave that daughter in marriage to a brother's son of his, [Joseph,] who was slain afterward by the Parthians; but in some time he laid aside his anger against Pheroras, and pardoned him, as one not able to overcome his foolish passion for the maid-servant.
5. Once they had quickly calmed him down, as their father, they freed themselves from their immediate fear. However, some time later, they found reasons to be sorrowful, knowing that Salome, as well as their uncle Pheroras, were their enemies. Both were tough and harsh individuals, especially Pheroras, who was involved with Herod in all the kingdom's affairs, except for the crown. He also had a hundred talents from his own income and benefited from all the land across the Jordan, which he had received as a gift from his brother, who had asked Caesar to make him a tetrarch, which he was granted. Herod had also given him a wife from the royal family, specifically his own wife's sister, and after her death, he had officially betrothed his own eldest daughter to him, with a dowry of three hundred talents. However, Pheroras refused to go through with this royal marriage due to his affection for a maidservant. This made Herod very angry, and he arranged for that daughter to marry his brother's son, [Joseph], who was later killed by the Parthians. But eventually, he let go of his anger towards Pheroras and forgave him, understanding that he was unable to overcome his foolish infatuation with the maidservant.
6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long before, while the queen [Mariamne] was alive, as if he were in a plot to poison Herod; and there came then so great a number of informers, that Herod himself, though he was an exceeding lover of his brethren, was brought to believe what was said, and to be afraid of it also. And when he had brought many of those that were under suspicion to the torture, he came at last to Pheroras's own friends; none of which did openly confess the crime, but they owned that he had made preparation to take her whom he loved, and run away to the Parthians. Costobarus also, the husband of Salome, to whom the king had given her in marriage, after her former husband had been put to death for adultery, was instrumental in bringing about this contrivance and flight of his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon herself; for her brother Pheroras accused her that she had made an agreement to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia, who was at bitter enmity with Herod; but when she was convicted of this, and of all that Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras himself the crimes he had been accused of.
6. No, Pheroras had been accused long before, while Queen Mariamne was still alive, as if he were involved in a plot to poison Herod. At that time, a large number of informers came forward, causing Herod, despite being very fond of his family, to believe the accusations and fear for his safety. When he subjected many of those under suspicion to torture, he eventually turned to Pheroras's own friends. None of them openly confessed to the crime, but they admitted that he had planned to take the woman he loved and escape to the Parthians. Costobarus, who was married to Salome—whom the king had married off after her previous husband was executed for adultery—played a role in this plan and escape. Salome also faced rumors herself; her brother Pheroras accused her of agreeing to marry Silleus, the procurator of Obodas, the king of Arabia, who was fiercely hostile to Herod. However, when she was found guilty of this and of all the allegations Pheroras made against her, she was granted a pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras for the crimes he had been accused of.
7. But the storm of the whole family was removed to Alexander, and all of it rested upon his head. There were three eunuchs who were in the highest esteem with the king, as was plain by the offices they were in about him; for one of them was appointed to be his butler, another of them got his supper ready for him, and the third put him into bed, and lay down by him. Now Alexander had prevailed with these men, by large gifts, to let him use them after an obscene manner; which, when it was told to the king, they were tortured, and found guilty, and presently confessed the criminal conversation he had with them. They also discovered the promises by which they were induced so to do, and how they were deluded by Alexander, who had told them that they ought not to fix their hopes upon Herod, an old man, and one so shameless as to color his hair, unless they thought that would make him young again; but that they ought to fix their attention to him who was to be his successor in the kingdom, whether he would or not; and who in no long time would avenge himself on his enemies, and make his friends happy and blessed, and themselves in the first place; that the men of power did already pay respects to Alexander privately, and that the captains of the soldiery, and the officers, did secretly come to him.
7. But the turmoil of the whole family fell on Alexander, and all of it was on his shoulders. There were three eunuchs who were highly regarded by the king, as was evident from the positions they held around him; one was in charge of his drinks, another prepared his meals, and the third helped him get to bed and stayed with him. Alexander had convinced these men, through generous gifts, to engage in inappropriate behavior with him; when this was reported to the king, they were tortured, found guilty, and quickly confessed to the illicit encounters. They also revealed the promises that had tempted them and how Alexander had misled them, claiming they shouldn't place their hopes on Herod, an old man who shamelessly dyed his hair, as if that would make him young again. Instead, they should focus on Alexander, who was set to take over the kingdom, whether he liked it or not; soon he would take revenge on his enemies and reward his friends, starting with them. The powerful figures were already showing private respect to Alexander, and the military leaders and officers were secretly coming to him.
8. These confessions did so terrify Herod, that he durst not immediately publish them; but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and by day, who should make a close inquiry after all that was done and said; and when any were but suspected [of treason], he put them to death, insomuch that the palace was full of horribly unjust proceedings; for every body forged calumnies, as they were themselves in a state of enmity or hatred against others; and many there were who abused the king's bloody passion to the disadvantage of those with whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily believed, and punishments were inflicted sooner than the calumnies were forged. He who had just then been accusing another was accused himself, and was led away to execution together with him whom he had convicted; for the danger the king was in of his life made examinations be very short. He also proceeded to such a degree of bitterness, that he could not look on any of those that were not accused with a pleasant countenance, but was in the most barbarous disposition towards his own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great many of them to come to court, and to those whom he had not power to punish actually he spake harshly. But for Antipater, he insulted Alexander, now he was under his misfortunes, and got a stout company of his kindred together, and raised all sorts of calumny against him; and for the king, he was brought to such a degree of terror by those prodigious slanders and contrivances, that he fancied he saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn sword in his hand. So he caused him to be seized upon immediately, and bound, and fell to examining his friends by torture, many of whom died [under the torture], but would discover nothing, nor say any thing against their consciences; but some of them, being forced to speak falsely by the pains they endured, said that Alexander, and his brother Aristobulus, plotted against him, and waited for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunting, and then fly away to Rome. These accusations though they were of an incredible nature, and only framed upon the great distress they were in, were readily believed by the king, who thought it some comfort to him, after he had bound his son, that it might appear he had not done it unjustly.
8. These confessions terrified Herod so much that he didn’t dare reveal them immediately. Instead, he secretly sent out spies, both at night and during the day, to thoroughly investigate everything that happened and was said. If anyone was even suspected of treason, he would have them killed, creating a palace filled with horrifying injustices. Everyone started making up lies out of their own enmity or hatred toward others, and many took advantage of the king's violent nature to harm those they had a grudge against. Lies were easily believed, and punishments were handed out faster than the accusations were created. Whoever had just accused someone else would himself be accused and taken off to execution alongside the person he had condemned. The king’s fear for his life led to very brief interrogations. He became so bitter that he couldn’t even look at anyone who wasn’t accused without a scowl and treated his own friends brutally. He banned many of them from coming to court and spoke harshly to those he couldn’t punish. As for Antipater, he mocked Alexander while he was down on his luck, gathered a strong group of his relatives, and spread all sorts of lies about him. The king was so overwhelmed by these outrageous slanders and schemes that he imagined he saw Alexander approaching him with a drawn sword. So, he ordered Alexander to be captured and bound, and began torturing his friends for information. Many of them died under the torture but refused to reveal anything against their principles. Some, however, were forced to give false testimonies due to the pain, claiming that Alexander and his brother Aristobulus were plotting against him, waiting for a chance to kill him while he was hunting and then escape to Rome. Even though these accusations were unbelievable and only made up due to their dire situation, the king readily believed them, finding some twisted comfort in thinking that, after binding his son, it showed he hadn’t acted unjustly.
CHAPTER 25.
Archelaus Procures A Reconciliation Between Alexander
Pheroras, And Herod.
Archelaus Arranges a Reconciliation Between Alexander Pheroras and Herod.
1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived it impossible to persuade his father [that he was innocent], he resolved to meet his calamities, how severe soever they were; so he composed four books against his enemies, and confessed that he had been in a plot; but declared withal that the greatest part [of the courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly Pheroras and Salome; nay, that Salome once came and forced him to lie with her in the night time, whether he would or no. These books were put into Herod's hands, and made a great clamor against the men in power. And now it was that Archelaus came hastily into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-law and his daughter; and he came as a proper assistant, and in a very prudent manner, and by a stratagem he obliged the king not to execute what he had threatened; for when he was come to him, he cried out, "Where in the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine? Where shall I see the head of him which contrived to murder his father, which I will tear to pieces with my own hands? I will do the same also to my daughter, who hath such a fine husband; for although she be not a partner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such a creature, she is polluted. And I cannot but admire at thy patience, against whom this plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as I came with what haste I could from Cappadocia, I expected to find him put to death for his crimes long ago; but still, in order to make an examination with thee about my daughter, whom, out of regard to thee and by dignity, I had espoused to him in marriage; but now we must take counsel about them both; and if thy paternal affection be so great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who hath plotted against thee, let us change our right hands, and let us succeed one to the other in expressing our rage upon this occasion."
1. Regarding Alexander, since he realized it was impossible to convince his father that he was innocent, he decided to face his troubles, no matter how difficult they were. He wrote four books against his enemies and admitted that he had been involved in a plot; however, he claimed that most of the courtiers were also part of the conspiracy, particularly Pheroras and Salome. In fact, he stated that Salome once came to his room and forced him to sleep with her against his will. These books ended up in Herod's hands and caused a significant uproar against those in power. At that time, Archelaus rushed into Judea, anxious for his son-in-law and daughter. He arrived as a helpful ally and very wisely managed to convince the king not to follow through with his threats. When he met with Herod, he shouted, "Where is this miserable son-in-law of mine? Where can I find the head of the man who plotted to murder his own father, which I swear I will tear apart with my own hands? I’ll do the same to my daughter, who has such a splendid husband; even though she isn’t involved in the plot, she’s tarnished by being married to such a man. I can't help but be amazed at your patience if Alexander is still alive, considering I rushed here from Cappadocia expecting to find him executed for his crimes a long time ago. But now, I must discuss with you about my daughter, whom I married to him out of respect for you and for her status. We need to find a solution for both of them; if your fatherly love is so strong that you cannot punish your son for plotting against you, let us join hands and share our anger on this issue."
2. When he had made this pompous declaration, he got Herod to remit of his anger, though he were in disorder, who thereupon gave him the books which Alexander had composed to be read by him; and as he came to every head, he considered of it, together with Herod. So Archelaus took hence the occasion for that stratagem which he made use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on those men whose names were in these books, and especially upon Pheroras; and when he saw that the king believed him [to be in earnest], he said, "We must consider whether the young man be not himself plotted against by such a number of wicked wretches, and not thou plotted against by the young man; for I cannot see any occasion for his falling into so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advantages of royalty already, and has the expectation of being one of thy successors; I mean this, unless there were some persons that persuade him to it, and such persons as make an ill use of the facility they know there is to persuade young men; for by such persons, not only young men are sometimes imposed upon, but old men also, and by them sometimes are the most illustrious families and kingdoms overturned."
2. After he made this grand declaration, he got Herod to calm down, even though he was still upset. Herod then handed him the books that Alexander had written for him to read. As he went through each topic, he thought about it with Herod. Archelaus then seized the opportunity for the trick he was planning and gradually placed the blame on those mentioned in the books, especially Pheroras. When he saw that the king believed him to be sincere, he said, "We should think about whether the young man is actually being plotted against by a bunch of wicked people, rather than you being plotted against by him. I can't see any reason for him to commit such a terrible crime, since he already holds royal advantages and hopes to be one of your successors. I mean, unless there are others persuading him, people who take advantage of how easily young men can be influenced. Because of these people, not only young men sometimes fall for their tricks, but older men do too, and sometimes, they even bring down the most distinguished families and kingdoms."
3. Herod assented to what he had said, and, by degrees, abated of his anger against Alexander, but was more angry at Pheroras; for the principal subject of the four books was Pheroras; who perceiving that the king's inclinations changed on a sudden, and that Archelaus's friendship could do every thing with him, and that he had no honorable method of preserving himself, he procured his safety by his impudence. So he left Alexander, and had recourse to Archelaus, who told him that he did not see how he could get him excused, now he was directly caught in so many crimes, whereby it was evidently demonstrated that he had plotted against the king, and had been the cause of those misfortunes which the young man was now under, unless he would moreover leave off his cunning knavery, and his denials of what he was charged withal, and confess the charge, and implore pardon of his brother, who still had a kindness for him; but that if he would do so, he would afford him all the assistance he was able.
3. Herod agreed with what he had said, and gradually cooled down his anger towards Alexander, but he became even angrier with Pheroras. The main topic of the four books was Pheroras, who noticed that the king's feelings had suddenly changed, and that Archelaus's friendship could influence him greatly. Realizing he had no honorable way to save himself, he relied on his boldness to ensure his safety. So, he abandoned Alexander and turned to Archelaus, who informed him that he didn’t see how he could help him now that he was directly implicated in so many crimes. It was clear that he had plotted against the king and had caused the misfortunes that the young man was facing now. Archelaus suggested that Pheroras should abandon his deceit and the denials of his charges, admit to them, and ask for forgiveness from his brother, who still cared for him. If he did this, Archelaus promised to provide him with as much help as he could.
4. With this advice Pheroras complied, and putting himself into such a habit as might most move compassion, he came with black cloth upon his body, and tears in his eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet, and begged his pardon for what he had done, and confessed that he had acted very wickedly, and was guilty of every thing that he had been accused of, and lamented that disorder of his mind, and distraction which his love to a woman, he said, had brought him to. So when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to accuse and bear witness against himself, he then made an excuse for him, and mitigated Herod's anger towards him, and this by using certain domestical examples; for that when he had suffered much greater mischiefs from a brother of his own, he prefered the obligations of nature before the passion of revenge; because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross bodies, where some member or other is ever swelled by the body's weight, in which case it is not proper to cut off such member, but to heal it by a gentle method of cure.
4. Following this advice, Pheroras complied, adopting a demeanor that would evoke sympathy. Dressed in black, with tears in his eyes, he fell at Herod's feet, begging for forgiveness for his actions. He admitted that he had acted very wickedly and acknowledged guilt for everything he had been accused of, expressing sorrow for the turmoil in his mind and the distraction that his love for a woman had caused him. When Archelaus brought Pheroras to confess and testify against himself, Archelaus offered an excuse for him, softening Herod’s anger by referencing personal examples. He explained that despite suffering much worse harm from his own brother, he prioritized familial bonds over the urge for revenge. Just as in a kingdom, where some part of a body may become inflamed due to its weight, it's better to heal such a part gently than to remove it altogether.
5. Upon Arehelaus's saying this, and much more to the same purpose, Herod's displeasure against Pheroras was mollified; yet did he persevere in his own indignation against Alexander, and said he would have his daughter divorced, and taken away from him, and this till he had brought Herod to that pass, that, contrary to his former behavior to him, he petitioned Archelaus for the young man, and that he would let his daughter continue espoused to him: but Archelaus made him strongly believe that he would permit her to be married to any one else, but not to Alexander, because he looked upon it as a very valuable advantage, that the relation they had contracted by that affinity, and the privileges that went along with it, might be preserved. And when the king said that his son would take it for a great favor to him, if he would not dissolve that marriage, especially since they had already children between the young man and her, and since that wife of his was so well beloved by him, and that as while she remains his wife she would be a great preservative to him, and keep him from offending, as he had formerly done; so if she should be once torn away from him, she would be the cause of his falling into despair, because such young men's attempts are best mollified when they are diverted from them by settling their affections at home. So Arehelaus complied with what Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and was both himself reconciled to the young man, and reconciled his father to him also. However, he said he must, by all means, be sent to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he had already written a full account to him of this whole matter.
5. When Archelaus said this and much more along the same lines, Herod's anger toward Pheroras softened; however, he still held onto his resentment against Alexander. He insisted that his daughter should be divorced and separated from him until he got Herod to the point where, contrary to his previous attitude, he begged Archelaus to keep the young man and allow his daughter to stay engaged to him. But Archelaus strongly convinced him that he would allow her to marry anyone else, except Alexander, because he saw it as an important advantage to maintain their family connection and the benefits that came with it. When the king said his son would greatly appreciate it if he didn't end that marriage—especially since they already had children together, and because that wife was so dear to him—he argued that as long as she remained his wife, she would help keep him on the right path and prevent him from falling into bad habits, unlike before. If she were taken away from him, it would likely lead him to despair, since young men are best calmed down by focusing their affections at home. Therefore, Archelaus agreed to what Herod wanted, though not without some difficulty, and he became reconciled with the young man and helped reconcile his father with him too. Nonetheless, he insisted that the young man must be sent to Rome to discuss the matter with Caesar, as he had already written a detailed account to him about the whole situation.
6. Thus a period was put to Archelaus's stratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-law out of the dangers he was in; but when these reconciliations were over, they spent their time in feastings and agreeable entertainments. And when Archelaus was going away, Herod made him a present of seventy talents, with a golden throne set with precious stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine who was called Pannychis. He also paid due honors to every one of his friends according to their dignity. In like manner did all the king's kindred, by his command, make glorious presents to Archelaus; and so he was conducted on his way by Herod and his nobility as far as Antioch.
6. So, Archelaus's plan came to an end, allowing him to rescue his son-in-law from his dangers. After these reconciliations, they spent their time feasting and enjoying pleasant entertainment. When Archelaus was about to leave, Herod gifted him seventy talents, a golden throne adorned with precious stones, some eunuchs, and a concubine named Pannychis. He also honored all of his friends according to their status. Similarly, all the king's relatives, at his request, made lavish gifts to Archelaus; and he was escorted on his way by Herod and his nobles as far as Antioch.
CHAPTER 26.
How Eurycles 40 Calumniated The Sons Of Mariamne; And How
Euaratus Of Cos's Apology For Them Had No Effect.
How Eurycles 40 Slandered The Sons Of Mariamne; And How Euaratus Of Cos's Defense For Them Made No Difference.
1. Now a little afterward there came into Judea a man that was much superior to Arehelaus's stratagems, who did not only overturn that reconciliation that had been so wisely made with Alexander, but proved the occasion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian, and his name was Eurycles. He was so corrupt a man, that out of the desire of getting money, he chose to live under a king, for Greece could not suffice his luxury. He presented Herod with splendid gifts, as a bait which he laid in order to compass his ends, and quickly received them back again manifold; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by his purchases. Accordingly, he imposed upon the king by flattering him, and by talking subtlely to him, as also by the lying encomiums which he made upon him; for as he soon perceived Herod's blind side, so he said and did every thing that might please him, and thereby became one of his most intimate friends; for both the king and all that were about him had a great regard for this Spartan, on account of his country. 41
1. Not long after, a man came to Judea who was far more cunning than Arehelaus. He not only disrupted the smart reconciliation made with Alexander, but also brought about his downfall. This man was a Lacedemonian named Eurycles. He was so corrupt that, in his greed for wealth, he chose to live under a king, as Greece couldn’t satisfy his luxury. He gave Herod lavish gifts as bait to achieve his goals and quickly received much more in return; however, he considered mere gifts worthless unless he spilled blood to secure his gains. Thus, he flattered the king, spoke in clever ways, and showered him with false praise; for as soon as he recognized Herod's weaknesses, he did everything to please him, and in doing so, became one of his closest friends. Both the king and those around him held this Spartan in high regard because of his homeland. 41
2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels the brothers had one with another, and in what disposition the father was towards each of them, he chose to take his lodging at the first in the house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander with a pretense of friendship to him, and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus; for which reason he was presently admitted into Alexander's familiarity as a faithful friend. He also soon recommended himself to his brother Aristobulus. And when he had thus made trial of these several persons, he imposed upon one of them by one method, and upon another by another. But he was principally hired by Antipater, and so betrayed Alexander, and this by reproaching Antipater, because, while he was the eldest son he overlooked the intrigues of those who stood in the way of his expectations; and by reproaching Alexander, because he who was born of a queen, and was married to a king's daughter, permitted one that was born of a mean woman to lay claim to the succession, and this when he had Archelaus to support him in the most complete manner. Nor was his advice thought to be other than faithful by the young man, because of his pretended friendship with Archelaus; on which account it was that Alexander lamented to him Antipater's behavior with regard to himself, and this without concealing any thing from him; and how it was no wonder if Herod, after he had killed their mother, should deprive them of her kingdom. Upon this Eurycles pretended to commiserate his condition, and to grieve with him. He also, by a bait that he laid for him, procured Aristobulus to say the same things. Thus did he inveigle both the brothers to make complaints of their father, and then went to Antipater, and carried these grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot against him, and were almost ready to come upon him with their drawn swords. For this intelligence he received a great sum of money, and on that account he commended Antipater before his father, and at length undertook the work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus to their graves, and accused them before their father. So he came to Herod, and told him that he would save his life, as a requital for the favors he had received from him, and would preserve his light [of life] by way of retribution for his kind entertainment; for that a sword had been long whetted, and Alexander's right hand had been long stretched out against him; but that he had laid impediments in his way, prevented his speed, and that by pretending to assist him in his design: how Alexander said that Herod was not contented to reign in a kingdom that belonged to others, and to make dilapidations in their mother's government after he had killed her; but besides all this, that he introduced a spurious successor, and proposed to give the kingdom of their ancestors to that pestilent fellow Antipater:—that he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking vengeance on him; for that it was not fit for him to take the succession to the government from such a father without bloodshed: that many things happen every day to provoke him so to do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but it affords occasion for calumny against him; for that if any mention be made of nobility of birth, even in other cases, he is abused unjustly, while his father would say that nobody, to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander, and that his father was inglorious for want of such nobility. If they be at any time hunting, and he says nothing, he gives offense; and if he commends any body, they take it in way of jest. That they always find their father unmercifully severe, and have no natural affection for any of them but for Antipater; on which accounts, if this plot does not take, he is very willing to die; but that in case he kill his father, he hath sufficient opportunities for saving himself. In the first place, he hath Archelaus his father-in-law to whom he can easily fly; and in the next place, he hath Caesar, who had never known Herod's character to this day; for that he shall not appear then before him with that dread he used to do when his father was there to terrify him; and that he will not then produce the accusations that concerned himself alone, but would, in the first place, openly insist on the calamities of their nation, and how they are taxed to death, and in what ways of luxury and wicked practices that wealth is spent which was gotten by bloodshed; what sort of persons they are that get our riches, and to whom those cities belong upon whom he bestows his favors; that he would have inquiry made what became of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his mother [Mariamne], and would openly proclaim the gross wickedness that was in the kingdom; on which accounts he should not be deemed a parricide.
2. As soon as this guy noticed the problems in the family, the fights between the brothers, and how their father treated each of them, he decided to stay at Antipater's place first. He fooled Alexander by pretending to be his friend and falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of Archelaus. Because of this, he quickly became close to Alexander as a loyal friend. He also soon won over his brother Aristobulus. After testing these different people, he deceived one in one way and another in another way. However, he was primarily hired by Antipater, which led him to betray Alexander. He criticized Antipater for overlooking the plots that could threaten his own future as the eldest son. He also blamed Alexander, who, despite being born of a queen and married to a king's daughter, allowed someone born of a common woman to claim the throne, especially when he had full support from Archelaus. The young man thought his advice was genuine because of his supposed friendship with Archelaus. That’s why Alexander confided in him about Antipater’s behavior towards him, without hiding anything, mentioning how it was no surprise that Herod, after killing their mother, might take away her kingdom. In response, Eurycles pretended to sympathize with him and express grief. He also baited Aristobulus into saying the same things. This way, he tricked both brothers into complaining about their father, then went to Antipater and shared these important secrets with him. He also added a lie, claiming his brothers were plotting against him and were almost ready to attack with drawn swords. For this information, he received a large sum of money, which led him to praise Antipater before their father and ultimately take on the task of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus down, accusing them to their father. He approached Herod, telling him he would save his life as a repayment for the favors he had received and would protect his life in return for his hospitality; he claimed a sword had been sharpened for a long time, and Alexander had long been threatening him. But he had set obstacles in Alexander's path while pretending to help him. He mentioned how Alexander said Herod was not satisfied with ruling a kingdom that belonged to others and was ruining their mother’s rule after killing her; besides that, he was planning to hand their ancestor's kingdom to that despicable Antipater. Eurycles said he would now appease the ghosts of Hyrcanus and Mariamne by taking revenge. He argued that it wouldn't be right for him to inherit the government from such a father without bloodshed. He cited many daily provocations, saying that anything he said gave rise to slander against him. He noted that if anyone brought up noble birth, even in other contexts, he faced unjust ridicule, while his father would insist that only Alexander had noble birth, making him look bad for not having it. If they went hunting and he didn't speak, it offended them; if he praised anyone, they mocked him. They always found their father to be cruel and felt no natural affection from him except towards Antipater. As a result, he expressed he would be willing to die if this plot failed, but if he killed his father, he had ways to save himself. First, he had Archelaus, his father-in-law, to whom he could easily escape; second, he had Caesar, who still did not know Herod’s true character. He would no longer face the fear he used to feel when his father was present. He would not bring accusations just against himself but would first focus on the suffering of their nation, how they were heavily taxed, and how the wealth gained through violence was spent on luxury and wickedness. He would point out who benefited from their riches and question the cities that received his favors, seeking to investigate what happened to his grandfather Hyrcanus and his mother Mariamne, openly condemning the prevalent corruption in the kingdom; for these reasons, he would argue that he should not be seen as a parricide.
3. When Eurycles had made this portentous speech, he greatly commended Antipater, as the only child that had an affection for his father, and on that account was an impediment to the other's plot against him. Hereupon the king, who had hardly repressed his anger upon the former accusations, was exasperated to an incurable degree. At which time Antipater took another occasion to send in other persons to his father to accuse his brethren, and to tell him that they had privately discoursed with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had once been masters of the horse to the king, but for some offenses had been put out of that honorable employment. Herod was in a very great rage at these informations, and presently ordered those men to be tortured; yet did not they confess any thing of what the king had been informed; but a certain letter was produced, as written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to desire him to receive him and Aristobulus into the castle when he had killed his father, and to give them weapons, and what other assistance he could, upon that occasion. Alexander said that this letter was a forgery of Diophantus. This Diophantus was the king's secretary, a bold man, and cunning in counterfeiting any one's hand; and after he had counterfeited a great number, he was at last put to death for it. Herod did also order the governor of the castle to be tortured, but got nothing out of him of what the accusations suggested.
3. After Eurycles gave this dramatic speech, he praised Antipater as the only son who truly cared for his father, which made him a barrier to the others' scheme against him. This caused the king, who had barely contained his anger over the earlier accusations, to become uncontrollably furious. At this point, Antipater seized another opportunity to send other people to his father to accuse his brothers, claiming they had privately spoken with Jucundus and Tyrannus, who had previously been the king’s horse masters but were removed from that respected position due to certain offenses. Herod was extremely angry at this information and immediately ordered those men to be tortured; however, they did not confess to anything the king had been told. Instead, a letter surfaced, supposedly written by Alexander to the governor of a castle, asking him to let him and Aristobulus into the castle after he killed his father, and to provide them with weapons and any other help they could. Alexander claimed that this letter was forged by Diophantus. Diophantus was the king's secretary, known for being bold and skilled at faking anyone's handwriting; after forging many signatures, he was eventually executed for it. Herod also commanded the torture of the castle governor but received no information that corroborated the accusations.
4. However, although Herod found the proofs too weak, he gave order to have his sons kept in custody; for till now they had been at liberty. He also called that pest of his family, and forger of all this vile accusation, Eurycles, his savior and benefactor, and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Upon which he prevented any accurate accounts that could come of what he had done, by going immediately into Cappadocia, and there he got money of Archelaus, having the impudence to pretend that he had reconciled Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over into Greece, and used what he had thus wickedly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Accordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar, that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and had plundered its cities; and so he was sent into banishment. And thus was he punished for what wicked actions he had been guilty of about Aristobulus and Alexander.
4. However, even though Herod thought the evidence was too weak, he ordered his sons to be kept in custody since they had been free until then. He also summoned that troublemaker from his family, Eurycles, who had forged all these nasty accusations, and rewarded him with fifty talents. This allowed Eurycles to escape any accurate reports of his actions by quickly going to Cappadocia, where he got money from Archelaus, shamelessly claiming that he had reconciled Herod with Alexander. He then traveled to Greece and used the money he had dishonestly obtained for similar dishonest purposes. As a result, he was accused twice before Caesar for inciting unrest in Achaia and plundering its cities, leading to his banishment. Thus, he was punished for the wicked deeds he committed against Aristobulus and Alexander.
5. But it will now be worth while to put Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spartan; for as he was one of Alexander's most intimate friends, and came to him in his travels at the same time that Eurycles came; so the king put the question to him, whether those things of which Alexander was accused were true? He assured him upon oath that he had never heard any such things from the young men; yet did this testimony avail nothing for the clearing those miserable creatures; for Herod was only disposed and most ready to hearken to what made against them, and every one was most agreeable to him that would believe they were guilty, and showed their indignation at them.
5. But it’s now worth comparing Euaratus of Cos to this Spartan; he was one of Alexander's closest friends and met up with him during his travels at the same time as Eurycles. The king asked him if the accusations against Alexander were true. He swore that he had never heard anything like that from the young men. However, this testimony did nothing to help those unfortunate individuals, as Herod was only inclined to listen to anything that went against them, and everyone who believed they were guilty was highly favored by him and showed their outrage towards them.
CHAPTER 27.
Herod By Caesars Direction Accuses His Sons At Eurytus. They
Are Not Produced Before The Courts But Yet Are Condemned;
And In A Little Time They Are Sent To Sebaste, And Strangled
There.
Herod, following Caesar's orders, accuses his sons at Eurytus. They are not brought before the courts but are still condemned; soon after, they are sent to Sebaste and strangled there.
1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod's cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-law and his aunt, into the like dangers with themselves; so he sent to her to take care of her own safety, and told her that the king was preparing to put her to death, on account of the accusation that was laid against her, as if when she formerly endeavored to marry herself to Sylleus the Arabian, she had discovered the king's grand secrets to him, who was the king's enemy; and this it was that came as the last storm, and entirely sunk the young men when they were in great danger before. For Salome came running to the king, and informed him of what admonition had been given her; whereupon he could bear no longer, but commanded both the young men to be bound, and kept the one asunder from the other. He also sent Volumnius, the general of his army, to Caesar immediately, as also his friend Olympus with him, who carried the informations in writing along with them. Now as soon as they had sailed to Rome, and delivered the king's letters to Caesar, Caesar was mightily troubled at the case of the young men; yet did not he think he ought to take the power from the father of condemning his sons; so he wrote back to him, and appointed him to have the power over his sons; but said withal, that he would do well to make an examination into this matter of the plot against him in a public court, and to take for his assessors his own kindred, and the governors of the province. And if those sons be found guilty, to put them to death; but if they appear to have thought of no more than flying away from him, that he should moderate their punishment.
1. Moreover, Salome aggravated Herod's cruelty towards his sons; Aristobulus wanted to expose her, who was both his mother-in-law and his aunt, to the same dangers as himself. So he sent a warning to her to protect herself, informing her that the king was planning to have her killed because of an accusation against her. The accusation claimed that when she had previously tried to marry Sylleus the Arabian, she had revealed the king's major secrets to him, who was an enemy of the king. This was the final blow that completely overwhelmed the young men, who were already in serious trouble. Salome rushed to the king and told him about the warning she had received; this pushed him over the edge, and he ordered both young men to be arrested, keeping them apart. He also sent Volumnius, his army general, to Caesar right away, along with his friend Olympus, who took the written accusations with them. Once they arrived in Rome and delivered the king's letters to Caesar, he was very troubled by the situation of the young men. However, he believed he should not remove the father's authority to judge his sons, so he wrote back to Herod, granting him the power over them, but advised him to investigate the plotting against him in a public court and to select his relatives and the provincial governors as assessors. If the sons were found guilty, they should be executed; but if it seemed they were only trying to escape from him, he should lessen their punishment.
2. With these directions Herod complied, and came to Berytus, where Caesar had ordered the court to be assembled, and got the judicature together. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had appointed, who were Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants that were with them, with whom was the procurator Volumnius also; next to them sat the king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also, and Pheroras; after whom sat the principal men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus; for Herod had a suspicion of him, because he was Alexander's father-in-law. Yet did not he produce his sons in open court; and this was done very cunningly, for he knew well enough that had they but appeared only, they would certainly have been pitied; and if withal they had been suffered to speak, Alexander would easily have answered what they were accused of; but they were in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidontans.
2. Herod followed these instructions and arrived in Berytus, where Caesar had ordered the court to gather, and assembled the judges. The presidents sat first, as Caesar's letters had directed, namely Saturninus and Pedanius, along with their lieutenants and the procurator Volumnius. Next to them sat the king's relatives and friends, including Salome and Pheroras. After them sat the prominent men of all Syria, except for Archelaus, because Herod was suspicious of him since he was Alexander's father-in-law. However, he did not bring his sons into the courtroom, which he handled very cleverly, knowing that if they just appeared, they would certainly gain sympathy. And if they were allowed to speak, Alexander would easily defend himself against the accusations. Instead, they were being held in custody at Platane, a village of the Sidontans.
3. So the king got up, and inveighed against his sons, as if they were present; and as for that part of the accusation that they had plotted against him, he urged it but faintly, because he was destitute of proofs; but he insisted before the assessors on the reproaches, and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten thousand the like offenses against him, which were heavier than death itself; and when nobody contradicted him, he moved them to pity his case, as though he had been condemned himself, now he had gained a bitter victory against his sons. So he asked every one's sentence, which sentence was first of all given by Saturninus, and was this: That he condemned the young men, but not to death; for that it was not fit for him, who had three sons of his own now present, to give his vote for the destruction of the sons of another. The two lieutenants also gave the like vote; some others there were also who followed their example; but Volumnius began to vote on the more melancholy side, and all those that came after him condemned the young men to die, some out of flattery, and some out of hatred to Herod; but none out of indignation at their crimes. And now all Syria and Judea was in great expectation, and waited for the last act of this tragedy; yet did nobody, suppose that Herod would be so barbarous as to murder his children: however, he carried them away to Tyre, and thence sailed to Cesarea, and deliberated with himself what sort of death the young men should suffer.
3. So the king got up and criticized his sons as if they were right there. He barely pressed the accusation that they had plotted against him because he had no evidence to back it up. Instead, he focused on their insults, jokes, disrespect, and countless other offenses against him, which felt worse than death itself. Since no one challenged him, he swayed them to feel sorry for him, as if he were the one being condemned, having just won a bitter victory over his sons. He asked everyone for their opinions, starting with Saturninus, who said he condemned the young men but not to death; it wouldn’t be right for him, a father of three sons present, to vote for the destruction of another's children. The two lieutenants gave a similar vote, and others followed suit. However, Volumnius voted in favor of a harsher punishment, and everyone after him condemned the young men to die—some out of flattery, others out of hatred for Herod, but none out of genuine outrage at their crimes. Now all of Syria and Judea were anxiously waiting for the final act of this tragedy; no one expected Herod to be so cruel as to kill his own children. Nevertheless, he took them away to Tyre, then sailed to Caesarea, pondering what kind of death the young men should face.
4. Now there was a certain old soldier of the king's, whose name was Tero, who had a son that was very familiar with and a friend to Alexander, and who himself particularly loved the young men. This soldier was in a manner distracted, out of the excess of the indignation he had at what was doing; and at first he cried out aloud, as he went about, that justice was trampled under foot; that truth was perished, and nature confounded; and that the life of man was full of iniquity, and every thing else that passion could suggest to a man who spared not his own life; and at last he ventured to go to the king, and said, "Truly I think thou art a most miserable man, when thou hearkenest to most wicked wretches, against those that ought to be dearest to thee; since thou hast frequently resolved that Pheroras and Salome should be put to death, and yet believest them against thy sons; while these, by cutting off the succession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee such a king as may be thoroughly in their own power. However, consider whether this death of Antipater's brethren will not make him hated by the soldiers; for there is nobody but commiserates the young men; and of the captains, a great many show their indignation at it openly." Upon his saying this, he named those that had such indignation; but the king ordered those men, with Tero himself and his son, to be seized upon immediately.
4. There was an old soldier in the king's service named Tero, whose son was close friends with Alexander and who particularly cared for the young men. This soldier was somewhat out of his mind from the overwhelming anger he felt about what was happening. At first, he loudly declared as he walked around that justice was being trampled; that truth was dead; that nature was confused; and that human life was filled with wrongdoing, along with everything else that anger could make a person say when they had nothing to lose. Finally, he dared to approach the king and said, "Truly, I believe you are a very unfortunate man if you listen to the most wicked people who speak against those who should be closest to you. You have often decided that Pheroras and Salome should be killed, and yet you believe them over your own sons. By cutting off the succession of your sons, they are leaving everything to Antipater and choosing to have you as a king who is completely under their control. However, think about whether the death of Antipater's brothers will make him hated by the soldiers. Everyone feels sympathy for the young men; many of the captains openly express their anger about it." After he said this, he named those who were angry, but the king ordered that those men, along with Tero and his son, be arrested immediately.
5. At which time there was a certain barber, whose name was Trypho. This man leaped out from among the people in a kind of madness, and accused himself, and said, "This Tero endeavored to persuade me also to cut thy throat with my razor, when I trimmed thee, and promised that Alexander should give me large presents for so doing." When Herod heard this, he examined Tero, with his son and the barber, by the torture; but as the others denied the accusation, and he said nothing further, Herod gave order that Tero should be racked more severely; but his son, out of pity to his father, promised to discover the whole to the king, if he would grant [that his father should be no longer tortured]. When he had agreed to this, he said that his father, at the persuasion of Alexander, had an intention to kill him. Now some said this was forged, in order to free his father from his torments; and some said it was true.
5. At that time, there was a barber named Trypho. This man suddenly jumped out from the crowd in a sort of frenzy and confessed, saying, "This Tero tried to convince me to cut your throat with my razor while I was trimming you, and promised that Alexander would give me a lot of money for doing it." When Herod heard this, he interrogated Tero, along with his son and the barber, under torture; but since the others denied the accusation and he didn’t say anything else, Herod ordered that Tero be tortured more harshly. However, his son, feeling sorry for his father, promised to reveal everything to the king if he would stop torturing his father. Once this was agreed upon, he said that his father, at Alexander's urging, intended to kill him. Some people said this was made up to save his father from torture, while others insisted it was true.
6. And now Herod accused the captains and Tero in an assembly of the people, and brought the people together in a body against them; and accordingly there were they put to death, together with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the pieces of wood and the stones that were thrown at them. He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from Cesarea, and ordered them to be there strangled; and as what he had ordered was executed immediately, so he commanded that their dead bodies should be brought to the fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alexander, their grandfather by the mother's side. And this was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.
6. Then Herod accused the captains and Tero in front of the people and gathered them all together against them. As a result, they were put to death, along with [Trypho] the barber; they were killed by the wooden pieces and stones that were thrown at them. He also sent his sons to Sebaste, a city near Cesarea, and ordered them to be strangled there; and since his orders were carried out immediately, he commanded that their dead bodies be taken to the fortress Alexandrium to be buried with Alexander, their maternal grandfather. And that was the end of Alexander and Aristobulus.
CHAPTER 28.
How Antipater Is Hated Of All Men; And How The King Espouses
The Sons Of Those That Had Been Slain To His Kindred; But
That Antipater Made Him Change Them For Other Women. Of
Herod's Marriages, And Children.
How Antipater Is Hated By Everyone; And How The King Marries
The Sons Of Those Who Had Been Killed To His Family; But
Antipater Made Him Replace Them With Other Women. Of
Herod's Marriages And Children.1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon Antipater from the nation, though he had now an indisputable title to the succession, because they all knew that he was the person who contrived all the calumnies against his brethren. However, he began to be in a terrible fear, as he saw the posterity of those that had been slain growing up; for Alexander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters, and all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed Alexander, sent her back, together with her portion, to Cappadocia. He married Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's uncle by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in order to reconcile her to him, when she had been at variance with him, contrived this match; he also got into Pheroras's favor, and into the favor of Caesar's friends, by presents, and other ways of obsequiousness, and sent no small sums of money to Rome; Saturninus also, and his friends in Syria, were all well replenished with the presents he made them; yet the more he gave, the more he was hated, as not making these presents out of generosity, but spending his money out of fear. Accordingly, it so fell out that the receivers bore him no more good-will than before, but that those to whom he gave nothing were his more bitter enemies. However, he bestowed his money every day more and more profusely, on observing that, contrary to his expectations, the king was taking care about the orphans, and discovering at the same time his repentance for killing their fathers, by his commiseration of those that sprang from them.
1. An unbearable hatred grew against Antipater from the people, even though he had a clear claim to the throne, because everyone knew he was the one who spread all the slander about his brothers. However, he started to feel intense fear as he noticed the children of those who had been killed coming of age; for Alexander had two sons with Glaphyra, Tigranes and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod, Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, along with his daughters Herodias and Mariamne, all from Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for Glaphyra, after killing Alexander, Herod sent her back to Cappadocia with her dowry. He married Bernice, Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's maternal uncle, and it was Antipater who arranged this match to smooth things over with her after they had a fallout. He also won over Pheroras and Caesar's allies through gifts and flattery, sending considerable amounts of money to Rome; Saturninus and his friends in Syria were well taken care of due to his generosity as well. Yet, the more he gave, the more he was despised, perceived not as a generous giver but as someone spending money out of fear. Ironically, the recipients of his gifts felt no warmer towards him than before, while those he didn’t give anything to became even more hostile. Nevertheless, he continued to spend his money increasingly every day, noticing that, contrary to his hopes, the king was caring for the orphans and showing his remorse for killing their fathers through his compassion for their descendants.
2. Accordingly, Herod got together his kindred and friends, and set before them the children, and, with his eyes full of tears, said thus to them: "It was an unlucky fate that took away from me these children's fathers, which children are recommended to me by that natural commiseration which their orphan condition requires; however, I will endeavor, though I have been a most unfortunate father, to appear a better grandfather, and to leave these children such curators after myself as are dearest to me. I therefore betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these brethren, the children of Alexander, that thou mayst be obliged to take care of them. I also betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daughter of Aristobulus; be thou therefore a father to that orphan; and my son Herod [Philip] shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by the mother's side, was high priest. And let every one that loves me be of my sentiments in these dispositions, which none that hath an affection for me will abrogate. And I pray God that he will join these children together in marriage, to the advantage of my kingdom, and of my posterity; and may he look down with eyes more serene upon them than he looked upon their fathers."
2. So, Herod gathered his relatives and friends, and in tears, he spoke to them: "It was unfortunate fate that took away these children's fathers, and I feel a natural compassion for them because of their orphan status. However, even though I’ve been a very unlucky father, I will try to be a better grandfather and leave these children guardians who are dear to me. So, I betroth your daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of these brothers, the children of Alexander, so that you will have to look after them. I also betroth your son, Antipater, to the daughter of Aristobulus; please be a father to that orphan. My son Herod [Philip] will marry her sister, whose maternal grandfather was a high priest. And let everyone who cares for me support these decisions, as no one who truly cares for me will oppose them. I pray that God will unite these children in marriage for the benefit of my kingdom and my lineage, and may He look upon them more favorably than He did their fathers."
3. While he spake these words he wept, and joined the children's right hands together; after which he embraced them every one after an affectionate manner, and dismissed the assembly. Upon this, Antipater was in great disorder immediately, and lamented publicly at what was done; for he supposed that this dignity which was conferred on these orphans was for his own destruction, even in his father's lifetime, and that he should run another risk of losing the government, if Alexander's sons should have both Archelaus [a king], and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support them. He also considered how he was himself hated by the nation, and how they pitied these orphans; how great affection the Jews bare to those brethren of his when they were alive, and how gladly they remembered them now they had perished by his means. So he resolved by all the ways possible to get these espousals dissolved.
3. While he was saying these words, he cried and brought the children's right hands together; after that, he embraced each of them warmly and dismissed the assembly. At this, Antipater was in a great panic and publicly lamented what had happened; he feared that this honor given to the orphans was a threat to his own safety, even while his father was still alive, and that he faced another risk of losing power if Alexander's sons had both Archelaus [a king] and Pheroras a tetrarch to back them up. He also thought about how much the nation disliked him and how they sympathized with these orphans; how much the Jews loved those brothers when they were alive, and how fondly they remembered them now that they had died because of him. So, he resolved by every means possible to have these engagements canceled.
4. Now he was afraid of going subtlely about this matter with his father, who was hard to be pleased, and was presently moved upon the least suspicion: so he ventured to go to him directly, and to beg of him before his face not to deprive him of that dignity which he had been pleased to bestow upon him; and that he might not have the bare name of a king, while the power was in other persons; for that he should never be able to keep the government, if Alexander's son was to have both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras for his curators; and he besought him earnestly, since there were so many of the royal family alive, that he would change those [intended] marriages. Now the king had nine wives, 42 and children by seven of them; Antipater was himself born of Doris, and Herod Philip of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were by Malthace, the Samaritan, as was his daughter Olympias, which his brother Joseph's 43 son had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he had Herod and Philip; and by Pallas, Phasaelus; he had also two daughters, Roxana and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other by Elpis; he had also two wives that had no children, the one his first cousin, and the other his niece; and besides these he had two daughters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal family was so numerous, Antipater prayed him to change these intended marriages.
4. Now he was worried about handling this situation with his father, who was hard to please and easily got upset at the slightest hint of discontent. So, he decided to approach him directly and asked him face-to-face not to take away the honor he had generously given him. He expressed that he didn’t want just the title of king while others held the real power. He mentioned that he wouldn't be able to maintain control if Alexander's son had both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras as his guardians. He earnestly begged him, especially since so many members of the royal family were alive, to reconsider those planned marriages. The king had nine wives, 42 and children from seven of them: Antipater was born of Doris, and Herod Philip from Mariamne, the high priest's daughter. Antipas and Archelaus were from Malthace, a Samaritan, and had a daughter, Olympias, who married his brother Joseph’s 43 son. From Cleopatra of Jerusalem, he had Herod and Philip; and from Pallas, Phasaelus. He also had two daughters, Roxana and Salome, one from Phedra and the other from Elpis. Additionally, he had two wives without children, one being his first cousin and the other his niece; among these, he had two daughters, sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus, from Mariamne. Therefore, given the large size of the royal family, Antipater urged him to change those intended marriages.
5. When the king perceived what disposition he was in towards these orphans, he was angry at it, and a suspicion came into his mind as to those sons whom he had put to death, whether that had not been brought about by the false tales of Antipater; so that at that time he made Antipater a long and a peevish answer, and bid him begone. Yet was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly by his flatteries, and changed the marriages; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him, and his son to Pheroras's daughter.
5. When the king saw how he felt about these orphans, he got angry and started to wonder if the execution of his sons was influenced by Antipater's lies. So, he gave Antipater a long and irritated response and told him to leave. However, later on, he was cleverly swayed by Antipater's flattery and changed the marriages; he married Aristobulus's daughter to him and his son to Pheroras's daughter.
6. Now one may learn, in this instance, how very much this flattering Antipater could do,—even what Salome in the like circumstances could not do; for when she, who was his sister, and who, by the means of Julia, Caesar's wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to Sylleus the Arabian, Herod swore he would esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would leave off that project: he also caused her, against her own consent, to be married to Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her daughters should be married to Alexas's son, and the other to Antipater's uncle by the mother's side. And for the daughters the king had by Mariamne, the one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus.
6. Now you can see how much this flattering Antipater could accomplish—even more than what Salome could do in similar circumstances. When she, his sister, desperately wanted to marry Sylleus the Arabian with the help of Julia, Caesar's wife, Herod swore he would consider her his bitter enemy if she pursued that plan. He also forced her, against her will, to marry Alexas, a friend of his, and arranged for one of her daughters to marry Alexas's son, and the other to marry Antipater's maternal uncle. As for the daughters that the king had with Mariamne, one was married to Antipater, his sister's son, and the other to his brother's son, Phasaelus.
CHAPTER 29.
Antipater Becomes Intolerable. He Is Sent To Rome, And
Carries Herod's Testament With Him; Pheroras Leaves His
Brother, That He May Keep His Wife. He Dies At Home.
Antipater Becomes Unbearable. He Is Sent To Rome, And
Takes Herod's Will With Him; Pheroras Leaves His
Brother So He Can Stay With His Wife. He Dies At Home.1. Now when Antipater had cut off the hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such affinities as would be most for his own advantage, he proceeded briskly, as having a certain expectation of the kingdom; and as he had now assurance added to his wickedness, he became intolerable; for not being able to avoid the hatred of all people, he built his security upon the terror he struck into them. Pheroras also assisted him in his designs, looking upon him as already fixed in the kingdom. There was also a company of women in the court, which excited new disturbances; for Pheroras's wife, together with her mother and sister, as also Antipater's mother, grew very impudent in the palace. She also was so insolent as to affront the king's two daughters, 44 on which account the king hated her to a great degree; yet although these women were hated by him, they domineered over others: there was only Salome who opposed their good agreement, and informed the king of their meetings, as not being for the advantage of his affairs. And when those women knew what calumnies she had raised against them, and how much Herod was displeased, they left off their public meetings, and friendly entertainments of one another; nay, on the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one with another when the king was within hearing. The like dissimulation did Antipater make use of; and when matters were public, he opposed Pheroras; but still they had private cabals and merry meetings in the night time; nor did the observation of others do any more than confirm their mutual agreement. However, Salome knew every thing they did, and told every thing to Herod.
1. When Antipater cut off the orphans' hopes and formed ties that benefited him, he acted confidently, as if he was certain he'd gain the throne. With his wickedness now matched by arrogance, he became unbearable. Unable to evade everyone's hatred, he relied on the fear he instilled in others for his security. Pheroras supported him, seeing him as already established in power. The court was also disrupted by a group of women; Pheroras's wife, her mother, her sister, and Antipater's mother all became very brazen in the palace. In fact, she was so disrespectful that she insulted the king's two daughters, which made the king despise her even more. Despite being disliked by him, these women held sway over others, except for Salome, who challenged their alliance and informed the king about their gatherings, seeing them as harmful to his interests. When the women realized the slanders she spread and how displeased Herod was, they stopped their public meetings and pretend social gatherings. In fact, they feigned disputes when the king was nearby. Antipater played similar games; in public, he opposed Pheroras, but behind the scenes, they had secretive gatherings at night. The scrutiny of others didn't weaken their bond. However, Salome was aware of everything they did and reported it all to Herod.
2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, and chiefly at Pheroras's wife; for Salome had principally accused her. So he got an assembly of his friends and kindred together, and there accused this woman of many things, and particularly of the affronts she had offered his daughters; and that she had supplied the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards for what they had done against him, and had procured his brother to become his enemy, by giving him love potions. At length he turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him that he would give him his choice of these two things: Whether he would keep in with his brother, or with his wife? And when Pheroras said that he would die rather than forsake his wife, Herod, not knowing what to do further in that matter, turned his speech to Antipater, and charged him to have no intercourse either with Pheroras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with any one belonging to her. Now though Antipater did not transgress that his injunction publicly, yet did he in secret come to their night meetings; and because he was afraid that Salome observed what he did, he procured, by the means of his Italian friends, that he might go and live at Rome; for when they wrote that it was proper for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod made no delay, but sent him, and that with a splendid attendance, and a great deal of money, and gave him his testament to carry with him,—wherein Antipater had the kingdom bequeathed to him, and wherein Herod was named for Antipater's successor; that Herod, I mean, who was the son of Mariamne, the high priest's daughter.
2. But he was filled with anger towards them, especially at Pheroras's wife; for Salome had primarily accused her. So he gathered his friends and family together and accused this woman of many things, particularly the insults she had directed at his daughters; that she had given money to the Pharisees as rewards for their actions against him, and that she had made his brother turn against him by giving him love potions. Finally, he addressed Pheroras and told him he had to choose between two things: whether he would side with his brother or with his wife. When Pheroras said he would rather die than abandon his wife, Herod, unsure of what to do next, turned to Antipater and instructed him to avoid any association with Pheroras's wife, Pheroras himself, or anyone connected to her. Although Antipater didn’t openly defy that order, he secretly attended their night meetings. Worried that Salome might notice, he arranged, through his Italian friends, to move to Rome; for when they wrote that it was suitable for Antipater to be sent to Caesar for a while, Herod promptly agreed and sent him with a grand entourage and a lot of money, giving him his will to take with him—wherein he bequeathed the kingdom to Antipater and named Herod, the son of Mariamne, the high priest’s daughter, as Antipater’s successor.
3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, without any regard to Caesar's injunctions, and this in order to oppose Antipater with all his might, as to that law-suit which Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus had also a great contest with Aretas his own king; for he had slain many others of Aretas's friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had prevailed with Phabatus, who was Herod's steward, by giving him a great sum of money, to assist him against Herod; but when Herod gave him more, he induced him to leave Sylleus, and by this means he demanded of him all that Caesar had required of him to pay. But when Sylleus paid nothing of what he was to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Caesar, and said that he was not a steward for Caesar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus was angry at him on that account, but was still in very great esteem with Herod, and discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and told the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corinthus, one of the guards of his body, by bribing him, and of whom he must therefore have a care. Accordingly, the king complied; for this Corinthus, though he was brought up in Herod's kingdom, yet was he by birth an Arabian; so the king ordered him to be taken up immediately, and not only him, but two other Arabians, who were caught with him; the one of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the head of a tribe. These last, being put to the torture, confessed that they had prevailed with Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill Herod; and when they had been further examined before Saturninus, the president of Syria, they were sent to Rome.
3. Sylleus, the Arabian, sailed to Rome, ignoring Caesar's orders, to confront Antipater with all his strength over the lawsuit Nicolaus had against him. Sylleus had also had a serious conflict with Aretas, his own king, as he had killed many of Aretas's allies, especially Sohemus, the most powerful man in the city of Petra. Additionally, he had convinced Phabatus, who was Herod's steward, to help him against Herod by offering him a large amount of money. However, when Herod offered Phabatus more, he persuaded him to abandon Sylleus and demanded that Sylleus pay everything Caesar required of him. When Sylleus didn’t pay anything he owed and accused Phabatus to Caesar, claiming he served Herod’s interests instead of Caesar’s, Phabatus was angry but remained in high regard with Herod. He revealed Sylleus's major secrets, informing the king that Sylleus had bribed Corinthus, one of Herod's bodyguards, and that he posed a threat. The king took action, as Corinthus, although raised in Herod's kingdom, was originally Arabian. He ordered Corinthus’s immediate arrest, along with two other Arabians caught with him—one a friend of Sylleus and the other the leader of a tribe. After being tortured, the two admitted they had bribed Corinthus to assassinate Herod, and after further questioning by Saturninus, the governor of Syria, they were sent to Rome.
4. However, Herod did not leave off importuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to put away his wife; 45 yet could he not devise any way by which he could bring the woman herself to punishment, although he had many causes of hatred to her; till at length he was in such great uneasiness at her, that he cast both her and his brother out of his kingdom. Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and went away into his own tetrarchy, [Perea beyond Jordan,] and sware that there should be but one end put to his flight, and that should be Herod's death; and that he would never return while he was alive. Nor indeed would he return when his brother was sick, although he earnestly sent for him to come to him, because he had a mind to leave some injunctions with him before he died; but Herod unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod showed great moderation; for he came to him, and pitied his case, and took care of him; but his affection for him did him no good, for Pheroras died a little afterward. Now though Herod had so great an affection for him to the last day of his life, yet was a report spread abroad that he had killed him by poison. However, he took care to have his dead body carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very great mourning to the whole nation for him, and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon him. And this was the end that one of Alexander's and Aristobulus's murderers came to.
4. However, Herod kept pressuring Pheroras and pushed him to divorce his wife; 45 yet he couldn't figure out how to punish her directly, despite having many reasons to hate her. Eventually, he became so annoyed with her that he expelled both her and his brother from his kingdom. Pheroras took this insult calmly and returned to his own territory, [Perea beyond Jordan], swearing that the only thing that would end his exile would be Herod's death, and he vowed never to return as long as he was alive. In fact, he didn't come back even when his brother was ill, despite Herod urgently asking him to come because he wanted to leave some instructions before he died; however, Herod unexpectedly recovered. Shortly after, Pheroras himself fell ill, and Herod showed great restraint; he went to see him, expressed sympathy, and took care of him. But his care didn't help, as Pheroras died shortly afterward. Although Herod had a deep affection for him until the end, rumors circulated that he had poisoned him. Nevertheless, he ensured that Pheroras's body was taken to Jerusalem, declared a period of national mourning, and arranged a very grand funeral for him. This was the fate of one of the murderers of Alexander and Aristobulus.
CHAPTER 30.
When Herod Made Inquiry About Pheroras's Death A Discovery
Was Made That Antipater Had Prepared A Poisonous Draught For
Him. Herod Casts Doris And Her Accomplices, As Also
Mariamne, Out Of The Palace And Blots Her Son Herod Out Of
His Testament.
When Herod asked about Pheroras's death, it was discovered that Antipater had gotten a poisonous drink ready for him. Herod expelled Doris and her accomplices, as well as Mariamne, from the palace and erased Herod, her son, from his will.
1. But now the punishment was transferred unto the original author, Antipater, and took its rise from the death of Pheroras; for certain of his freed-men came with a sad countenance to the king, and told him that his brother had been destroyed by poison, and that his wife had brought him somewhat that was prepared after an unusual manner, and that, upon his eating it, he presently fell into his distemper; that Antipater's mother and sister, two days before, brought a woman out of Arabia that was skillful in mixing such drugs, that she might prepare a love potion for Pheroras; and that instead of a love potion, she had given him deadly poison; and that this was done by the management of Sylleus, who was acquainted with that woman.
1. But now the blame shifted to the original author, Antipater, starting from the death of Pheroras. Some of his freedmen came to the king looking upset and told him that his brother had been killed by poison. They said his wife had given him something prepared in an unusual way, and after he ate it, he quickly became ill. Antipater's mother and sister had brought a woman from Arabia two days earlier who was skilled at mixing such potions so she could prepare a love potion for Pheroras. Instead of a love potion, she had actually given him deadly poison, and this was arranged by Sylleus, who knew this woman.
2. The king was deeply affected with so many suspicions, and had the maid-servants and some of the free women also tortured; one of which cried out in her agonies, "May that God that governs the earth and the heaven punish this author of all these our miseries, Antipater's mother!" The king took a handle from this confession, and proceeded to inquire further into the truth of the matter. So this woman discovered the friendship of Antipater's mother to Pheroras, and Antipater's women, as also their secret meetings, and that Pheroras and Antipater had drunk with them for a whole night together as they returned from the king, and would not suffer any body, either man-servant or maidservant, to be there; while one of the free women discovered the matter.
2. The king was deeply troubled by so many suspicions and had the maidservants and some of the free women tortured; one of them cried out in her pain, "May the God who rules the earth and heaven punish the source of all our misery, Antipater's mother!" The king took this admission as a clue and continued to investigate the truth of the situation. This woman revealed the connection between Antipater's mother and Pheroras, along with details about their secret meetings. She also disclosed that Pheroras and Antipater had spent a whole night drinking with them after leaving the king, making sure no one else, whether male or female servants, was present when they met.
3. Upon this Herod tortured the maid-servants every one by themselves separately, who all unanimously agreed in the foregoing discoveries, and that accordingly by agreement they went away, Antipater to Rome, and Pheroras to Perea; for that they oftentimes talked to one another thus: That after Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus, he would fall upon them, and upon their wives, because, after he Mariamne and her children he would spare nobody; and that for this reason it was best to get as far off the wild beast as they were able:—and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his own case before his mother, and said to her, that he had already gray hairs upon his head, and that his father grew younger again every day, and that perhaps death would overtake him before he should begin to be a king in earnest; and that in case Herod should die, which yet nobody knew when it would be, the enjoyment of the succession could certainly be but for a little time; for that these heads of Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus, were growing up: that he was deprived by his father of the hopes of being succeeded by his children, for that his successor after his death was not to be any one of his own sons, but Herod the son of Mariamne: that in this point Herod was plainly distracted, to think that his testament should therein take place; for he would take care that not one of his posterity should remain, because he was of all fathers the greatest hater of his children. Yet does he hate his brother still worse; whence it was that he a while ago gave himself a hundred talents, that he should not have any intercourse with Pheroras. And when Pheroras said, Wherein have we done him any harm? Antipater replied, "I wish he would but deprive us of all we have, and leave us naked and alive only; but it is indeed impossible to escape this wild beast, who is thus given to murder, who will not permit us to love any person openly, although we be together privately; yet may we be so openly too, if we have but the courage and the hands of men."
3. Because of this, Herod tortured each of the maidservants separately, and they all agreed on what they had discovered. As a result, they decided to leave: Antipater went to Rome, and Pheroras went to Perea. They often talked about how, after Herod had killed Alexander and Aristobulus, he would turn against them and their wives because, having already eliminated Mariamne and her children, he would show mercy to no one. For this reason, they thought it was best to get as far away from the wild beast as possible. Antipater often lamented his situation to his mother, saying that he already had gray hairs and that his father seemed to grow younger every day. He feared that death would find him before he ever got the chance to truly be king. He noted that if Herod died—though no one knew when that might happen—the enjoyment of the succession would surely be brief, as the sons of Alexander and Aristobulus were growing up. He felt deprived of the hope of his own children succeeding him because, after his death, his successor would not be any of his sons but Herod, the son of Mariamne. Herod was clearly disturbed at the thought that his will should have any effect, as he intended that none of his descendants should remain; he hated his children more than any other father. He even despised his brother more, as evidenced by the hundred talents he had given himself to avoid any contact with Pheroras. When Pheroras asked, “What harm have we done him?” Antipater replied, “I wish he would strip us of everything and leave us alive and exposed, but it's impossible to escape this wild beast who is so intent on murder. He won't allow us to love anyone openly, even when we're together in private; but we could be open about it if we had the courage and strength.”
4. These things were said by the women upon the torture; as also that Pheroras resolved to fly with them to Perea. Now Herod gave credit to all they said, on account of the affair of the hundred talents; for he had no discourse with any body about them, but only with Antipater. So he vented his anger first of all against Antipater's mother, and took away from her all the ornaments which he had given her, which cost a great many talents, and cast her out of the palace a second time. He also took care of Pheroras's women after their tortures, as being now reconciled to them; but he was in great consternation himself, and inflamed upon every suspicion, and had many innocent persons led to the torture, out of his fear lest he should leave any guilty person untortured.
4. The women said these things while being tortured, and also mentioned that Pheroras planned to escape with them to Perea. Herod believed everything they said because of the matter involving the hundred talents; he hadn’t discussed it with anyone else except Antipater. So, he first took out his anger on Antipater’s mother, stripping her of all the jewelry he had given her, which was worth a significant amount, and he expelled her from the palace again. He also looked after Pheroras’s women after their torture, as he had now made peace with them; however, he was in great distress himself and became obsessed with every suspicion, leading many innocent people to be tortured out of fear that he might leave any guilty party unpunished.
5. And now it was that he betook himself to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater; and upon torturing him, he learned that Antipater had sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his; that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it from him, and delivered it to Pheroras; for that Antipater had charged him to take his father off while he was at Rome, and so free him from the suspicion of doing it himself: that Pheroras also committed this potion to his wife. Then did the king send for her, and bid her bring to him what she had received immediately. So she came out of her house as if she would bring it with her, but threw herself down from the top of the house, in order to prevent any examination and torture from the king. However, it came to pass, as it seems by the providence of God, when he intended to bring Antipater to punishment, that she fell not upon her head, but upon other parts of her body, and escaped. The king, when she was brought to him, took care of her, [for she was at first quite senseless upon her fall,] and asked her why she had thrown herself down; and gave her his oath, that if she would speak the real truth, he would excuse her from punishment; but that if she concealed any thing, he would have her body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no part of it to be buried.
5. Now he decided to interrogate Antipater of Samaria, who was the steward of [his son] Antipater. After torturing him, he found out that Antipater had sent for a deadly poison from Egypt through Antiphilus, a friend of his. Theudio, Antipater's uncle, got it from him and gave it to Pheroras. Antipater had instructed him to eliminate his father while he was in Rome, to remove any suspicion of being involved himself. Pheroras also gave this poison to his wife. The king then summoned her and ordered her to bring what she had received immediately. She came out of her house as if she intended to bring it, but then jumped from the roof to avoid being interrogated and tortured by the king. However, it seems by the providence of God, when he planned to punish Antipater, she did not land on her head but on other parts of her body and survived. When she was brought before the king, he took care of her since she was initially unconscious from her fall, and he asked her why she had jumped. He promised her that if she told the truth, he would spare her from punishment, but if she withheld any information, he would have her body torn apart with torture and leave no part of her to be buried.
6. Upon this the woman paused a little, and then said, "Why do I spare to speak of these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead? that would only tend to save Antipater, who is all our destruction. Hear then, O king, and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am going to say. When thou didst sit weeping by Pheroras as he was dying," then it was that he called me to him, and said, "My dear wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the disposition of my brother towards me, and have hated him that is so affectionate to me, and have contrived to kill him who is in such disorder for me before I am dead. As for myself, I receive the recompence of my impiety; but do thou bring what poison was left with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest in order to destroy him, and consume it immediately in the fire in my sight, that I may not be liable to the avenger in the invisible world." This I brought as he bid me, and emptied the greatest part of it into the fire, but reserved a little of it for my own use against uncertain futurity, and out of my fear of thee.
6. The woman paused for a moment and then said, "Why should I talk about these big secrets now that Pheroras is dead? That would only help Antipater, who is our true enemy. Listen now, O king, and let yourself and God, who cannot be fooled, be witnesses to the truth of what I'm about to say. When you were sitting by Pheroras, crying as he was dying, he called me over and said, 'My dear wife, I've seriously misjudged my brother's feelings toward me, and have hated the one who genuinely cares for me, while plotting to kill him even when he's in such distress over me. As for me, I am paying for my wrongdoing; but you should take the poison Antipater left with us, which you keep to destroy him, and burn it in the fire in front of me, so I won't be held accountable by the avenger in the afterlife.' I did as he asked and poured most of it into the fire, but kept a little for myself in case of uncertain times and out of fear of you."
7. When she had said this, she brought the box, which had a small quantity of this potion in it: but the king let her alone, and transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mother and brother; who both confessed that Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt, and that they had received the potion from a brother of his, who was a physician at Alexandria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and became the inquisitors and discoverers of what could not otherwise have been found out and brought such as were the freest from suspicion to be examined; whereby it was discovered that Mariamne, the high priest's daughter, was conscious of this plot; and her very brothers, when they were tortured, declared it so to be. Whereupon the king avenged this insolent attempt of the mother upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom he had by her, out of his tretament, who had been before named therein as successor to Antipater.
7. After she said this, she brought the box containing a small amount of the potion. However, the king decided to leave her alone and instead focused the torture on Antiphilus's mother and brother. They both admitted that Antiphilus had brought the box from Egypt, and they had received the potion from one of his brothers, who was a doctor in Alexandria. Then, the spirits of Alexander and Aristobulus roamed the palace and acted as investigators to uncover what otherwise would have remained hidden. They called in those who were least suspicious for questioning, which revealed that Mariamne, the high priest's daughter, was aware of the plot; even her brothers, when tortured, confirmed this. As a result, the king sought revenge for this bold act against her son and removed Herod, whom he had with her, from his plans, as he had previously been named as a successor to Antipater.
CHAPTER 31.
Antipater Is Convicted By Bathyllus; But He Still Returns
From Rome Without Knowing It. Herod Brings Him To His Trial.
Antipater is Found Guilty by Bathyllus; But He Still Comes Back
From Rome Without Realizing It. Herod Takes Him to His Trial.1. After these things were over, Bathyllus came under examination, in order to convict Antipater, who proved the concluding attestation to Antipater's designs; for indeed he was no other than his freed-man. This man came, and brought another deadly potion, the poison of asps, and the juices of other serpents, that if the first potion did not do the business, Pheroras and his wife might be armed with this also to destroy the king. He brought also an addition to Antipater's insolent attempt against his father, which was the letters which he wrote against his brethren, Archelaus and Philip, which were the king's sons, and educated at Rome, being yet youths, but of generous dispositions. Antipater set himself to get rid of these as soon as he could, that they might not be prejudicial to his hopes; and to that end he forged letters against them in the name of his friends at Rome. Some of these he corrupted by bribes to write how they grossly reproached their father, and did openly bewail Alexander and Aristobulus, and were uneasy at their being recalled; for their father had already sent for them, which was the very thing that troubled Antipater.
1. After all these events, Bathyllus was brought in for questioning to incriminate Antipater, who was the final key witness to Antipater's schemes; he was in fact Antipater's freedman. He came forward with another deadly poison, the venom of asps, along with extracts from other snakes, so that if the first poison didn’t work, Pheroras and his wife could also use this to kill the king. He also presented evidence of Antipater's brazen plot against his father, which included letters he wrote denouncing his brothers, Archelaus and Philip, who were the king’s sons and were being raised in Rome as young men with noble characters. Antipater was eager to eliminate them as quickly as possible, fearing they would threaten his ambitions; to achieve this, he forged letters in the names of his friends in Rome. Some he bribed to write that the brothers had insulted their father, openly mourning for Alexander and Aristobulus and were unhappy about their recall, since their father had already summoned them back, which was exactly what troubled Antipater.
2. Nay, indeed, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he was upon his journey to Rome, he gave money to have the like letters against them sent from Rome, and then came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion of him, and apologized for his brethren, and alleged on their behalf that some of the things contained in those letters were false, and others of them were only youthful errors. Yet at the same time that he expended a great deal of his money, by making presents to such as wrote against his brethren, did he aim to bring his accounts into confusion, by buying costly garments, and carpets of various contextures, with silver and gold cups, and a great many more curious things, that so, among the view great expenses laid out upon such furniture, he might conceal the money he had used in hiring men [to write the letters]; for he brought in an account of his expenses, amounting to two hundred talents, his main pretense for which was file law-suit he had been in with Sylleus. So while all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort also, were covered by his greater villainy, while all the examinations by torture proclaimed his attempt to murder his father, and the letters proclaimed his second attempt to murder his brethren; yet did no one of those that came to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in Judea, although seven months had intervened between his conviction and his return, so great was the hatred which they all bore to him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of those brethren of his that had been murdered that stopped the mouths of those that intended to have told him. He then wrote from Rome, and informed his [friends] that he would soon come to them, and how he was dismissed with honor by Caesar.
2. No, while Antipater was in Judea, and before he set off for Rome, he paid for letters to be sent from Rome that spoke against his brothers. He then returned to his father, who still had no doubts about him, and defended his brothers, claiming that some of the things in those letters were false, and others were just youthful mistakes. At the same time he spent a lot of his money on gifts for those who wrote against his brothers, he tried to confuse his accounts by buying expensive clothing, carpets of various types, silver and gold cups, and many other fine things, so that among all the large expenses for such items, he could hide the money he used to pay people to write the letters. He submitted an expense report totaling two hundred talents, claiming it was for a lawsuit he had with Sylleus. While all his petty crimes were overshadowed by his bigger wrongdoing, and while all the torture examinations revealed his attempts to murder his father, and the letters showed his second attempt to kill his brothers, no one who came to Rome told him about his troubles in Judea, even though seven months had passed since his conviction and his return, so strong was the hatred everyone felt for him. It may have been the spirits of his murdered brothers that silenced those who wanted to inform him. He then wrote from Rome, letting his friends know he would be with them soon and how he had been sent off in honor by Caesar.
3. Now the king, being desirous to get this plotter against him into his hands, and being also afraid lest he should some way come to the knowledge how his affairs stood, and be upon his guard, he dissembled his anger in his epistle to him, as in other points he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to make haste, because if he came quickly, he would then lay aside the complaints he had against his mother; for Antipater was not ignorant that his mother had been expelled out of the palace. However, he had before received a letter, which contained an account of the death of Pheroras, at Tarentum, 46 and made great lamentations at it; for which some commended him, as being for his own uncle; though probably this confusion arose on account of his having thereby failed in his plot [on his father's life]; and his tears were more for the loss of him that was to have been subservient therein, than for [an uncle] Pheroras: moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to his designs, lest the poison should have been discovered. However, when he was in Cilicia, he received the forementioned epistle from his father, and made great haste accordingly. But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a suspicion came into his mind relating to his mother's misfortunes; as if his soul foreboded some mischief to itself. Those therefore of his friends which were the most considerate advised him not rashly to go to his father, till he had learned what were the occasions why his mother had been ejected, because they were afraid that he might be involved in the calumnies that had been cast upon his mother: but those that were less considerate, and had more regard to their own desires of seeing their native country, than to Antipater's safety, persuaded him to make haste home, and not, by delaying his journey, afford his father ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle to those that raised stories against him; for that in case any thing had been moved to his disadvantage, it was owing to his absence, which durst not have been done had he been present. And they said it was absurd to deprive himself of certain happiness, for the sake of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to return to his father, and take the royal authority upon him, which was in a state of fluctuation on his account only. Antipater complied with this last advice, for Providence hurried him on [to his destruction]. So he passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus, the haven of Cesarea.
3. Now the king, wanting to get this conspirator against him into his grasp and also fearing that he might somehow learn about his situation and be on guard, hid his anger in his letter to him. In other ways, he wrote to him kindly and urged him to hurry, saying if he came quickly, he would then drop the complaints he had against his mother; since Antipater was aware that his mother had been kicked out of the palace. However, he had already received a letter detailing the death of Pheroras in Tarentum, and he mourned greatly for it; some praised him for being upset about his uncle, though it was likely that this confusion arose because he had failed in his plot against his father. His tears were more for the loss of someone who was supposed to help him than for Uncle Pheroras. Moreover, a kind of fear gripped him regarding his plans, in case the poison had been discovered. While he was in Cilicia, he received the aforementioned letter from his father and rushed to act on it. But when he reached Celenderis, a suspicion crept into his mind about his mother’s troubles, as if his gut was warning him of danger. Therefore, his more thoughtful friends advised him not to rush to his father until he understood the reasons behind his mother’s expulsion, fearing he might be caught up in the accusations against her. However, those who were less thoughtful and more caught up in their desire to return to their homeland urged him to hurry home, suggesting that delaying his journey would give his father cause for suspicion and fuel those who were spreading lies about him. They argued that if anything had been raised against him, it was due to his absence, which wouldn’t have happened if he had been around. They said it was ridiculous to give up certain happiness for an uncertain suspicion instead of returning to his father and claiming the royal power that was unstable because of him. Antipater went along with this last advice, as fate was leading him toward his downfall. So he crossed the sea and landed at Sebastus, the port of Caesarea.
4. And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, while ever body avoided him, and nobody durst come at him; for he was equally hated by all men; and now that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the dread men were in at the king's anger made men keep from him; for the whole city [of Jerusalem] was filled with the rumors about Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only person who was ignorant of them; for as no man was dismissed more magnificently when he began his voyage to Rome so was no man now received back with greater ignominy. And indeed he began already to suspect what misfortunes there were in Herod's family; yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion; and while he was inwardly ready to die for fear, he put on a forced boldness of countenance. Nor could he now fly any whither, nor had he any way of emerging out of the difficulties which encompassed him; nor indeed had he even there any certain intelligence of the affairs of the royal family, by reason of the threats the king had given out: yet had he some small hopes of better tidings; for perhaps nothing had been discovered; or if any discovery had been made, perhaps he should be able to clear himself by impudence and artful tricks, which were the only things he relied upon for his deliverance.
4. And here he found a perfect and unexpected solitude, as everyone avoided him, and no one dared approach him; for he was equally hated by all. Now that hatred had the freedom to show itself, and the fear of the king's anger kept people away from him; the entire city of Jerusalem was filled with rumors about Antipater, while Antipater himself was the only one who was unaware of them. Just as no one had been sent off more grandly when he began his journey to Rome, no one was received back now with greater disgrace. In fact, he was already starting to suspect that misfortunes were brewing within Herod's family; yet he cunningly hid his suspicions, and while he was internally terrified, he put on a forced appearance of confidence. He couldn’t flee anywhere, nor did he have a way out of the troubles surrounding him; and he didn't even have reliable information about the royal family’s situation because of the threats the king had made. Still, he held on to a glimmer of hope for better news; perhaps nothing had been uncovered yet, or if something had been discovered, maybe he could clear himself through boldness and clever tricks, which were the only things he counted on for his escape.
5. And with these hopes did he screen himself, till he came to the palace, without any friends with him; for these were affronted, and shut out at the first gate. Now Varus, the president of Syria, happened to be in the palace [at this juncture]; so Antipater went in to his father, and, putting on a bold face, he came near to salute him. But Herod Stretched out his hands, and turned his head away from him, and cried out, "Even this is an indication of a parricide, to be desirous to get me into his arms, when he is under such heinous accusations. God confound thee, thou vile wretch; do not thou touch me, till thou hast cleared thyself of these crimes that are charged upon thee. I appoint thee a court where thou art to be judged, and this Varus, who is very seasonably here, to be thy judge; and get thou thy defense ready against tomorrow, for I give thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses for thyself." And as Antipater was so confounded, that he was able to make no answer to this charge, he went away; but his mother and wife came to him, and told him of all the evidence they had gotten against him. Hereupon he recollected himself, and considered what defense he should make against the accusations.
5. With these hopes, he kept himself hidden until he reached the palace, alone; his friends had been offended and turned away at the first gate. At that moment, Varus, the governor of Syria, was present in the palace. Antipater went in to see his father, and putting on a brave face, he approached to greet him. But Herod stretched out his hands, turned his head away, and shouted, "This alone shows you're a parricide, wanting to embrace me while you're facing such serious accusations. May God strike you down, you despicable scoundrel; don’t touch me until you’ve cleared yourself of these charges. I’m setting up a court to judge you, with this Varus, who happens to be here, as your judge. Get your defense ready for tomorrow, because I'm giving you this time to come up with some decent excuses." Antipater was so stunned that he couldn’t respond to the accusation and left; however, his mother and wife approached him and informed him of all the evidence they had against him. He then gathered his thoughts and began to consider how he would defend himself against the accusations.
CHAPTER 32.
Antipater Is Accused Before Varus, And Is Convicted Of
Laying A Plot [Against His Father] By The Strongest
Evidence. Herod Puts Off His Punishment Till He Should Be
Recovered, And In The Mean Time Alters His Testament.
Antipater is accused before Varus and is found guilty of plotting against his father, based on overwhelming evidence. Herod delays his punishment until he recovers, and in the meantime, he changes his will.
1. Now the day following the king assembled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and called in Antipater's friends also. Herod himself, with Varus, were the presidents; and Herod called for all the witnesses, and ordered them to be brought in; among whom some of the domestic servants of Antipater's mother were brought in also, who had but a little while before been caught, as they were carrying the following letter from her to her son: "Since all those things have been already discovered to thy father, do not thou come to him, unless thou canst procure some assistance from Caesar." When this and the other witnesses were introduced, Antipater came in, and falling on his face before his father's feet, he said, "Father, I beseech thee, do not condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be unbiassed, and attend to my defense; for if thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate that I am innocent."
1. The next day, the king gathered a court of his relatives and friends, and also called in Antipater's friends. Herod and Varus were the presiding officials; Herod summoned all the witnesses and ordered them to be brought in. Among them were some of Antipater's mother's domestic servants, who had recently been caught carrying a letter from her to her son: "Since all these things have already been revealed to your father, don’t go to him unless you can get help from Caesar." When this and the other witnesses were presented, Antipater entered, fell on his face before his father's feet, and said, "Father, I beg you, do not judge me before hearing me out, and keep an open mind to my defense; if you let me, I will prove my innocence."
2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus: "I cannot but think that thou, Varus, and every other upright judge, will determine that Antipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge me also myself worthy of all sorts of calamity for begetting such children; while yet I ought rather to be pitied, who have been so affectionate a father to such wretched sons; for when I had settled the kingdom on my former sons, even when they were young, and when, besides the charges of their education at Rome, I had made them the friends of Caesar, and made them envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. These have been put to death, and that, in great measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he was then young, and appointed to be my successor, I took care chiefly to secure him from danger: but this profligate wild beast, when he had been over and above satiated with that patience which I showed him, he made use of that abundance I had given him against myself; for I seemed to him to live too long, and he was very uneasy at the old age I was arrived at; nor could he stay any longer, but would be a king by parricide. And justly I am served by him for bringing him back out of the country to court, when he was of no esteem before, and for thrusting out those sons of mine that were born of the queen, and for making him a successor to my dominions. I confess to thee, O Varus, the great folly I was guilty for I provoked those sons of mine to act against me, and cut off their just expectations for the sake of Antipater; and indeed what kindness did I do them; that could equal what I have done to Antipater? to I have, in a manner, yielded up my royal while I am alive, and whom I have openly named for the successor to my dominions in my testament, and given him a yearly revenue of his own of fifty talents, and supplied him with money to an extravagant degree out of my own revenue; and' when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three talents, and recommended him, and him alone of all my children, to Caesar, as his father's deliverer. Now what crimes were those other sons of mine guilty of like these of Antipater? and what evidence was there brought against them so strong as there is to demonstrate this son to have plotted against me? Yet does this parricide presume to speak for himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by his cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must guard thyself against him; for I know the wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he will talk, and his counterfeit lamentation. This was he who exhorted me to have a care of Alexander when he was alive, and not to intrust my body with all men! This was he who came to my very bed, and looked about lest any one should lay snares for me! This was he who took care of my sleep, and secured me from fear of danger, who comforted me under the trouble I was in upon the slaughter of my sons, and looked to see what affection my surviving brethren bore me! This was my protector, and the guardian of my body! And when I call to mind, O Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion, and his art of dissembling, I can hardly believe that I am still alive, and I wonder how I have escaped such a deep plotter of mischief. However, since some fate or other makes my house desolate, and perpetually raises up those that are dearest to me against me, I will, with tears, lament my hard fortune, and privately groan under my lonesome condition; yet am I resolved that no one who thirsts after my blood shall escape punishment, although the evidence should extend itself to all my sons."
2. Then Herod shouted at him to be quiet and said to Varus, "I really think that you, Varus, and any other fair judge, will see that Antipater is a terrible person. I’m also worried that you will pity my bad luck and think that I deserve all kinds of misery for having such children; when I should actually be the one to be pitied for being a loving father to such awful sons. I set up the kingdom for my previous sons when they were young, and even while I was paying for their education in Rome and making them friends with Caesar while being envied by other kings, I found them plotting against me. They have been executed, mostly because of Antipater; since he was young and chosen to succeed me, I made it a priority to protect him from danger. But this reckless beast, after being more than patient with me, used all that I gave him against me; he thought I was living too long, and he was uncomfortable with my old age; he couldn't wait any longer and wanted to become king by committing murder. I deserve this from him because I brought him back from exile to the court when he was considered worthless, and I pushed aside my sons born of the queen to make him my heir. I admit, Varus, my great foolishness in making my other sons act against me and ruining their rightful chances for the sake of Antipater; and really, what kindness did I offer them that matched what I gave to Antipater? I have practically given up my throne while alive, naming him openly as my heir in my will, and providing him with a yearly income of fifty talents, while also giving him excessive money from my own resources; and when he was about to sail to Rome, I gave him three talents and recommended him—only him—of all my children, to Caesar as his father's savior. Now, what crimes did my other sons commit that compare to Antipater's? And what evidence was there against them as strong as what shows this son plotted against me? Yet this parricide dares to speak for himself, hoping to hide the truth with his tricks. You, Varus, must protect yourself from him; I know this beast, and I can see how smoothly he will talk and his fake laments. He was the one who urged me to watch over Alexander when he was alive and not trust my safety to anyone! He came to my bed, looking around to make sure no one was setting traps for me! He took care of my rest and kept me safe from fear, comforted me during the turmoil from the death of my sons, and checked on how my surviving brothers felt about me! He was my protector, my bodyguard! And when I think back on his cunning tactics and his ability to pretend, I can hardly believe I’m still alive; I wonder how I've escaped such a master of deception. Still, since some fate keeps making my house miserable and constantly raises up those I love against me, I will cry over my hard fate and quietly mourn my loneliness; yet I’m resolved that anyone who seeks my blood will not go unpunished, even if the evidence points to all my sons."
3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was interrupted by the confusion he was in; but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to produce the evidence against Antipater. But in the mean time Antipater lifted up his head, [for he lay on the ground before his father's feet,] and cried out aloud, "Thou, O father, hast made my apology for me; for how can I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest to have always had for thy guardian? Thou callest my filial affection prodigious lies and hypocrisy! how then could it be that I, who was so subtle in other matters, should here be so mad as not to understand that it was not easy that he who committed so horrid a crime should be concealed from men, but impossible that he should be concealed from the Judge of heaven, who sees all things, and is present every where? or did not I know what end my brethren came to, on whom God inflicted so great a punishment for their evil designs against thee? And indeed what was there that could possibly provoke me against thee? Could the hope of being king do it? I was a king already. Could I suspect hatred from thee? No. Was not I beloved by thee? And what other fear could I have? Nay, by preserving thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I want money? No; for who was able to expend so much as myself? Indeed, father, had I been the most execrable of all mankind, and had I had the soul of the most cruel wild beast, must I not have been overcome with the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me? whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest [into the palace]; whom thou didst prefer before so many of thy sons; whom thou madest a king in thine own lifetime, and, by the vast magnitude of the other advantages thou bestowedst on me, thou madest me an object of envy. O miserable man! that thou shouldst undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford a great opportunity for envy to arise against thee, and a long space for such as were laying designs against thee! Yet was I absent, father, on thy affairs, that Sylleus might not treat thee with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the habitable earth, who oftentimes called me Philopater. 47 Take here the letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be believed than the calumnies raised here; these letters are my only apology; these I use as the demonstration of that natural affection I have to thee. Remember that it was against my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as knowing the latent hatred that was in the kingdom against me. It was thou, O father, however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin, by forcing me to allow time for calumnies against me, and envy at me. However, I am come hither, and am ready to hear the evidence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I have passed by land and by sea, without suffering any misfortune on either of them: but this method of trial is no advantage to me; for it seems, O father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before thee; and as I am already condemned, I beg that thou wilt not believe the others that have been tortured, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the racks march through my bowels; have no regard to any lamentations that this polluted body can make; for if I be a parricide, I ought not to die without torture." Thus did Antipater cry out with lamentation and weeping, and moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to commiserate his case. Herod was the only person whose passion was too strong to permit him to weep, as knowing that the testimonies against him were true.
3. After Herod said this, he was interrupted by his confusion but ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to bring forward the evidence against Antipater. In the meantime, Antipater raised his head, since he was lying on the ground before his father's feet, and shouted, "You, father, have made my defense for me; how could I be a murderer when you yourself admit that I have always been your protector? You call my love for you outrageous lies and hypocrisy! If I was so clever in other matters, how could I be foolish enough not to realize that someone who committed such a terrible crime couldn't hide from people, let alone from the all-seeing Judge of heaven? Didn't I see what happened to my brothers, who faced severe punishment for plotting against you? And really, what could possibly provoke me against you? Could it be the desire to be king? I already was a king. Could I think you hated me? No. Wasn't I loved by you? What other fear could I have? By keeping you safe, I made myself a threat to others. Did I want money? No; who could spend as much as I could? Truly, father, even if I were the most despicable person alive, with the heart of the cruelest beast, wouldn't I be overwhelmed by the kindness you have shown me? You brought me into the palace, preferred me over so many of your sons, and made me a king while you were still alive, turning me into an object of envy with all the benefits you had given me. Oh, wretched man! That you should suffer this painful absence, allowing envy to arise against you and giving time for those plotting against you! Still, I was absent, father, on your behalf, so Sylleus wouldn't treat you with disrespect in your old age. Rome is a witness to my love for you, and so is Caesar, the ruler of the world, who often called me Philopater. 47 Here are the letters he sent you; they are more trustworthy than the slanders being spread here; these letters are my only defense; I use them to show my natural affection for you. Remember that it was against my will that I sailed to Rome, knowing the hidden hatred against me in the kingdom. It was you, father, though it was unintentional, who have brought about my downfall by giving time for rumors and envy to grow against me. Nevertheless, I have come here and am ready to hear the evidence against me. If I am indeed a murderer, I have traveled by land and sea without suffering any misfortune. But this type of trial doesn't help me; it seems, father, that I am already condemned, both before God and before you; and since I am already condemned, I ask that you do not believe the tortured others, but let fire be brought to torment me; let the torture devices be used on me; don't pay attention to any cries that this cursed body can make; for if I am a murderer, I should not die without torture." Thus, Antipater cried out in sorrow and tears, moving everyone else, especially Varus, to sympathize with him. Herod was the only one whose emotions were too strong for him to cry, knowing that the evidence against Antipater was true.
4. And now it was that, at the king's command, Nicolaus, when he had premised a great deal about the craftiness of Antipater, and had prevented the effects of their commiseration to him, afterwards brought in a bitter and large accusation against him, ascribing all the wickedness that had been in the kingdom to him, and especially the murder of his brethren; and demonstrated that they had perished by the calumnies he had raised against them. He also said that he had laid designs against them that were still alive, as if they were laying plots for the succession; and [said he] how can it be supposed that he who prepared poison for his father should abstain from mischief as to his brethren? He then proceeded to convict him of the attempt to poison Herod, and gave an account in order of the several discoveries that had been made; and had great indignation as to the affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been for making him murder his brother, and had corrupted those that were dearest to the king, and filled the whole palace with wickedness; and when he had insisted on many other accusations, and the proofs for them, he left off.
4. And now, at the king's order, Nicolaus, after talking a lot about Antipater's cunning and trying to undermine any sympathy for him, brought forth a serious and extensive accusation against him. He blamed all the evil in the kingdom on Antipater, especially the murder of his siblings, showing that they had died because of the slander Antipater spread about them. He also claimed that Antipater had schemes against those who were still alive, suggesting they were plotting for succession. He argued, how can we believe that someone who prepared poison for his father would refrain from harming his siblings? He then moved to prove Antipater's attempt to poison Herod, detailing the various discoveries that had been made. He expressed strong outrage regarding the case of Pheroras, revealing that Antipater had tried to convince him to kill his brother and had corrupted those closest to the king, filling the entire palace with wrongdoing. After listing many other accusations and their evidence, he stopped.
5. Then Varus bid Antipater make his defense; but he lay along in silence, and said no more but this, "God is my witness that I am entirely innocent." So Varus asked for the potion, and gave it to be drunk by a condemned malefactor, who was then in prison, who died upon the spot. So Varus, when he had had a very private discourse with Herod, and had written an account of this assembly to Caesar, went away, after a day's stay. The king also bound Antipater, and sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes.
5. Then Varus asked Antipater to defend himself, but he just lay there in silence, saying nothing more than, "God is my witness that I am completely innocent." So Varus requested the poison and had it given to a condemned criminal who was in prison, and he died right there. After Varus had a private conversation with Herod and wrote a report of the meeting to Caesar, he left after staying for a day. The king also arrested Antipater and sent someone to inform Caesar of his troubles.
6. Now after this it was discovered that Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also; for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants came, and brought letters from Rome, from a maid-servant of Julia, [Caesar's wife,] whose name was Acme. By her a message was sent to the king, that she had found a letter written by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had sent it to him privately, out of her good-will to him. This letter of Salome contained the most bitter reproaches of the king, and the highest accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, and had corrupted Acme, and persuaded her to send it to Herod. This was proved by her letter to Antipater, for thus did this woman write to him: "As thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy father, and have sent that letter, and am persuaded that the king will not spare his sister when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to remember what thou hast promised when all is accomplished."
6. After this, it was discovered that Antipater had plotted against Salome too. One of Antiphilus's servants came and brought letters from Rome, sent by a maid of Julia, [Caesar's wife,] named Acme. Through her, a message was sent to the king, saying she had found a letter written by Salome among Julia's papers and had sent it to him privately out of goodwill. This letter from Salome contained harsh criticisms of the king and serious accusations against him. Antipater had forged this letter, corrupted Acme, and convinced her to send it to Herod. This was confirmed by her letter to Antipater, where she wrote to him: "As you asked, I have written a letter to your father and sent it, and I'm sure the king won't hold back when he reads it. You should remember what you promised when everything is done."
7. When this epistle was discovered, and what the epistle forged against Salome contained, a suspicion came into the king's mind, that perhaps the letters against Alexander were also forged: he was moreover greatly disturbed, and in a passion, because he had almost slain his sister on Antipater's account. He did no longer delay therefore to bring him to punishment for all his crimes; yet when he was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was restrained by a severe distemper he fell into. However, he sent all account to Caesar about Acme, and the contrivances against Salome; he sent also for his testament, and altered it, and therein made Antipas king, as taking no care of Archelaus and Philip, because Antipater had blasted their reputations with him; but he bequeathed to Caesar, besides other presents that he gave him, a thousand talents; as also to his wife, and children, and friends, and freed-men about five hundred: he also bequeathed to all others a great quantity of land, and of money, and showed his respects to Salome his sister, by giving her most splendid gifts. And this was what was contained in his testament, as it was now altered.
7. When this letter was found, and it was revealed what the letter against Salome contained, the king began to suspect that the letters against Alexander might also be fake. He was deeply troubled and enraged because he had almost killed his sister on Antipater's behalf. Therefore, he no longer hesitated to punish Antipater for all his crimes; however, as he was chasing after Antipater, he was held back by a serious illness he fell into. Still, he sent a full report to Caesar about Acme and the schemes against Salome; he also called for his will, changed it to name Antipas as king, disregarding Archelaus and Philip because Antipater had ruined their reputations in his eyes. He bequeathed Caesar a thousand talents, along with other gifts, and about five hundred talents to his wife, children, friends, and freedmen. He also left a large amount of land and money to everyone else and honored his sister Salome with extravagant gifts. This was what was included in his will as it was now changed.
CHAPTER 33.
The Golden Eagle Is Cut To Pieces. Herod's Barbarity When He
Was Ready To Die. He Attempts To Kill Himself. He Commands
Antipater To Be Slain. He Survives Him Five Days And Then
Dies.
The Golden Eagle Is Cut To Pieces. Herod's Brutality When He
Was About To Die. He Tries To Take His Own Life. He Orders
Antipater To Be Killed. He Survives Him For Five Days And Then
Dies.1. Now Herod's distemper became more and more severe to him, and this because these his disorders fell upon him in his old age, and when he was in a melancholy condition; for he was already seventy years of age, and had been brought by the calamities that happened to him about his children, whereby he had no pleasure in life, even when he was in health; the grief also that Antipater was still alive aggravated his disease, whom he resolved to put to death now not at random, but as soon as he should be well again, and resolved to have him slain [in a public manner].
1. Herod's illness became increasingly worse, especially since these issues started to affect him in his old age and while he was in a depressed state; he was already seventy years old and had been made miserable by the troubles concerning his children, which made it hard for him to enjoy life, even when he was healthy. The fact that Antipater was still alive made his condition worse, and he was determined to kill him, not impulsively, but as soon as he recovered, planning to have him executed publicly.
2. There also now happened to him, among his other calamities, a certain popular sedition. There were two men of learning in the city [Jerusalem,] who were thought the most skillful in the laws of their country, and were on that account had in very great esteem all over the nation; they were, the one Judas, the son of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the son of Margalus. There was a great concourse of the young men to these men when they expounded the laws, and there got together every day a kind of an army of such as were growing up to be men. Now when these men were informed that the king was wearing away with melancholy, and with a distemper, they dropped words to their acquaintance, how it was now a very proper time to defend the cause of God, and to pull down what had been erected contrary to the laws of their country; for it was unlawful there should be any such thing in the temple as images, or faces, or the like representation of any animal whatsoever. Now the king had put up a golden eagle over the great gate of the temple, which these learned men exhorted them to cut down; and told them, that if there should any danger arise, it was a glorious thing to die for the laws of their country; because that the soul was immortal, and that an eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such as died on that account; while the mean-spirited, and those that were not wise enough to show a right love of their souls, preferred a death by a disease, before that which is the result of a virtuous behavior.
2. Among his other troubles, he faced a popular revolt. There were two scholars in the city [Jerusalem] who were regarded as the most knowledgeable in their country’s laws and were highly respected throughout the nation. Their names were Judas, son of Sepphoris, and Matthias, son of Margalus. Many young men gathered around these scholars when they taught the laws, forming a kind of army of youth eager to learn. When they found out that the king was suffering from melancholy and illness, they hinted to their friends that it was the right time to defend the cause of God and tear down anything that went against their country's laws. It was forbidden for there to be any images or representations of animals in the temple. The king had placed a golden eagle over the main gate of the temple, which these scholars urged the young men to remove. They told them that if any danger arose, it would be glorious to die for the laws of their country, as the soul is immortal, and eternal happiness awaited those who died for such a cause. Meanwhile, the cowardly and those who lacked the wisdom to truly value their souls preferred a death from illness over one that came from acting virtuously.
3. At the same time that these men made this speech to their disciples, a rumor was spread abroad that the king was dying, which made the young men set about the work with greater boldness; they therefore let themselves down from the top of the temple with thick cords, and this at midday, and while a great number of people were in the temple, and cut down that golden eagle with axes. This was presently told to the king's captain of the temple, who came running with a great body of soldiers, and caught about forty of the young men, and brought them to the king. And when he asked them, first of all, whether they had been so hardy as to cut down the golden eagle, they confessed they had done so; and when he asked them by whose command they had done it, they replied, at the command of the law of their country; and when he further asked them how they could be so joyful when they were to be put to death, they replied, because they should enjoy greater happiness after they were dead. 48
3. At the same time that these men were speaking to their followers, a rumor started spreading that the king was dying, which motivated the young men to act with more courage. They lowered themselves from the top of the temple with thick ropes during midday, when a large crowd was present, and chopped down the golden eagle with axes. This was quickly reported to the king's captain of the temple, who rushed in with a significant force of soldiers, capturing about forty of the young men and bringing them to the king. When he asked them if they had indeed been brave enough to cut down the golden eagle, they admitted they had. When he further questioned them on whose orders they had done it, they answered it was by the command of their country’s law. When he then asked how they could be so cheerful knowing they were facing execution, they replied that they would find greater happiness after they died. 48
4. At this the king was in such an extravagant passion, that he overcame his disease [for the time,] and went out, and spake to the people; wherein he made a terrible accusation against those men, as being guilty of sacrilege, and as making greater attempts under pretense of their law, and he thought they deserved to be punished as impious persons. Whereupon the people were afraid lest a great number should be found guilty and desired that when he had first punished those that put them upon this work, and then those that were caught in it, he would leave off his anger as to the rest. With this the king complied, though not without difficulty, and ordered those that had let themselves down, together with their Rabbins, to be burnt alive, but delivered the rest that were caught to the proper officers, to be put to death by them.
4. At this, the king was so enraged that he temporarily overcame his illness, went out, and spoke to the people. He made a serious accusation against those men, claiming they were guilty of sacrilege and were making even greater attempts under the guise of their law, believing they deserved to be punished as unrighteous individuals. The people were worried that many would be found guilty and asked that after he dealt with those who led them into this, and then those who were caught up in it, he would calm his anger towards the rest. The king agreed to this, though it was not easy for him, and he ordered those who had succumbed, along with their Rabbis, to be burned alive, while the others caught were handed over to the appropriate officers to be executed by them.
5. After this, the distemper seized upon his whole body, and greatly disordered all its parts with various symptoms; for there was a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable itching over all the surface of his body, and continual pains in his colon, and dropsical turnouts about his feet, and an inflammation of the abdomen, and a putrefaction of his privy member, that produced worms. Besides which he had a difficulty of breathing upon him, and could not breathe but when he sat upright, and had a convulsion of all his members, insomuch that the diviners said those diseases were a punishment upon him for what he had done to the Rabbins. Yet did he struggle with his numerous disorders, and still had a desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and considered of several methods of cure. Accordingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which ran into the lake Asphaltites, but are themselves sweet enough to be drunk. And here the physicians thought proper to bathe his whole body in warm oil, by letting it down into a large vessel full of oil; whereupon his eyes failed him, and he came and went as if he was dying; and as a tumult was then made by his servants, at their voice he revived again. Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and gave orders that each soldier should have fifty drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders and friends should have great sums of money given them.
5. After this, the illness took over his whole body and disrupted all its parts with various symptoms; he suffered from a mild fever, an unbearable itching all over his body, constant pain in his abdomen, swelling in his feet, inflammation of his stomach, and decay of his private parts that led to the growth of worms. On top of that, he had trouble breathing and could only breathe when sitting upright, along with convulsions throughout his body. The soothsayers claimed these illnesses were a punishment for what he had done to the Rabbis. Yet, he battled through these many ailments, still wanting to live, hoping for recovery, and considering different methods of treatment. So, he crossed the Jordan and used the hot baths at Callirrhoe, which flowed into the lake Asphaltites but were sweet enough to drink. At this place, the doctors thought it best to immerse his entire body in warm oil by lowering him into a large container full of oil; this caused him to lose consciousness, and he appeared to be dying. When his servants created a commotion, he revived at their shouts. However, he afterward lost hope of recovery and ordered that each soldier receive fifty drachmas and that significant sums of money be given to his commanders and friends.
6. He then returned back and came to Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as almost threatened him with present death, when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wickedness; for he got together the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation, out of every village, into a place called the Hippodrome, and there shut them in. He then called for his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas, and made this speech to them: "I know well enough that the Jews will keep a festival upon my death however, it is in my power to be mourned for on other accounts, and to have a splendid funeral, if you will but be subservient to my commands. Do you but take care to send soldiers to encompass these men that are now in custody, and slay them immediately upon my death, and then all Judea, and every family of them, will weep at it, whether they will or no."
6. He then went back and arrived in Jericho, feeling so miserable that it seemed like he might die at any moment. In that state, he attempted something horrible; he gathered the most prominent men of the entire Jewish nation from every village and confined them in a place called the Hippodrome. He then summoned his sister Salome and her husband Alexas, and said to them: "I know that the Jews will hold a festival after my death, but I can ensure that I am mourned for other reasons and have a grand funeral if you’ll just follow my orders. Just make sure to send soldiers to surround these men in custody and have them killed right after I die, and then all of Judea and every family will mourn, whether they want to or not."
7. These were the commands he gave them; when there came letters from his ambassadors at Rome, whereby information was given that Acme was put to death at Caesar's command, and that Antipater was condemned to die; however, they wrote withal, that if Herod had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar permitted him so to do. So he for a little while revived, and had a desire to live; but presently after he was overborne by his pains, and was disordered by want of food, and by a convulsive cough, and endeavored to prevent a natural, death; so he took an apple, and asked for a knife for he used to pare apples and eat them; he then looked round about to see that there was nobody to hinder him, and lift up his right hand as if he would stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin, came running to him, and held his hand, and hindered him from so doing; on which occasion a very great lamentation was made in the palace, as if the king were expiring. As soon as ever Antipater heard that, he took courage, and with joy in his looks, besought his keepers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let him go; but the principal keeper of the prison did not only obstruct him in that his intention, but ran and told the king what his design was; hereupon the king cried out louder than his distemper would well bear, and immediately sent some of his guards and slew Antipater; he also gave order to have him buried at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament again, and therein made Archelaus, his eldest son, and the brother of Antipas, his successor, and made Antipas tetrarch.
7. These were the commands he gave them; when letters arrived from his ambassadors in Rome, they informed him that Acme had been executed on Caesar's orders and that Antipater had been condemned to death; however, they also wrote that if Herod preferred to exile him instead, Caesar allowed him to do so. For a brief moment, he regained some strength and wanted to live; but soon after, he was overwhelmed by his pain and weakened by lack of food and a severe cough, trying to avoid a natural death. He took an apple and asked for a knife because he used to peel and eat apples; then he looked around to make sure no one would stop him and raised his right hand as if to stab himself. But Achiabus, his first cousin, rushed over and grabbed his hand, preventing him from doing it. This led to a huge outcry in the palace, as if the king were dying. As soon as Antipater heard that, he felt encouraged and, with a joyful expression, begged his guards for some money to set him free; but the chief jailer not only blocked his request but also ran to tell the king what he was planning. Upon hearing this, the king cried out louder than his condition should allow and immediately sent some of his guards to kill Antipater. He also ordered that Antipater be buried at Hyrcanium and changed his will again, making Archelaus, his eldest son and Antipas's brother, his successor, while appointing Antipas as tetrarch.
8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son five days, died, having reigned thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom; but thirty-seven years since he had been made king by the Romans. Now as for his fortune, it was prosperous in all other respects, if ever any other man could be so, since, from a private man, he obtained the kingdom, and kept it so long, and left it to his own sons; but still in his domestic affairs he was a most unfortunate man. Now, before the soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her husband came out and dismissed those that were in bonds, whom the king had commanded to be slain, and told them that he had altered his mind, and would have every one of them sent to their own homes. When these men were gone, Salome, told the soldiers [the king was dead], and got them and the rest of the multitude together to an assembly, in the amphitheater at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who was intrusted by the king with his signet ring, came before them, and spake of the happiness the king had attained, and comforted the multitude, and read the epistle which had been left for the soldiers, wherein he earnestly exhorted them to bear good-will to his successor; and after he had read the epistle, he opened and read his testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. He had also been commanded to carry Herod's ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, because Caesar was to be lord of all the settlements he had made, and was to confirm his testament; and he ordered that the dispositions he had made were to be kept as they were in his former testament.
8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter of his son for five days, died after reigning thirty-four years since he had caused Antigonus to be killed and taken his kingdom, but it had been thirty-seven years since the Romans had made him king. In terms of his fortune, it was quite prosperous in most ways, if any man could claim to be so, since he had risen from being a private citizen to king, held onto that power for so long, and passed it on to his own sons. However, in his personal life, he was very unfortunate. Before the soldiers knew about his death, Salome and her husband came out, released the prisoners whom the king had ordered to be executed, and told them that he had changed his mind and wanted everyone sent home. Once the men were gone, Salome informed the soldiers that the king was dead and gathered them and the rest of the crowd for a meeting at the amphitheater in Jericho. There, Ptolemy, who had been entrusted with the king's signet ring, spoke to the assembly about the king’s achievements, reassured the crowd, and read a letter left for the soldiers in which he strongly urged them to support his successor. After reading the letter, he also opened and read Herod's will, stating that Philip was to inherit Trachonitis and the surrounding areas, Antipas was to be tetrarch, as mentioned earlier, and Archelaus was made king. He was also instructed to take Herod's ring to Caesar along with the established arrangements, as Caesar was to be the lord of all the settlements and confirm his will. He commanded that the arrangements he had made were to remain as they were in the previous will.
9. So there was an acclamation made to Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and the soldiers, with the multitude, went round about in troops, and promised him their good-will, and besides, prayed God to bless his government. After this, they betook themselves to prepare for the king's funeral; and Archelaus omitted nothing of magnificence therein, but brought out all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp of the deceased. There was a bier all of gold, embroidered with precious stones, and a purple bed of various contexture, with the dead body upon it, covered with purple; and a diadem was put upon his head, and a crown of gold above it, and a sceptre in his right hand; and near to the bier were Herod's sons, and a multitude of his kindred; next to which came his guards, and the regiment of Thracians, the Germans also and Gauls, all accounted as if they were going to war; but the rest of the army went foremost, armed, and following their captains and officers in a regular manner; after whom five hundred of his domestic servants and freed-men followed, with sweet spices in their hands: and the body was carried two hundred furlongs, to Herodium, where he had given order to be buried. And this shall suffice for the conclusion of the life of Herod.
9. So there was a celebration for Archelaus to congratulate him on his rise to power; the soldiers and the crowd marched in groups, promising him their support and praying for God to bless his rule. After this, they started getting ready for the king's funeral, and Archelaus made sure it was magnificent, bringing out all the royal decorations to enhance the grandeur of the deceased. There was a gold bier, adorned with precious stones, and a purple bed made of various materials, with the body on it, covered in purple; a diadem was placed on his head, along with a gold crown, and a scepter in his right hand. Nearby stood Herod's sons and a large number of his relatives; next to them were his guards, along with soldiers from Thrace, Germany, and Gaul, all looking as if they were preparing for battle; the rest of the army marched ahead, armed and following their captains and officers in an orderly fashion; behind them followed five hundred of his personal servants and freedmen, carrying sweet spices. The body was transported for two hundred furlongs to Herodium, where he had instructed to be buried. This shall conclude the account of Herod's life.
1 (return)
[ I see little difference in
the several accounts in Josephus about the Egyptian temple Onion, of which
large complaints are made by his commentators. Onias, it seems, hoped to
have made it very like that at Jerusalem, and of the same dimensions; and
so he appears to have really done, as far as he was able and thought
proper. Of this temple, see Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1—3, and Of
the War, B. VII. ch. 10. sect. 8.]
1 (return)
[ I notice little difference in the various accounts Josephus gives about the Egyptian temple of Onion, despite the significant criticism from his commentators. It seems that Onias aimed to make it very similar to the one in Jerusalem, and of the same size; and he appears to have genuinely accomplished this to the best of his ability and judgment. For more on this temple, see Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1—3, and Of the War, B. VII. ch. 10. sect. 8.]
2 (return)
[ Why this John, the son of
Simon, the high priest and governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus,
Josephus no where informs us; nor is he called other than John at the end
of the First Book of the Maccabees. However, Sixtus Seuensis, when he
gives us an epitome of the Greek version of the book here abridged by
Josephus, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, then extant, assures
us that he was called Hyrcanus from his conquest of one of that name. See
Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 207. But of this younger Antiochus, see Dean
Aldrich's note here.]
2 (return)
[ Why this John, the son of Simon, the high priest and governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Josephus never tells us; nor is he referred to as anything other than John at the end of the First Book of the Maccabees. However, Sixtus Seuensis, when he provides a summary of the Greek version of the book that Josephus has shortened, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus, which were still available, confirms that he was called Hyrcanus because of his victory over someone with that name. See Authent. Rec. Part I. p. 207. But for more on this younger Antiochus, see Dean Aldrich's note here.]
3 (return)
[ Josephus here calls this
Antiochus the last of the Seleucidae, although there remained still a
shadow of another king of that family, Antiochus Asiaticus, or Commagenus,
who reigned, or rather lay hid, till Pompey quite turned him out, as Dean
Aldrich here notes from Appian and Justin.]
3 (return)
[ Josephus refers to this Antiochus as the last of the Seleucidae, although there was still a remnant of another king from that family, Antiochus Asiaticus, or Commagenus, who ruled, or more accurately, remained in hiding, until Pompey completely removed him, as Dean Aldrich points out here from Appian and Justin.]
4 (return)
[ Matthew 16:19; 18:18. Here
we have the oldest and most authentic Jewish exposition of binding and
loosing, for punishing or absolving men, not for declaring actions lawful
or unlawful, as some more modern Jews and Christians vainly pretend.]
4 (return)
[ Matthew 16:19; 18:18. Here we find the earliest and most genuine Jewish explanation of binding and loosing, meant for punishing or forgiving people, not for declaring actions as legal or illegal, as some more recent Jews and Christians mistakenly claim.]
5 (return)
[ Strabo, B. XVI. p. 740,
relates, that this Selene Cleopatra was besieged by Tigranes, not in
Ptolemais, as here, but after she had left Syria, in Seleucia, a citadel
in Mesopotamia; and adds, that when he had kept her a while in prison, he
put her to death. Dean Aldrich supposes here that Strabo contradicts
Josephus, which does not appear to me; for although Josephus says both
here and in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 16. sect. 4, that Tigranes
besieged her now in Ptolemais, and that he took the city, as the
Antiquities inform us, yet does he no where intimate that he now took the
queen herself; so that both the narrations of Strabo and Josephus may
still be true notwithstanding.]
5 (return)
[ Strabo, B. XVI. p. 740, mentions that Selene Cleopatra was besieged by Tigranes, not in Ptolemais as stated here, but after she had left Syria, in Seleucia, a fortress in Mesopotamia. He adds that after keeping her in prison for a while, he executed her. Dean Aldrich suggests that Strabo contradicts Josephus, which I do not see; for while Josephus claims both here and in the Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 16. sect. 4, that Tigranes besieged her in Ptolemais and that he captured the city as noted in the Antiquities, he never implies that he captured the queen herself at that time. Thus, both Strabo's and Josephus's accounts can still be accurate despite the differences.]
6 (return)
[ That this Antipater, the
father of Herod the Great was an Idumean, as Josephus affirms here, see
the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. 2. It is somewhat probable, as
Hapercamp supposes, and partly Spanheim also, that the Latin is here the
truest; that Pompey did him Hyrcanus, as he would have done the others
from Aristobulus, sect. 6, although his remarkable abstinence from the
2000 talents that were in the Jewish temple, when he took it a little
afterward, ch. 7. sect. 6, and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, will to
Greek all which agree he did not take them.]
6 (return)
[ Antipater, the father of Herod the Great, was an Idumean, as Josephus confirms here; see the note on Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. 2. It's somewhat likely, as Hapercamp suggests and partly Spanheim also agrees, that the Latin version is the most accurate; that Pompey acted with Hyrcanus, just as he would have with the others from Aristobulus, sect. 6. However, his notable decision to not take the 2000 talents that were in the Jewish temple when he seized it shortly after, ch. 7. sect. 6, and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, suggests to the Greeks, who all concur, that he did not take them.]
7 (return)
[ Of the famous palm trees
and balsam about Jericho and Engaddl, see the notes in Havercamp's
edition, both here and B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1. They are somewhat too long
to be transcribed in this place.]
7 (return)
[For details about the famous palm trees and balsam around Jericho and Engaddi, check the notes in Havercamp's edition, both here and in B. II. ch. 9. sect. 1. They are a bit too lengthy to be included here.]
8 (return)
[ Thus says Tacitus: Cn.
Pompelna first of all subdued the Jews, and went into their temple, by
right of conquest, Hist. B. V. ch. 9. Nor did he touch any of its riches,
as has been observed on the parallel place of the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch.
4. sect. 4, out of Cicero himself.]
8 (return)
[ Tacitus states that Cn.
Pompelna was the first to conquer the Jews and entered their temple, claiming it as a right of conquest, Hist. B. V. ch. 9. He did not take any of its treasures, as noted in the corresponding section of the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 4. sect. 4, citing Cicero himself.]
9 (return)
[ The coin of this Gadara,
still extant, with its date from this era, is a certain evidence of this
its rebuilding by Pompey, as Spanheim here assures us.]
9 (return)
[ The coin from Gadara, which is still available and dated from this time period, serves as clear evidence of its reconstruction by Pompey, as Spanheim confirms here.]
10 (return)
[ Take the like attestation
to the truth of this submission of Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus the
Roman general, in the words of Dean Aldrich. "Hence [says he] is derived
that old and famous Denarius belonging to the Emillian family [represented
in Havercamp's edition], wherein Aretas appears in a posture of
supplication, and taking hold of a camel's bridle with his left hand, and
with his right hand presenting a branch of the frankincense tree, with
this inscription, M. SCAURUS EX S.C.; and beneath, REX ARETAS."]
10 (return)
[ Consider the similar testimony
to the authenticity of this submission from Aretas, king of Arabia, to Scaurus the
Roman general, as noted by Dean Aldrich. "From this [he says] comes the well-known Denarius associated with the Emillian family [shown in Havercamp's edition], where Aretas is depicted in a position of supplication, holding onto a camel's bridle with his left hand, and with his right hand offering a branch of the frankincense tree, along with this inscription, M. SCAURUS EX S.C.; and below it, REX ARETAS."]
12 (return)
[ What is here noted by
Hudson and Spanheim, that this grant of leave to rebuild the walls of the
cities of Judea was made by Julius Caesar, not as here to Antipater, but
to Hyrcanas, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 5, has hardly an appearance of a
contradiction; Antipater being now perhaps considered only as Hyrcanus's
deputy and minister; although he afterwards made a cipher of Hyrcanus,
and, under great decency of behavior to him, took the real authority to
himself.]
12 (return)
[ Hudson and Spanheim note that the permission to rebuild the walls of the cities of Judea was granted by Julius Caesar, not to Antipater as mentioned here, but to Hyrcanus, as seen in Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 8. sect. 5. This hardly seems contradictory; at this point, Antipater may have been viewed mainly as Hyrcanus's deputy and minister. However, he later overshadowed Hyrcanus and, while maintaining a respectful demeanor, took the real power for himself.]
13 (return)
[ Or twenty-five years of
age. See note on Antiq. B. I. ch. 12. sect. 3; and on B. XIV. ch. 9. sect.
2; and Of the War, B. II. ch. 11. sect. 6; and Polyb. B. XVII. p. 725.
Many writers of the Roman history give an account of this murder of Sextus
Caesar, and of the war of Apamia upon that occasion. They are cited in
Dean Aldrich's note.]
13 (return)
[Or twenty-five years old. See the note on Antiq. B. I. ch. 12. sect. 3; and on B. XIV. ch. 9. sect. 2; and Of the War, B. II. ch. 11. sect. 6; and Polyb. B. XVII. p. 725. Many historians of Rome discuss the murder of Sextus Caesar and the war of Apamia related to it. They are referenced in Dean Aldrich's note.]
14 (return)
[ In the Antiquities, B.
XIV. ch. 11. sect. 1, the duration of the reign of Julius Caesar is three
years six months; but here three years seven months, beginning nightly,
says Dean Aldrich, from his second dictatorship. It is probable the real
duration might be three years and between six and seven months.]
14 (return)
[ In the Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 1, Julius Caesar's reign lasted three years and six months; but here it's noted as three years and seven months, starting nightly, according to Dean Aldrich, from his second dictatorship. It's likely the actual duration was around three years and between six and seven months.]
15 (return)
[ It appears evidently by
Josephus's accounts, both here and in his Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11.
sect. 2, that this Cassius, one of Caesar's murderers, was a bitter
oppressor, and exactor of tribute in Judea. These seven hundred talents
amount to about three hundred thousand pounds sterling, and are about half
the yearly revenues of king Herod afterwards. See the note on Antiq. B.
XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. It also appears that Galilee then paid no more than
one hundred talents, or the seventh part of the entire sum to be levied in
all the country.]
15 (return)
[ According to Josephus's accounts, both here and in his Antiquities, B. XIV. ch. 11. sect. 2, it's clear that this Cassius, one of Caesar's assassins, was a harsh oppressor and collector of taxes in Judea. Those seven hundred talents equal about three hundred thousand pounds sterling, which is roughly half of King Herod's annual revenues later on. See the note on Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11. sect. 4. It also indicates that at that time, Galilee was only paying one hundred talents, or one-seventh of the total amount to be collected across the entire region.]
16 (return)
[ Here we see that Cassius
set tyrants over all Syria; so that his assisting to destroy Caesar does
not seem to have proceeded from his true zeal for public liberty, but from
a desire to be a tyrant himself.]
16 (return)
[ Here we see that Cassius placed tyrants over all of Syria; so his help in destroying Caesar doesn’t seem to come from a genuine passion for public liberty, but from a wish to become a tyrant himself.]
17 (return)
[ Phasaelus and Herod.]
17 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Phasaelus and Herod.]
18 (return)
[ This large and noted
wood, or woodland, belonging to Carmel, called Apago by the Septuagint, is
mentioned in the Old Testament, 2 Kings 19:23; Isaiah 37:24, and by I
Strabo, B. XVI. p. 758, as both Aldrich and Spanheim here remark very
pertinently.]
18 (return)
[This extensive and well-known forest, or woodland, that belongs to Carmel, called Apago by the Septuagint, is referenced in the Old Testament, 2 Kings 19:23; Isaiah 37:24, and by I Strabo, B. XVI. p. 758, as both Aldrich and Spanheim note very relevantly.]
19 (return)
[ These accounts, both here
and Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 5, that the Parthians fought chiefly on
horseback, and that only some few of their soldiers were free-men,
perfectly agree with Trogus Pompeius, in Justin, B. XLI. 2, 3, as Dean
Aldrich well observes on this place.]
19 (return)
[ These accounts, both here and in Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 5, indicate that the Parthians mainly fought on horseback, and that only a few of their soldiers were free men, which aligns perfectly with Trogus Pompeius in Justin, B. XLI. 2, 3, as Dean Aldrich aptly comments on this.]
21 (return)
[ This Brentesium or
Brundusium has coin still preserved, on which is written, as Spanheim
informs us.]
21 (return)
[ This Brentesium or Brundusium has coins that are still preserved, on which it is written, as Spanheim tells us.]
22 (return)
[ This Dellius is famous,
or rather infamous, in the history of Mark Antony, as Spanheim and Aldrich
here note, from the coins, from Plutarch and Dio.]
22 (return)
[This Dellius is well-known, or more accurately, notorious in the history of Mark Antony, as noted by Spanheim and Aldrich based on the coins, as well as by Plutarch and Dio.]
23 (return)
[ This Sepphoris, the
metropolis of Galilee, so often mentioned by Josephus, has coins still
remaining, as Spanheim here informs us.]
23 (return)
[This Sepphoris, the major city of Galilee, frequently mentioned by Josephus, still has coins that remain, as Spanheim informs us here.]
24 (return)
[ This way of speaking,
"after forty days," is interpreted by Josephus himself, "on the fortieth
day," Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. 4. In like manner, when Josephus says,
ch. 33. sect. 8, that Herod lived "after" he had ordered Antipater to be
slain "five days;" this is by himself interpreted, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8.
sect. 1, that he died "on the fifth day afterward." So also what is in
this book, ch. 13. sect. 1, "after two years," is, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13.
sect. 3, "on the second year." And Dean Aldrich here notes that this way
of speaking is familiar to Josephus.]
24 (return)
[ This phrase, "after forty days," is understood by Josephus himself to mean "on the fortieth day," Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 15. sect. 4. Similarly, when Josephus mentions in ch. 33. sect. 8 that Herod lived "after" ordering Antipater's execution "for five days," he clarifies in Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 1 that he died "on the fifth day afterward." Additionally, what is stated in this book, ch. 13. sect. 1, "after two years," is interpreted in Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 3 as "in the second year." Dean Aldrich also points out that this way of speaking is common in Josephus's writings.]
25 (return)
[ This Samosata, the
metropolis of Commagena, is well known from its coins, as Spanheim here
assures us. Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephus here notes, that
Herod was a great means of taking the city by Antony, and that from
Plutarch and Dio.]
25 (return)
[ This Samosata, the capital of Commagena, is well known from its coins, as Spanheim assures us here. Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephus notes, that Herod played a significant role in helping Antony take the city, as mentioned by Plutarch and Dio.]
27 (return)
[ This death of Antigonus
is confirmed by Plutarch and. Straho; the latter of whom is cited for it
by Josephus himself, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 1. sect. 2, as Dean Aldrich here
observes.]
27 (return)
[The death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and Strabo; the latter of whom is referenced by Josephus himself in Antiq. B. XV. ch. 1. sect. 2, as noted by Dean Aldrich here.]
28 (return)
[ This ancient liberty of
Tyre and Sidon under the Romans, taken notice of by Josephus, both here
and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 1, is confirmed by the testimony of Sirabe,
B. XVI. p. 757, as Dean Aldrich remarks; although, as he justly adds, this
liberty lasted but a little while longer, when Augtus took it away from
them.]
28 (return)
[ The ancient freedom of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans, mentioned by Josephus both here and in Antiq. B. XV. ch. 4. sect. 1, is supported by the account of Sirabe, B. XVI. p. 757, as noted by Dean Aldrich; however, as he rightly points out, this freedom only lasted for a short time longer before Augustus took it away from them.]
29 (return)
[ This seventh year of the
reign of Herod [from the conquest or death of Antigonus], with the great
earthquake in the beginning of the same spring, which are here fully
implied to be not much before the fight at Actium, between Octavius and
Antony, and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the
beginning of September, in the thirty-first year before the Christian era,
determines the chronology of Josephus as to the reign of Herod, viz. that
he began in the year 37, beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite
unworthy of our notice, that this seventh year of the reign of Herod, or
the thirty-first before the Christian era, contained the latter part of a
Sabbatic year, on which Sabbatic year, therefore, it is plain this great
earthquake happened in Judea.]
29 (return)
[In the seventh year of Herod's reign [after the conquest or death of Antigonus], there was a significant earthquake early that spring, which is implied to have occurred not long before the battle at Actium between Octavius and Antony. Roman historians confirm this battle took place in early September, thirty-one years before the start of the Christian era. This timeline establishes Josephus's chronology regarding Herod's reign, showing he began his reign in 37, which is beyond reasonable dispute. It's also noteworthy that this seventh year of Herod's reign, or the thirty-first before the Christian era, included the latter part of a Sabbatic year, during which this major earthquake took place in Judea.]
30 (return)
[ This speech of Herod is
set down twice by Josephus, here and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 5. sect. 3, to the
very same purpose, but by no means in the same words; whence it appears
that the sense was Herod's, but the composition Josephus's.]
30 (return)
[This speech by Herod is recorded twice by Josephus, here and in Antiq. B. XV. ch. 5. sect. 3, for the same purpose, but definitely not in the same words; this shows that the meaning was Herod's, but the writing was Josephus's.]
31 (return)
[ Since Josephus, both here
and in his Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 3, reckons Gaza, which had been a
free city, among the cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that
Herod had made Costobarus a governor of it before, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7.
sect. 9, Hardain has some pretense for saying that Josephus here
contradicted himself. But perhaps Herod thought he had sufficient
authority to put a governor into Gaza, after he was made tetrarch or king,
in times of war, before the city was entirely delivered into his hands by
Augustus.]
31 (return)
[ Since Josephus, both here and in his Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 3, counts Gaza, which was a free city, among the cities given to Herod by Augustus, and yet suggests that Herod appointed Costobarus as its governor beforehand, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 7. sect. 9, Hardain has some basis to claim that Josephus contradicts himself here. However, it’s possible that Herod believed he had enough authority to appoint a governor in Gaza after he became tetrarch or king, especially during wartime, before the city was completely handed over to him by Augustus.]
32 (return)
[ This fort was first
built, as it is supposed, by John Hyrcanus; see Prid. at the year 107; and
called "Baris," the Tower or Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt, with
great improvements, by Herod, under the government of Antonius, and was
named from him "the Tower of Antoni;" and about the time when Herod
rebuilt the temple, he seems to have put his last hand to it. See Antiq.
B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect. 4; Of the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 3; ch. 5. sect.
4. It lay on the northwest side of the temple, and was a quarter as
large.]
32 (return)
[ This fort was initially constructed, as is believed, by John Hyrcanus; see Prid. at the year 107; and called "Baris," meaning the Tower or Citadel. It was later rebuilt with significant enhancements by Herod during Antonius's rule, and was named "the Tower of Antoni" in his honor; around the same time Herod rebuilt the temple, he seems to have finalized the fort's construction. See Antiq. B. XVIII. ch. 5. sect. 4; Of the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 3; ch. 5. sect. 4. It was located on the northwest side of the temple and was about a quarter of its size.]
33 (return)
[ That Josephus speaks
truth, when he assures us that the haven of this Cesarea was made by Herod
not less, nay rather larger, than that famous haven at Athens, called the
Pyrecum, will appear, says Dean Aldrich, to him who compares the
descriptions of that at Athens in Thucydides and Pausanias, with this of
Cesarea in Josephus here, and in the Antiq. B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6, and B.
XVII. ch. 9. sect. 1.]
33 (return)
[ Josephus is right when he claims that the harbor of Cesarea, built by Herod, was not just equal to but even larger than the famous harbor at Athens known as the Piraeus. Dean Aldrich points out that anyone who compares the accounts of the Athenian harbor in Thucydides and Pausanias with Josephus's description of Cesarea here, and in Antiq. B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6, and B. XVII. ch. 9. sect. 1, will see this clearly.]
34 (return)
[ These buildings of cities
by the name of Caesar, and institution of solemn games in honor of
Augustus Caesar, as here, and in the Antiquities, related of Herod by
Josephus, the Roman historians attest to, as things then frequent in the
provinces of that empire, as Dean Aldrich observes on this chapter.]
34 (return)
[ These city buildings named after Caesar and the establishment of grand games to honor Augustus Caesar, as noted here and in the Antiquities related to Herod by Josephus, are confirmed by Roman historians as common occurrences in the provinces of that empire, as Dean Aldrich comments on this chapter.]
35 (return)
[ There were two cities, or
citadels, called Herodium, in Judea, and both mentioned by Josephus, not
only here, but Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 9; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6; Of
the War, B. I. ch. 13. sect. 8; B. III. ch. 3. sect. 5. One of them was
two hundred, and the other sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. One of
them is mentioned by Pliny, Hist. Nat. B. V. ch. 14., as Dean Aldrich
observes here.]
35 (return)
[ There were two cities, or fortresses, named Herodium in Judea, which Josephus mentions not only here but also in Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 13. sect. 9; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 6; Of the War, B. I. ch. 13. sect. 8; B. III. ch. 3. sect. 5. One was two hundred, and the other sixty furlongs away from Jerusalem. One of them is referenced by Pliny in Hist. Nat. B. V. ch. 14., as noted by Dean Aldrich here.]
36 (return)
[ Here seems to be a small
defect in the copies, which describe the wild beasts which were hunted in
a certain country by Herod, without naming any such country at all.]
36 (return)
[It looks like there's a small mistake in the copies that talk about the wild animals hunted in a specific country by Herod, but they don't mention what country it actually is.]
37 (return)
[ Here is either a defect
or a great mistake in Josephus's present copies or memory; for Mariamne
did not now reproach Herod with this his first injunction to Joseph to
kill her, if he himself were slain by Antony, but that he had given the
like command a second time to Soemus also, when he was afraid of being
slain by Augustus. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect. 5, etc.]
37 (return)
[ There seems to be either an error in the existing copies of Josephus or a mistake in his memory; because Mariamne did not accuse Herod now of his initial order to Joseph to kill her if he himself was killed by Antony, but that he had given a similar command a second time to Soemus when he feared being killed by Augustus. Antiq. B. XV. ch. 3. sect. 5, etc.]
38 (return)
[ That this island Eleusa,
afterward called Sebaste, near Cilicia, had in it the royal palace of this
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, Strabo testifies, B. XV. p. 671. Stephanus
of Byzantiam also calls it "an island of Cilicia, which is now Sebaste;"
both whose testimonies are pertinently cited here by Dr. Hudson. See the
same history, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 10. sect. 7.]
38 (return)
[ This island Eleusa, later known as Sebaste, located near Cilicia, was home to the royal palace of Archelaus, the king of Cappadocia, as acknowledged by Strabo, B. XV. p. 671. Stephanus of Byzantium also refers to it as "an island of Cilicia, which is now Sebaste;" both of these sources are appropriately referenced here by Dr. Hudson. See the same account, Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 10. sect. 7.]
39 (return)
[ That it was an immemorial
custom among the Jews, and their forefathers, the patriarchs, to have
sometimes more wives or wives and concubines, than one at the same the and
that this polygamy was not directly forbidden in the law of Moses is
evident; but that polygamy was ever properly and distinctly permitted in
that law of Moses, in the places here cited by Dean Aldrich, Deuteronomy
17:16, 17, or 21:15, or indeed any where else, does not appear to me. And
what our Savior says about the common Jewish divorces, which may lay much
greater claim to such a permission than polygamy, seems to me true in this
case also; that Moses, "for the hardness of their hearts," suffered them
to have several wives at the same time, but that "from the beginning it
was not so," Matthew 19:8; Mark 10:5.]
39 (return)
[ It's a long-standing tradition among the Jews, and their ancestors, the patriarchs, to sometimes have more than one wife or to have wives and concubines at the same time. It's clear that this polygamy wasn't directly prohibited in the law of Moses. However, it doesn't seem to me that polygamy was ever explicitly allowed in the law of Moses, in the passages cited by Dean Aldrich—Deuteronomy 17:16, 17, or 21:15, or anywhere else, for that matter. Additionally, what our Savior says about the common Jewish divorces, which arguably could claim more permission than polygamy, seems accurate here as well. Moses, "due to the hardness of their hearts," allowed them to have multiple wives at once, but "from the beginning it was not so," Matthew 19:8; Mark 10:5.]
40 (return)
[ This vile fellow,
Eurycles the Lacedemonian, seems to have been the same who is mentioned by
Plutarch, as [twenty-live years before] a companion to Mark Antony, and as
living with Herod; whence he might easily insinuate himself into the
acquaintance of Herod's sons, Antipater and Alexander, as Usher, Hudson,
and Spanheim justly suppose. The reason why his being a Spartan rendered
him acceptable to the Jews as we here see he was, is visible from the
public records of the Jews and Spartans, owning those Spartans to be of
kin to the Jews, and derived from their common ancestor Abraham, the first
patriarch of the Jewish nation, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4. sect. 10; B. XIII.
ch. 5. sect. 8; and 1 Macc. 12:7.]
40 (return)
[This despicable man, Eurycles the Lacedemonian, appears to be the same person mentioned by Plutarch, who was a companion of Mark Antony twenty-five years earlier and lived with Herod. From there, he could easily ingratiate himself with Herod's sons, Antipater and Alexander, as Usher, Hudson, and Spanheim rightly suggest. The reason his Spartan heritage made him acceptable to the Jews, as we see in this case, is clear from the public records of the Jews and Spartans, which acknowledge that the Spartans are related to the Jews and descended from their common ancestor Abraham, the first patriarch of the Jewish nation, Antiq. B. XII. ch. 4. sect. 10; B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 8; and 1 Macc. 12:7.]
42 (return)
[ Dean Aldrich takes notice
here, that these nine wives of Herod were alive at the same time; and that
if the celebrated Mariamne, who was now dead, be reckoned, those wives
were in all ten. Yet it is remarkable that he had no more than fifteen
children by them all.]
42 (return)
[ Dean Aldrich points out that these nine wives of Herod were all alive at the same time; and if we include the famous Mariamne, who is now deceased, that makes a total of ten wives. It's interesting to note that he had no more than fifteen children with all of them.]
43 (return)
[ To prevent confusion, it
may not be amiss, with Dean Aldrich, to distinguish between four Josephs
in the history of Herod. 1. Joseph, Herod's uncle, and the [second]
husband of his sister Salome, slain by Herod, on account of Mariamne. 2.
Joseph, Herod's quaestor, or treasurer, slain on the same account. 3.
Joseph, Herod's brother, slain in battle against Antigonus. 4. Joseph,
Herod's nephew, the husband of Olympias, mentioned in this place.]
43 (return)
[To avoid any confusion, it might be helpful, along with Dean Aldrich, to identify four different Josephs in Herod's history. 1. Joseph, Herod's uncle, and the [second] husband of his sister Salome, who was killed by Herod because of Mariamne. 2. Joseph, Herod's quaestor or treasurer, who was also killed for the same reason. 3. Joseph, Herod's brother, who died in battle against Antigonus. 4. Joseph, Herod's nephew, married to Olympias, mentioned here.]
44 (return)
[ These daughters of Herod,
whom Pheroras's wife affronted, were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, who
were born to him of his two wives, Elpide and Phedra. See Herod's
genealogy, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 1. sect. 3.]
44 (return)
[ The daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife insulted, were Salome and Roxana, two virgins, born to him from his two wives, Elpide and Phedra. See Herod's genealogy, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 1. sect. 3.]
45 (return)
[ This strange obstinacy of
Pheroras in retaining his wife, who was one of a low family, and refusing
to marry one nearly related to Herod, though he so earnestly desired it,
as also that wife's admission to the counsels of the other great court
ladies, together with Herod's own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce and
other marriage, all so remarkable here, or in the Antiquities XVII. ch. 2.
sect. 4; and ch. 3. be well accounted for, but on the supposal that
Pheroras believed, and Herod suspected, that the Pharisees' prediction, as
if the crown of Judea should be translated from Herod to Pheroras's
posterity and that most probably to Pheroras's posterity by this his wife,
also would prove true. See Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3.
sect. 1.]
45 (return)
[ This strange stubbornness of Pheroras in keeping his wife, who came from a low-status family, and his refusal to marry someone closely related to Herod, even though he wanted to, along with his wife's involvement with the other high-ranking ladies, and Herod's own pressure regarding Pheroras's divorce and another marriage—all of these remarkable points, as well as in the Antiquities XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3., can be understood if we assume that Pheroras believed, and Herod suspected, that the Pharisees' prediction about the crown of Judea passing from Herod to Pheroras's descendants, most likely through this wife, might actually come true. See Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 2. sect. 4; and ch. 3. sect. 1.]
46 (return)
[ This Tarentum has coins
still extant, as Reland informs us here in his note.]
46 (return)
[ This Tarentum still has coins that exist today, as Reland points out in his note.]
48 (return)
[ Since in these two
sections we have an evident account of the Jewish opinions in the days of
Josephus, about a future happy state, and the resurrection of the dead, as
in the New Testament, John 11:24, I shall here refer to the other places
in Josephus, before he became a catholic Christian, which concern the same
matters. Of the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 10, 11; B. III. ch. 8. sect. 4;
B. VII. ch. 6. sect. 7; Contr. Apion, B. II. sect. 30; where we may
observe, that none of these passages are in his Books of Antiquities,
written peculiarly for the use of the Gentiles, to whom he thought it not
proper to insist on topics so much out of their way as these were. Nor is
this observation to be omitted here, especially on account of the sensible
difference we have now before us in Josephus's reason of the used by the
Rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard their lives for the
vindication of God's law against images, by Moses, as well as of the
answers those scholars made to Herod, when they were caught, and ready to
die for the same; I mean as compared with the parallel arguments and
answers represented in the Antiquities, B. XVII. ch. 6. sect, 2, 3. A like
difference between Jewish and Gentile notions the reader will find in my
notes on Antiquities, B. III. ch. 7. sect. 7; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 1. See
the like also in the case of the three Jewish sects in the Antiquities, B.
XIII. ch. 5. sect. 9, and ch. 10. sect. 4, 5; B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 5;
and compared with this in his Wars of the Jews, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 2-14.
Nor does St. Paul himself reason to Gentiles at Athens, Acts 17:16-34, as
he does to Jews in his Epistles.]
48 (return)
[ In these two sections, we clearly see the Jewish beliefs during Josephus's time regarding a future happy state and the resurrection of the dead, similar to those found in the New Testament, John 11:24. I will refer to other sections in Josephus's work, before he became a Catholic Christian, that focus on these same topics. From the War, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 10, 11; B. III. ch. 8. sect. 4; B. VII. ch. 6. sect. 7; Contr. Apion, B. II. sect. 30; we can note that none of these passages appear in his Books of Antiquities, which were written specifically for Gentiles, to whom he thought it inappropriate to dwell on subjects so foreign to them. This observation is important, especially when considering the significant difference we see in Josephus's reasoning used by the Rabbis to encourage their students to risk their lives to uphold God's law against images, as well as the responses those students gave to Herod when they were captured and prepared to die for the same cause, compared to the similar arguments and responses depicted in Antiquities, B. XVII. ch. 6. sect. 2, 3. The reader will also find a similar difference in Jewish and Gentile views in my notes on Antiquities, B. III. ch. 7. sect. 7; B. XV. ch. 9. sect. 1. Also, look for comparable cases regarding the three Jewish sects in Antiquities, B. XIII. ch. 5. sect. 9, and ch. 10. sect. 4, 5; B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 5; and compare this with his Wars of the Jews, B. II. ch. 8. sect. 2-14. Additionally, St. Paul himself reasoned differently with Gentiles in Athens, Acts 17:16-34, than he did with Jews in his Epistles.]
BOOK II.
Containing The Interval Of Sixty-Nine Years.
From The Death Of Herod Till Vespasian Was Sent To Subdue
The Jews By Nero.
Covering The Period Of Sixty-Nine Years.
From The Death Of Herod Until Vespasian Was Sent To Conquer
The Jews By Nero.CHAPTER 1.
Archelaus Makes A Funeral Feast For The People, On The
Account Of Herod. After Which A Great Tumult Is Raised By
The Multitude And He Sends The Soldiers Out Upon Them, Who
Destroy About Three Thousand Of Them.
Archelaus holds a funeral feast for the people because of Herod. After that, a huge uproar breaks out among the crowd, and he sends the soldiers to deal with them, who end up killing about three thousand people.
1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days, 1 and had given a very expensive funeral feast to the multitude, [which custom is the occasion of poverty to many of the Jews, because they are forced to feast the multitude; for if any one omits it, he is not esteemed a holy person,] he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple, where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spake kindly to the multitude from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father's funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirm the succession; for that when the soldiers would have set the diadem on his head at Jericho, he would not accept of it; but that he would make abundant requitals, not to the soldiers only, but to the people, for their alacrity and good-will to him, when the superior lords [the Romans] should have given him a complete title to the kingdom; for that it should be his study to appear in all things better than his father.
1. The need for Archelaus to travel to Rome led to new troubles. After mourning his father for seven days, 1 and hosting an extravagant funeral feast for the crowd— a custom that often leaves many Jews in poverty since they feel obligated to host the masses; anyone who skips it is not regarded as a holy person— he wore a white garment and went up to the temple, where the people greeted him with various cheers. He also spoke kindly to the crowd from an elevated seat on a golden throne, thanking them for their enthusiasm regarding his father's funeral and their willingness to accept him as if he were already in power. However, he told them that he would not take on the authority of a king or its titles until Caesar, who is in charge of the matter according to the will, confirmed the succession. He explained that when the soldiers tried to place the crown on his head in Jericho, he refused it. But he promised to reward not only the soldiers but also the people for their eagerness and support once the higher authorities (the Romans) granted him full rights to the kingdom, as he aimed to outshine his father in everything.
2. Upon this the multitude were pleased, and presently made a trial of what he intended, by asking great things of him; for some made a clamor that he would ease them in their taxes; others, that he would take off the duties upon commodities; and some, that he would loose those that were in prison; in all which cases he answered readily to their satisfaction, in order to get the good-will of the multitude; after which he offered [the proper] sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. And here it was that a great many of those that desired innovations came in crowds towards the evening, and began then to mourn on their own account, when the public mourning for the king was over. These lamented those that were put to death by Herod, because they had cut down the golden eagle that had been over the gate of the temple. Nor was this mourning of a private nature, but the lamentations were very great, the mourning solemn, and the weeping such as was loudly heard all over the city, as being for those men who had perished for the laws of their country, and for the temple. They cried out that a punishment ought to be inflicted for these men upon those that were honored by Herod; and that, in the first place, the man whom he had made high priest should be deprived; and that it was fit to choose a person of greater piety and purity than he was.
2. The crowd was pleased, and soon tested his intentions by asking for big things; some shouted for him to reduce their taxes, others wanted him to remove duties on goods, and some asked him to free those imprisoned. He quickly agreed to their demands to win the crowd's favor. Afterward, he made the proper sacrifices and had a feast with his friends. It was during this time that many who wanted change gathered in large numbers toward evening, starting to mourn for their own losses once the public mourning for the king was done. They grieved for those executed by Herod because they had taken down the golden eagle that was above the temple gate. This mourning was not just personal; it was intense, solemn, and the weeping could be heard throughout the city, as it was for those who had died for their country's laws and the temple. They shouted that those honored by Herod should be punished for what happened to these men and that the high priest he appointed should be removed, arguing that a person with greater piety and integrity should take his place.
3. At these clamors Archelaus was provoked, but restrained himself from taking vengeance on the authors, on account of the haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing lest, upon his making war on the multitude, such an action might detain him at home. Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the innovators by persuasion, rather than by force, and sent his general in a private way to them, and by him exhorted them to be quiet. But the seditious threw stones at him, and drove him away, as he came into the temple, and before he could say any thing to them. The like treatment they showed to others, who came to them after him, many of which were sent by Archelaus, in order to reduce them to sobriety, and these answered still on all occasions after a passionate manner; and it openly appeared that they would not be quiet, if their numbers were but considerable. And indeed, at the feast of unleavened bread, which was now at hand, and is by the Jews called the Passover, and used to be celebrated with a great number of sacrifices, an innumerable multitude of the people came out of the country to worship; some of these stood in the temple bewailing the Rabbins [that had been put to death], and procured their sustenance by begging, in order to support their sedition. At this Archelaus was affrighted, and privately sent a tribune, with his cohort of soldiers, upon them, before the disease should spread over the whole multitude, and gave orders that they should constrain those that began the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these the whole multitude were irritated, and threw stones at many of the soldiers, and killed them; but the tribune fled away wounded, and had much ado to escape so. After which they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as if they had done no mischief; nor did it appear to Archelaus that the multitude could be restrained without bloodshed; so he sent his whole army upon them, the footmen in great multitudes, by the way of the city, and the horsemen by the way of the plain, who, falling upon them on the sudden, as they were offering their sacrifices, destroyed about three thousand of them; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed upon the adjoining mountains: these were followed by Archelaus's heralds, who commanded every one to retire to their own homes, whither they all went, and left the festival.
3. At these shouts, Archelaus was angered but held back from taking revenge on those responsible because he was in a hurry to get to Rome. He feared that if he went to war against the crowd, it might keep him at home. So, he tried to calm the troublemakers with persuasion instead of force and sent his general to them secretly, advising them to remain peaceful. However, the rebels threw stones at him and drove him away before he could say anything. They treated others who came after him the same way, many of whom were sent by Archelaus to restore order, and they responded with hostility each time. It was clear that they would not quiet down if they felt they had enough support. Indeed, with the feast of unleavened bread, known to the Jews as Passover, approaching—which was celebrated with numerous sacrifices—an immense crowd came from the countryside to worship. Some stood in the temple mourning the Rabbis who had been killed, begging to sustain their uprising. This frightened Archelaus, and he secretly sent a tribune with a cohort of soldiers to intervene before the unrest spread through the entire crowd. He ordered them to forcibly quiet those who started the disturbance. This angered the entire crowd, and they threw stones at many of the soldiers, killing some of them, while the tribune was wounded and struggled to escape. Afterward, they resumed their sacrifices as if they hadn't caused any trouble. Archelaus realized he couldn't control the crowd without bloodshed, so he sent his entire army against them, with foot soldiers in large numbers through the city and horsemen across the plain. They suddenly attacked while the people were offering their sacrifices, killing about three thousand of them. The rest of the crowd fled to the nearby mountains, followed by Archelaus's heralds, who commanded everyone to return to their homes. They all complied and left the festival.
CHAPTER 2.
Archelaus Goes To Rome With A Great Number Of His Kindred.
He Is There Accused Before Caesar By Antipater; But Is
Superior To His Accusers In Judgment By The Means Of That
Defense Which Nicolaus Made For Him.
Archelaus goes to Rome with a large number of his relatives. He is accused there before Caesar by Antipater; however, he outshines his accusers in reasoning thanks to the defense that Nicolaus provided for him.
1. Archelaus went down now to the sea-side, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, and Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, and left behind him Philip, to be his steward in the palace, and to take care of his domestic affairs. Salome went also along with him with her sons, as did also the king's brethren and sons-in-law. These, in appearance, went to give him all the assistance they were able, in order to secure his succession, but in reality to accuse him for his breach of the laws by what he had done at the temple.
1. Archelaus went down to the seaside now, with his mother and his friends, Poplas, Ptolemy, and Nicolaus, leaving Philip behind as his steward in the palace to handle his domestic matters. Salome went with him along with her sons, as did the king's brothers and sons-in-law. They all appeared to be there to support him and ensure his succession, but in reality, they intended to accuse him of breaking the laws with his actions at the temple.
2. But as they were come to Cesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was going up to Judea, to secure Herod's effects; but Varus, [president of Syria,] who was come thither, restrained him from going any farther. This Varus Archelaus had sent for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemy. At this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus, neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut up the treasuries where his father's money was laid up, but promised that he would lie still, until Caesar should have taken cognizance of the affair. So he abode at Cesarea; but as soon as those that were his hinderance were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch, and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he immediately went on to Jerusalem, and seized upon the palace. And when he had called for the governors of the citadels, and the stewards [of the king's private affairs], he tried to sift out the accounts of the money, and to take possession of the citadels. But the governors of those citadels were not unmindful of the commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and continued to guard them, and said the custody of them rather belonged to Caesar than to Archelaus.
2. When they arrived in Caesarea, Sabinus, the procurator of Syria, met them; he was heading to Judea to secure Herod's assets, but Varus, the president of Syria, who was there, stopped him from going any further. Varus had been sent for by Archelaus at the urgent request of Ptolemy. At this point, to appease Varus, Sabinus did not go to the fortresses, nor did he close off the treasuries where his father's money was stored, but he promised to stay put until Caesar addressed the issue. So he remained in Caesarea, but as soon as those who were hindering him left—when Varus went to Antioch, and Archelaus sailed to Rome—he immediately went to Jerusalem and took control of the palace. He called for the governors of the fortresses and the stewards of the king's affairs to try to sort out the financial accounts and take possession of the fortresses. However, the governors of those fortresses remembered Archelaus's orders and continued to guard them, claiming that the responsibility for their custody belonged to Caesar, not Archelaus.
3. In the mean time, Antipas went also to Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist that the former testament, wherein he was named to be king, was valid before the latter testament. Salome had also promised to assist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred, who sailed along with Archelaus himself also. He also carried along with him his mother, and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who seemed one of great weight, on account of the great trust Herod put in him, he having been one of his most honored friends. However, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus, the orator; upon whose authority he had rejected such as advised him to yield to Archelaus, because he was his elder brother, and because the second testament gave the kingdom to him. The inclinations also of all Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were removed to Antipas, when they came to Rome; although in the first place every one rather desired to live under their own laws [without a king], and to be under a Roman governor; but if they should fail in that point, these desired that Antipas might be their king.
3. In the meantime, Antipas also went to Rome to fight for the kingdom and to argue that the previous will, in which he was named king, was valid over the later will. Salome had promised to help him, as did many of Archelaus's relatives, who traveled with Archelaus himself. He also brought his mother and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, who was seen as significant because of the great trust Herod had in him, as he was one of his most respected friends. However, Antipas primarily relied on Ireneus, the orator; it was on his advice that he turned down those who suggested he defer to Archelaus because he was the older brother and because the second will granted the kingdom to him. The sentiments of all of Archelaus's relatives, who disliked him, shifted toward Antipas when they arrived in Rome; although initially, everyone preferred to live under their own laws [without a king] and be governed by a Roman official, if that didn't work out, they wanted Antipas to be their king.
4. Sabinus did also afford these his assistance to the same purpose by letters he sent, wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar, and highly commended Antipas. Salome also, and those with her, put the crimes which they accused Archelaus of in order, and put them into Caesar's hands; and after they had done that, Archelaus wrote down the reasons of his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father's ring, and his father's accounts. And when Caesar had maturely weighed by himself what both had to allege for themselves, as also had considered of the great burden of the kingdom, and largeness of the revenues, and withal the number of the children Herod had left behind him, and had moreover read the letters he had received from Varus and Sabinus on this occasion, he assembled the principal persons among the Romans together, [in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for his own son, sat in the first seat,] and gave the pleaders leave to speak.
4. Sabinus also helped with this by sending letters in which he accused Archelaus to Caesar and praised Antipas highly. Salome and her group organized the charges against Archelaus and handed them to Caesar. After that, Archelaus wrote down his claims and, through Ptolemy, sent his father’s ring and his father's records. When Caesar carefully considered what both sides had to say, along with the significant responsibility of the kingdom, the size of the revenues, and the number of children Herod had left behind, and after reading the letters he received from Varus and Sabinus regarding this matter, he gathered the key figures among the Romans together, [in which assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa, and his daughter Julias, who was adopted by him as his own son, sat in the front row,] and allowed the advocates to speak.
5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater, [who of all Archelaus's antagonists was the shrewdest pleader,] and accused him in the following speech: That Archelaus did in words contend for the kingdom, but that in deeds he had long exercised royal authority, and so did but insult Caesar in desiring to be now heard on that account, since he had not staid for his determination about the succession, and since he had suborned certain persons, after Herod's death, to move for putting the diadem upon his head; since he had set himself down in the throne, and given answers as a king, and altered the disposition of the army, and granted to some higher dignities; that he had also complied in all things with the people in the requests they had made to him as to their king, and had also dismissed those that had been put into bonds by his father for most important reasons. Now, after all this, he desires the shadow of that royal authority, whose substance he had already seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar lord, not of things, but of words. He also reproached him further, that his mourning for his father was only pretended, while he put on a sad countenance in the day time, but drank to great excess in the night; from which behavior, he said, the late disturbance among the multitude came, while they had an indignation thereat. And indeed the purport of his whole discourse was to aggravate Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude about the temple, which multitude came to the festival, but were barbarously slain in the midst of their own sacrifices; and he said there was such a vast number of dead bodies heaped together in the temple, as even a foreign war, that should come upon them [suddenly], before it was denounced, could not have heaped together. And he added, that it was the foresight his father had of that his barbarity which made him never give him any hopes of the kingdom, but when his mind was more infirm than his body, and he was not able to reason soundly, and did not well know what was the character of that son, whom in his second testament he made his successor; and this was done by him at a time when he had no complaints to make of him whom he had named before, when he was sound in body, and when his mind was free from all passion. That, however, if any one should suppose Herod's judgment, when he was sick, was superior to that at another time, yet had Archelaus forfeited his kingdom by his own behavior, and those his actions, which were contrary to the law, and to its disadvantage. Or what sort of a king will this man be, when he hath obtained the government from Caesar, who hath slain so many before he hath obtained it!
5. Then Salome's son, Antipater, stood up, [who was the smartest at arguing against Archelaus,] and accused him with this speech: Archelaus claimed to fight for the kingdom with words, but he had already acted like a king for a long time. He insulted Caesar by asking to be heard now, as he hadn't waited for Caesar’s decision about the succession and had bribed certain people after Herod's death to push for putting the crown on his head. He had taken his place on the throne, answered people as a king would, changed the army's organization, and rewarded some with higher positions. He also went along with the people's requests as their king and released those who his father had imprisoned for serious reasons. Now, after all this, he wants the mere appearance of royal authority, something he had already claimed for himself, making Caesar just the master of words, not of actions. He also criticized him further, saying his mourning for his father was fake, that he wore a sad face during the day but drank heavily at night; this behavior, he argued, caused the recent unrest among the people, who were angry about it. Antipater’s whole argument was meant to highlight Archelaus's crime in killing so many people near the temple, who had come for the festival but were brutally murdered in the midst of their sacrifices. He said the number of dead bodies piled up in the temple was so great that even a sudden foreign war couldn't have caused such a loss. He added that it was his father's awareness of Archelaus’s brutality that led him to never give him any hope for the kingdom, except when his mind was weaker than his body, and he couldn't think clearly about the character of the son he named as his successor in his second will. This happened when his father had no complaints about the son he had previously named, when he was healthy, and when his mind was calm. However, if anyone believes Herod's judgment, while he was sick, was better than at any other time, Archelaus had still lost his kingdom because of his behavior and actions that were against the law and harmful to it. What kind of king will this man be when he gets the government from Caesar if he’s already killed so many before obtaining it?
6. When Antipater had spoken largely to this purpose, and had produced a great number of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to prove every part of the accusation, he ended his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the slaughter in the temple could not be avoided; that those that were slain were become enemies not to Archelaus's kingdom, only, but to Caesar, who was to determine about him. He also demonstrated that Archelaus's accusers had advised him to perpetrate other things of which he might have been accused. But he insisted that the latter testament should, for this reason, above all others, be esteemed valid, because Herod had therein appointed Caesar to be the person who should confirm the succession; for he who showed such prudence as to recede from his own power, and yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot be supposed mistaken in his judgment about him that was to be his heir; and he that so well knew whom to choose for arbitrator of the succession could not be unacquainted with him whom he chose for his successor.
6. After Antipater had spoken extensively on this matter and brought forward many of Archelaus's relatives as witnesses to back up every part of the accusation, he concluded his speech. Then Nicolaus stood up to defend Archelaus. He argued that the killings in the temple were unavoidable; those who died weren't just enemies of Archelaus's kingdom, but also of Caesar, who would decide Archelaus's fate. He also showed that Archelaus's accusers had suggested other actions that could have led to accusations against him. But he emphasized that the final will should be considered valid for this reason above all others: because Herod appointed Caesar to confirm the succession. A person who displayed such wisdom by stepping back from their own power and handing it over to the ruler of the world couldn't be wrong in their judgment of who should be their heir; and someone who knew so well whom to choose as the arbitrator of the succession couldn't have been unaware of whom they selected as their successor.
7. When Nicolaus had gone through all he had to say, Archelaus came, and fell down before Caesar's knees, without any noise;—upon which he raised him up, after a very obliging manner, and declared that truly he was worthy to succeed his father. However, he still made no firm determination in his case; but when he had dismissed those assessors that had been with him that day, he deliberated by himself about the allegations which he had heard, whether it were fit to constitute any of those named in the testaments for Herod's successor, or whether the government should be parted among all his posterity, and this because of the number of those that seemed to stand in need of support therefrom.
7. After Nicolaus finished speaking, Archelaus approached and quietly fell to his knees before Caesar. Caesar lifted him up in a very gracious way and declared that he truly deserved to succeed his father. However, he still didn’t make a definite decision about it. After dismissing the advisers who had been with him that day, he thought alone about the claims he had heard, considering whether to appoint any of those named in Herod's will as his successor or if the rule should be divided among all his descendants, given the number of people who seemed to need support.
CHAPTER 3.
The Jews Fight A Great Battle With Sabinus's Soldiers, And A
Great Destruction Is Made At Jerusalem.
The Jews Fight a Major Battle with Sabinus's Soldiers, and a
Significant Destruction Occurs in Jerusalem.1. Now before Caesar had determined any thing about these affairs, Malthace, Arehelaus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen by Varus, who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed, went up to Jerusalem to restrain the promoters of the sedition, since it was manifest that the nation would not be at rest; so he left one of those legions which he brought with him out of Syria in the city, and went himself to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he was gone, and gave them an occasion of making innovations; for he compelled the keepers of the citadels to deliver them up to him, and made a bitter search after the king's money, as depending not only on the soldiers which were left by Varus, but on the multitude of his own servants, all which he armed and used as the instruments of his covetousness. Now when that feast, which was observed after seven weeks, and which the Jews called Pentecost, [i. e. the 50th day,] was at hand, its name being taken from the number of the days [after the passover], the people got together, but not on account of the accustomed Divine worship, but of the indignation they had ['at the present state of affairs']. Wherefore an immense multitude ran together, out of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and Perea, that was beyond Jordan; but the people that naturally belonged to Judea itself were above the rest, both in number, and in the alacrity of the men. So they distributed themselves into three parts, and pitched their camps in three places; one at the north side of the temple, another at the south side, by the Hippodrome, and the third part were at the palace on the west. So they lay round about the Romans on every side, and besieged them.
1. Before Caesar made any decisions about these matters, Malthace, Arehelaus's mother, fell ill and passed away. Letters from Syria arrived from Varus, warning about a Jewish revolt. Varus anticipated this and, after Archelaus had set sail, went up to Jerusalem to deal with the instigators of the uprising, knowing that the nation would not remain peaceful. He left one of the legions he brought from Syria in the city and went to Antioch himself. But after he left, Sabinus arrived and created opportunities for disturbances; he forced the keepers of the citadels to surrender them to him and aggressively searched for the king's money, relying not only on the soldiers left by Varus but also on the multitude of his own servants, whom he armed and used as tools for his greed. As the feast, known as Pentecost—which is celebrated seven weeks after Passover—approached, people gathered, not for the usual religious observances, but out of frustration with the current situation. Consequently, a massive crowd assembled from Galilee, Idumea, Jericho, and Perea across the Jordan, with the people from Judea increasing in number and enthusiasm. They organized themselves into three groups and set up camps in three locations: one on the north side of the temple, another on the south side by the Hippodrome, and the third at the palace on the west. They surrounded the Romans on all sides and laid siege to them.
2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at their multitude, and at their courage, and sent messengers to Varus continually, and besought him to come to his succor quickly; for that if he delayed, his legion would be cut to pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it is of the same name with Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the Parthians; and then he made signs to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; for his astonishment was so great, that he durst not go down to his own men. Hereupon the soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out into the temple, and fought a terrible battle with the Jews; in which, while there were none over their heads to distress them, they were too hard for them, by their skill, and the others' want of skill, in war; but when once many of the Jews had gotten up to the top of the cloisters, and threw their darts downwards, upon the heads of the Romans, there were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was it easy to avenge themselves upon those that threw their weapons from on high, nor was it more easy for them to sustain those who came to fight them hand to hand.
2. Now Sabinus was terrified, both by their numbers and their bravery, and he kept sending messages to Varus, pleading with him to come help quickly; because if he waited, his legion would be destroyed. As for Sabinus himself, he climbed up to the highest tower of the fortress, which was called Phasaelus; it was named after Herod's brother, who was killed by the Parthians. Then he signaled to the soldiers of that legion to attack the enemy; his fear was so overwhelming that he didn’t dare go down to join his own men. Following this, the soldiers were motivated and jumped into the temple, engaging in a fierce battle with the Jews; since there was no one above them to threaten them, their skills gave them the advantage over the less experienced enemy. But when many of the Jews managed to get to the top of the cloisters and threw their darts down on the Romans, a lot of them were killed. It wasn’t easy for the Romans to retaliate against those who were attacking from above, nor was it any easier to fight against those who came at them in close combat.
3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely afflicted by both these circumstances, they set fire to the cloisters, which were works to be admired, both on account of their magnitude and costliness. Whereupon those that were above them were presently encompassed with the flame, and many of them perished therein; as many of them also were destroyed by the enemy, who came suddenly upon them; some of them also threw themselves down from the walls backward, and some there were who, from the desperate condition they were in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves with their own swords; but so many of them as crept out from the walls, and came upon the Romans, were easily mastered by them, by reason of the astonishment they were under; until at last some of the Jews being destroyed, and others dispersed by the terror they were in, the soldiers fell upon the treasure of God, which was now deserted, and plundered about four hundred talents, Of which sum Sabinus got together all that was not carried away by the soldiers.
3. Since the Romans were badly affected by both of these situations, they set fire to the cloisters, which were impressive due to their size and expense. As a result, those above were immediately surrounded by flames, and many perished there. Others were killed by the enemy, who attacked suddenly. Some people even threw themselves backward off the walls, and some, in their desperation, prevented the fire by taking their own lives with their swords. However, those who managed to escape from the walls and confront the Romans were easily defeated because of their shock. Eventually, as some Jews were killed and others scattered in terror, the soldiers seized the abandoned treasure of God, plundering about four hundred talents, of which Sabinus gathered all that was not taken by the soldiers.
4. However, this destruction of the works [about the temple], and of the men, occasioned a much greater number, and those of a more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose the Romans. These encompassed the palace round, and threatened to deploy all that were in it, unless they went their ways quickly; for they promised that Sabinus should come to no harm, if he would go out with his legion. There were also a great many of the king's party who deserted the Romans, and assisted the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of them all, who were three thousand of the men of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same, [Gratus having the foot of the king's party under him, and Rufus the horse,] each of whom, even without the forces under them, were of great weight, on account of their strength and wisdom, which turn the scales in war. Now the Jews in the siege, and tried to break down walls of the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his party, that they should go their ways, and not prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped, after a long time, to recover that ancient liberty which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sabinus indeed was well contented to get out of the danger he was in, but he distrusted the assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a snare for them: this consideration, together with the hopes he had of succor from Varus, made him bear the siege still longer.
4. However, the destruction of the works [about the temple] and the people prompted many more, especially those who were more aggressive, to come together to oppose the Romans. They surrounded the palace and threatened to take action against everyone inside unless they left quickly; they promised that Sabinus would be safe if he came out with his legion. Many of the king's supporters also abandoned the Romans to join the Jews; however, the most formidable group of all, three thousand men from Sebaste, sided with the Romans. Rufus and Gratus, their leaders, did the same, with Gratus commanding the infantry and Rufus the cavalry. Each of them was significant on their own due to their strength and wisdom, which carried weight in battle. Meanwhile, the Jews, during the siege, tried to break down the fortress walls and shouted to Sabinus and his men to leave and not hinder them, as they hoped, after a long time, to regain the ancient freedom their ancestors had enjoyed. Sabinus was indeed eager to escape the danger he was in, but he doubted the promises the Jews made and suspected that such gentle treatment was just a trap. This concern, along with his hopes for rescue from Varus, led him to withstand the siege even longer.
CHAPTER 4.
Herod's Veteran Soldiers Become Tumultuous. The Robberies Of
Judas. Simon And Athronoeus Take The Name Of King Upon Them.
Herod's Veteran Soldiers Become Unruly. The Thefts By
Judas. Simon And Athronoeus Adopt The Title Of King.1. At this time there were great disturbances in the country, and that in many places; and the opportunity that now offered itself induced a great many to set up for kings. And indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers got together, and armed and fought against those of the king's party; against whom Achiabus, the king's first cousin, fought, and that out of some of the places that were the most strongly fortified; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with them in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city of Galilee, there was one Judas [the son of that arch-robber Hezekias, who formerly overran the country, and had been subdued by king Herod]; this man got no small multitude together, and brake open the place where the royal armor was laid up, and armed those about him, and attacked those that were so earnest to gain the dominion.
1. At this time, there were major disturbances in the country, in many places; and the opportunity that arose encouraged many people to declare themselves as kings. In Idumea, two thousand of Herod's veteran soldiers banded together, armed themselves, and fought against the king's supporters. Achiabus, the king's first cousin, opposed them, strategically avoiding direct conflict in the open fields while fighting from some of the most fortified locations. In Sepphoris, a city in Galilee, there was a guy named Judas [the son of that notorious robber Hezekias, who had previously ravaged the area and had been defeated by King Herod]; this man gathered a substantial crowd, broke into the place where the royal armor was stored, armed his followers, and attacked those who were so eager to seize power.
2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the servants to the king, relying upon the handsome appearance and tallness of his body, put a diadem upon his own head also; he also went about with a company of robbers that he had gotten together, and burnt down the royal palace that was at Jericho, and many other costly edifices besides, and procured himself very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them out of the fire. And he had soon burnt down all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of the foot of the king's party, had not taken the Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen were slain in the battle in abundance; Gratus also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was flying along a strait valley, when he gave him an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran away, and brake it. The royal palaces that were near Jordan at Betharamptha were also burnt down by some other of the seditious that came out of Perea.
2. In Perea, Simon, one of the king's servants, relying on his good looks and tall stature, put a crown on his own head. He went around with a group of robbers he had gathered and set fire to the royal palace in Jericho, along with many other expensive buildings. He easily gained loot through theft, as if snatching it from the flames. He would have quickly burned down all the beautiful structures if Gratus, the commander of the king's infantry, hadn't taken the Trachonite archers and the most skilled fighters from Sebaste to confront him. Many of his foot soldiers were killed in battle; Gratus also killed Simon himself as he was fleeing through a narrow valley, delivering a striking blow to his neck as he ran away. Some other rebels who came out of Perea also burned down the royal palaces near the Jordan at Betharamptha.
3. At this time it was that a certain shepherd ventured to set himself up for a king; he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength of body that made him expect such a dignity, as well as his soul, which despised death; and besides these qualifications, he had four brethren like himself. He put a troop of armed men under each of these his brethren, and made use of them as his generals and commanders, when he made his incursions, while he did himself act like a king, and meddled only with the more important affairs; and at this time he put a diadem about his head, and continued after that to overrun the country for no little time with his brethren, and became their leader in killing both the Romans and those of the king's party; nor did any Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to him thereby. He once ventured to encompass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus, who were carrying corn and weapons to their legion; his men therefore shot their arrows and darts, and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and forty of the stoutest of his men, while the rest of them, who were in danger of the same fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped. And when these men had thus served both their own countrymen and foreigners, and that through this whole war, three of them were, after some time, subdued; the eldest by Archelaus, the two next by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth delivered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giving him his right hand for his security. However, this their end was not till afterward, while at present they filled all Judea with a piratic war.
3. At this time, a shepherd named Athrongeus decided to claim the title of king. His physical strength gave him confidence in his royal ambitions, along with a fearless attitude towards death. He also had four brothers who were just like him. He placed a group of armed men under each of his brothers, using them as his generals whenever he carried out raids, while he focused on the more significant issues of leadership. During this period, he crowned himself with a diadem and continued to ravage the land for quite some time alongside his brothers, becoming their leader in attacking both Romans and anyone loyal to the king; no Jew was spared if there was profit to be made. He once trapped a group of Romans at Emmaus who were transporting grain and weapons to their legion; his men fired arrows and darts, killing their centurion Arius and forty of his strongest soldiers, while the remaining men managed to escape when Gratus and those from Sebaste came to their aid. After having fought against both their fellow countrymen and foreigners throughout this war, three of Athrongeus's men were eventually defeated: the eldest by Archelaus, the next two by falling into the hands of Gratus and Ptolemeus; the fourth surrendered to Archelaus after he was promised safety. However, this outcome came later, while they were still engaging in widespread piracy throughout Judea.
CHAPTER 5.
Varus Composes The Tumults In Judea And Crucifies About Two
Thousand Of The Seditious.
Varus Controls the Unrest in Judea and Executes About Two
Thousand of the Rebels.1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters that were written by Sabinus and the captains, he could not avoid being afraid for the whole legion [he had left there]. So he made haste to their relief, and took with him the other two legions, with the four troops of horsemen to them belonging, and marched to Ptolenlais; having given orders for the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings and governors of cities to meet him there. Moreover, he received from the people of Berytus, as he passed through their city, fifteen hundred armed men. Now as soon as the other body of auxiliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as Aretas the Arabian, [who, out of the hatred he bore to Herod, brought a great army of horse and foot,] Varus sent a part of his army presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptolemais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their captain. This Caius put those that met him to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants; but as for Varus himself, he marched to Samaria with his whole army, where he did not meddle with the city itself, because he found that it had made no commotion during these troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain village which was called Aras. It belonged to Ptolemy, and on that account was plundered by the Arabians, who were very angry even at Herod's friends also. He thence marched on to the village Sampho, another fortified place, which they plundered, as they had done the other. As they carried off all the money they lighted upon belonging to the public revenues, all was now full of fire and blood-shed, and nothing could resist the plunders of the Arabians. Emnaus was also burnt, upon the flight of its inhabitants, and this at the command of Varus, out of his rage at the slaughter of those that were about Arias.
1. When Varus received the letters from Sabinus and the captains, he couldn't help but feel afraid for the entire legion he had left behind. So he quickly rushed to help them, taking along the other two legions and four troops of cavalry, and marched to Ptolemais. He ordered the auxiliaries sent by the kings and city governors to meet him there. Additionally, he got fifteen hundred armed men from the people of Berytus as he passed through their city. As soon as the rest of the auxiliaries arrived in Ptolemais, along with Aretas the Arabian—who, motivated by his hatred for Herod, brought a large army of cavalry and infantry—Varus quickly sent part of his army to Galilee, which was close to Ptolemais, with Caius, one of his friends, as their commander. Caius drove those who confronted him into flight, captured the city of Sepphoris, burned it, and enslaved its inhabitants. Meanwhile, Varus himself moved to Samaria with his entire army, where he didn't interfere with the city since he found it peaceful during the troubles. Instead, he set up camp near a village called Aras. This village belonged to Ptolemy and was therefore plundered by the Arabs, who were furious even with Herod’s allies. He then advanced to the fortified village of Sampho, which was also looted like the others. As they took all the money they found related to public revenues, the area was filled with fire and bloodshed, and nothing could stop the Arab plunderers. Emnaus was also burned after its inhabitants fled, and this was done under Varus's orders due to his anger over the massacre of those near Arias.
2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews, he made their camps disperse themselves; they also went away, and fled up and down the country. But the citizens received him, and cleared themselves of having any hand in this revolt, and said that they had raised no commotions, but had only been forced to admit the multitude, because of the festival, and that they were rather besieged together with the Romans, than assisted those that had revolted. There had before this met him Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gratus, together with Rufus, who led those of Sebaste, as well as the king's army: there also met him those of the Roman legion, armed after their accustomed manner; for as to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus's sight, but was gone out of the city before this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part of his army into the country, against those that had been the authors of this commotion, and as they caught great numbers of them, those that appeared to have been the least concerned in these tumults he put into custody, but such as were the most guilty he crucified; these were in number about two thousand.
2. Then he marched on to Jerusalem, and as soon as the Jews saw him, their camps scattered; they fled in all directions across the country. But the citizens welcomed him and insisted they had nothing to do with the revolt, claiming they hadn't caused any disturbances but had only been forced to let the crowd in because of the festival. They said they were more like hostages alongside the Romans than supporters of those who had revolted. Earlier, he was met by Joseph, the first cousin of Archelaus, Gratus, and Rufus, who led the people of Sebaste, along with the king's army. The Roman legion also met him, armed as usual; as for Sabinus, he didn't dare show himself to Varus, having left the city earlier for the coast. Varus sent part of his army into the countryside to deal with those who had instigated the unrest, and as they captured many of them, he detained those who seemed to be the least involved in the riots but crucified the most guilty, which numbered around two thousand.
3. He was also informed that there continued in Idumea ten thousand men still in arms; but when he found that the Arabians did not act like auxiliaries, but managed the war according to their own passions, and did mischief to the country otherwise than he intended, and this out of their hatred to Herod, he sent them away, but made haste, with his own legions, to march against those that had revolted; but these, by the advice of Achiabus, delivered themselves up to him before it came to a battle. Then did Varus forgive the multitude their offenses, but sent their captains to Caesar to be examined by him. Now Caesar forgave the rest, but gave orders that certain of the king's relations [for some of those that were among them were Herod's kinsmen] should be put to death, because they had engaged in a war against a king of their own family. When therefore Varus had settled matters at Jerusalem after this manner, and had left the former legion there as a garrison, he returned to Antioch.
3. He was also told that there were still ten thousand men in Idumea armed and ready to fight; but when he realized that the Arabians were not acting as allies but were fighting based on their own desires, causing harm to the land in ways he hadn’t intended, all out of their hatred for Herod, he sent them away. He then quickly marched with his own legions against those who had revolted; however, advised by Achiabus, they surrendered to him before a battle could occur. Varus forgave the majority for their offenses, but he sent their leaders to Caesar to be judged. Caesar forgave the others but ordered that some of the king’s relatives [since some of those involved were related to Herod] should be executed for taking part in a war against a king from their own family. After settling matters in Jerusalem in this way and leaving the previous legion there as a garrison, Varus returned to Antioch.
CHAPTER 6.
The Jews Greatly Complain Of Archelaus And Desire That They
May Be Made Subject To Roman Governors. But When Caesar Had
Heard What They Had To Say, He Distributed Herod's Dominions
Among His Sons According To His Own Pleasure.
The Jews seriously complain about Archelaus and want to be placed under Roman governors. But when Caesar heard their concerns, he divided Herod's lands among his sons as he saw fit.
1. But now came another accusation from the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which he was to answer to. It was made by those ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, by Varus's permission, to plead for the liberty of their country; those that came were fifty in number, but there were more than eight thousand of the Jews at Rome who supported them. And when Caesar had assembled a council of the principal Romans in Apollo's 2 temple, that was in the palace, [this was what he had himself built and adorned, at a vast expense,] the multitude of the Jews stood with the ambassadors, and on the other side stood Archelaus, with his friends; but as for the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on neither side; for to stand on Archelaus's side, their hatred to him, and envy at him, would not give them leave, while yet they were afraid to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. Besides these, there were present Archelaus's brother Philip, being sent thither beforehand, out of kindness by Varus, for two reasons: the one was this, that he might be assisting to Archelaus; and the other was this, that in case Caesar should make a distribution of what Herod possessed among his posterity, he might obtain some share of it.
1. But now another accusation came from the Jews against Archelaus in Rome that he had to respond to. It was made by the ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come, with Varus's permission, to advocate for the freedom of their country; there were fifty of them, but more than eight thousand Jews in Rome supported them. When Caesar gathered a council of prominent Romans in Apollo's 2 temple in the palace— which he had personally built and decorated at great expense— the group of Jews stood with the ambassadors, while Archelaus stood with his friends on the other side. As for Archelaus's relatives, they did not take a side; they were too filled with hatred and jealousy towards him to stand with him, yet they were also afraid to be seen by Caesar alongside his accusers. In addition to this, Archelaus's brother Philip was present, having been sent there in advance out of kindness by Varus for two reasons: first, to support Archelaus, and second, in case Caesar would distribute Herod's possessions among his descendants, he might secure a share for himself.
2. And now, upon the permission that was given the accusers to speak, they, in the first place, went over Herod's breaches of their law, and said that he was not a king, but the most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they had found him to be such by the sufferings they underwent from him; that when a very great number had been slain by him, those that were left had endured such miseries, that they called those that were dead happy men; that he had not only tortured the bodies of his subjects, but entire cities, and had done much harm to the cities of his own country, while he adorned those that belonged to foreigners; and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do kindnesses to those people that were out of their bounds; that he had filled the nation full of poverty, and of the greatest iniquity, instead of that happiness and those laws which they had anciently enjoyed; that, in short, the Jews had borne more calamities from Herod, in a few years, than had their forefathers during all that interval of time that had passed since they had come out of Babylon, and returned home, in the reign of Xerxes 3 that, however, the nation was come to so low a condition, by being inured to hardships, that they submitted to his successor of their own accord, though he brought them into bitter slavery; that accordingly they readily called Archelaus, though he was the son of so great a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father, and joined with him in mourning for the death of Herod, and in wishing him good success in that his succession; while yet this Archelaus, lest he should be in danger of not being thought the genuine son of Herod, began his reign with the murder of three thousand citizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many bloody sacrifices to God for his government, and to fill the temple with the like number of dead bodies at that festival: that, however, those that were left after so many miseries, had just reason to consider now at last the calamities they had undergone, and to oppose themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those stripes upon their faces [but not upon their backs, as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed that the Romans would have compassion upon the [poor] remains of Judea, and not expose what was left of them to such as barbarously tore them to pieces, and that they would join their country to Syria, and administer the government by their own commanders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated that those who are now under the calumny of seditious persons, and lovers of war, know how to bear governors that are set over them, if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews concluded their accusation with this request. Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the accusations which were brought against the kings, and himself accused the Jewish nation, as hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient to kings. He also reproached all those kinsmen of Archelaus who had left him, and were gone over to his accusers.
2. And now, after the accusers were allowed to speak, they began by outlining Herod's violations of their laws, claiming he wasn't a king but the cruelest of tyrants. They explained how they had come to this conclusion through their own suffering at his hands; that many had been killed by him, and those who survived endured such hardships that they considered the dead to be the lucky ones. They stated that he not only tortured his subjects but also devastated entire cities, causing significant damage to his own homeland while beautifying those of foreigners. He shed Jewish blood to please those outside his territory, filling the nation with poverty and immense wrongdoing instead of the happiness and laws they previously enjoyed. In summary, the Jews had experienced more disasters under Herod in just a few years than their ancestors had during the entire period since leaving Babylon and returning home in the reign of Xerxes. However, the nation had become so accustomed to suffering that they willingly accepted his successor, even though he subjected them to harsh slavery. Consequently, they readily acknowledged Archelaus as king after his father's death, mourning Herod and wishing him well in his rule, despite Archelaus being the son of such a tyrant. Yet, to prove he was legitimate, Archelaus started his reign by murdering three thousand citizens, as if to offer these bloody sacrifices to God for his rule and to fill the temple with bodies during that festival. Nonetheless, those who survived after so many tragedies had reason to reflect on their suffering and to stand up against any future abuse, like soldiers in battle, determined to take blows to their faces instead of their backs as they had before. They then prayed for the Romans to show compassion for the remaining people of Judea and not to expose them to those who brutally attacked them. They requested that their country be joined with Syria and governed by their own leaders, which would quickly prove that those now falsely accused of being rebellious and war-loving could tolerate reasonable governors. Thus, the Jews wrapped up their accusation with this plea. Then, Nicolaus stood up to counter the claims against the kings and accused the Jewish nation of being difficult to govern and naturally disobedient to authority. He also criticized all the relatives of Archelaus who had deserted him to join his accusers.
3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides, dissolved the assembly for that time; but a few days afterward, he gave the one half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, by the name of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy of that dignity. But as to the other half, he divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them to two other sons of Herod, the one of them to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Under this last was Perea and Galilee, with a revenue of two hundred talents; but Batanea, and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain parts of Zeno's house about Jamnia, with a revenue of a hundred talents, were made subject to Philip; while Idumea, and all Judea, and Samaria were parts of the ethnarchy of Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not having revolted with the rest of the nation. He also made subject to him the following cities, viz. Strato's Tower, and Sebaste, and Joppa, and Jerusalem; but as to the Grecian cities, Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut them off from the kingdom, and added them to Syria. Now the revenue of the country that was given to Archelaus was four hundred talents. Salome also, besides what the king had left her in his testaments, was now made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar did moreover bestow upon her the royal palace of Ascalon; by all which she got together a revenue of sixty talents; but he put her house under the ethnarchy of Archelaus. And for the rest of Herod's offspring, they received what was bequeathed to them in his testaments; but, besides that, Caesar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras: but after this family distribution, he gave between them what had been bequeathed to him by Herod, which was a thousand talents, reserving to himself only some inconsiderable presents, in honor of the deceased.
3. So Caesar, after hearing both sides, ended the assembly for that time; but a few days later, he gave half of Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, calling him Ethnarch, and promised to make him king as well if he proved himself worthy of that honor. As for the other half, he split it into two tetrarchies and gave them to two of Herod's other sons: one to Philip and the other to Antipas, who contested the kingdom with Archelaus. Antipas governed Perea and Galilee, with an income of two hundred talents; meanwhile, Philip was in charge of Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis, and parts of Zeno's estate near Jamnia, generating a revenue of a hundred talents. Archelaus ruled over Idumea, all of Judea, and Samaria, even though Samaria had a quarter of its taxes reduced as a gesture since they hadn't revolted with the rest of the nation. He also controlled the cities of Strato's Tower, Sebaste, Joppa, and Jerusalem. However, he removed the Grecian cities—Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos—from the kingdom and added them to Syria. The revenue from the territory given to Archelaus amounted to four hundred talents. Additionally, Salome, besides what the king had left her in his will, was now in charge of Jamnia, Ashdod, and Phasaelis. Caesar also granted her the royal palace of Ascalon, which helped her acquire a revenue of sixty talents; however, he placed her estate under Archelaus's rule. As for the rest of Herod's children, they received what was left to them in his will, but besides that, Caesar awarded Herod's two virgin daughters five hundred thousand [drachmae] in silver and arranged their marriages to the sons of Pheroras. After distributing the family assets, he allocated the legacy bequeathed to him by Herod, which totaled a thousand talents, keeping only a few small gifts for himself in honor of the deceased.
CHAPTER 7.
The History Of The Spurious Alexander. Archelaus Is Banished
And Glaphyra Dies, After What Was To Happen To Both Of Them
Had Been Showed Them In Dreams.
The History Of The Spurious Alexander. Archelaus Is Banished
And Glaphyra Dies, After What Was To Happen To Both Of Them
Had Been Shown To Them In Dreams.1. In the meantime, there was a man, who was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely pretended, on account of the resemblance of their countenances, that he was that Alexander who was slain by Herod. This man came to Rome, in hopes of not being detected. He had one who was his assistant, of his own nation, and who knew all the affairs of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how those that were sent to kill him and Aristobulus had pity upon them, and stole them away, by putting bodies that were like theirs in their places. This man deceived the Jews that were at Crete, and got a great deal of money of them for traveling in splendor; and thence sailed to Melos, where he was thought so certainly genuine, that he got a great deal more money, and prevailed with those that had treated him to sail along with him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearchia, [Puteoli,] and got very large presents from the Jews who dwelt there, and was conducted by his father's friends as if he were a king; nay, the resemblance in his countenance procured him so much credit, that those who had seen Alexander, and had known him very well, would take their oaths that he was the very same person. Accordingly, the whole body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out in crowds to see him, and an innumerable multitude there was which stood in the narrow places through which he was carried; for those of Melos were so far distracted, that they carried him in a sedan, and maintained a royal attendance for him at their own proper charges.
1. In the meantime, there was a man who was born a Jew but raised in Sidon by a Roman freedman. This man falsely claimed to be Alexander, who had been killed by Herod, thanks to their similar looks. He came to Rome hoping he wouldn’t be recognized. He had an assistant from his own people who knew all about the kingdom and coached him on how to say that the people sent to kill him and Aristobulus had shown mercy and had instead replaced them with lookalike bodies. This man tricked the Jews in Crete and got a lot of money from them to travel in style. From there, he sailed to Melos, where people believed he was truly Alexander, earning him even more money. He convinced those who hosted him to travel with him to Rome. After landing at Dicearchia (Puteoli), he received lavish gifts from the Jews living there and was treated like a king by his father's friends. His resemblance to Alexander was so convincing that people who recognized Alexander swore he was the same person. As a result, a huge crowd of Jews in Rome came out to see him, and countless people packed the narrow streets through which he passed. The people from Melos were so caught up in the moment that they carried him in a sedan and provided royal service for him at their own expense.
2. But Caesar, who knew perfectly well the lineaments of Alexander's face, because he had been accused by Herod before him, discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even before he saw the man. However, he suffered the agreeable fame that went of him to have some weight with him, and sent Celadus, one who well knew Alexander, and ordered him to bring the young man to him. But when Caesar saw him, he immediately discerned a difference in his countenance; and when he had discovered that his whole body was of a more robust texture, and like that of a slave, he understood the whole was a contrivance. But the impudence of what he said greatly provoked him to be angry at him; for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he said that he was also preserved alive, and was left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of treachery, because it would be harder for plotters to get them both into their power while they were separate. Then did Caesar take him by himself privately, and said to him, "I will give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who it was that persuaded thee to forge such stories." So he said that he would discover him, and followed Caesar, and pointed to that Jew who abused the resemblance of his face to get money; for that he had received more presents in every city than ever Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar laughed at the contrivance, and put this spurious Alexander among his rowers, on account of the strength of his body, but ordered him that persuaded him to be put to death. But for the people of Melos, they had been sufficiently punished for their folly, by the expenses they had been at on his account.
2. But Caesar, who was very familiar with Alexander's features because he had been accused of something by Herod in the past, noticed the deception in his face even before he met him. Still, he allowed the flattering reputation that preceded him to influence his judgment and sent Celadus, someone who knew Alexander well, to bring the young man to him. When Caesar saw him, he immediately noticed a difference in his appearance; and upon realizing that his whole body was more muscular and similar to that of a slave, he understood that it was all a scam. But the boldness of what he said really angered Caesar; when he was asked about Aristobulus, he claimed that he was still alive, kept in Cyprus out of fear of treachery, since it would be harder for conspirators to capture them both while they were apart. Then Caesar took him aside privately and said, "I'll spare your life if you tell me who convinced you to make up such stories." He agreed to reveal the person and followed Caesar, pointing out the Jew who exploited the resemblance for money, claiming he received more gifts in every city than Alexander did when he was alive. Caesar laughed at the scheme and put this fake Alexander among his rowers due to his strength but ordered the person who had persuaded him to be executed. As for the people of Melos, they had already paid enough for their foolishness with the expenses they incurred on his account.
3. And now Archelaus took possession of his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only, but the Samaritans also, barbarously; and this out of his resentment of their old quarrels with him. Whereupon they both of them sent ambassadors against him to Caesar; and in the ninth year of his government he was banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his effects were put into Caesar's treasury. But the report goes, that before he was sent for by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn, full and large, but devoured by oxen. When, therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them what they thought it portended; and when one of them had one interpretation, and another had another, Simon, one of the sect of Essens, said that he thought the ears of corn denoted years, and the oxen denoted a mutation of things, because by their ploughing they made an alteration of the country. That therefore he should reign as many years as there were ears of corn; and after he had passed through various alterations of fortune, should die. Now five days after Archelaus had heard this interpretation he was called to his trial.
3. And now Archelaus took control of his region, treating not only the Jews but also the Samaritans harshly, driven by his grudges against them. Consequently, both groups sent envoys to Caesar to report him. In the ninth year of his rule, he was exiled to Vienna, a city in Gaul, and his possessions were seized for Caesar's treasury. However, there’s a story that before he was summoned by Caesar, he dreamed of nine full and large ears of corn being eaten by oxen. So, he called for diviners and some Chaldeans to interpret this vision, and while one offered one interpretation and another provided a different one, Simon, from the sect of the Essenes, suggested that the ears of corn represented years and the oxen indicated a change in circumstances, as their plowing altered the land. He predicted that Archelaus would reign for as many years as there were ears of corn, and after experiencing various fortunes, would die. Just five days after Archelaus heard this interpretation, he was brought to trial.
4. I cannot also but think it worthy to be recorded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had at first been wife to Alexander, who was the brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we have been discoursing. This Alexander was the son of Herod the king, by whom he was put to death, as we have already related. This Glaphyra was married, after his death, to Juba, king of Libya; and, after his death, was returned home, and lived a widow with her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who was then his wife, and married her. When, therefore, she was come into Judea, and had been there for a little while, she thought she saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said to her; "Thy marriage with the king of Libya might have been sufficient for thee; but thou wast not contented with him, but art returned again to my family, to a third husband; and him, thou impudent woman, hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is my brother. However, I shall not overlook the injury thou hast offered me; I shall [soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or no." Now Glaphyra hardly survived the narration of this dream of hers two days.
4. I also think it's worth mentioning the dream that Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had. She had initially been married to Alexander, Archelaus's brother, who we've been discussing. Alexander was the son of King Herod and was killed by him, as we've already mentioned. After his death, Glaphyra married Juba, king of Libya; after he died, she returned home and lived as a widow with her father. It was then that Archelaus, the ethnarch, saw her and fell so deeply in love that he divorced his wife Mariamne and married her. Once she arrived in Judea and had been there for a short time, she thought she saw Alexander beside her, and he said, "Your marriage to the king of Libya should have been enough for you, but you weren't satisfied with him; you came back to my family and chose a third husband, and it's my brother you've picked. However, I won’t overlook the wrong you've done me; I will soon have you back, whether you like it or not." Glaphyra barely survived two days after telling about this dream.
CHAPTER 8.
Archelaus's Ethnarchy Is Reduced Into A [Roman] Province.
The Sedition Of Judas Of Galilee. The Three Sects.
Archelaus's Ethnarchy Is Reduced To A [Roman] Province.
The Rebellion Of Judas Of Galilee. The Three Sects.1. And now Archelaus's part of Judea was reduced into a province, and Coponius, one of the equestrian order among the Romans, was sent as a procurator, having the power of [life and] death put into his hands by Caesar. Under his administration it was that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas, prevailed with his countrymen to revolt, and said they were cowards if they would endure to pay a tax to the Romans and would after God submit to mortal men as their lords. This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of his own, and was not at all like the rest of those their leaders.
1. Now, Archelaus's part of Judea was turned into a province, and Coponius, a Roman from the equestrian class, was appointed as a procurator, given the authority of life and death by Caesar. It was during his time that a Galilean named Judas convinced his fellow countrymen to revolt, insisting they were cowards if they accepted paying taxes to the Romans and allowed mere mortals to rule over them. Judas was a leader of a unique sect and was different from the other leaders at that time.
2. For there are three philosophical sects among the Jews. The followers of the first of which are the Pharisees; of the second, the Sadducees; and the third sect, which pretends to a severer discipline, are called Essens. These last are Jews by birth, and seem to have a greater affection for one another than the other sects have. These Essens reject pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence, and the conquest over our passions, to be virtue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out other persons children, while they are pliable, and fit for learning, and esteem them to be of their kindred, and form them according to their own manners. They do not absolutely deny the fitness of marriage, and the succession of mankind thereby continued; but they guard against the lascivious behavior of women, and are persuaded that none of them preserve their fidelity to one man.
2. There are three philosophical groups among the Jews. The followers of the first are the Pharisees; the second group consists of the Sadducees; and the third group, which claims to have a stricter discipline, is called the Essenes. The Essenes are Jews by birth and seem to have a stronger bond with one another than the other groups do. They reject pleasures as harmful but view self-control and mastery over our desires as virtues. They avoid marriage but choose other people's children when they're young and suitable for learning, considering them as part of their community and raising them according to their own ways. They don’t completely dismiss the value of marriage and its role in continuing the human race; however, they are wary of the promiscuous behavior of women and believe that none remain loyal to one man.
3. These men are despisers of riches, and so very communicative as raises our admiration. Nor is there any one to be found among them who hath more than another; for it is a law among them, that those who come to them must let what they have be common to the whole order,—insomuch that among them all there is no appearance of poverty, or excess of riches, but every one's possessions are intermingled with every other's possessions; and so there is, as it were, one patrimony among all the brethren. They think that oil is a defilement; and if any one of them be anointed without his own approbation, it is wiped off his body; for they think to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also to be clothed in white garments. They also have stewards appointed to take care of their common affairs, who every one of them have no separate business for any, but what is for the uses of them all.
3. These men disdain wealth and are so open that it earns our admiration. There's no one among them who has more than the others; it's a rule they live by that anyone who joins them must share what they have with the whole group—so much so that there's no sign of poverty or excessive wealth, but everyone's belongings are mixed together. It's like they share one inheritance among all the members. They believe that oil is unclean, and if someone is anointed without their consent, it gets wiped off their body; they think being sweaty is a good thing, just as they believe in wearing white clothes. They also have appointed overseers to manage their shared affairs, and none of them have individual responsibilities except for the benefit of everyone.
4. They have no one certain city, but many of them dwell in every city; and if any of their sect come from other places, what they have lies open for them, just as if it were their own; and they go in to such as they never knew before, as if they had been ever so long acquainted with them. For which reason they carry nothing at all with them when they travel into remote parts, though still they take their weapons with them, for fear of thieves. Accordingly, there is, in every city where they live, one appointed particularly to take care of strangers, and to provide garments and other necessaries for them. But the habit and management of their bodies is such as children use who are in fear of their masters. Nor do they allow of the change of garments or of shoes till be first torn to pieces, or worn out by time. Nor do they either buy or sell any thing to one another; but every one of them gives what he hath to him that wanteth it, and receives from him again in lieu of it what may be convenient for himself; and although there be no requital made, they are fully allowed to take what they want of whomsoever they please.
4. They don’t have a specific city, but many of them live in every city; and if any of their group comes from elsewhere, what they own is available to them, just like it’s their own. They interact with people they’ve never met before as if they’ve known them for a long time. Because of this, they carry nothing with them when they travel to distant places, although they still take their weapons for protection against thieves. In every city where they reside, there’s someone specifically assigned to take care of newcomers and provide them with clothes and other essentials. However, their appearance and behavior resemble that of children who are afraid of their guardians. They don’t allow themselves to change clothes or shoes until they’re completely torn or worn out. They neither buy nor sell anything to each other; instead, everyone gives what they have to those in need and receives back what they find useful for themselves. Even if no exchange is made, they are free to take what they need from anyone they choose.
5. And as for their piety towards God, it is very extraordinary; for before sun-rising they speak not a word about profane matters, but put up certain prayers which they have received from their forefathers, as if they made a supplication for its rising. After this every one of them are sent away by their curators, to exercise some of those arts wherein they are skilled, in which they labor with great diligence till the fifth hour. After which they assemble themselves together again into one place; and when they have clothed themselves in white veils, they then bathe their bodies in cold water. And after this purification is over, they every one meet together in an apartment of their own, into which it is not permitted to any of another sect to enter; while they go, after a pure manner, into the dining-room, as into a certain holy temple, and quietly set themselves down; upon which the baker lays them loaves in order; the cook also brings a single plate of one sort of food, and sets it before every one of them; but a priest says grace before meat; and it is unlawful for any one to taste of the food before grace be said. The same priest, when he hath dined, says grace again after meat; and when they begin, and when they end, they praise God, as he that bestows their food upon them; after which they lay aside their [white] garments, and betake themselves to their labors again till the evening; then they return home to supper, after the same manner; and if there be any strangers there, they sit down with them. Nor is there ever any clamor or disturbance to pollute their house, but they give every one leave to speak in their turn; which silence thus kept in their house appears to foreigners like some tremendous mystery; the cause of which is that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the same settled measure of meat and drink that is allotted them, and that such as is abundantly sufficient for them.
5. Their devotion to God is quite remarkable; before sunrise, they don’t talk about anything unrelated to their faith. Instead, they offer specific prayers passed down from their ancestors, almost as if they are asking for the sun to rise. After that, their supervisors send them off to practice the skills they have trained in, working hard until the fifth hour. After this, they gather in one place. Dressed in white veils, they bathe in cold water as part of their purification. Once they are clean, they come together in their own designated room, which is off-limits to those from other sects. They enter the dining area in a respectful manner, treating it like a holy place, and sit down quietly. The baker brings them loaves of bread, and the cook serves a single dish to each of them. Before they eat, a priest offers a blessing, and it is forbidden to touch the food until the prayer is said. After they finish eating, the same priest says a blessing again. They begin and end their meals by praising God, who provides their food. After the meal, they remove their white garments and return to their work until evening, when they come home for supper in the same manner. If there are any guests, they share the meal with them. Their household is always peaceful, with no noise or disruption; everyone is allowed to speak in turn. This maintained silence in their home seems mysterious to outsiders, likely due to their constant discipline and the well-measured amounts of food and drink they are given, which is more than enough for them.
6. And truly, as for other things, they do nothing but according to the injunctions of their curators; only these two things are done among them at everyone's own free-will, which are to assist those that want it, and to show mercy; for they are permitted of their own accord to afford succor to such as deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and to bestow food on those that are in distress; but they cannot give any thing to their kindred without the curators. They dispense their anger after a just manner, and restrain their passion. They are eminent for fidelity, and are the ministers of peace; whatsoever they say also is firmer than an oath; but swearing is avoided by them, and they esteem it worse than perjury 4 for they say that he who cannot be believed without [swearing by] God is already condemned. They also take great pains in studying the writings of the ancients, and choose out of them what is most for the advantage of their soul and body; and they inquire after such roots and medicinal stones as may cure their distempers.
6. And really, as for other matters, they do nothing except according to the directions of their overseers; only these two things are done freely by everyone, which are to help those in need and to show compassion; they are allowed, on their own initiative, to give aid to those who deserve it when they need it, and to provide food to those who are struggling; but they cannot give anything to their relatives without the overseers' permission. They express their anger justly and control their emotions. They are known for their loyalty and are advocates for peace; whatever they say is more reliable than an oath; however, they avoid swearing and consider it worse than lying, because they believe that someone who cannot be trusted without swearing by God is already judged. They also dedicate themselves to studying the writings of the ancients, selecting what is best for the well-being of their mind and body; and they seek out roots and healing stones that can cure their ailments.
7. But now if any one hath a mind to come over to their sect, he is not immediately admitted, but he is prescribed the same method of living which they use for a year, while he continues excluded'; and they give him also a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned girdle, and the white garment. And when he hath given evidence, during that time, that he can observe their continence, he approaches nearer to their way of living, and is made a partaker of the waters of purification; yet is he not even now admitted to live with them; for after this demonstration of his fortitude, his temper is tried two more years; and if he appear to be worthy, they then admit him into their society. And before he is allowed to touch their common food, he is obliged to take tremendous oaths, that, in the first place, he will exercise piety towards God, and then that he will observe justice towards men, and that he will do no harm to any one, either of his own accord, or by the command of others; that he will always hate the wicked, and be assistant to the righteous; that he will ever show fidelity to all men, and especially to those in authority, because no one obtains the government without God's assistance; and that if he be in authority, he will at no time whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavor to outshine his subjects either in his garments, or any other finery; that he will be perpetually a lover of truth, and propose to himself to reprove those that tell lies; that he will keep his hands clear from theft, and his soul from unlawful gains; and that he will neither conceal any thing from those of his own sect, nor discover any of their doctrines to others, no, not though anyone should compel him so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover, he swears to communicate their doctrines to no one any otherwise than as he received them himself; that he will abstain from robbery, and will equally preserve the books belonging to their sect, and the names of the angels 5 [or messengers]. These are the oaths by which they secure their proselytes to themselves.
7. But now if anyone wants to join their group, they aren't immediately accepted. Instead, they follow the same way of life the group practices for a year while remaining excluded. They also give him a small hatchet, the previously mentioned belt, and a white garment. After this period, if he shows that he can maintain their standards of self-control, he gets closer to their way of life and is allowed to partake in their purification rituals. However, he still isn't allowed to live with them yet; after proving his determination, his character is tested for another two years. If he proves to be worthy, they finally let him into their community. Before he can eat their common food, he must take serious oaths, first promising to be faithful to God, and then to act justly towards others, ensuring he won't harm anyone by his own choice or under others' orders. He vows to always oppose the wicked and support the righteous; to be faithful to everyone, especially those in power, because no one gains authority without God’s help; and that if he is in charge, he will never misuse his power or try to outshine his followers through clothing or any other luxuries. He commits to being a lover of truth, aiming to correct those who lie; to keep his hands free from theft and his soul from illegal gains; and never to hide anything from his fellow members or reveal their teachings to outsiders, even if it puts his life at risk. Additionally, he swears to share their teachings only as he received them; to avoid robbery; and to safeguard the books of their group and the names of the angels 5 [or messengers]. These are the oaths that bind their new members to the group.
8. But for those that are caught in any heinous sins, they cast them out of their society; and he who is thus separated from them does often die after a miserable manner; for as he is bound by the oath he hath taken, and by the customs he hath been engaged in, he is not at liberty to partake of that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is forced to eat grass, and to famish his body with hunger, till he perish; for which reason they receive many of them again when they are at their last gasp, out of compassion to them, as thinking the miseries they have endured till they came to the very brink of death to be a sufficient punishment for the sins they had been guilty of.
8. But for those who are caught in terrible sins, they are kicked out of their community; and the person who is cut off from them often dies a miserable death. Because they are bound by the oath they took and the customs they followed, they aren’t free to eat the food they find elsewhere, but are forced to eat grass and starve until they perish. For this reason, many of them are welcomed back when they are on the verge of death, out of compassion, as it is believed that the suffering they have endured until that point is enough punishment for their sins.
9. But in the judgments they exercise they are most accurate and just, nor do they pass sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer than a hundred. And as to what is once determined by that number, it is unalterable. What they most of all honor, after God himself, is the name of their legislator [Moses], whom if any one blaspheme he is punished capitally. They also think it a good thing to obey their elders, and the major part. Accordingly, if ten of them be sitting together, no one of them will speak while the other nine are against it. They also avoid spitting in the midst of them, or on the right side. Moreover, they are stricter than any other of the Jews in resting from their labors on the seventh day; for they not only get their food ready the day before, that they may not be obliged to kindle a fire on that day, but they will not remove any vessel out of its place, nor go to stool thereon. Nay, on other days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a paddle [which kind of hatchet is given them when they are first admitted among them]; and covering themselves round with their garment, that they may not affront the Divine rays of light, they ease themselves into that pit, after which they put the earth that was dug out again into the pit; and even this they do only in the more lonely places, which they choose out for this purpose; and although this easement of the body be natural, yet it is a rule with them to wash themselves after it, as if it were a defilement to them.
9. But when it comes to making judgments, they are very accurate and fair, and they don't pass a sentence with fewer than a hundred votes. Once a decision is made by that number, it can't be changed. After God, they hold the name of their legislator [Moses] in the highest regard, and anyone who speaks ill of him is put to death. They also believe it's important to respect their elders and the majority. So, if ten of them are sitting together, none of them will speak up if the other nine are against it. They also avoid spitting in front of each other or on the right side. Furthermore, they are stricter than other Jews about resting from work on the seventh day; they not only prepare their food the day before so they don't have to light a fire on that day, but they also won’t move anything from its place or use the toilet. On other days, they dig a small pit, about a foot deep, with a paddle [a tool given to them when they first join]. They cover themselves with their garment to avoid being exposed to divine light, and they relieve themselves into the pit. Afterward, they fill the pit back in with the dirt they dug up, and they do this only in secluded spots chosen for this purpose. Even though this is a natural bodily function, they have a rule to wash themselves afterward, as if it were something unclean.
10. Now after the time of their preparatory trial is over, they are parted into four classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to the seniors, that if the seniors should be touched by the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they had intermixed themselves with the company of a foreigner. They are long-lived also, insomuch that many of them live above a hundred years, by means of the simplicity of their diet; nay, as I think, by means of the regular course of life they observe also. They contemn the miseries of life, and are above pain, by the generosity of their mind. And as for death, if it will be for their glory, they esteem it better than living always; and indeed our war with the Romans gave abundant evidence what great souls they had in their trials, wherein, although they were tortured and distorted, burnt and torn to pieces, and went through all kinds of instruments of torment, that they might be forced either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear; but they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned up their souls with great alacrity, as expecting to receive them again.
10. Now that their preparatory trial period is over, they are divided into four classes; and the juniors are so much below the seniors that if the seniors come into contact with the juniors, they must wash themselves, as if they have mixed with someone from outside. They also have long lifespans, with many living over a hundred years, thanks to their simple diet and, I believe, the consistent way of life they maintain. They disregard the struggles of life and rise above pain, thanks to their generous mindset. As for death, if it brings them honor, they consider it better than living forever; indeed, our conflict with the Romans showed how brave they were in their trials. Despite being tortured, maimed, burned, and torn apart, and facing all kinds of torment, they could not be forced to blaspheme their lawgiver or eat what was forbidden. They wouldn't even flatter their tormentors or shed a tear; instead, they smiled through their suffering, laughed at those who tortured them, and willingly gave up their lives, anticipating they would receive them back.
11. For their doctrine is this: That bodies are corruptible, and that the matter they are made of is not permanent; but that the souls are immortal, and continue for ever; and that they come out of the most subtile air, and are united to their bodies as to prisons, into which they are drawn by a certain natural enticement; but that when they are set free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as released from a long bondage, rejoice and mount upward. And this is like the opinions of the Greeks, that good souls have their habitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is neither oppressed with storms of rain or snow, or with intense heat, but that this place is such as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a west wind, that is perpetually blowing from the ocean; while they allot to bad souls a dark and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem to me to have followed the same notion, when they allot the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods; and to the souls of the wicked, the region of the ungodly, in Hades, where their fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisyphus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus, are punished; which is built on this first supposition, that souls are immortal; and thence are those exhortations to virtue and dehortations from wickedness collected; whereby good men are bettered in the conduct of their life by the hope they have of reward after their death; and whereby the vehement inclinations of bad men to vice are restrained, by the fear and expectation they are in, that although they should lie concealed in this life, they should suffer immortal punishment after their death. These are the Divine doctrines of the Essens 6 about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait for such as have once had a taste of their philosophy.
11. Their belief is this: that bodies can decay and that the matter they’re made of isn’t permanent; but that souls are immortal and exist forever. They come from the most subtle air and are connected to their bodies like prisoners, drawn in by a natural attraction. However, when they break free from the bonds of the flesh, they rejoice, as if released from a long captivity, and rise up. This aligns with the beliefs of the Greeks, who think that good souls reside beyond the ocean in a place that isn’t troubled by storms of rain or snow, or extreme heat, but is refreshed by the gentle breeze of a west wind that constantly blows from the ocean. They assign bad souls to a dark and stormy cave, full of endless punishments. Indeed, the Greeks seem to share this idea when they assign the islands of the blessed to their brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-gods; while the souls of the wicked are sent to a place of the ungodly, in Hades, where their stories claim that certain individuals, like Sisyphus, Tantalus, Ixion, and Tityus, are punished. This is based on the initial assumption that souls are immortal; and from this, we derive encouragements to be virtuous and warnings against wickedness, by which good people are improved in their lives through the hope of rewards after death; and the strong urges of bad people toward vice are held back by their fear and expectation that, even if they seem hidden in this life, they will face eternal punishment after they die. These are the Divine teachings of the Essenes 6 regarding the soul, which create an irresistible appeal for those who have once experienced their philosophy.
12. There are also those among them who undertake to foretell things to come, 7 by reading the holy books, and using several sorts of purifications, and being perpetually conversant in the discourses of the prophets; and it is but seldom that they miss in their predictions.
12. There are also those among them who try to predict what will happen in the future, 7 by reading the holy texts, using various types of purifications, and constantly engaging with the teachings of the prophets; and they rarely get their predictions wrong.
13. Moreover, there is another order of Essens, 8 who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of human life, which is the prospect of succession; nay, rather, that if all men should be of the same opinion, the whole race of mankind would fail. However, they try their spouses for three years; and if they find that they have their natural purgations thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruitful, they then actually marry them. But they do not use to accompany with their wives when they are with child, as a demonstration that they do not many out of regard to pleasure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the women go into the baths with some of their garments on, as the men do with somewhat girded about them. And these are the customs of this order of Essens.
13. Also, there’s another group of Essenes, 8 who agree with the others on their way of living, customs, and laws, but they differ when it comes to marriage. They believe that by not marrying, they’re cutting off the main aspect of human life, which is the potential for having descendants. In fact, they think that if everyone felt the same way, the entire human race would die out. They try out their partners for three years, and if they see that they have been naturally cleared three times, which they see as a sign they are likely to be fertile, they go ahead and marry them. However, they don’t have sexual relations with their wives when they’re pregnant, showing that they marry not for pleasure but for the sake of future generations. The women bathe with some of their clothes on, just like the men do, who wear some form of wrap around themselves. These are the customs of this group of Essenes.
14. But then as to the two other orders at first mentioned, the Pharisees are those who are esteemed most skillful in the exact explication of their laws, and introduce the first sect. These ascribe all to fate [or providence], and to God, and yet allow, that to act what is right, or the contrary, is principally in the power of men, although fate does co-operate in every action. They say that all souls are incorruptible, but that the souls of good men only are removed into other bodies,—but that the souls of bad men are subject to eternal punishment. But the Sadducees are those that compose the second order, and take away fate entirely, and suppose that God is not concerned in our doing or not doing what is evil; and they say, that to act what is good, or what is evil, is at men's own choice, and that the one or the other belongs so to every one, that they may act as they please. They also take away the belief of the immortal duration of the soul, and the punishments and rewards in Hades. Moreover, the Pharisees are friendly to one another, and are for the exercise of concord, and regard for the public; but the behavior of the Sadducees one towards another is in some degree wild, and their conversation with those that are of their own party is as barbarous as if they were strangers to them. And this is what I had to say concerning the philosophic sects among the Jews.
14. So, regarding the two other groups mentioned earlier, the Pharisees are the ones who are considered the most skilled at explaining their laws and represent the first group. They attribute everything to fate and God, but they also believe that it is mainly up to people to do what is right or wrong, even though fate plays a role in every action. They claim that all souls are eternal, but only the souls of good people are reincarnated into new bodies, while the souls of bad people face eternal punishment. On the other hand, the Sadducees make up the second group and completely reject the idea of fate, believing that God does not influence whether we do good or evil. They argue that choosing between right and wrong is entirely up to individuals, and that everyone has the freedom to act as they wish. They also deny the immortality of the soul and the existence of punishments and rewards after death. Additionally, the Pharisees are supportive of each other, promote harmony, and care about the community, while the Sadducees tend to be somewhat chaotic in their interactions, and their discussions with fellow members are as harsh as if they were strangers. This is what I wanted to share about the philosophical groups among the Jews.
CHAPTER 9.
The Death Of Salome. The Cities Which Herod And Philip
Built. Pilate Occasions Disturbances. Tiberius Puts Agrippa
Into Bonds But Caius Frees Him From Them, And Makes Him
King. Herod Antipas Is Banished.
The Death of Salome. The Cities That Herod and Philip Built. Pilate Causes Disruptions. Tiberius Imprisons Agrippa, but Caius Releases Him and Makes Him King. Herod Antipas Is Exiled.
1. And now as the ethnarchy of Archelaus was fallen into a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod who was called Antipas, each of them took upon them the administration of their own tetrarchies; for when Salome died, she bequeathed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her toparchy, and Jamriga, as also her plantation of palm trees that were in Phasaelis. But when the Roman empire was translated to Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years, six months, and two days, both Herod and Philip continued in their tetrarchies; and the latter of them built the city Cesarea, at the fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Paneas; as also the city Julias, in the lower Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberius in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan] another that was also called Julias.
1. And now that Archelaus's kingdom has become a Roman province, the other sons of Herod, Philip and the Herod known as Antipas, each took over the management of their own tetrarchies. When Salome died, she left her territory and Jamriga, along with her palm tree plantation in Phasaelis, to Julia, the wife of Augustus. However, when the Roman Empire transitioned to Tiberius, son of Julia, after the death of Augustus—who had ruled for fifty-seven years, six months, and two days—both Herod and Philip remained in their tetrarchies. Philip built the city of Caesarea at the Jordan springs and in the Paneas region, as well as the city of Julias in lower Gaulonitis. Herod built the city of Tiberius in Galilee and also another city called Julias in Perea, beyond the Jordan.
2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procurator into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night those images of Caesar that are called ensigns into Jerusalem. This excited a very great tumult among the Jews when it was day; for those that were near them were astonished at the sight of them, as indications that their laws were trodden under foot; for those laws do not permit any sort of image to be brought into the city. Nay, besides the indignation which the citizens had themselves at this procedure, a vast number of people came running out of the country. These came zealously to Pilate to Cesarea, and besought him to carry those ensigns out of Jerusalem, and to preserve them their ancient laws inviolable; but upon Pilate's denial of their request, they fell 9 down prostrate upon the ground, and continued immovable in that posture for five days and as many nights.
2. Now Pilate, who had been sent as governor to Judea by Tiberius, secretly brought the images of Caesar, known as standards, into Jerusalem at night. This caused a huge uproar among the Jews during the day; those who saw them were shocked, viewing them as signs that their laws were being disrespected, as their laws prohibit any kind of image from being brought into the city. Besides the outrage the citizens felt about this action, many people rushed in from the countryside. They came fervently to Pilate in Caesarea, pleading with him to remove the standards from Jerusalem and to uphold their ancient laws. However, when Pilate refused their request, they fell down on the ground, remaining in that position for five days and nights without moving.
3. On the next day Pilate sat upon his tribunal, in the open market-place, and called to him the multitude, as desirous to give them an answer; and then gave a signal to the soldiers, that they should all by agreement at once encompass the Jews with their weapons; so the band of soldiers stood round about the Jews in three ranks. The Jews were under the utmost consternation at that unexpected sight. Pilate also said to them that they should be cut in pieces, unless they would admit of Caesar's images, and gave intimation to the soldiers to draw their naked swords. Hereupon the Jews, as it were at one signal, fell down in vast numbers together, and exposed their necks bare, and cried out that they were sooner ready to be slain, than that their law should be transgressed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised at their prodigious superstition, and gave order that the ensigns should be presently carried out of Jerusalem.
3. The next day, Pilate took his seat on the tribunal in the open marketplace and called the crowd, eager to give them an answer. He then signaled to the soldiers to surround the Jews with their weapons all at once. The soldiers formed three ranks around the Jews. The Jews were in complete shock at this unexpected situation. Pilate told them they would be cut to pieces unless they accepted Caesar's images and instructed the soldiers to draw their swords. At this moment, the Jews, as if on cue, fell to the ground in large numbers, bared their necks, and cried out that they would rather be killed than have their law violated. Pilate was greatly astonished by their extreme devotion and ordered that the insignias be taken out of Jerusalem immediately.
4. After this he raised another disturbance, by expending that sacred treasure which is called Corban 10 upon aqueducts, whereby he brought water from the distance of four hundred furlongs. At this the multitude had indignation; and when Pilate was come to Jerusalem, they came about his tribunal, and made a clamor at it. Now when he was apprized aforehand of this disturbance, he mixed his own soldiers in their armor with the multitude, and ordered them to conceal themselves under the habits of private men, and not indeed to use their swords, but with their staves to beat those that made the clamor. He then gave the signal from his tribunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of them perished by the stripes they received, and many of them perished as trodden to death by themselves; by which means the multitude was astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, and held their peace.
4. After that, he caused another uproar by using that sacred treasure known as Corban 10 on aqueducts, which brought water from four hundred furlongs away. This upset the crowd, and when Pilate arrived in Jerusalem, they gathered around his tribunal and started making a commotion. When he was warned about this disturbance, he mixed his soldiers, in their armor, among the crowd, instructing them to disguise themselves as ordinary citizens and not to use their swords, but instead to beat those who were causing the noise with their clubs. He then signaled from his tribunal [to carry out his orders]. The Jews were beaten so badly that many of them died from their wounds, and others were trampled to death by the crowd; this left the multitude shocked by the fate of those who were killed, and they fell silent.
5. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of that Aristobulus who had been slain by his father Herod, came to Tiberius, to accuse Herod the tetrarch; who not admitting of his accusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a friendship with others of the men of note, but principally with Caius the son of Germanicus, who was then but a private person. Now this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius; and as he was very complaisant to him on several other accounts, he at length stretched out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius might die, and that he might quickly see him emperor of the world. This was told to Tiberius by one of Agrippa's domestics, who thereupon was very angry, and ordered Agrippa to be bound, and had him very ill-treated in the prison for six months, until Tiberius died, after he had reigned twenty-two years, six months, and three days.
5. In the meantime, Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus who had been killed by his father Herod, went to Tiberius to accuse Herod the tetrarch. Since Tiberius didn’t accept his accusation, Agrippa stayed in Rome and built friendships with other notable figures, especially Caius, the son of Germanicus, who was a private citizen at the time. One day, Agrippa hosted a feast for Caius, and while being very accommodating to him for various reasons, he eventually expressed his wish for Tiberius to die and that he would soon see Caius as emperor of the world. One of Agrippa’s servants reported this to Tiberius, who became very angry, ordered Agrippa to be arrested, and had him mistreated in prison for six months, until Tiberius died after reigning for twenty-two years, six months, and three days.
6. But when Caius was made Caesar, he released Agrippa from his bonds, and made him king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead; but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced to hope for the royal authority by his wife Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth, and told him that it was only because he would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute of that great dignity; for since Caesar had made Agrippa a king, from a private person, much mole would he advance him from a tetrarch to that dignity. These arguments prevailed with Herod, so that he came to Caius, by whom he was punished for his ambition, by being banished into Spain; for Agrippa followed him, in order to accuse him; to whom also Caius gave his tetrarchy, by way of addition. So Herod died in Spain, whither his wife had followed him.
6. But when Caius became Caesar, he freed Agrippa from his bonds and made him king of Philip's territory, which was now gone; but after Agrippa reached that level of power, he sparked the ambitious desires of Herod the tetrarch, who was mostly motivated to hope for royal authority by his wife Herodias. She criticized him for being lazy and told him that the only reason he lacked that great honor was that he wouldn’t go to Caesar. Since Caesar had made Agrippa a king from a common man, surely he would promote him from a tetrarch to that status. These arguments convinced Herod, so he approached Caius, who punished him for his ambition by banishing him to Spain; Agrippa followed him to accuse him and Caius also granted Agrippa his tetrarchy as an addition. So, Herod died in Spain, where his wife had followed him.
CHAPTER 10.
Caius Commands That His Statue Should Be Set Up In The
Temple Itself; And What Petronius Did Thereupon.
Caius Orders That His Statue Be Placed In The
Temple Itself; And What Petronius Did Next.1. Now Caius Caesar did so grossly abuse the fortune he had arrived at, as to take himself to be a god, and to desire to be so called also, and to cut off those of the greatest nobility out of his country. He also extended his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly, he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem, to place his statues in the temple, 11 and commanded him that, in case the Jews would not admit of them, he should slay those that opposed it, and carry all the rest of the nation into captivity: but God concerned himself with these his commands. However, Petronius marched out of Antioch into Judea, with three legions, and many Syrian auxiliaries. Now as to the Jews, some of them could not believe the stories that spake of a war; but those that did believe them were in the utmost distress how to defend themselves, and the terror diffused itself presently through them all; for the army was already come to Ptolemais.
1. Now Caius Caesar grossly misused the fortune he had gained, believing himself to be a god and wanting to be called one. He also eliminated some of the most prominent nobles from his country. His disrespect extended even to the Jews. He sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem to put his statues in the temple, 11, and ordered him that if the Jews refused to accept them, he should kill those who opposed it and take the rest of the nation into captivity; but God intervened regarding these commands. Nevertheless, Petronius marched from Antioch into Judea with three legions and many Syrian auxiliaries. Some of the Jews couldn't believe the stories about a war, but those who did were in great distress over how to defend themselves, and fear quickly spread among them all, as the army had already reached Ptolemais.
2. This Ptolemais is a maritime city of Galilee, built in the great plain. It is encompassed with mountains: that on the east side, sixty furlongs off, belongs to Galilee; but that on the south belongs to Carmel, which is distant from it a hundred and twenty furlongs; and that on the north is the highest of them all, and is called by the people of the country, The Ladder of the Tyrians, which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs. The very small river Belus 12 runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Menmon's monument, 13 and hath near it a place no larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of; which place, when it hath been emptied by the many ships there loaded, it is filled again by the winds, which bring into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which lay remote, and was no more than bare common sand, while this mine presently turns it into glassy sand. And what is to me still more wonderful, that glassy sand which is superfluous, and is once removed out of the place, becomes bare common sand again. And this is the nature of the place we are speaking of.
2. Ptolemais is a coastal city in Galilee, located in the vast plain. It is surrounded by mountains: the one on the east side, sixty furlongs away, belongs to Galilee; the one on the south is part of Carmel, which is a hundred and twenty furlongs away; and the highest one on the north is known among the locals as The Ladder of the Tyrians, located a hundred furlongs away. A small river called Belus 12 flows by it, just two furlongs away; close to it is Menmon's monument, 13, and next to that is a spot no larger than a hundred cubits that is truly remarkable. This area is round and hollow, and it contains sand that is used to make glass; when the many ships that load there have emptied it, the winds refill it with sand that was far away, which was just regular sand before, but this location turns it into glassy sand. Even more astonishing is that the excess glassy sand, once removed from the area, reverts to being ordinary sand again. And this is the nature of the site we're discussing.
3. But now the Jews got together in great numbers with their wives and children into that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made supplication to Petronius, first for their laws, and, in the next place, for themselves. So he was prevailed upon by the multitude of the supplicants, and by their supplications, and left his army and the statues at Ptolemais, and then went forward into Galilee, and called together the multitude and all the men of note to Tiberias, and showed them the power of the Romans, and the threatenings of Caesar; and, besides this, proved that their petition was unreasonable, because while all the nations in subjection to them had placed the images of Caesar in their several cities, among the rest of their gods, for them alone to oppose it, was almost like the behavior of revolters, and was injurious to Caesar.
3. But now the Jews gathered in large numbers with their wives and children on the plain near Ptolemais, and they begged Petronius, first for their laws and then for themselves. He was persuaded by the crowd of petitioners and their pleas, so he left his army and the statues at Ptolemais and headed into Galilee. He called together the crowd and all the notable men in Tiberias, showing them the power of the Romans and Caesar’s threats. He also proved that their request was unreasonable, because while all the nations under Roman rule had placed images of Caesar in their cities alongside their other gods, for them to oppose it was almost like acting like rebels and was disrespectful to Caesar.
4. And when they insisted on their law, and the custom of their country, and how it was not only not permitted them to make either an image of God, or indeed of a man, and to put it in any despicable part of their country, much less in the temple itself, Petronius replied, "And am not I also," said he, "bound to keep the law of my own lord? For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but just that I perish; while he that sent me, and not I, will commence a war against you; for I am under command as well as you." Hereupon the whole multitude cried out that they were ready to suffer for their law. Petronius then quieted them, and said to them, "Will you then make war against Caesar?" The Jews said, "We offer sacrifices twice every day for Caesar, and for the Roman people;" but that if he would place the images among them, he must first sacrifice the whole Jewish nation; and that they were ready to expose themselves, together with their children and wives, to be slain. At this Petronius was astonished, and pitied them, on account of the inexpressible sense of religion the men were under, and that courage of theirs which made them ready to die for it; so they were dismissed without success.
4. When they insisted on their laws and the customs of their country, and how it was not only forbidden for them to create any image of God or even of a human being, much less to place it in a disrespectful part of their land or in the temple itself, Petronius responded, "Aren't I also expected to follow the law of my own ruler? If I break it and spare you, I deserve to face consequences. The one who sent me, not me alone, will declare war against you, since I'm under orders just like you are." The entire crowd then shouted that they were willing to suffer for their laws. Petronius calmed them down and asked, "So, will you make war against Caesar?" The Jews replied, "We offer sacrifices twice a day for Caesar and for the Roman people; but if you want to place images among us, you must first sacrifice the entire Jewish nation." They stated they were prepared to put their lives and those of their children and wives on the line. At this, Petronius was astonished and felt compassion for them, realizing the profound sense of their faith and their courage to die for it; so they were dismissed without a resolution.
5. But on the following days he got together the men of power privately, and the multitude publicly, and sometimes he used persuasions to them, and sometimes he gave them his advice; but he chiefly made use of threatenings to them, and insisted upon the power of the Romans, and the anger of Caius; and besides, upon the necessity he was himself under [to do as he was enjoined]. But as they could be no way prevailed upon, and he saw that the country was in danger of lying without tillage; [for it was about seed time that the multitude continued for fifty days together idle;] so he at last got them together, and told them that it was best for him to run some hazard himself; "for either, by the Divine assistance, I shall prevail with Caesar, and shall myself escape the danger as well as you, which will be matter of joy to us both; or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will be ready to expose my own life for such a great number as you are." Whereupon he dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly for his prosperity; and he took the army out of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from whence he presently sent an epistle to Caesar, and informed him of the irruption he had made into Judea, and of the supplications of the nation; and that unless he had a mind to lose both the country and the men in it, he must permit them to keep their law, and must countermand his former injunction. Caius answered that epistle in a violent-way, and threatened to have Petronius put to death for his being so tardy in the execution of what he had commanded. But it happened that those who brought Caius's epistle were tossed by a storm, and were detained on the sea for three months, while others that brought the news of Caius's death had a good voyage. Accordingly, Petronins received the epistle concerning Caius seven and twenty days before he received that which was against himself.
5. But in the following days, he met privately with the powerful men and publicly with the masses. Sometimes he persuaded them, and other times he offered his advice; however, he mainly relied on threats, emphasizing the power of the Romans and the anger of Caius, as well as the urgency he faced to follow orders. When they wouldn't budge, and he saw that the land was at risk of remaining uncultivated—since the people had been idle for fifty days during planting season—he finally gathered them and said it was best for him to take some risks himself. "Either, with divine help, I will succeed with Caesar and spare myself as well as you, which will bring us both joy; or if Caesar remains angry, I will be ready to risk my life for such a large number of you." He then sent the crowd away, and they greatly prayed for his success. He took the army from Ptolemais and returned to Antioch, where he promptly sent a letter to Caesar, informing him of the invasion he had made into Judea and the pleas of the people. He stated that unless Caesar wanted to lose both the country and its inhabitants, he must allow them to keep their laws and retract his earlier orders. Caius responded to that letter very aggressively, threatening to execute Petronius for being slow in carrying out his commands. However, it so happened that those who delivered Caius's letter were caught in a storm and were stuck at sea for three months, while others who brought news of Caius's death had a smooth journey. Thus, Petronius received the letter about Caius twenty-seven days before he got the one against himself.
CHAPTER 11.
Concerning The Government Of Claudius, And The Reign Of
Agrippa. Concerning The Deaths Of Agrippa And Of Herod And
What Children They Both Left Behind Them.
Regarding The Government Of Claudius, And The Reign Of
Agrippa. Regarding The Deaths Of Agrippa And Of Herod And
The Children They Both Left Behind.1. Now when Caius had reigned three years and eight months, and had been slain by treachery, Claudius was hurried away by the armies that were at Rome to take the government upon him; but the senate, upon the reference of the consuls, Sentis Saturninus, and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the three regiments of soldiers that staid with them to keep the city quiet, and went up into the capitol in great numbers, and resolved to oppose Claudius by force, on account of the barbarous treatment they had met with from Caius; and they determined either to settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they had of old been governed, or at least to choose by vote such a one for emperor as might be worthy of it.
1. After Caius had ruled for three years and eight months and was killed through betrayal, Claudius was quickly taken by the armies in Rome to take over the government. However, the Senate, based on the direction of the consuls, Sentis Saturninus and Pomponius Secundus, ordered the three regiments of soldiers that had stayed with them to keep the city calm. They gathered in large numbers at the Capitol and decided to oppose Claudius with force because of the cruel treatment they had received from Caius. They aimed either to establish a government under an aristocracy, like they had in the past, or at the very least, to vote for an emperor who would be worthy of the title.
2. Now it happened that at this time Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both the senate called him to consult with them, and at the same time Claudius sent for him out of the camp, that he might be serviceable to him, as he should have occasion for his service. So he, perceiving that Claudius was in effect made Caesar already, went to him, who sent him as an ambassador to the senate, to let them know what his intentions were: that, in the first place, it was without his seeking that he was hurried away by the soldiers; moreover, that he thought it was not just to desert those soldiers in such their zeal for him, and that if he should do so, his own fortune would be in uncertainty; for that it was a dangerous case to have been once called to the empire. He added further, that he would administer the government as a good prince, and not like a tyrant; for that he would be satisfied with the honor of being called emperor, but would, in every one of his actions, permit them all to give him their advice; for that although he had not been by nature for moderation, yet would the death of Caius afford him a sufficient demonstration how soberly he ought to act in that station.
2. At this time, Agrippa was staying in Rome. The senate summoned him to consult with them, and at the same time, Claudius called for him from the camp, hoping to use his services as needed. Realizing that Claudius was essentially already Caesar, Agrippa went to him, who then sent him as an ambassador to the senate to explain his intentions: first, that he hadn’t sought out this situation, but had been hastily taken by the soldiers; furthermore, he believed it was wrong to abandon those soldiers who were so eager to support him, as doing so would put his own future at risk; after all, it was dangerous to have been once called to the empire. He also stated that he would govern as a good leader, not a tyrant; he would be content with the honor of being called emperor and would allow everyone to give him their input on his actions. Even though he was not naturally inclined towards moderation, the death of Caius had shown him how thoughtfully he needed to behave in that position.
3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied, that since they had an army, and the wisest counsels on their side, they would not endure a voluntary slavery. And when Claudius heard what answer the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them again, with the following message: That he could not bear the thoughts of betraying them that had given their oaths to be true to him; and that he saw he must fight, though unwillingly, against such as he had no mind to fight; that, however, [if it must come to that,] it was proper to choose a place without the city for the war, because it was not agreeable to piety to pollute the temples of their own city with the blood of their own countrymen, and this only on occasion of their imprudent conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this message, he delivered it to the senators.
3. This message was delivered by Agrippa; to which the senate replied that since they had an army and the best advice on their side, they would not accept voluntary slavery. When Claudius heard the senate's response, he sent Agrippa back to them with the following message: He could not stand the idea of betraying those who had sworn loyalty to him; and he realized he would have to fight, even though he didn't want to, against people he didn't want to confront. However, if it came to that, it would be better to choose a location outside the city for the war, as it wasn’t respectful to defile the temples in their own city with the blood of their fellow citizens, especially just because of their reckless actions. When Agrippa received this message, he relayed it to the senators.
4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers belonging to the senate drew his sword, and cried out, "O my fellow soldiers, what is the meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our brethren, and to use violence to our kindred that are with Claudius? while we may have him for our emperor whom no one can blame, and who hath so many just reasons [to lay claim to the government]; and this with regard to those against whom we are going to fight." When he had said this, he marched through the whole senate, and carried all the soldiers along with him. Upon which all the patricians were immediately in a great fright at their being thus deserted. But still, because there appeared no other way whither they could turn themselves for deliverance, they made haste the same way with the soldiers, and went to Claudius. But those that had the greatest luck in flattering the good fortune of Claudius betimes met them before the walls with their naked swords, and there was reason to fear that those that came first might have been in danger, before Claudius could know what violence the soldiers were going to offer them, had not Agrippa ran before, and told him what a dangerous thing they were going about, and that unless he restrained the violence of these men, who were in a fit of madness against the patricians, he would lose those on whose account it was most desirable to rule, and would be emperor over a desert.
4. In the meantime, one of the soldiers from the senate pulled out his sword and shouted, "Hey fellow soldiers, what’s the point of our choice to kill our own brothers and attack our kin who are with Claudius? We could have him as our emperor, someone we can’t blame, who has plenty of valid reasons to claim the government; and this is in relation to those we’re about to fight." After saying this, he marched through the entire senate, rallying all the soldiers to follow him. This immediately put all the patricians in a panic at being abandoned. However, since there seemed to be no other way to escape, they quickly joined the soldiers and went to Claudius. Those who were most skilled at flattering Claudius’s good fortune met them outside the walls with their swords drawn, and it was feared that those who got there first might have been in danger before Claudius realized what violence the soldiers intended. But Agrippa ran ahead and warned him what a dangerous situation was unfolding and that unless he stopped these men, who were madly turning against the patricians, he would lose the very ones he needed to rule over, and become emperor of an empty land.
5. When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiery, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank-offerings to God, which were proper upon, his first coming to the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.
5. When Claudius heard this, he calmed the soldiers' aggression, welcomed the senate into the camp, treated them kindly, and went out with them right away to offer their thanks to God, which was appropriate upon his first arrival to the empire. Additionally, he gave Agrippa his entire paternal kingdom right away and added to it, alongside the territories that Augustus had given to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, as well as another territory known as the kingdom of Lysanius. He announced this gift to the people through a decree and instructed the magistrates to engrave the donation on bronze tablets and display them in the Capitol. He also granted his brother Herod, who was his son-in-law by marrying his daughter Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.
6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by his enjoyment of so large a dominion; nor did he abuse the money he had on small matters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem with such a wall, which, had it been brought to perfection, had made it impracticable for the Romans to take it by siege; but his death, which happened at Cesarea, before he had raised the walls to their due height, prevented him. He had then reigned three years, as he had governed his tetrarchies three other years. He left behind him three daughters, born to him by Cypros, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, and a son born of the same mother, whose name was Agrippa: he was left a very young child, so that Claudius made the country a Roman province, and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Tiberius Alexander, who, making no alterations of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tranquillity. Now after this, Herod the king of Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons, born to him of his brother's daughter Bernice; their names were Bernie Janus and Hyrcanus. [He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom he had by his former wife Mariamne. There was besides another brother of his that died a private person, his name was also Aristobulus, who left behind him a daughter, whose name was Jotape: and these, as I have formerly said, were the children of Aristobulus the son of Herod, which Aristobulus and Alexander were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were slain by him. But as for Alexander's posterity, they reigned in Armenia.
6. So now wealth came to Agrippa as he enjoyed such a large territory; he didn’t waste his money on trivial things but instead began to build a wall around Jerusalem, which, if completed, would have made it nearly impossible for the Romans to capture it by siege. However, his death in Caesarea, before he could raise the walls to their proper height, stopped him. He had reigned for three years and had managed his tetrarchies for another three years. He left behind three daughters, born to him by Cypros: Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, along with a son named Agrippa, who was very young when he was left behind. Claudius then made the country a Roman province and sent Cuspius Fadus to be its procurator, followed by Tiberius Alexander, who kept the old laws intact and maintained peace in the nation. After this, King Herod of Chalcis died, leaving two sons from his brother’s daughter Bernice, named Bernie Janus and Hyrcanus. He also left behind Aristobulus, whom he had with his former wife Mariamne. Additionally, there was another brother of his, also named Aristobulus, who died a private citizen and left a daughter named Jotape. As I mentioned earlier, these were the children of Aristobulus, the son of Herod, who along with Alexander, were born to Herod by Mariamne and were killed by him. As for Alexander's descendants, they reigned in Armenia.
CHAPTER 12.
Many Tumults Under Cumanus, Which Were Composed By
Quadratus. Felix Is Procurator Of Judea. Agrippa Is Advanced
From Chalcis To A Greater Kingdom.
Many Uprisings Under Cumanus, Which Were Resolved By
Quadratus. Felix Is the Procurator of Judea. Agrippa Has Moved
From Chalcis To a Larger Kingdom.1 Now after the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cumanus took upon him the office of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, and therein he succeeded Alexander; under which Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews' ruin came on; for when the multitude were come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of unleavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood over the cloisters of the temple, [for they always were armed, and kept guard at the festivals, to prevent any innovation which the multitude thus gathered together might make,] one of the soldiers pulled back his garment, and cowering down after an indecent manner, turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such words as you might expect upon such a posture. At this the whole multitude had indignation, and made a clamor to Cumanus, that he would punish the soldier; while the rasher part of the youth, and such as were naturally the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and caught up stones, and threw them at the soldiers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest all the people should make an assault upon him, and sent to call for more armed men, who, when they came in great numbers into the cloisters, the Jews were in a very great consternation; and being beaten out of the temple, they ran into the city; and the violence with which they crowded to get out was so great, that they trod upon each other, and squeezed one another, till ten thousand of them were killed, insomuch that this feast became the cause of mourning to the whole nation, and every family lamented their own relations.
1 After the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, Claudius appointed Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, to rule his uncle's kingdom, while Cumanus took on the role of procurator of the rest, which was a Roman province, succeeding Alexander. Under Cumanus, troubles began, leading to the downfall of the Jews. When the crowd gathered in Jerusalem for the feast of unleavened bread, a Roman cohort was stationed in the temple cloisters, as they were always armed and kept watch during festivals to prevent any disturbances. One of the soldiers pulled back his garment and, in an inappropriate manner, displayed himself to the Jews, saying words you'd expect from such a position. This infuriated the entire crowd, and they clamored to Cumanus for action against the soldier. Meanwhile, the more impulsive youths, who were naturally the most unruly, started fighting, picking up stones, and throwing them at the soldiers. Cumanus, fearing that the people might attack him, called for more armed reinforcements. When they arrived in large numbers to the cloisters, the Jews were in a panic and, being pushed out of the temple, fled into the city. The rush to escape was so intense that they trampled each other, resulting in the deaths of ten thousand people, turning this feast into a time of mourning for the entire nation, as every family grieved their own losses.
2. Now there followed after this another calamity, which arose from a tumult made by robbers; for at the public road at Beth-boron, one Stephen, a servant of Caesar, carried some furniture, which the robbers fell upon and seized. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go round about to the neighboring villages, and to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as laying it to their charge that they had not pursued after the thieves, and caught them. Now here it was that a certain soldier, finding the sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and threw it into the fire. 14 Hereupon the Jews were in great disorder, as if their whole country were in a flame, and assembled themselves so many of them by their zeal for their religion, as by an engine, and ran together with united clamor to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made supplication to him that he would not overlook this man, who had offered such an affront to God, and to his law; but punish him for what he had done. Accordingly, he, perceiving that the multitude would not be quiet unless they had a comfortable answer from him, gave order that the soldier should be brought, and drawn through those that required to have him punished, to execution, which being done, the Jews went their ways.
2. After this, another disaster occurred, caused by a commotion created by robbers. On the public road at Beth-boron, a man named Stephen, who worked for Caesar, was transporting some furniture when the robbers attacked and seized it. In response, Cumanus sent men to round up people from the nearby villages, taking them captive and accusing them of not pursuing the thieves and capturing them. During this chaos, a certain soldier found a sacred book of the law, ripped it to shreds, and tossed it into the fire. 14 This caused great outrage among the Jews, as if their entire land were ablaze. Motivated by their passion for their faith, they gathered together in large numbers and rushed to Cesarea to see Cumanus. They pleaded with him not to ignore the man who had committed such an offense against God and His law, demanding that he be punished for his actions. Seeing that the crowd would not calm down without a satisfactory response, Cumanus ordered that the soldier be brought forth and paraded through those who demanded his punishment before being executed. Once this was done, the Jews dispersed.
3. After this there happened a fight between the Galileans and the Samaritans; it happened at a village called Geman, which is situate in the great plain of Samaria; where, as a great number of Jews were going up to Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles,] a certain Galilean was slain; and besides, a vast number of people ran together out of Galilee, in order to fight with the Samaritans. But the principal men among them came to Cumanus, and besought him that, before the evil became incurable, he would come into Galilee, and bring the authors of this murder to punishment; for that there was no other way to make the multitude separate without coming to blows. However, Cumanus postponed their supplications to the other affairs he was then about, and sent the petitioners away without success.
3. After this, a fight broke out between the Galileans and the Samaritans at a village called Geman, located in the wide plain of Samaria. As a large group of Jews was traveling to Jerusalem for the Feast of Tabernacles, a Galilean was killed. This triggered many people from Galilee to rush over to confront the Samaritans. The leaders among them approached Cumanus and pleaded with him to come to Galilee and punish those responsible for the murder before things got worse, as they believed this was the only way to prevent the crowd from resorting to violence. However, Cumanus delayed addressing their pleas due to other matters he was dealing with and sent them away without any action taken.
4. But when the affair of this murder came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the multitude into disorder, and they left the feast; and without any generals to conduct them, they marched with great violence to Samaria; nor would they be ruled by any of the magistrates that were set over them, but they were managed by one Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their thievish and seditious attempts. These men fell upon those that were in the neighborhood of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them, without sparing any age, and set the villages on fire.
4. But when the news of this murder spread in Jerusalem, it caused a riot among the people, and they abandoned the feast. Without any leaders to guide them, they violently marched to Samaria, refusing to be controlled by any of the officials in charge. Instead, they were driven by two men, Eleazar, the son of Dineus, and Alexander, during their thieving and rebellious actions. These men attacked those living near the Acrabatene area, killing everyone regardless of age, and set the villages on fire.
5. But Cumanus took one troop of horsemen, called the troop of Sebaste, out of Cesarea, and came to the assistance of those that were spoiled; he also seized upon a great number of those that followed Eleazar, and slew more of them. And as for the rest of the multitude of those that went so zealously to fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jerusalem ran out clothed with sackcloth, and having ashes on their head, and begged of them to go their ways, lest by their attempt to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans they should provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem; to have compassion upon their country and temple, their children and their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers of destruction upon them, in order to avenge themselves upon one Galilean only. The Jews complied with these persuasions of theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still there were a great number who betook themselves to robbing, in hopes of impunity; and rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort happened over the whole country. And the men of power among the Samaritans came to Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus, 15 the president of Syria, and desired that they that had laid waste the country might be punished: the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan the son of Ananus the high priest, came thither, and said that the Samaritans were the beginners of the disturbance, on account of that murder they had committed; and that Cumanus had given occasion to what had happened, by his unwillingness to punish the original authors of that murder.
5. But Cumanus took a troop of cavalry, known as the troop of Sebaste, from Cesarea and went to help those who had been attacked. He also captured many of those who followed Eleazar and killed even more of them. As for the remaining crowd that had eagerly gone to fight the Samaritans, the leaders of Jerusalem ran out wearing sackcloth and ashes on their heads, pleading with them to go home. They warned that seeking revenge against the Samaritans could provoke the Romans to come against Jerusalem and asked for compassion for their city, temple, children, and wives, urging them not to bring destruction upon themselves for the sake of avenging just one Galilean. The Jews listened to their pleas and dispersed, but many still turned to stealing, thinking they could do so without facing consequences. Robberies and uprisings by the more daring individuals occurred throughout the region. The influential men among the Samaritans went to Tyre to see Ummidius Quadratus, 15 the governor of Syria, asking that those who had ravaged the land be punished. The prominent Jews and Jonathan, the son of Ananus the high priest, also came to him, claiming that the Samaritans had started the trouble due to the murder they had committed and that Cumanus had allowed the situation to escalate by refusing to punish those responsible for that murder.
6. But Quadratus put both parties off for that time, and told them, that when he should come to those places, he would make a diligent inquiry after every circumstance. After which he went to Cesarea, and crucified all those whom Cumanus had taken alive; and when from thence he was come to the city Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans, and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he had learned to have been concerned in that fight, and beheaded them; but he sent two others of those that were of the greatest power among them, and both Jonathan and Ananias, the high priests, as also Artanus the son of this Ananias, and certain others that were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar; as he did in like manner by the most illustrious of the Samaritans. He also ordered that Cumanus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune should sail to Rome, in order to give an account of what had been done to Caesar. When he had finished these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multitude celebrating their feast of unleavened bread without any tumult, he returned to Antioch.
6. But Quadratus postponed both parties for that time and told them that when he arrived in those areas, he would thoroughly investigate every detail. Afterwards, he went to Cesarea and executed all those whom Cumanus had captured alive. When he arrived in the city of Lydda, he learned about the incident involving the Samaritans and summoned eighteen Jews who he found were involved in that conflict, and he beheaded them. He also sent two others who were the most influential among them—Jonathan and Ananias, the high priests, along with Artanus, the son of Ananias, and several other notable Jews—to Caesar. He did the same with the most prominent Samaritans. He also ordered Cumanus, the procurator, and Celer, the tribune, to sail to Rome to report to Caesar about what had occurred. Once he had dealt with these matters, he went up from Lydda to Jerusalem and found the crowd celebrating their Feast of Unleavened Bread peacefully, so he returned to Antioch.
7. Now when Caesar at Rome had heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say, [where it was done in the hearing of Agrippa, who zealously espoused the cause of the Jews, as in like manner many of the great men stood by Cumanus,] he condemned the Samaritans, and commanded that three of the most powerful men among them should be put to death; he banished Cumanus, and sent Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered over to the Jews to be tormented; that he should be drawn round the city, and then beheaded.
7. When Caesar in Rome heard what Cumanus and the Samaritans had to say, [with Agrippa present, who strongly defended the Jews, just as many prominent figures supported Cumanus,] he condemned the Samaritans and ordered the execution of three of their most powerful leaders. He banished Cumanus and sent Celer, bound, to Jerusalem to be handed over to the Jews for punishment; he was to be dragged around the city and then beheaded.
8. After this Caesar sent Felix, 16 the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed. But Claudius himself, when he had administered the government thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died, and left Nero to be his successor in the empire, whom he had adopted by his Wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his successor, although he had a son of his own, whose name was Britannicus, by Messalina his former wife, and a daughter whose name was Octavia, whom he had married to Nero; he had also another daughter by Petina, whose name was Antonia.
8. After this, Caesar sent Felix, 16 the brother of Pallas, to be the governor of Galilee, Samaria, and Perea, and moved Agrippa from Chalcis to a larger kingdom; he gave him the tetrarchy that had belonged to Philip, which included Batanae, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis. He also added the kingdom of Lysanias and the province [Abilene] that Varus had governed. However, Claudius himself, after ruling for thirteen years, eight months, and twenty days, died and left Nero as his successor in the empire. He had adopted Nero due to the influence of his wife Agrippina, even though he had a son named Britannicus from his previous marriage to Messalina, and a daughter named Octavia, who was married to Nero. He also had another daughter named Antonia with Petina.
CHAPTER 13.
Nero Adds Four Cities To Agrippas Kingdom; But The Other
Parts Of Judea Were Under Felix. The Disturbances Which Were
Raised By The Sicarii The Magicians And An Egyptian False
Prophet. The Jews And Syrians Have A Contest At Cesarea.
Nero added four cities to Agrippa's kingdom, but the rest of Judea was under Felix. The disturbances were caused by the Sicarii, the magicians, and an Egyptian false prophet. The Jews and Syrians had a conflict at Caesarea.
1. Now as to the many things in which Nero acted like a madman, out of the extravagant degree of the felicity and riches which he enjoyed, and by that means used his good fortune to the injury of others; and after what manner he slew his brother, and wife, and mother, from whom his barbarity spread itself to others that were most nearly related to him; and how, at last, he was so distracted that he became an actor in the scenes, and upon the theater,—I omit to say any more about them, because there are writers enough upon those subjects every where; but I shall turn myself to those actions of his time in which the Jews were concerned.
1. Now, regarding the many ways in which Nero acted like a madman, due to the extreme happiness and wealth he enjoyed, he used his good fortune to harm others. I won't go into detail about how he killed his brother, wife, and mother, which led to his cruelty spreading to those closest to him. I also won’t mention how he eventually became so unhinged that he performed on stage and in the theater—I’ll leave those topics to the many writers who have covered them extensively. Instead, I will focus on the actions of his time that involved the Jews.
2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus, Herod's son, 17 and he added to Agrippa's kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to them belonging; I mean Abila, and that Julias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and Tiberias of Galilee; but over the rest of Judea he made Felix procurator. This Felix took Eleazar the arch-robber, and many that were with him, alive, when they had ravaged the country for twenty years together, and sent them to Rome; but as to the number of the robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of those who were caught among them, and whom he brought to punishment, they were a multitude not to be enumerated.
2. Nero gave the kingdom of Lesser Armenia to Aristobulus, Herod's son, 17, and he added four cities to Agrippa's kingdom along with their governing regions; these were Abila, Julias in Perea, Tarichea, and Tiberias in Galilee. For the rest of Judea, he appointed Felix as procurator. Felix captured Eleazar, the chief robber, and many of his followers, alive, after they had plundered the area for twenty years, and sent them to Rome. The number of robbers he had crucified, as well as those he caught and punished, was countless.
3. When the country was purged of these, there sprang up another sort of robbers in Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who slew men in the day time, and in the midst of the city; this they did chiefly at the festivals, when they mingled themselves among the multitude, and concealed daggers under their garments, with which they stabbed those that were their enemies; and when any fell down dead, the murderers became a part of those that had indignation against them; by which means they appeared persons of such reputation, that they could by no means be discovered. The first man who was slain by them was Jonathan the high priest, after whose death many were slain every day, while the fear men were in of being so served was more afflicting than the calamity itself; and while every body expected death every hour, as men do in war, so men were obliged to look before them, and to take notice of their enemies at a great distance; nor, if their friends were coming to them, durst they trust them any longer; but, in the midst of their suspicions and guarding of themselves, they were slain. Such was the celerity of the plotters against them, and so cunning was their contrivance.
3. Once the country was cleaned up of these issues, another group of robbers emerged in Jerusalem, known as the Sicarii. They killed people openly during the day right in the middle of the city. They mostly did this during festivals when they blended in with the crowd and hid daggers under their clothes, using them to stab their enemies. When someone fell dead, the murderers pretended to be among those outraged by the act, making it almost impossible to identify them. The first victim of their attacks was Jonathan the high priest, and after his death, many more were killed daily. The fear of being targeted was often more distressing than the actual violence, as everyone began to anticipate death at any moment, like during a war. People had to keep a lookout and be aware of their enemies from a distance; they couldn't even trust their friends approaching them anymore. In the midst of their suspicions and attempts to protect themselves, they still ended up getting killed. Such was the speed of the attackers and the cleverness of their plots.
4. There was also another body of wicked men gotten together, not so impure in their actions, but more wicked in their intentions, which laid waste the happy state of the city no less than did these murderers. These were such men as deceived and deluded the people under pretense of Divine inspiration, but were for procuring innovations and changes of the government; and these prevailed with the multitude to act like madmen, and went before them into the wilderness, as pretending that God would there show them the signals of liberty. But Felix thought this procedure was to be the beginning of a revolt; so he sent some horsemen and footmen both armed, who destroyed a great number of them.
4. There was also another group of wicked men who came together, not so much impure in their actions, but more evil in their intentions, which devastated the city's happy state just as much as these murderers did. These men deceived and misled the people under the guise of Divine inspiration, but were really aiming for changes and innovations in the government; they convinced the crowd to act like crazies and led them into the wilderness, pretending that God would show them the signs of freedom there. But Felix thought this was the start of a rebellion, so he sent in both armed horsemen and foot soldiers, who killed a large number of them.
5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet that did the Jews more mischief than the former; for he was a cheat, and pretended to be a prophet also, and got together thirty thousand men that were deluded by him; these he led round about from the wilderness to the mount which was called the Mount of Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusalem by force from that place; and if he could but once conquer the Roman garrison and the people, he intended to domineer over them by the assistance of those guards of his that were to break into the city with him. But Felix prevented his attempt, and met him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch that when it came to a battle, the Egyptian ran away, with a few others, while the greatest part of those that were with him were either destroyed or taken alive; but the rest of the multitude were dispersed every one to their own homes, and there concealed themselves.
5. But there was an Egyptian false prophet who caused the Jews more trouble than the previous one; he was a fraud and claimed to be a prophet as well, gathering together thirty thousand people who were misled by him. He led them all around from the wilderness to the mountain called the Mount of Olives and was ready to force his way into Jerusalem from there. He intended to take control of the city with the help of his followers if he could defeat the Roman soldiers and the locals. However, Felix stopped his plan and confronted him with his Roman soldiers, while all the people supported him in the attack against them. When it came to a battle, the Egyptian fled, along with a few others, while most of his followers were either killed or captured. The rest of the crowd scattered, each going back to their own homes to hide.
6. Now when these were quieted, it happened, as it does in a diseased body, that another part was subject to an inflammation; for a company of deceivers and robbers got together, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and exhorted them to assert their liberty, inflicting death on those that continued in obedience to the Roman government, and saying, that such as willingly chose slavery ought to be forced from such their desired inclinations; for they parted themselves into different bodies, and lay in wait up and down the country, and plundered the houses of the great men, and slew the men themselves, and set the villages on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with the effects of their madness. And thus the flame was every day more and more blown up, till it came to a direct war.
6. Once things settled down, it was like a sick body where another part became inflamed; a group of deceivers and robbers banded together and convinced the Jews to revolt, urging them to claim their freedom, punishing those who continued to obey the Roman government with death. They argued that anyone who willingly chose slavery should be forced to change their minds. They split into different groups, lurking throughout the countryside, looting the homes of the wealthy, killing the men, and setting villages on fire. This continued until all of Judea was overwhelmed by the chaos of their actions. The violence escalated day by day until it led to outright war.
7. There was also another disturbance at Cesarea,—those Jews who were mixed with the Syrians that lived there rising a tumult against them. The Jews pretended that the city was theirs, and said that he who built it was a Jew, meaning king Herod. The Syrians confessed also that its builder was a Jew; but they still said, however, that the city was a Grecian city; for that he who set up statues and temples in it could not design it for Jews. On which account both parties had a contest with one another; and this contest increased so much, that it came at last to arms, and the bolder sort of them marched out to fight; for the elders of the Jews were not able to put a stop to their own people that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the Greeks thought it a shame for them to be overcome by the Jews. Now these Jews exceeded the others in riches and strength of body; but the Grecian part had the advantage of assistance from the soldiery; for the greatest part of the Roman garrison was raised out of Syria; and being thus related to the Syrian part, they were ready to assist it. However, the governors of the city were concerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they caught those that were most for fighting on either side, they punished them with stripes and bands. Yet did not the sufferings of those that were caught affright the remainder, or make them desist; but they were still more and more exasperated, and deeper engaged in the sedition. And as Felix came once into the market-place, and commanded the Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to go their ways, and threatened them if they would not, and they would not obey him, he sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a great many of them, upon which it fell out that what they had was plundered. And as the sedition still continued, he chose out the most eminent men on both sides as ambassadors to Nero, to argue about their several privileges.
7. There was another disturbance in Caesarea—Jews living among the Syrians there caused an uproar against them. The Jews claimed that the city was theirs, insisting that it was built by a Jew, referring to King Herod. The Syrians admitted that its builder was a Jew, but they maintained that the city was a Greek city since the one who erected statues and temples in it clearly didn’t intend it for Jews. Because of this, both sides ended up in a conflict, which escalated so much that it turned into violence, and the more aggressive individuals decided to fight. The Jewish elders couldn’t control their people who were eager to cause trouble, and the Greeks were embarrassed at the thought of being defeated by the Jews. The Jews were wealthier and physically stronger, but the Greeks had the advantage of support from soldiers; most of the Roman garrison was made up of Syrians, so they were inclined to help their own. Meanwhile, the city’s governors were keen to maintain peace and would punish those caught promoting violence on either side with beatings and imprisonment. However, the punishments didn’t deter the rest, but instead fueled their anger and commitment to the rebellion. One time, Felix entered the marketplace and ordered the Jews to leave after they had beaten the Syrians, threatening them if they didn’t comply. When they refused, he sent his soldiers after them, killing many, after which their belongings were looted. As the uprising continued, he selected the most prominent individuals from both sides as ambassadors to Nero to argue about their respective rights.
CHAPTER 14.
Festus Succeeds Felix Who Is Succeeded By Albinus As He Is
By Florus; Who By The Barbarity Of His Government Forces The
Jews Into The War.
Festus takes over from Felix, who is then followed by Albinus, as stated by Florus. The harshness of his leadership drives the Jews into rebellion.
1. Now it was that Festus succeeded Felix as procurator, and made it his business to correct those that made disturbances in the country. So he caught the greatest part of the robbers, and destroyed a great many of them. But then Albinus, who succeeded Festus, did not execute his office as the other had done; nor was there any sort of wickedness that could be named but he had a hand in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in his political capacity, steal and plunder every one's substance, nor did he only burden the whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the relations of such as were in prison for robbery, and had been laid there, either by the senate of every city, or by the former procurators, to redeem them for money; and no body remained in the prisons as a malefactor but he who gave him nothing. At this time it was that the enterprises of the seditious at Jerusalem were very formidable; the principal men among them purchasing leave of Albinus to go on with their seditious practices; while that part of the people who delighted in disturbances joined themselves to such as had fellowship with Albinus; and every one of these wicked wretches were encompassed with his own band of robbers, while he himself, like an arch-robber, or a tyrant, made a figure among his company, and abused his authority over those about him, in order to plunder those that lived quietly. The effect of which was this, that those who lost their goods were forced to hold their peace, when they had reason to show great indignation at what they had suffered; but those who had escaped were forced to flatter him that deserved to be punished, out of the fear they were in of suffering equally with the others. Upon the Whole, nobody durst speak their minds, but tyranny was generally tolerated; and at this time were those seeds sown which brought the city to destruction.
1. At this point, Festus took over from Felix as the governor and focused on dealing with those who caused trouble in the region. He captured most of the robbers and eliminated many of them. However, Albinus, who followed Festus, didn't govern the same way; he was involved in every type of wrongdoing imaginable. He didn't just steal and loot people's property in his role, nor did he only impose heavy taxes on the entire nation; he also allowed the relatives of those imprisoned for robbery—who had been imprisoned either by local senates or previous governors—to buy their freedom. The only ones left in prison as criminals were those who couldn’t pay him. During this time, the seditious activities in Jerusalem were quite serious; the leading figures among them got permission from Albinus to continue their rebellious actions, while those who thrived on chaos allied with those connected to Albinus. Each of these wicked individuals had their own group of robbers, and he acted like a leading criminal or a tyrant, exerting his power over those around him to exploit the peaceful citizens. As a result, those who lost their possessions had to keep quiet, even though they had every reason to be furious about what happened to them; those who managed to avoid loss had to flatter someone who truly deserved punishment, out of fear that they would suffer the same fate as others. In general, nobody dared to express their opinions, and tyranny was widely accepted; it was during this time that the seeds were sown that ultimately led to the city's downfall.
2. And although such was the character of Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus 18 who succeeded him, demonstrate him to have been a most excellent person, upon the comparison; for the former did the greatest part of his rogueries in private, and with a sort of dissimulation; but Gessius did his unjust actions to the harm of the nation after a pompous manner; and as though he had been sent as an executioner to punish condemned malefactors, he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation; where the case was really pitiable, he was most barbarous, and in things of the greatest turpitude he was most impudent. Nor could any one outdo him in disguising the truth; nor could any one contrive more subtle ways of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it but a petty offense to get money out of single persons; so he spoiled whole cities, and ruined entire bodies of men at once, and did almost publicly proclaim it all the country over, that they had liberty given them to turn robbers, upon this condition, that he might go shares with them in the spoils they got. Accordingly, this his greediness of gain was the occasion that entire toparchies were brought to desolation, and a great many of the people left their own country, and fled into foreign provinces.
2. Even though Albinus had his flaws, Gessius Florus, who took over after him, showed that Albinus was a much better person by comparison. Albinus mostly carried out his wrongdoings quietly and with some degree of deceit, while Gessius committed his unjust acts openly and in a grandiose way, as if he were sent as an executioner to punish criminals. He didn’t hold back on any kind of theft or oppression; where compassion was warranted, he was merciless, and in matters of the greatest shame, he was shameless. No one could match his ability to twist the truth, and he was exceptional at finding clever ways to deceive. He considered it a minor crime to take money from individuals, so he plundered entire cities and devastated whole groups of people, practically announcing across the region that they had permission to become thieves, provided he got a cut of the loot. As a result, his greed led to entire areas being destroyed, and many people abandoned their homeland and fled to foreign regions.
3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was president of the province of Syria, nobody durst do so much as send an embassage to him against Florus; but when he was come to Jerusalem, upon the approach of the feast of unleavened bread, the people came about him not fewer in number than three millions 19 these besought him to commiserate the calamities of their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the bane of their country. But as he was present, and stood by Cestius, he laughed at their words. However, Cestius, when he had quieted the multitude, and had assured them that he would take care that Florus should hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner, returned to Antioch. Florus also conducted him as far as Cesarea, and deluded him, though he had at that very time the purpose of showing his anger at the nation, and procuring a war upon them, by which means alone it was that he supposed he might conceal his enormities; for he expected that if the peace continued, he should have the Jews for his accusers before Caesar; but that if he could procure them to make a revolt, he should divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge, by a misery that was so much greater; he therefore did every day augment their calamities, in order to induce them to a rebellion.
3. During the time Cestius Gallus was in charge of the province of Syria, no one dared to send a message to him against Florus. However, when he arrived in Jerusalem just before the Feast of Unleavened Bread, he was approached by a crowd of about three million people. They begged him to understand the suffering of their nation and shouted against Florus as the destroyer of their country. While he was there, standing beside Cestius, Florus laughed at their pleas. Nonetheless, Cestius calmed the crowd and assured them he would make sure Florus treated them more kindly in the future before returning to Antioch. Florus accompanied him as far as Caesarea and deceived him, all while he was secretly planning to unleash his anger on the people and provoke a war against them, believing that by doing so, he could hide his wrongdoing. He feared that if peace continued, the Jews would accuse him before Caesar. He thought that if he could prompt a revolt, he could distract them from bringing lesser charges against him with their greater suffering. Therefore, every day he increased their hardships to push them toward rebellion.
4. Now at this time it happened that the Grecians at Cesarea had been too hard for the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the government of the city, and had brought the judicial determination: at the same time began the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero, and the seventeenth of the reign of Agrippa, in the month of Artemisius [Jyar.] Now the occasion of this war was by no means proportionable to those heavy calamities which it brought upon us. For the Jews that dwelt at Cesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose owner was a certain Cesarean Greek: the Jews had endeavored frequently to have purchased the possession of the place, and had offered many times its value for its price; but as the owner overlooked their offers, so did he raise other buildings upon the place, in way of affront to them, and made working-shops of them, and left them but a narrow passage, and such as was very troublesome for them to go along to their synagogue. Whereupon the warmer part of the Jewish youth went hastily to the workmen, and forbade them to build there; but as Florus would not permit them to use force, the great men of the Jews, with John the publican, being in the utmost distress what to do, persuaded Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to hinder the work. He then, being intent upon nothing but getting money, promised he would do for them all they desired of him, and then went away from Cesarea to Sebaste, and left the sedition to take its full course, as if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it out.
4. At this time, the Greeks in Caesarea had gained the upper hand over the Jews and obtained the right to govern the city from Nero. This led to a judicial decision, and the war began in the twelfth year of Nero's reign and the seventeenth year of Agrippa's reign, during the month of Artemisius [Jyar]. The reason for this war was by no means proportional to the severe hardships it inflicted on us. The Jews living in Caesarea had a synagogue nearby, owned by a Greek from Caesarea. The Jews had often tried to buy the property and had offered considerably more than it was worth, but the owner ignored their offers. Instead, he built more structures on the site as an insult to them and turned them into workshops, leaving the Jews with only a narrow, troublesome passage to access their synagogue. In response, some of the more passionate young Jews rushed to stop the workers and told them not to build there. However, since Florus did not allow them to use force, the leading Jews, along with John the tax collector, in their desperation, convinced Florus to intervene for an offering of eight talents. He, solely focused on making money, promised he would do whatever they wanted and then left Caesarea for Sebaste, abandoning the situation to escalate as if he had given the Jews permission to fight it out.
5. Now on the next day, which was the seventh day of the week, when the Jews were crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain man of Cesarea, of a seditious temper, got an earthen vessel, and set it with the bottom upward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and sacrificed birds. This thing provoked the Jews to an incurable degree, because their laws were affronted, and the place was polluted. Whereupon the sober and moderate part of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse to their governors again, while the seditious part, and such as were in the fervor of their youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight. The seditions also among the Gentiles of Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose; for they had, by agreement, sent the man to sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him;] so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was ordered to prevent the fight, came thither, and took away the earthen vessel, and endeavored to put a stop to the sedition; but when 20 he was overcome by the violence of the people of Cesarea, the Jews caught up their books of the law, and retired to Narbata, which was a place to them belonging, distant from Cesarea sixty furlongs. But John, and twelve of the principal men with him, went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a lamentable complaint of their case, and besought him to help them; and with all possible decency, put him in mind of the eight talents they had given him; but he had the men seized upon, and put in prison, and accused them for carrying the books of the law out of Cesarea.
5. The next day, which was the seventh day of the week, as the Jews were rushing to their synagogue, a man from Cesarea, who had a rebellious nature, took an earthen vessel and placed it upside down at the entrance of the synagogue, where he sacrificed birds. This act infuriated the Jews to an extreme degree, as it violated their laws and desecrated the place. The more reasonable and moderate Jews decided it was best to go back to their leaders for help, while the more rebellious individuals, particularly the younger ones, were fired up and eager to fight. Among the Gentiles of Cesarea, tensions were also high; they had coordinated to support the man's actions and were ready to escalate the conflict. Soon, violence broke out. Jucundus, the cavalry commander, who had been ordered to prevent the fighting, arrived and removed the earthen vessel, trying to calm the unrest. However, he was overwhelmed by the aggressive crowd from Cesarea. The Jews grabbed their law books and retreated to Narbata, which was their territory, about sixty furlongs away from Cesarea. Meanwhile, John and twelve key leaders went to Florus in Sebaste to make a heartfelt appeal for assistance, reminding him politely of the eight talents they had given him. Instead of helping, he had them arrested, imprisoned, and accused them of taking the law books out of Cesarea.
6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusalem, although they took this matter very ill, yet did they restrain their passion; but Florus acted herein as if he had been hired, and blew up the war into a flame, and sent some to take seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and pretended that Caesar wanted them. At this the people were in confusion immediately, and ran together to the temple, with prodigious clamors, and called upon Caesar by name, and besought him to free them from the tyranny of Florus. Some also of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and carried a basket about, and begged some spills of money for him, as for one that was destitute of possessions, and in a miserable condition. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby of his love of money, but was more enraged, and provoked to get still more; and instead of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have done, and quenching the flame of war, which was beginning thence, and so taking away the occasion of any disturbances, on which account it was that he had received a reward [of eight talents], he marched hastily with an army of horsemen and footmen against Jerusalem, that he might gain his will by the arms of the Romans, and might, by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring the city into subjection.
6. Moreover, regarding the citizens of Jerusalem, although they were quite upset about this situation, they managed to keep their emotions in check. However, Florus behaved as if he had been paid to incite trouble, stoking the flames of war and sending some people to take seventeen talents from the sacred treasury, claiming that Caesar wanted the money. This immediately created chaos among the people, who rushed to the temple, yelling loudly and calling out to Caesar, begging him to free them from Florus's tyranny. Some of the rebels shouted insults at Florus, even carrying around a basket to collect donations for him, portraying him as someone in dire need and unfortunate circumstances. Yet, instead of feeling ashamed of his greed, he became more furious and determined to acquire even more wealth. Rather than going to Caesarea, as he should have, to extinguish the brewing conflict and prevent any disturbances— for which he had received a reward of eight talents— he hurriedly marched with an army of cavalry and infantry toward Jerusalem to impose his will through Roman force, seeking to intimidate and threaten the city into submission.
7. But the people were desirous of making Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his soldiers with acclamations, and put themselves in order to receive him very submissively. But he sent Capito, a centurion, beforehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go back, and not now make a show of receiving him in an obliging manner, whom they had so foully reproached before; and said that it was incumbent on them, in case they had generous souls, and were free speakers, to jest upon him to his face, and appear to be lovers of liberty, not only in words, but with their weapons also. With this message was the multitude amazed; and upon the coming of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them, they were dispersed before they could salute Florus, or manifest their submissive behavior to him. Accordingly, they retired to their own houses, and spent that night in fear and confusion of face.
7. The people wanted to make Florus embarrassed about his attempt, so they greeted his soldiers with cheers and prepared themselves to receive him humbly. However, he sent Capito, a centurion, ahead with fifty soldiers to tell them to go back and not pretend to welcome him nicely after having insulted him so badly before. He said that if they had any dignity and were truly outspoken, they should confront him directly and show their love for freedom not just in words but also by being ready to fight. This message shocked the crowd, and when Capito's horsemen arrived among them, they scattered before they could greet Florus or show him their submissive behavior. As a result, they went back to their homes and spent that night in fear and embarrassment.
8. Now at this time Florus took up his quarters at the palace; and on the next day he had his tribunal set before it, and sat upon it, when the high priests, and the men of power, and those of the greatest eminence in the city, came all before that tribunal; upon which Florus commanded them to deliver up to him those that had reproached him, and told them that they should themselves partake of the vengeance to them belonging, if they did not produce the criminals; but these demonstrated that the people were peaceably disposed, and they begged forgiveness for those that had spoken amiss; for that it was no wonder at all that in so great a multitude there should be some more daring than they ought to be, and, by reason of their younger age, foolish also; and that it was impossible to distinguish those that offended from the rest, while every one was sorry for what he had done, and denied it out of fear of what would follow: that he ought, however, to provide for the peace of the nation, and to take such counsels as might preserve the city for the Romans, and rather for the sake of a great number of innocent people to forgive a few that were guilty, than for the sake of a few of the wicked to put so large and good a body of men into disorder.
8. At this time, Florus set up his base at the palace. The next day, he had his tribunal placed in front of it and took his seat there when the high priests, influential figures, and the most prominent citizens of the city all gathered before him. Florus ordered them to hand over those who had insulted him and warned them that they would share in the punishment if they didn’t produce the offenders. However, they argued that the people were generally peaceful and pleaded for forgiveness for those who had spoken out of turn, explaining that in such a large crowd, it was natural for some to be more bold than they should be, and that some of the younger ones acted foolishly. They claimed it was impossible to identify those who had done wrong among the others, as everyone was regretful and denied their actions out of fear of what might happen. They insisted that he should focus on maintaining peace in the nation and take measures to protect the city for the Romans, suggesting that for the sake of the many innocent people, he should forgive a few guilty ones, rather than disturb such a large and good group of people for the sake of a few wrongdoers.
9. Florus was more provoked at this, and called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder that which was called the Upper Market-place, and to slay such as they met with. So the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their commander in a sense agreeable to their desire of gain, did not only plunder the place they were sent to, but forcing themselves into every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the soldiers slew those that they caught, and no method of plunder was omitted; they also caught many of the quiet people, and brought them before Florus, whom he first chastised with stripes, and then crucified. Accordingly, the whole number of those that were destroyed that day, with their wives and children, [for they did not spare even the infants themselves,] was about three thousand and six hundred. And what made this calamity the heavier was this new method of Roman barbarity; for Florus ventured then to do what no one had done before, that is, to have men of the equestrian order whipped 21 and nailed to the cross before his tribunal; who, although they were by birth Jews, yet were they of Roman dignity notwithstanding.
9. Florus was even more enraged by this and shouted to the soldiers to loot what was known as the Upper Market-place and to kill anyone they encountered. The soldiers, interpreting their commander's call as an opportunity for profit, not only plundered the targeted area but forced their way into every house, slaughtering its residents. Citizens fled through the narrow alleys while the soldiers killed anyone they caught, sparing no method of theft. They also captured many innocent people and brought them before Florus, whom he first punished with beatings and then crucified. Consequently, the total number of those killed that day, including their wives and children [who did not even spare the infants], was about three thousand six hundred. What made this tragedy even worse was this new form of Roman cruelty; for Florus dared to do what no one had done before, which was to have men of the equestrian order whipped 21 and crucified in front of his tribunal; who, although they were born Jews, still held Roman status.
CHAPTER 15.
Concerning Bernice's Petition To Florus, To Spare The Jews,
But In Vain; As Also How, After The Seditious Flame Was
Quenched, It Was Kindled Again By Florus.
About Bernice's Petition To Florus, To Spare The Jews,
But In Vain; Also How, After The Seditious Flame Was
Quenched, It Was Kindled Again By Florus.1. About this very time king Agrippa was going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexander upon his having obtained the government of Egypt from Nero; but as his sister Bernice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sorely affected at it, and frequently sent the masters of her horse and her guards to Florus, and begged of him to leave off these slaughters; but he would not comply with her request, nor have any regard either to the multitude of those already slain, or to the nobility of her that interceded, but only to the advantage he should make by this plundering; nay, this violence of the soldiers brake out to such a degree of madness, that it spent itself on the queen herself; for they did not only torment and destroy those whom they had caught under her very eyes, but indeed had killed herself also, unless she had prevented them by flying to the palace, and had staid there all night with her guards, which she had about her for fear of an insult from the soldiers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in order to perform a vow 22 which she had made to God; for it is usual with those that had been either afflicted with a distemper, or with any other distresses, to make vows; and for thirty days before they are to offer their sacrifices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the hair of their head. Which things Bernice was now performing, and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, and besought him [to spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have any reverence paid to her, nor could she escape without some danger of being slain herself.
1. Around this time, King Agrippa was headed to Alexandria to congratulate Alexander on taking over the government of Egypt from Nero. However, since his sister Bernice had come to Jerusalem and witnessed the soldiers' brutal actions, she was deeply affected by it. She frequently sent her horse masters and guards to Florus, pleading with him to stop the killings. But he ignored her requests, showing no concern for the many who had already died or for the nobility of her plea; he was only interested in the profits from the looting. The soldiers' violence escalated to such madness that it even targeted the queen herself. They not only tormented and killed those caught in front of her but nearly killed her as well, had she not escaped to the palace and remained there all night with her guards, fearing an attack from the soldiers. Bernice was staying in Jerusalem to fulfill a vow she had made to God. It was common for those who had suffered from illnesses or other misfortunes to make vows, and for thirty days before their sacrifices, they would abstain from wine and cut their hair. Bernice was currently observing this practice and stood barefoot before Florus's tribunal, begging him to spare the Jews. Yet, she received no respect and faced the danger of being killed herself.
2. This happened upon the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. Now, on the next day, the multitude, who were in a great agony, ran together to the Upper Market-place, and made the loudest lamentations for those that had perished; and the greatest part of the cries were such as reflected on Florus; at which the men of power were affrighted, together with the high priests, and rent their garments, and fell down before each of them, and besought them to leave off, and not to provoke Florus to some incurable procedure, besides what they had already suffered. Accordingly, the multitude complied immediately, out of reverence to those that had desired it of them, and out of the hope they had that Florus would do them no more injuries.
2. This happened on the sixteenth day of the month Artemisius [Jyar]. The next day, the crowd, in great distress, gathered in the Upper Market-place and cried out loudly for those who had died; most of the cries were directed at Florus. This frightened the influential people, along with the high priests, who tore their clothes and fell down before them, pleading for them to stop and not to provoke Florus into taking more drastic actions than what they had already endured. As a result, the crowd immediately complied, out of respect for those who had asked them to and out of hope that Florus would spare them any further harm.
3. So Florus was troubled that the disturbances were over, and endeavored to kindle that flame again, and sent for the high priests, with the other eminent persons, and said the only demonstration that the people would not make any other innovations should be this, that they must go out and meet the soldiers that were ascending from Cesarea, whence two cohorts were coming; and while these men were exhorting the multitude so to do, he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the centurions of the cohorts, that they should give notice to those that were under them not to return the Jews' salutations; and that if they made any reply to his disadvantage, they should make use of their weapons. Now the high priests assembled the multitude in the temple, and desired them to go and meet the Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly, before their miserable case should become incurable. Now the seditious part would not comply with these persuasions; but the consideration of those that had been destroyed made them incline to those that were the boldest for action.
3. Florus was worried that the unrest was over, and he tried to stir things up again. He called for the high priests and other important figures, telling them that the only way to show the people wouldn’t cause any more trouble was to go out and meet the soldiers coming from Cesarea, where two cohorts were on their way. While these men were urging the crowd to do this, he secretly instructed the centurions in the cohorts to tell their soldiers not to return any greetings from the Jews. He also warned them that if they faced any disrespect, they should resort to using their weapons. The high priests gathered the crowd in the temple and asked them to go meet the Romans and greet the cohorts politely, before their difficult situation became irreversible. However, the rebellious group refused to follow this advice; instead, they were swayed by thoughts of those who had been killed, leaning towards the more aggressive individuals.
4. At this time it was that every priest, and every servant of God, brought out the holy vessels, and the ornamental garments wherein they used to minister in sacred things. The harpers also, and the singers of hymns, came out with their instruments of music, and fell down before the multitude, and begged of them that they would preserve those holy ornaments to them, and not provoke the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures. You might also see then the high priests themselves, with dust sprinkled in great plenty upon their heads, with bosoms deprived of any covering but what was rent; these besought every one of the eminent men by name, and the multitude in common, that they would not for a small offense betray their country to those that were desirous to have it laid waste; saying, "What benefit will it bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from the Jews? or what amendment of your affairs will it bring you, if you do not now go out to meet them? and that if they saluted them civilly, all handle would be cut off from Florus to begin a war; that they should thereby gain their country, and freedom from all further sufferings; and that, besides, it would be a sign of great want of command of themselves, if they should yield to a few seditious persons, while it was fitter for them who were so great a people to force the others to act soberly."
4. At that time, every priest and every servant of God brought out the holy vessels and the special garments they used for sacred duties. The musicians and singers came out with their instruments and fell before the crowd, pleading with them to keep those holy items safe and not to provoke the Romans into taking those sacred treasures. You could also see the high priests themselves, with plenty of dust on their heads and their garments torn, begging each of the prominent men by name, as well as the crowd in general, not to betray their country for a small offense to those who wanted to destroy it; saying, "What good will it do the soldiers to have a greeting from the Jews? Or how will your situation improve if you don’t go out to meet them now? If they are greeted respectfully, it will only lead to a war, starting with Florus; they would then gain their country and be free from further suffering. Besides, it would show a lack of self-control if they gave in to a few troublemakers when it would be more fitting for such a great people to force the others to act reasonably."
5. By these persuasions, which they used to the multitude and to the seditious, they restrained some by threatenings, and others by the reverence that was paid them. After this they led them out, and they met the soldiers quietly, and after a composed manner, and when they were come up with them, they saluted them; but when they made no answer, the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which was the signal given for falling upon them. The soldiers therefore encompassed them presently, and struck them with their clubs; and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled them down, so that a great many fell down dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more by their own violence in crushing one another. Now there was a terrible crowding about the gates, and while every body was making haste to get before another, the flight of them all was retarded, and a terrible destruction there was among those that fell down, for they were suffocated, and broken to pieces by the multitude of those that were uppermost; nor could any of them be distinguished by his relations in order to the care of his funeral; the soldiers also who beat them, fell upon those whom they overtook, without showing them any mercy, and thrust the multitude through the place called Bezetha, 23 as they forced their way, in order to get in and seize upon the temple, and the tower Antonia. Florus also being desirous to get those places into his possession, brought such as were with him out of the king's palace, and would have compelled them to get as far as the citadel [Antonia;] but his attempt failed, for the people immediately turned back upon him, and stopped the violence of his attempt; and as they stood upon the tops of their houses, they threw their darts at the Romans, who, as they were sorely galled thereby, because those weapons came from above, and they were not able to make a passage through the multitude, which stopped up the narrow passages, they retired to the camp which was at the palace.
5. With these arguments, which they used to persuade both the crowd and the rebels, they managed to intimidate some and gain the respect of others. After this, they led them out, and they met the soldiers calmly. When they got close, they greeted them; but when the soldiers didn’t respond, the rebels shouted against Florus, which was the signal to attack. The soldiers quickly surrounded them and started hitting them with clubs. As the crowd tried to flee, the horsemen trampled over them, resulting in many deaths from Roman blows and even more from the chaos of people crushing each other. There was a massive crush at the gates, and in the rush to get ahead, everyone slowed down their escape, leading to terrible destruction among those who fell, as they were suffocated and crushed by the weight of others on top. No one could be identified by their relatives for proper funeral rites. The soldiers who were attacking showed no mercy to those they caught, pushing the crowd through the area called Bezetha, 23 as they forced their way in to seize the temple and the Antonia tower. Florus, wanting control of those locations, took the people from the king's palace and tried to force them towards the citadel [Antonia], but his plan failed when the crowd turned back on him, halting his assault. Standing on their rooftops, they threw darts at the Romans, who were severely affected because the projectiles came from above, and they couldn’t push through the crowd blocking the narrow paths. They withdrew to the camp near the palace.
6. But for the seditious, they were afraid lest Florus should come again, and get possession of the temple, through Antonia; so they got immediately upon those cloisters of the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut them down. This cooled the avarice of Florus; for whereas he was eager to obtain the treasures of God [in the temple], and on that account was desirous of getting into Antonia, as soon as the cloisters were broken down, he left off his attempt; he then sent for the high priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that he was indeed himself going out of the city, but that he would leave them as large a garrison as they should desire. Hereupon they promised that they would make no innovations, in case he would leave them one band; but not that which had fought with the Jews, because the multitude bore ill-will against that band on account of what they had suffered from it; so he changed the band as they desired, and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Cesarea.
6. But for those stirring up trouble, they were worried that Florus would come back and take over the temple through Antonia; so they quickly went up to the temple colonnades that connected to Antonia and tore them down. This cooled Florus's greed; he had been eager to seize the treasures in the temple and wanted to get into Antonia, but as soon as the colonnades were destroyed, he abandoned his plan. He then called for the high priests and the Sanhedrin, telling them that he was actually leaving the city, but he would leave them as large a garrison as they wanted. They promised not to make any changes if he would leave them one unit, but not the one that had fought against the Jews, because the people held a grudge against that unit for what they had endured from it. So he changed the unit as they requested and, with the rest of his forces, returned to Cesarea.
CHAPTER 16.
Cestius Sends Neopolitanus The Tribune To See In What
Condition The Affairs Of The Jews Were. Agrippa Makes A
Speech To The People Of The Jews That He May Divert Them
From Their Intentions Of Making War With The Romans.
Cestius sends Neopolitanus the Tribune to check on the situation of the Jews. Agrippa gives a speech to the Jewish people to dissuade them from their plans to go to war with the Romans.
1. However, Florus contrived another way to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent to Cestius, and accused the Jews falsely of revolting [from the Roman government], and imputed the beginning of the former fight to them, and pretended they had been the authors of that disturbance, wherein they were only the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice also, about the illegal practices of which Florus had been guilty against the city; who, upon reading both accounts, consulted with his captains [what he should do]. Now some of them thought it best for Cestius to go up with his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under them; but he thought it best himself to send one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful account of the intentions of the Jews. Accordingly, he sent one of his tribunes, whose name was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jamnia, and told him who it was that sent him, and on what errands he was sent.
1. However, Florus came up with another way to force the Jews into starting the war. He contacted Cestius and falsely accused the Jews of rebelling against the Roman government, claiming they were responsible for the earlier conflict when they were actually the victims. Nevertheless, the leaders of Jerusalem didn't stay quiet about this; they wrote to Cestius, as did Bernice, regarding Florus's illegal actions against the city. After reading both reports, Cestius consulted with his captains on what to do. Some believed it would be best for Cestius to lead his army up there to either punish the supposed revolt or to stabilize Roman affairs if the Jews remained peaceful. However, Cestius thought it would be wiser to send one of his close friends ahead to assess the situation and provide him with an honest account of the Jews' intentions. So, he sent one of his tribunes named Neopolitanus, who met King Agrippa while he was returning from Alexandria at Jamnia and informed him of who sent him and his purpose.
2. And here it was that the high priests, and men of power among the Jews, as well as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the king [upon his safe return]; and after they had paid him their respects, they lamented their own calamities, and related to him what barbarous treatment they had met with from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa had great indignation, but transferred, after a subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews whom he really pitied, that he might beat down their high thoughts of themselves, and would have them believe that they had not been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade them from avenging themselves. So these great men, as of better understanding than the rest, and desirous of peace, because of the possessions they had, understood that this rebuke which the king gave them was intended for their good; but as to the people, they came sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congratulated both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; but the wives of those that had been slain came running first of all and lamenting. The people also, when they heard their mourning, fell into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa to assist them: they also cried out to Neopolitanus, and complained of the many miseries they had endured under Florus; and they showed them, when they were come into the city, how the market-place was made desolate, and the houses plundered. They then persuaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa, that he would walk round the city, with one only servant, as far as Siloam, that he might inform himself that the Jews submitted to all the rest of the Romans, and were only displeased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding barbarity to them. So he walked round, and had sufficient experience of the good temper the people were in, and then went up to the temple, where he called the multitude together, and highly commended them for their fidelity to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to keep the peace; and having performed such parts of Divine worship at the temple as he was allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.
2. This is where the high priests, powerful Jewish leaders, and the Sanhedrin came to congratulate the king on his safe return. After they showed their respect, they expressed their own troubles and shared the cruel treatment they had faced from Florus. Agrippa was very angry about this cruelty but cleverly directed his anger towards the Jews, whom he actually felt sorry for, in order to humble them, making them think their grievances weren't as severe as they believed, hoping to steer them away from seeking revenge. The notable leaders, being more reasonable than the others and wanting peace because of their possessions, understood that the king’s reprimand was meant to help them. In contrast, the common people traveled sixty furlongs from Jerusalem to congratulate both Agrippa and Neopolitanus; however, the wives of those who had been killed rushed ahead, crying out in grief. When the people heard their mourning, they joined in lamentations and begged Agrippa for help. They also called out to Neopolitanus, complaining about the many hardships they had suffered under Florus and pointed out how desolate the market-place had become and how their homes had been looted. They then convinced Neopolitanus, through Agrippa’s influence, to take a tour of the city with just one servant as far as Siloam to see for himself that the Jews submitted to all the other Romans and were only upset with Florus due to his extreme brutality toward them. So he took the tour and witnessed the good nature of the people, then went up to the temple, where he gathered the crowd, praised them for their loyalty to the Romans, and earnestly urged them to maintain peace. After fulfilling the worship duties he was allowed at the temple, he returned to Cestius.
3. But as for the multitude of the Jews, they addressed themselves to the king, and to the high priests, and desired they might have leave to send ambassadors to Nero against Florus, and not by their silence afford a suspicion that they had been the occasions of such great slaughters as had been made, and were disposed to revolt, alleging that they should seem to have been the first beginners of the war, if they did not prevent the report by showing who it was that began it; and it appeared openly that they would not be quiet, if any body should hinder them from sending such an embassage. But Agrippa, although he thought it too dangerous a thing for them to appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus, yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook them, as they were in a disposition for war. He therefore called the multitude together into a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be seen by them, [which house was over the gallery, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge joined the temple to the gallery,] and spake to them as follows:
3. But the large crowd of Jews brought their concerns to the king and the high priests, asking for permission to send representatives to Nero about Florus. They wanted to avoid giving the impression that they were responsible for the massive killings that had occurred and that they were planning to revolt. They argued that if they didn't act quickly, it would seem like they were the ones who started the war. It was clear that they wouldn't stay quiet if anyone tried to stop them from sending such a delegation. Although Agrippa thought it was too risky for them to send people to accuse Florus, he felt he couldn't ignore their warlike attitude. So, he gathered the crowd in a large hall and placed his sister Bernice in the house of the Asamoneans, where she could be seen by them, [which house was over the hall, at the passage to the upper city, where the bridge connected the temple to the hall,] and spoke to them as follows:
4.24 "Had I perceived that you were all zealously disposed to go to war with the Romans, and that the purer and more sincere part of the people did not propose to live in peace, I had not come out to you, nor been so bold as to give you counsel; for all discourses that tend to persuade men to do what they ought to do are superfluous, when the hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But because some are earnest to go to war because they are young, and without experience of the miseries it brings, and because some are for it out of an unreasonable expectation of regaining their liberty, and because others hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly bent upon it, that in the confusion of your affairs they may gain what belongs to those that are too weak to resist them, I have thought proper to get you all together, and to say to you what I think to be for your advantage; that so the former may grow wiser, and change their minds, and that the best men may come to no harm by the ill conduct of some others. And let not any one be tumultuous against me, in case what they hear me say do not please them; for as to those that admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a revolt, it will still be in their power to retain the same sentiments after my exhortation is over; but still my discourse will fall to the ground, even with a relation to those that have a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep silence. I am well aware that many make a tragical exclamation concerning the injuries that have been offered you by your procurators, and concerning the glorious advantages of liberty; but before I begin the inquiry, who you are that must go to war, and who they are against whom you must fight, I shall first separate those pretenses that are by some connected together; for if you aim at avenging yourselves on those that have done you injury, why do you pretend this to be a war for recovering your liberty? but if you think all servitude intolerable, to what purpose serve your complaint against your particular governors? for if they treated you with moderation, it would still be equally an unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider now the several cases that may be supposed, how little occasion there is for your going to war. Your first occasion is the accusations you have to make against your procurators; now here you ought to be submissive to those in authority, and not give them any provocation; but when you reproach men greatly for small offenses, you excite those whom you reproach to be your adversaries; for this will only make them leave off hurting you privately, and with some degree of modesty, and to lay what you have waste openly. Now nothing so much damps the force of strokes as bearing them with patience; and the quietness of those who are injured diverts the injurious persons from afflicting. But let us take it for granted that the Roman ministers are injurious to you, and are incurably severe; yet are they not all the Romans who thus injure you; nor hath Caesar, against whom you are going to make war, injured you: it is not by their command that any wicked governor is sent to you; for they who are in the west cannot see those that are in the east; nor indeed is it easy for them there even to hear what is done in these parts. Now it is absurd to make war with a great many for the sake of one, to do so with such mighty people for a small cause; and this when these people are not able to know of what you complain: nay, such crimes as we complain of may soon be corrected, for the same procurator will not continue for ever; and probable it is that the successors will come with more moderate inclinations. But as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easily laid down again, nor borne without calamities coming therewith. However, as to the desire of recovering your liberty, it is unseasonable to indulge it so late; whereas you ought to have labored earnestly in old time that you might never have lost it; for the first experience of slavery was hard to be endured, and the struggle that you might never have been subject to it would have been just; but that slave who hath been once brought into subjection, and then runs away, is rather a refractory slave than a lover of liberty; for it was then the proper time for doing all that was possible, that you might never have admitted the Romans [into your city], when Pompey came first into the country. But so it was, that our ancestors and their kings, who were in much better circumstances than we are, both as to money, and strong bodies, and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of a small body of the Roman army. And yet you, who have now accustomed yourselves to obedience from one generation to another, and who are so much inferior to those who first submitted, in your circumstances will venture to oppose the entire empire of the Romans. While those Athenians, who, in order to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once set fire to their own city; who pursued Xerxes, that proud prince, when he sailed upon the land, and walked upon the sea, and could not be contained by the seas, but conducted such an army as was too broad for Europe; and made him run away like a fugitive in a single ship, and brake so great a part of Asia at the Lesser Salamis; are yet at this time servants to the Romans; and those injunctions which are sent from Italy become laws to the principal governing city of Greece. Those Lacedemonians also who got the great victories at Thermopylae and Platea, and had Agesilaus [for their king], and searched every corner of Asia, are contented to admit the same lords. Those Macedonians also, who still fancy what great men their Philip and Alexander were, and see that the latter had promised them the empire over the world, these bear so great a change, and pay their obedience to those whom fortune hath advanced in their stead. Moreover, ten thousand ether nations there are who had greater reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and yet do submit. You are the only people who think it a disgrace to be servants to those to whom all the world hath submitted. What sort of an army do you rely on? What are the arms you depend on? Where is your fleet, that may seize upon the Roman seas? and where are those treasures which may be sufficient for your undertakings? Do you suppose, I pray you, that you are to make war with the Egyptians, and with the Arabians? Will you not carefully reflect upon the Roman empire? Will you not estimate your own weakness? Hath not your army been often beaten even by your neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the habitable earth? nay, rather they seek for somewhat still beyond that; for all Euphrates is not a sufficient boundary for them on the east side, nor the Danube on the north; and for their southern limit, Libya hath been searched over by them, as far as countries uninhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west; nay, indeed, they have sought for another habitable earth beyond the ocean, and have carried their arms as far as such British islands as were never known before. What therefore do you pretend to? Are you richer than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than all men upon the habitable earth? What confidence is it that elevates you to oppose the Romans? Perhaps it will be said, It is hard to endure slavery. Yes; but how much harder is this to the Greeks, who were esteemed the noblest of all people under the sun! These, though they inhabit in a large country, are in subjection to six bundles of Roman rods. It is the same case with the Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim their liberty than you have. What is the case of five hundred cities of Asia? Do they not submit to a single governor, and to the consular bundle of rods? What need I speak of the Henlochi, and Colchi and the nation of Tauri, those that inhabit the Bosphorus, and the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who formerly knew not so much as a lord of their own, but are now subject to three thousand armed men, and where forty long ships keep the sea in peace, which before was not navigable, and very tempestuous? How strong a plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cilicians, put in for liberty! But they are made tributary without an army. What are the circumstances of the Thracians, whose country extends in breadth five days' journey, and in length seven, and is of a much more harsh constitution, and much more defensible, than yours, and by the rigor of its cold sufficient to keep off armies from attacking them? do not they submit to two thousand men of the Roman garrisons? Are not the Illyrlans, who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by barely two legions? by which also they put a stop to the incursions of the Daeians. And for the Dalmatians, who have made such frequent insurrections in order to regain their liberty, and who could never before be so thoroughly subdued, but that they always gathered their forces together again, revolted, yet are they now very quiet under one Roman legion. Moreover, great advantages might provoke any people to revolt, the Gauls might do it best of all, as being so thoroughly walled round by nature; on the east side by the Alps, on the north by the river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean mountains, and on the west by the ocean. Now although these Gauls have such obstacles before them to prevent any attack upon them, and have no fewer than three hundred and five nations among them, nay have, as one may say, the fountains of domestic happiness within themselves, and send out plentiful streams of happiness over almost the whole world, these bear to be tributary to the Romans, and derive their prosperous condition from them; and they undergo this, not because they are of effeminate minds, or because they are of an ignoble stock, as having borne a war of eighty years in order to preserve their liberty; but by reason of the great regard they have to the power of the Romans, and their good fortune, which is of greater efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, therefore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred soldiers, which are hardly so many as are their cities; nor hath the gold dug out of the mines of Spain been sufficient for the support of a war to preserve their liberty, nor could their vast distance from the Romans by land and by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape; no more could the ocean, with its tide, which yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants. Nay, the Romans have extended their arms beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean mountains, and have subdued these nations. And one legion is a sufficient guard for these people, although they were so hard to be conquered, and at a distance so remote from Rome. Who is there among you that hath not heard of the great number of the Germans? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen them to be strong and tall, and that frequently, since the Romans have them among their captives every where; yet these Germans, who dwell in an immense country, who have minds greater than their bodies, and a soul that despises death, and who are in rage more fierce than wild beasts, have the Rhine for the boundary of their enterprises, and are tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of them as were taken captive became their servants; and the rest of the entire nation were obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem, consider what a wall the Britons had; for the Romans sailed away to them, an subdued them while they were encompassed by the ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less than the [continent of this] habitable earth; and four legions are a sufficient guard to so large an island And why should I speak much more about this matter, while the Parthians, that most warlike body of men, and lords of so many nations, and encompassed with such mighty forces, send hostages to the Romans? whereby you may see, if you please, even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, under the notion of peace, submitting to serve them. Now when almost all people under the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you be the only people that make war against them? and this without regarding the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their brags of the great Hannibal, and the nobility of their Phoenician original, fell by the hand of Scipio. Nor indeed have the Cyrenians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridite, a nation extended as far as the regions uninhabitable for want of water, nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as barely hear it described, the Nasamons and Moors, and the immense multitude of the Numidians, been able to put a stop to the Roman valor. And as for the third part of the habitable earth, [Africa,] whose nations are so many that it is not easy to number them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic Sea and the pillars of Hercules, and feeds an innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far as the Red Sea, these have the Romans subdued entirely. And besides the annual fruits of the earth, which maintain the multitude of the Romans for eight months in the year, this, over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and affords revenues suitable to the necessities of the government. Nor do they, like you, esteem such injunctions a disgrace to them, although they have but one Roman legion that abides among them. And indeed what occasion is there for showing you the power of the Romans over remote countries, when it is so easy to learn it from Egypt, in your neighborhood? This country is extended as far as the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and borders upon India; it hath seven millions five hundred thousand men, besides the inhabitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from the revenue of the poll tax; yet it is not ashamed to submit to the Roman government, although it hath Alexandria as a grand temptation to a revolt, by reason it is so full of people and of riches, and is besides exceeding large, its length being thirty furlongs, and its breadth no less than ten; and it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in a year; nay, besides what it pays in money, it sends corn to Rome that supports it for four months [in the year]: it is also walled round on all sides, either by almost impassable deserts, or seas that have no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes; yet have none of these things been found too strong for the Roman good fortune; however, two legions that lie in that city are a bridle both for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the parts inhabited by the more noble Macedonians. Where then are those people whom you are to have for your auxiliaries? Must they come from the parts of the world that are uninhabited? for all that are in the habitable earth are [under the] Romans. Unless any of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the Euphrates, and suppose that those of your own nation that dwell in Adiabene will come to your assistance; but certainly these will not embarrass themselves with an unjustifiable war, nor, if they should follow such ill advice, will the Parthians permit them so to do; for it is their concern to maintain the truce that is between them and the Romans, and they will be supposed to break the covenants between them, if any under their government march against the Romans. What remains, therefore, is this, that you have recourse to Divine assistance; but this is already on the side of the Romans; for it is impossible that so vast an empire should be settled without God's providence. Reflect upon it, how impossible it is for your zealous observations of your religious customs to be here preserved, which are hard to be observed even when you fight with those whom you are able to conquer; and how can you then most of all hope for God's assistance, when, by being forced to transgress his law, you will make him turn his face from you? and if you do observe the custom of the sabbath days, and will not be revealed on to do any thing thereon, you will easily be taken, as were your forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest in his siege on those days on which the besieged rested. But if in time of war you transgress the law of your country, I cannot tell on whose account you will afterward go to war; for your concern is but one, that you do nothing against any of your forefathers; and how will you call upon God to assist you, when you are voluntarily transgressing against his religion? Now all men that go to war do it either as depending on Divine or on human assistance; but since your going to war will cut off both those assistances, those that are for going to war choose evident destruction. What hinders you from slaying your children and wives with your own hands, and burning this most excellent native city of yours? for by this mad prank you will, however, escape the reproach of being beaten. But it were best, O my friends, it were best, while the vessel is still in the haven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to set sail out of the port into the middle of the hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall into great misfortunes without fore-seeing them; but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he gains reproaches [instead of commiseration]. But certainly no one can imagine that you can enter into a war as by agreement, or that when the Romans have got you under their power, they will use you with moderation, or will not rather, for an example to other nations, burn your holy city, and utterly destroy your whole nation; for those of you who shall survive the war will not be able to find a place whither to flee, since all men have the Romans for their lords already, or are afraid they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, the danger concerns not those Jews that dwell here only, but those of them which dwell in other cities also; for there is no people upon the habitable earth which have not some portion of you among them, whom your enemies will slay, in case you go to war, and on that account also; and so every city which hath Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the sake of a few men, and they who slay them will be pardoned; but if that slaughter be not made by them, consider how wicked a thing it is to take arms against those that are so kind to you. Have pity, therefore, if not on your children and wives, yet upon this your metropolis, and its sacred walls; spare the temple, and preserve the holy house, with its holy furniture, for yourselves; for if the Romans get you under their power, they will no longer abstain from them, when their former abstinence shall have been so ungratefully requited. I call to witness your sanctuary, and the holy angels of God, and this country common to us all, that I have not kept back any thing that is for your preservation; and if you will follow that advice which you ought to do, you will have that peace which will be common to you and to me; but if you indulge four passions, you will run those hazards which I shall be free from."
4.24 "If I had realized that you were all so eager to go to war with the Romans, and that the more genuine and honest part of the people didn't want to live in peace, I wouldn't have come out here to advise you; because any talk that tries to persuade people to do what they should do is pointless when the listeners are committed to doing the opposite. But since some of you are passionate about going to war because you’re young and inexperienced with the suffering it brings, and some of you have an unreasonable hope of regaining your freedom, and others hope to profit from the chaos and thus are bent on it, I've gathered you all together to share my thoughts for your benefit; so that the first group might become wiser and change their minds, and the good people among you won’t suffer because of the poor judgment of others. And please don’t get rowdy if you disagree with what I have to say; because for those who won’t accept any solution and are determined to rebel, it’s still possible for them to hold on to their opinions after I finish speaking. However, my words will be disregarded, even by those willing to listen, unless you all stay quiet. I know many of you lament the wrongs done to you by your leaders and express glorious aspirations for freedom; but before I start addressing who exactly should go to war and against whom, I need to untangle the excuses some of you are mixing together; because if you want to get revenge on those who have wronged you, why claim this is a war for freedom? But if you see all forms of servitude as intolerable, what good does it do to complain about your specific leaders? Because even if they do treat you poorly, being enslaved would still be disgraceful. Consider the various scenarios you might face; there is little reason for you to go to war. Your main grievance is against your leaders; but in this case, you should be submissive to those in power and not provoke them. When you overly criticize people for minor offenses, you create adversaries where there shouldn’t be any; this would only lead them to stop hurting you privately, and instead lay everything you have bare in public. Nothing diminishes the impact of attacks as much as enduring them with patience; and the calmness of those wronged deters aggressors from causing further harm. But let’s assume the Roman officials are indeed treating you unjustly and are unrelentingly harsh; they are not all the Romans that wrong you, and Caesar, against whom you plan to wage war, has not harmed you: it is not by their order that any corrupt governor is sent to you; those in the west cannot observe or even hear about the actions of those in the east. It’s absurd to wage war against many for the failings of one, especially against such a powerful empire over a minor issue, particularly when these people are unaware of your complaints. The wrongs we raise can be easily rectified, as no governor remains forever, and it’s likely that future officials will have a more moderate disposition. However, once war begins, it’s hard to stop, and it inevitably brings disaster. Furthermore, the desire to reclaim your freedom is ill-timed; you should have fought to ensure you never lost it in the first place. The initial experience of enslavement is hard to bear, and the struggle to prevent it was just; but the enslaved person who escapes after having been subjugated is more of a rebellious servant than a true lover of freedom; the right moment to have done everything possible to prevent Roman domination was when Pompey first entered the region. But it happened that our forefathers and their kings, who were in a far better position than we are, in terms of wealth, strength, and bravery, could not withstand the attack of a small Roman army. Yet you, who have become accustomed to obedience through generations, and who are so much weaker than those who first capitulated, are willing to oppose the whole Roman empire. Those Athenians, who once set fire to their own city to preserve Greece’s freedom, who chased Xerxes, that proud king, when he crossed the land and walked the sea, and couldn’t be contained by the ocean, commanded a force too vast for Europe and made him flee like a coward in a single ship, and shattered a significant part of Asia at the Lesser Salamis; yet they are now subjects of the Romans, and the orders that come from Italy are obeyed by the leading city of Greece. The Spartan warriors, who achieved great victories at Thermopylae and Plataea, had Agesilaus as their king and explored every corner of Asia, are now willing to accept the same lords. Those Macedonians, who still fantasize about the greatness of Philip and Alexander, and recognize that the latter promised them global dominion, now endure such profound change and submit to those who have taken their place. Moreover, there are thousands of other nations who had more reason than we do to strive for complete freedom, yet they bow their heads. You are the only people who find shame in serving those whom the entire world has already submitted to. What kind of army do you expect to rely on? What weapons do you plan to use? Where is your navy to control the Roman seas? Where are the resources that could support your endeavors? Do you think, I ask you, that you are going to fight the Egyptians and the Arabs? Will you not seriously consider the Roman empire? Will you not recognize your own weaknesses? Hasn’t your army repeatedly been defeated even by neighboring nations, while the power of the Romans is unstoppable on every part of the earth? In fact, they seek out further conquests; for the Euphrates isn’t enough of a boundary for them in the east, nor is the Danube in the north; and for their southern boundary, they have explored Libya as far as uninhabited lands, and Cadiz at their western limit; indeed, they have searched for more habitable lands beyond the ocean and carried their arms as far as islands in Britain that were never known before. So what do you think you can achieve? Are you wealthier than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans, smarter than the Greeks, more numerous than the entire population of the earth? What gives you the confidence to stand against the Romans? Perhaps someone will argue that it's hard to bear slavery. Yes, but how much more difficult is it for the Greeks, who were seen as the noblest of all peoples? They, despite living in a vast country, are ruled by six bundles of Roman rods. The same goes for the Macedonians, who have more valid reasons to demand their freedom than you do. What about the situation of the five hundred cities in Asia? Do they not answer to a single governor and to the weight of the consular rods? Why should I mention the Henlochi, Colchi, and Tauri people, those living near the Bosphorus, and the nations around Pontus and Meotis, who used to know no ruler of their own but now are subjected to three thousand armed men, under which forty long ships secure the seas that were once perilous? What strong claims for freedom could Bithynia, Cappadocia, and the Pamphylian people, the Lycians, and Cilicians make? Yet they have become tributaries without an army. What of the Thracians, whose land stretches five days’ journey wide and seven long, and is of a harsher terrain, much more defensible than yours, and whose brutal cold is enough to deter armies from invading? Do they not bow to just two thousand Roman troops? Are the Illyrians, who live close by up to Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by merely two legions? These also stop the Dacians from invading. And as for the Dalmatians, who have repeatedly rebelled to regain their freedom, yet could never truly be subdued since they always regrouped to revolt, they are now quite at peace under one Roman legion. Additionally, other nations might have better reasons to revolt, the Gauls being the most capable with their natural defenses; on the east by the Alps, on the north by the Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenees, and on the west by the ocean. Despite these defenses and having at least three hundred five tribes among them, who also provide their own happiness and distribute their wealth around the world, the Gauls still bear the yoke of tributes to the Romans and benefit from their flourishing condition; they endure this not out of cowardice or low birth, having endured wars for eighty years to maintain their freedom, but due to the respect they have for Roman power and fortune, which is greater than their weapons. These Gauls, after all, are kept in submission by twelve hundred soldiers, hardly enough compared to their cities; nor has the gold from Spain been enough for a war to preserve their freedom, nor could the vast distance from the Romans make it happen; nor could the warrior tribes of the Lusitanians and Spaniards resist; nor the ocean, which was once terrifying to ancient inhabitants. Indeed, the Romans have reached beyond the Pillars of Hercules and walked among the clouds on the Pyrenees, conquering these nations. One legion is sufficient to guard these people, even though they were so hard to defeat and so far from Rome. Who among you hasn’t heard about the vast number of Germans? You’ve surely seen them: strong and tall, often captured by the Romans everywhere; yet these Germans, who inhabit a vast land, who possess minds greater than their bodies and souls that disregard death, are tamed by eight Roman legions. Those captured become their servants; the rest of the nation must flee to survive. If you, relying on the walls of Jerusalem, consider the defenses the Britons had; for the Romans invaded and conquered them, even though they were surrounded by the ocean, inhabiting an island as substantial as the whole habitable world; and four legions are enough to control such a large island. Why should I elaborate further when the Parthians, that most warlike group and lords of many nations, surrounded by such formidable forces, send hostages to the Romans? This shows even in Italy, the noblest nation of the East, is subjected to serve them under the guise of peace. Now, when nearly everyone under the sun submits to Roman power, will you be the only nation to rise up against them? And without considering the fate of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of their boasts about the great Hannibal and their noble Phoenician ancestry, fell to Scipio's might. Neither have the Cyrenians, who trace their origins to the Lacedemonians, nor the Marmaridites, with lands extending to desolate regions, nor the Syrtes, a frightened place just by being mentioned, nor the Nasamones, Moors, and the countless Numidians, were able to withstand Roman prowess. And regarding the third part of the known world, Africa, whose nations are so numerous they’re hard to count, bordered by the Atlantic Sea and the Pillars of Hercules, which supports countless Ethiopians up to the Red Sea, these too are completely subdued by the Romans. Moreover, the annual yields of the earth sustain the Roman multitude for eight months a year, and in addition, it pays various types of tribute and provides revenue to meet the government's needs. They don’t, unlike you, see such obligations as disgraceful, even with just one Roman legion stationed among them. Indeed, what need is there to illustrate the power of the Romans over distant lands when it’s easy to see it in Egypt, your neighbor? This land stretches to Ethiopia and Arabia the Happy, bordering on India; it holds seven million five hundred thousand people, not counting those in Alexandria, as would be evident from the tax revenue; yet they feel no shame in submitting to Roman authority, although Alexandria itself poses a strong temptation to rebel due to its immense population and wealth, and it measures thirty furlongs in length and ten in width; it pays more tribute to the Romans in one month than you do in an entire year; in addition to money, it supplies Rome with grain for four months a year; it’s surrounded by impassable deserts or seas with no ports, rivers, or lakes; yet none of these barriers have proven too strong against Roman fortune; nevertheless, two legions stationed in that city maintain order in both the remote regions of Egypt and the areas inhabited by the nobler Macedonians. Where, then, are the allies you expect to recruit? Are they to come from uninhabited territories? For all in the civilized world are under Roman control. Unless some of you are foolishly hoping that those of your own people living in Adiabene will rally to your cause; but surely they would not entangle themselves in an unjust war, nor will the Parthians allow it, as they need to uphold the truce with the Romans, and they would be seen as breaking agreements if any under their control march against the Romans. What remains, therefore, is for you to seek Divine help; but that is already on the side of the Romans; for it's impossible that such a vast empire could be established without divine providence. Think about how improbable it is for your strict adherence to your religious customs to be maintained here, which are difficult to uphold even when battling those you can defeat; how can you then expect God’s help when you are forced to violate His laws? If you maintain the sabbath and refuse to act on those days, you will undoubtedly be captured, as happened to your ancestors by Pompey, who was the most active in laying siege on the days the defenders rested. But if in times of war you violate your own laws, I can’t tell you for whose sake you would wage war; because your only concern should be to do nothing contrary to your forefathers’ wishes; but how will you call upon God for assistance when you are willingly violating His faith? All who go to war do it either relying on divine or human assistance; but since your effort to go to war will sever both supports, those advocating for war are choosing clear destruction. What stops you from killing your children and wives with your own hands and burning your beautiful native city? For with such madness, you might escape the shame of defeat. But my friends, it’s best to foresee the incoming storm while your ship is still at harbor, rather than sail out into the middle of a hurricane; for we justly sympathize with those who fall into great misfortune without seeing it coming; but for those who rush into obvious ruin, they earn scorn instead of compassion. No one can possibly think that you can initiate a war as if by agreement, or that once the Romans have you under their control, they will treat you leniently or won’t destroy your holy city and entirely annihilate your nation to set an example for others; for those who survive the conflict will find nowhere to escape, since everyone now has the Romans as their masters, or fear they will have them soon. Indeed, this risk doesn’t only concern the Jews living here, but extends to those in other cities too; for there’s no people on earth who do not have some of you among them, whom your enemies will slaughter if you go to war, leading to widespread violence against every city that hosts Jews, merely for the actions of a few men, and those who kill will go unpunished; but consider how wicked it would be to take arms against those who are kind to you. Have compassion, therefore, if not for your children and wives, then for your city and its sacred walls; protect the temple and preserve the holy house with its sacred objects for yourselves; because once the Romans conquer you, they will no longer abstain from them, especially when their previous restraint has been so ungratefully met. I call upon your sanctuary, the holy angels of God, and this land that belongs to us all, as witnesses that I have withheld nothing that could preserve you; and if you heed the advice I offer, you will achieve a peace that benefits both you and me; but if you yield to your passions, you risk those dangers that I shall escape."
5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he and his sister wept, and by their tears repressed a great deal of the violence of the people; but still they cried out, that they would not fight against the Romans, but against Florus, on account of what they had suffered by his means. To which Agrippa replied, that what they had already done was like such as make war against the Romans; "for you have not paid the tribute which is due to Caesar 25 and you have cut off the cloisters [of the temple] from joining to the tower Antonia. You will therefore prevent any occasion of revolt if you will but join these together again, and if you will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay the tribute money to Florus."
5. After Agrippa spoke, both he and his sister cried, and their tears calmed much of the crowd's anger; however, they still shouted that they wouldn't fight against the Romans, but against Florus for what he had caused them to suffer. Agrippa responded that what they had already done resembled waging war against the Romans; "for you haven't paid the taxes you owe to Caesar 25 and you have disconnected the temple's cloisters from the Antonia tower. You can avoid further rebellion if you reconnect them and pay your taxes; the citadel doesn’t belong to Florus now, nor do you owe your taxes to him."
CHAPTER 17.
How The War Of The Jews With The Romans Began, And
Concerning Manahem.
How The War Of The Jews With The Romans Started, And
About Manahem.1. This advice the people hearkened to, and went up into the temple with the king and Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters; the rulers also and senators divided themselves into the villages, and collected the tributes, and soon got together forty talents, which was the sum that was deficient. And thus did Agrippa then put a stop to that war which was threatened. Moreover, he attempted to persuade the multitude to obey Florus, until Caesar should send one to succeed him; but they were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches upon the king, and got him excluded out of the city; nay, some of the seditious had the impudence to throw stones at him. So when the king saw that the violence of those that were for innovations was not to be restrained, and being very angry at the contumelies he had received, he sent their rulers, together with their men of power, to Florus, to Cesarea, that he might appoint whom he thought fit to collect the tribute in the country, while he retired into his own kingdom.
1. The people listened to this advice and went up to the temple with the king and Bernice, starting to rebuild the cloisters. The rulers and senators also spread out into the villages to collect the taxes and quickly gathered forty talents, which was the amount that was short. This is how Agrippa managed to stop the war that was about to happen. He also tried to convince the people to obey Florus until Caesar sent someone to replace him; however, this only made them angrier, and they hurled insults at the king and got him kicked out of the city. In fact, some of the rebels even had the audacity to throw stones at him. When the king saw that he couldn't control the violence from those pushing for change and felt very insulted, he sent their leaders, along with their supporters, to Florus in Caesarea so he could choose someone he deemed fit to collect taxes in the region, while he withdrew to his own kingdom.
2. And at this time it was that some of those that principally excited the people to go to war made an assault upon a certain fortress called Masada. They took it by treachery, and slew the Romans that were there, and put others of their own party to keep it. At the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the high priest, a very bold youth, who was at that time governor of the temple, persuaded those that officiated in the Divine service to receive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner. And this was the true beginning of our war with the Romans; for they rejected the sacrifice of Caesar on this account; and when many of the high priests and principal men besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which it was customary for them to offer for their princes, they would not be prevailed upon. These relied much upon their multitude, for the most flourishing part of the innovators assisted them; but they had the chief regard to Eleazar, the governor of the temple.
2. At this time, some of the main instigators urging people to go to war launched an attack on a fortress called Masada. They took it through deception, killed the Romans inside, and put some of their own people in charge of it. Meanwhile, Eleazar, the son of Ananias the high priest and a very brave young man who was then the governor of the temple, convinced those performing the religious duties not to accept any gifts or sacrifices from foreigners. This marked the true beginning of our war with the Romans; they rejected Caesar's sacrifice for this reason. When many of the high priests and prominent figures pleaded with them not to skip the sacrifice, which was customary for them to offer for their leaders, they refused to listen. They relied heavily on their numbers, as the most influential part of the reformers supported them, but their main loyalty was to Eleazar, the temple governor.
3. Hereupon the men of power got together, and conferred with the high priests, as did also the principal of the Pharisees; and thinking all was at stake, and that their calamities were becoming incurable, took counsel what was to be done. Accordingly, they determined to try what they could do with the seditious by words, and assembled the people before the brazen gate, which was that gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] which looked toward the sun-rising. And, in the first place, they showed the great indignation they had at this attempt for a revolt, and for their bringing so great a war upon their country; after which they confuted their pretense as unjustifiable, and told them that their forefathers had adorned their temple in great part with donations bestowed on them by foreigners, and had always received what had been presented to them from foreign nations; and that they had been so far from rejecting any person's sacrifice [which would be the highest instance of impiety,] that they had themselves placed those donation about the temple which were still visible, and had remained there so long a time; that they did now irritate the Romans to take arms against them, and invited them to make war upon them, and brought up novel rules of a strange Divine worship, and determined to run the hazard of having their city condemned for impiety, while they would not allow any foreigner, but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to worship therein. And if such a law should be introduced in the case of a single private person only, he would have indignation at it, as an instance of inhumanity determined against him; while they have no regard to the Romans or to Caesar, and forbid even their oblations to be received also; that however they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to offer their own; and that this city will lose its principality, unless they grow wiser quickly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly, and indeed amend the injury [they have offered foreigners] before the report of it comes to the ears of those that have been injured.
3. After this, the powerful men gathered together and consulted with the high priests, along with the leading Pharisees. Feeling that everything was at stake and that their troubles were becoming unfixable, they discussed what to do. They decided to see what they could achieve with the rebels using words, so they gathered the people before the brazen gate, which was the gate of the inner temple [court of the priests] that faced the rising sun. First, they expressed their outrage over this attempt at rebellion and for bringing such a great war upon their country. Then, they argued that the rebels' claims were unjustifiable, reminding them that their ancestors had largely beautified the temple with donations from foreigners, and had always welcomed gifts from foreign nations. They pointed out that they had been far from rejecting anyone's sacrifice—something that would be the ultimate act of impiety—but had, in fact, displayed the donations around the temple that were still visible and had remained there for a long time. They accused the rebels of provoking the Romans into taking up arms against them and inviting them to go to war, all while introducing strange new rules for worship and risking the condemnation of their city for impiety by only allowing Jews to sacrifice or worship there. They argued that if such a law were applied to even a single individual, that person would feel wronged, viewing it as an act of cruelty against him. Meanwhile, they completely disregarded the Romans and Caesar, prohibiting even their offerings from being accepted. They expressed concern that by rejecting foreign sacrifices, they might end up being barred from offering their own. They warned that this city would lose its status unless they quickly wised up, restored the sacrifices as before, and corrected the wrong they had done to foreigners before news of it reached those who were offended.
4. And as they said these things, they produced those priests that were skillful in the customs of their country, who made the report that all their forefathers had received the sacrifices from foreign nations. But still not one of the innovators would hearken to what was said; nay, those that ministered about the temple would not attend their Divine service, but were preparing matters for beginning the war. So the men of power perceiving that the sedition was too hard for them to subdue, and that the danger which would arise from the Romans would come upon them first of all, endeavored to save themselves, and sent ambassadors, some to Florus, the chief of which was Simon the son of Ananias; and others to Agrippa, among whom the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas, and Costobarus, who were of the king's kindred; and they desired of them both that they would come with an army to the city, and cut off the seditious before it should be too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible message was good news to Florus; and because his design was to have a war kindled, he gave the ambassadors no answer at all. But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those that were revolting, and for those against whom the war was to be made, and was desirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans, and the temple and metropolis for the Jews; he was also sensible that it was not for his own advantage that the disturbances should proceed; so he sent three thousand horsemen to the assistance of the people out of Auranitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these under Darius, the master of his horse, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army.
4. As they discussed these matters, they brought in the priests who were knowledgeable about their customs and reported that all their ancestors had accepted sacrifices from foreign nations. However, none of the innovators listened to what was said; in fact, those who served in the temple refused to participate in their religious duties, focusing instead on preparations for war. The powerful leaders realized that the rebellion was too difficult for them to control and that the threat from the Romans would hit them first, so they tried to save themselves. They sent ambassadors, some to Florus, with Simon the son of Ananias as the chief envoy, and others to Agrippa, including notable figures like Saul, Antipas, and Costobarus, who were related to the king. They requested that both leaders come with armies to the city and deal with the rebels before the situation became unmanageable. This alarming message delighted Florus, as he aimed to incite war; he didn't respond to the ambassadors at all. Agrippa, on the other hand, was concerned for both the rebellious ones and those who would be attacked in the upcoming conflict. He wanted to protect the Jews for the Romans and the temple and city for the Jews. He also recognized that allowing the unrest to continue wasn’t in his best interest, so he sent three thousand horsemen to help the people from Auranitis, Batanea, and Trachonitis under Darius, his cavalry commander, and Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his army.
5. Upon this the men of power, with the high priests, as also all the part of the multitude that were desirous of peace, took courage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount Sion;] for the seditious part had the lower city and the temple in their power; so they made use of stones and slings perpetually against one another, and threw darts continually on both sides; and sometimes it happened that they made incursions by troops, and fought it out hand to hand, while the seditious were superior in boldness, but the king's soldiers in skill. These last strove chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those out of it who profaned it; as did the seditious, with Eleazar, besides what they had already, labor to gain the upper city. Thus were there perpetual slaughters on both sides for seven days' time; but neither side would yield up the parts they had seized on.
5. Because of this, the powerful men, along with the high priests and those in the crowd who wanted peace, gathered their courage and took control of the upper city [Mount Zion]; the rebellious faction held the lower city and the temple. They continuously hurled stones and used slings against each other, and both sides frequently launched dart attacks. Sometimes, they would charge at each other in groups and fight up close. The rebels were more daring, while the king's soldiers had better training. The soldiers primarily aimed to reclaim the temple and remove those who were desecrating it, while the rebels, led by Eleazar, tried to take over the upper city. For seven days, there were constant battles on both sides, but neither was willing to give up what they had taken.
6. Now the next day was the festival of Xylophory; upon which the custom was for every one to bring wood for the altar [that there might never be a want of fuel for that fire which was unquenchable and always burning]. Upon that day they excluded the opposite party from the observation of this part of religion. And when they had joined to themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded in among the weaker people, [that was the name for such robbers as had under their bosoms swords called Sicae,] they grew bolder, and carried their undertaking further; insomuch that the king's soldiers were overpowered by their multitude and boldness; and so they gave way, and were driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias the high priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice; after which they carried the fire to the place where the archives were reposited, and made haste to burn the contracts belonging to their creditors, and thereby to dissolve their obligations for paying their debts; and this was done in order to gain the multitude of those who had been debtors, and that they might persuade the poorer sort to join in their insurrection with safety against the more wealthy; so the keepers of the records fled away, and the rest set fire to them. And when they had thus burnt down the nerves of the city, they fell upon their enemies; at which time some of the men of power, and of the high priests, went into the vaults under ground, and concealed themselves, while others fled with the king's soldiers to the upper palace, and shut the gates immediately; among whom were Ananias the high priest, and the ambassadors that had been sent to Agrippa. And now the seditious were contented with the victory they had gotten, and the buildings they had burnt down, and proceeded no further.
6. The next day was the festival of Xylophory, when everyone was expected to bring wood for the altar so there would always be fuel for the eternal fire. On this day, they excluded the opposing group from participating in this aspect of their religion. They teamed up with many Sicarii, who mingled with the weaker people—these were the robbers known for hiding swords called Sicae. This made them bolder and pushed their plans further, to the point that the king's soldiers were overwhelmed by their numbers and daring, leading them to retreat and be driven out of the upper city by force. The others then set fire to the house of Ananias, the high priest, and to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice. After that, they quickly carried the fire to where the archives were stored and burned the contracts belonging to their creditors, effectively canceling their debts. This was a strategy to win over the debtors and encourage the poorer citizens to safely join their uprising against the wealthier class. The record keepers fled, while the rest set the records ablaze. With the city's crucial infrastructure in ruins, they attacked their enemies. During this chaos, some powerful figures and high priests hid underground, while others fled with the king's soldiers to the upper palace, quickly shutting the gates behind them, including Ananias, the high priest, and the ambassadors sent to Agrippa. The rebellious group was satisfied with their victory and the destruction they had caused, and they didn't push any further.
7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they made an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the garrison which was in it two days, and then took the garrison, and slew them, and set the citadel on fire; after which they marched to the palace, whither the king's soldiers were fled, and parted themselves into four bodies, and made an attack upon the walls. As for those that were within it, no one had the courage to sally out, because those that assaulted them were so numerous; but they distributed themselves into the breast-works and turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby many of the robbers fell under the walls; nor did they cease to fight one with another either by night or by day, while the seditious supposed that those within would grow weary for want of food, and those without supposed the others would do the like by the tediousness of the siege.
7. But on the next day, which was the fifteenth of the month Lous, [Ab,] they attacked Antonia and laid siege to the garrison for two days. They then captured the garrison, killed them, and set the citadel on fire. After that, they marched to the palace, where the king's soldiers had fled, and divided themselves into four groups to assault the walls. Those inside had no courage to come out because the attackers were so numerous. Instead, they took positions in the fortifications and towers, shooting at the besiegers, which caused many of the attackers to fall beneath the walls. The fighting continued day and night, as the insurgents thought those inside would tire from lack of food, while those outside believed the others would weaken from the long siege.
8. In the mean time, one Manahem, the son of Judas, that was called the Galilean, [who was a very cunning sophister, and had formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius, that after God they were subject to the Romans,] took some of the men of note with him, and retired to Masada, where he broke open king Herod's armory, and gave arms not only to his own people, but to other robbers also. These he made use of for a guard, and returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem; he became the leader of the sedition, and gave orders for continuing the siege; but they wanted proper instruments, and it was not practicable to undermine the wall, because the darts came down upon them from above. But still they dug a mine from a great distance under one of the towers, and made it totter; and having done that, they set on fire what was combustible, and left it; and when the foundations were burnt below, the tower fell down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with another wall that had been built within, for the besieged were sensible beforehand of what they were doing, and probably the tower shook as it was undermining; so they provided themselves of another fortification; which when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, while they thought they had already gained the place, they were under some consternation. However, those that were within sent to Manahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition, and desired they might go out upon a capitulation: this was granted to the king's soldiers and their own countrymen only, who went out accordingly; but the Romans that were left alone were greatly dejected, for they were not able to force their way through such a multitude; and to desire them to give them their right hand for their security, they thought it would be a reproach to them; and besides, if they should give it them, they durst not depend upon it; so they deserted their camp, as easily taken, and ran away to the royal towers,—that called Hippicus, that called Phasaelus, and that called Mariamne. But Manahem and his party fell upon the place whence the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them as they could catch, before they got up to the towers, and plundered what they left behind them, and set fire to their camp. This was executed on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].
8. In the meantime, a man named Manahem, the son of Judas, known as the Galilean, [who was a very clever speaker and had previously criticized the Jews under Cyrenius for being subject to the Romans after God,] gathered some notable individuals and retreated to Masada, where he broke into King Herod's armory and supplied arms not only to his own followers but also to other bandits. He used these men as a guard and returned to Jerusalem like a king; he became the leader of the rebellion and ordered the siege to continue. However, they lacked the right tools, and it was impractical to dig under the wall since enemy projectiles were raining down on them. Still, they dug a mine from a distance beneath one of the towers and weakened it; after that, they set fire to the flammable materials and left. When the foundations burned beneath, the tower suddenly collapsed. Yet, they encountered another wall that had been built inside, as the defenders had sensed what was happening, and likely the tower shook during the digging; so they reinforced themselves with another fortification. When the attackers unexpectedly saw this, believing they had already taken the place, they were quite alarmed. However, those inside sent a message to Manahem and the other rebel leaders, requesting a surrender agreement: this was only granted to the king's soldiers and their fellow countrymen, who were allowed to leave; but the remaining Romans felt greatly discouraged, as they couldn’t break through such a large crowd. They felt asking for a handshake for security would be shameful, and besides, if they did consent, they couldn’t really trust it; so they abandoned their camp, which was easily captured, and fled to the royal towers—the ones called Hippicus, Phasaelus, and Mariamne. However, Manahem and his group attacked the place from which the soldiers had fled, killing as many as they could before they reached the towers, looted what they left behind, and set fire to their camp. This was carried out on the sixth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].
9. But on the next day the high priest was caught where he had concealed himself in an aqueduct; he was slain, together with Hezekiah his brother, by the robbers: hereupon the seditious besieged the towers, and kept them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers should escape. Now the overthrow of the places of strength, and the death of the high priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that he became barbarously cruel; and as he thought he had no antagonist to dispute the management of affairs with him, he was no better than an insupportable tyrant; but Eleazar and his party, when words had passed between them, how it was not proper when they revolted from the Romans, out of the desire of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their own people, and to bear a lord, who, though he should be guilty of no violence, was yet meaner than themselves; as also, that in case they were obliged to set some one over their public affairs, it was fitter they should give that privilege to any one rather than to him; they made an assault upon him in the temple; for he went up thither to worship in a pompous manner, and adorned with royal garments, and had his followers with him in their armor. But Eleazar and his party fell violently upon him, as did also the rest of the people; and taking up stones to attack him withal, they threw them at the sophister, and thought, that if he were once ruined, the entire sedition would fall to the ground. Now Manahem and his party made resistance for a while; but when they perceived that the whole multitude were falling upon them, they fled which way every one was able; those that were caught were slain, and those that hid themselves were searched for. A few there were of them who privately escaped to Masada, among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for Manahem himself, he ran away to the place called Ophla, and there lay skulking in private; but they took him alive, and drew him out before them all; they then tortured him with many sorts of torments, and after all slew him, as they did by those that were captains under him also, and particularly by the principal instrument of his tyranny, whose name was Apsalom.
9. The next day, the high priest was found where he had hidden in an aqueduct; he was killed, along with his brother Hezekiah, by robbers. Following this, the rebels besieged the towers and kept watch to prevent any soldiers from escaping. The fall of the fortified places and the death of high priest Ananias inflated Manahem’s ego, making him brutally cruel. Thinking he had no rival to challenge him, he acted like an unbearable tyrant. Eleazar and his group, after discussing how it was wrong to betray their newly found freedom to their own people by submitting to a leader who, even if innocent of violence, was still inferior to them, decided it was better to choose anyone other than him to manage their public affairs. They attacked him in the temple as he went there to worship ostentatiously in royal garments, accompanied by his armed followers. Eleazar and his group, along with the rest of the people, violently rushed at him, throwing stones to assault him, believing that if he were destroyed, the entire rebellion would collapse. Manahem and his supporters fought back for a while, but when they saw the crowd charging at them, they scattered in every direction; those who were captured were killed, and those who hid were searched for. A few managed to escape to Masada, including Eleazar, the son of Jairus, who was related to Manahem and later became a tyrant at Masada. Manahem himself fled to a place called Ophla and hid there, but he was captured and dragged out in front of everyone. They tortured him in various ways and eventually executed him, just like they did with his captains, especially Apsalom, who was the main enforcer of his tyranny.
10. And, as I said, so far truly the people assisted them, while they hoped this might afford some amendment to the seditious practices; but the others were not in haste to put an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it with less danger, now they had slain Manahem. It is true, that when the people earnestly desired that they would leave off besieging the soldiers, they were the more earnest in pressing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and desired that they would give them security to spare their lives only; but agreed to deliver up their arms, and what else they had with them. The others readily complied with their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that they might give them the security Of their right hands, and of their oaths; after which Metilius brought down his soldiers; which soldiers, while they were in arms, were not meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was there any appearance of treachery; but as soon as, according to the articles of capitulation, they had all laid down their shields and their swords, and were under no further suspicion of any harm, but were going away, Eleazar's men attacked them after a violent manner, and encompassed them round, and slew them, while they neither defended themselves, nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out upon the breach of their articles of capitulation and their oaths. And thus were all these men barbarously murdered, excepting Metilius; for when he entreated for mercy, and promised that he would turn Jew, and be circumcised, they saved him alive, but none else. This loss to the Romans was but light, there being no more than a few slain out of an immense army; but still it appeared to be a prelude to the Jews' own destruction, while men made public lamentation when they saw that such occasions were afforded for a war as were incurable; that the city was all over polluted with such abominations, from which it was but reasonable to expect some vengeance, even though they should escape revenge from the Romans; so that the city was filled with sadness, and every one of the moderate men in it were under great disturbance, as likely themselves to undergo punishment for the wickedness of the seditious; for indeed it so happened that this murder was perpetrated on the sabbath day, on which day the Jews have a respite from their works on account of Divine worship.
10. As I mentioned earlier, the people were genuinely helping them, hoping that this would lead to some improvement in the rebellious actions. However, the others weren't in a hurry to end the war; they thought they could continue fighting with less risk now that they had killed Manahem. It’s true that when the people passionately wanted them to stop besieging the soldiers, they became even more determined to push it forward. This continued until Metilius, the Roman general, reached out to Eleazar asking for assurances that they would spare their lives. They agreed to surrender their weapons and whatever else they had on them. The others readily accepted their request and sent Gorion, the son of Nicodemus, Ananias, the son of Sadduk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, to give them the assurance of their word and oaths. After that, Metilius brought down his troops. While the soldiers were armed, none of the rebels interfered with them, and there was no sign of treachery. But as soon as, following the terms of surrender, they had all laid down their shields and swords and no longer seemed suspicious, just as they were leaving, Eleazar's men violently attacked them, surrounding and killing them while they did not defend themselves or plead for mercy, instead crying out about the broken terms of surrender and oaths. Thus, all these men were brutally killed, except for Metilius; when he begged for mercy and promised to convert to Judaism and be circumcised, they spared his life, but no one else’s. This was a minor loss for the Romans, with only a few casualties from a large army; however, it was seen as a precursor to the Jews’ own downfall. People publicly mourned upon realizing that such opportunities for war were impossible to remedy, and that the city was filled with such horrors that some form of vengeance was expected, even if they escaped retribution from the Romans. So, the city was filled with sadness, and all the reasonable people in it were greatly troubled, fearing they would be punished for the sins of the rebels. Indeed, this murder occurred on the Sabbath, a day when the Jews refrain from work due to their religious observance.
CHAPTER 18.
The Calamities And Slaughters That Came Upon The Jews.
The Disasters and Massacres That Befell the Jews.
1. Now the people of Cesarea had slain the Jews that were among them on the very same day and hour [when the soldiers were slain], which one would think must have come to pass by the direction of Providence; insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty thousand Jews were killed, and all Cesarea was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants; for Florus caught such as ran away, and sent them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the whole nation was greatly enraged; so they divided themselves into several parties, and laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and their neighboring cities, Philadelphia, and Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scythopolis, and after them Gadara, and Hippos; and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they destroyed there, and some they set on fire, and then went to Kedasa, belonging to the Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste [Samaria] or Askelon able to oppose the violence with which they were attacked; and when they had burnt these to the ground; they entirely demolished Anthedon and Gaza; many also of the villages that were about every one of those cities were plundered, and an immense slaughter was made of the men who were caught in them.
1. The people of Caesarea killed the Jews living among them on the very same day and hour that the soldiers were killed, which many would think was guided by fate; in just one hour, over twenty thousand Jews were murdered, and Caesarea was completely emptied of its Jewish residents. Florus captured those who tried to escape and sent them off in chains to the galleys. This attack on the Jews in Caesarea infuriated the entire Jewish nation, prompting them to split into groups and devastate the villages of the Syrians and nearby cities, including Philadelphia, Sebonitis, Gerasa, Pella, Scythopolis, and afterward Gadara and Hippos. They attacked Gaulonitis, destroying some cities and setting others on fire, and then moved on to Kedasa, which belonged to the Tyrians, and Ptolemais, Gaba, and Caesarea. Neither Sebaste (Samaria) nor Ashkelon could withstand the violence of their attacks; after burning these cities to the ground, they completely destroyed Anthedon and Gaza. Many surrounding villages were plundered, and a massive slaughter of the men who were caught there occurred.
2. However, the Syrians were even with the Jews in the multitude of the men whom they slew; for they killed those whom they caught in their cities, and that not only out of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but to prevent the danger under which they were from them; so that the disorders in all Syria were terrible, and every city was divided into two armies, encamped one against another, and the preservation of the one party was in the destruction of the other; so the day time was spent in shedding of blood, and the night in fear, which was of the two the more terrible; for when the Syrians thought they had ruined the Jews, they had the Judaizers in suspicion also; and as each side did not care to slay those whom they only suspected on the other, so did they greatly fear them when they were mingled with the other, as if they were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greediness of gain was a provocation to kill the opposite party, even to such as had of old appeared very mild and gentle towards them; for they without fear plundered the effects of the slain, and carried off the spoils of those whom they slew to their own houses, as if they had been gained in a set battle; and he was esteemed a man of honor who got the greatest share, as having prevailed over the greatest number of his enemies. It was then common to see cities filled with dead bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scattered about together; women also lay amongst them, without any covering for their nakedness: you might then see the whole province full of inexpressible calamities, while the dread of still more barbarous practices which were threatened was every where greater than what had been already perpetrated.
2. However, the Syrians matched the Jews in the number of people they killed; they targeted those they caught in their cities, not just out of the hate they once held, but to protect themselves from the threat posed by the Jews. The chaos across all of Syria was horrific, with every city split into two camps, each ready to fight the other. The survival of one group depended on destroying the other, leading to days spent in bloodshed and nights filled with fear, which was even more terrifying. When the Syrians thought they had defeated the Jews, they also became suspicious of those who supported them; each side was reluctant to kill only those they suspected from the other side, but they feared them greatly when they mingled together, as if they were definitely outsiders. Additionally, the desire for loot drove people to attack their opponents, even those who had previously been gentle towards them. Fearlessly, they plundered the possessions of the dead, carrying off the spoils as if they had won a formal battle; the person who took the most was considered honorable, having overcome the largest number of enemies. It became common to see cities overflowing with unburied corpses, old men mixed with infants, all lifeless and strewn about. Women were also found among them, with no cover for their nakedness. The entire region was overwhelmed with unimaginable suffering, while the fear of even more brutal actions to come was greater than what had already happened.
3. And thus far the conflict had been between Jews and foreigners; but when they made excursions to Scythopolis, they found Jew that acted as enemies; for as they stood in battle-array with those of Scythopolis, and preferred their own safety before their relation to us, they fought against their own countrymen; nay, their alacrity was so very great, that those of Scythopolis suspected them. These were afraid, therefore, lest they should make an assault upon the city in the night time, and, to their great misfortune, should thereby make an apology for themselves to their own people for their revolt from them. So they commanded them, that in case they would confirm their agreement and demonstrate their fidelity to them, who were of a different nation, they should go out of the city, with their families to a neighboring grove; and when they had done as they were commanded, without suspecting any thing, the people of Scythopolis lay still for the interval of two days, to tempt them to be secure; but on the third night they watched their opportunity, and cut all their throats, some as they lay unguarded, and some as they lay asleep. The number that was slain was above thirteen thousand, and then they plundered them of all that they had.
3. So far, the conflict had been between Jews and outsiders; however, when they ventured to Scythopolis, they encountered Jews acting as enemies. As they stood ready for battle alongside the people of Scythopolis, they chose their own safety over their loyalty to us and fought against their fellow countrymen. Their eagerness was so intense that the people of Scythopolis became suspicious of them. They worried that these Jews might launch a nighttime attack on the city, giving them a reason to justify their rebellion to their own people. Therefore, they ordered that if the Jews wanted to confirm their alliance and show their loyalty to those of a different nation, they should leave the city with their families and go to a nearby grove. After following these instructions, unsuspecting, the people of Scythopolis waited for two days to make them feel secure. But on the third night, they seized the opportunity and slaughtered them all, some while they were undefended and others while they were asleep. The death toll exceeded thirteen thousand, and then they looted everything they had.
4. It will deserve our relation what befell Simon; he was the son of one Saul, a man of reputation among the Jews. This man was distinguished from the rest by the strength of his body, and the boldness of his conduct, although he abused them both to the mischieving of his countrymen; for he came every day and slew a great many of the Jews of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them to flight, and became himself alone the cause of his army's conquering. But a just punishment overtook him for the murders he had committed upon those of the same nation with him; for when the people of Scythopolis threw their darts at them in the grove, he drew his sword, but did not attack any of the enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing against such a multitude; but he cried out after a very moving manner, and said, "O you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly suffer for what I have done with relation to you, when I gave you such security of my fidelity to you, by slaying so many of those that were related to me. Wherefore we very justly experience the perfidiousness of foreigners, while we acted after a most wicked manner against our own nation. I will therefore die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own hands; for it is not fit I should die by the hand of our enemies; and let the same action be to me both a punishment for my great crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my commendation, that so no one of our enemies may have it to brag of, that he it was that slew me, and no one may insult upon me as I fall." Now when he had said this, he looked round about him upon his family with eyes of commiseration and of rage [that family consisted of a wife and children, and his aged parents]; so, in the first place, he caught his father by his grey hairs, and ran his sword through him, and after him he did the same to his mother, who willingly received it; and after them he did the like to his wife and children, every one almost offering themselves to his sword, as desirous to prevent being slain by their enemies; so when he had gone over all his family, he stood upon their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching out his right hand, that his action might be observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword into his own bowels. This young man was to be pitied, on account of the strength of his body and the courage of his soul; but since he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [against his own countrymen], he suffered deservedly.
4. It’s important to share what happened to Simon; he was the son of Saul, a well-known man among the Jews. This man stood out due to his physical strength and bold behavior, although he misused both to harm his fellow countrymen. He came every day and killed many of the Jews in Scythopolis, often driving them away and leading his army to victory. But a fitting punishment came for the murders he committed against his own people; when the people of Scythopolis started throwing their spears at him in the grove, he drew his sword but didn’t fight back, realizing he couldn’t stand against such a crowd. Instead, he cried out passionately, saying, "O people of Scythopolis, I truly suffer for what I’ve done to you, having proven my loyalty by killing so many of my own kin. We justly experience betrayal from outsiders while acting wickedly against our own nation. I will therefore die, a polluted wretch as I am, by my own hands; it’s not right for me to be killed by my enemies. Let my death serve as both punishment for my great crimes and a testament to my bravery, so that none of our enemies can boast they were the ones who killed me, nor gloat over me as I fall." After saying this, he looked around at his family with eyes filled with compassion and rage [his family included a wife, children, and his elderly parents]; first, he grabbed his father by his gray hair and ran his sword through him, then did the same to his mother, who accepted it willingly; he followed that with his wife and children, each one almost begging for his sword to prevent being killed by their enemies. Once he had gone through his entire family, he stood on their bodies for all to see, extending his right hand so everyone would witness his action, and plunged his sword into his own abdomen. This young man was to be pitied for his strength and bravery; however, since he had assured foreigners of his loyalty [against his own people], he faced the consequences he deserved.
5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the other cities rose up against the Jews that were among them; those of Askelon slew two thousand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two thousand, and put not a few into bonds; those of Tyre also put a great number to death, but kept a greater number in prison; moreover, those of Hippos, and those of Gadara, did the like while they put to death the boldest of the Jews, but kept those of whom they were afraid in custody; as did the rest of the cities of Syria, according as they every one either hated them or were afraid of them; only the Antiochtans the Sidontans, and Apamians spared those that dwelt with them, and would not endure either to kill any of the Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps they spared them, because their own number was so great that they despised their attempts. But I think the greatest part of this favor was owing to their commiseration of those whom they saw to make no innovations. As for the Gerasans, they did no harm to those that abode with them; and for those who had a mind to go away, they conducted them as far as their borders reached.
5. In addition to the murder in Scythopolis, the other cities turned against the Jews living among them. In Askelon, they killed two thousand five hundred, while in Ptolemais, they took two thousand and imprisoned many more. The people of Tyre also killed a large number but imprisoned an even greater amount. Similarly, those from Hippos and Gadara did the same, executing the most daring Jews while detaining those they feared. The other cities in Syria acted based on their hatred or fear of the Jews. However, the people of Antioch, Sidon, and Apamea spared those living with them and refused to harm or imprison any Jews. They might have spared them because their own numbers were so large that they felt confident. But I believe most of this mercy came from their compassion for those who they saw were not causing any trouble. As for the Gerasans, they harmed no one who stayed with them, and for those who wished to leave, they escorted them as far as their borders.
6. There was also a plot laid against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom; for he was himself gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but had left one of his companions, whose name was Noarus, to take care of the public affairs; which Noarus was of kin to king Sohemus. 26 Now there came certain men seventy in number, out of Batanea, who were the most considerable for their families and prudence of the rest of the people; these desired to have an army put into their hands, that if any tumult should happen, they might have about them a guard sufficient to restrain such as might rise up against them. This Noarus sent out some of the king's armed men by night, and slew all those [seventy] men; which bold action he ventured upon without the consent of Agrippa, and was such a lover of money, that he chose to be so wicked to his own countrymen, though he brought ruin on the kingdom thereby; and thus cruelly did he treat that nation, and this contrary to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he put an end to his procuratorship immediately. But as to the seditious, they took the citadel which was called Cypros, and was above Jericho, and cut the throats of the garrison, and utterly demolished the fortifications. This was about the same time that the multitude of the Jews that were at Machaerus persuaded the Romans who were in garrison to leave the place, and deliver it up to them. These Romans being in great fear, lest the place should be taken by force, made an agreement with them to depart upon certain conditions; and when they had obtained the security they desired, they delivered up the citadel, into which the people of Machaerus put a garrison for their own security, and held it in their own power.
6. There was also a conspiracy against the Jews in Agrippa's kingdom; he had gone to Cestius Gallus in Antioch but left a companion named Noarus to manage public affairs; Noarus was related to King Sohemus. 26 Then, a group of seventy influential men from Batanea, known for their respected families and wisdom, asked for an army to protect themselves in case of trouble. Noarus secretly sent out some of the king's armed men at night and killed all seventy of them; he acted bravely without Agrippa's approval, motivated by greed, even though his actions brought destruction to the kingdom. He treated his own people cruelly and broke the law, until Agrippa found out. He didn't dare to execute Noarus out of respect for Sohemus but immediately ended his role as procurator. Meanwhile, the rebellious took control of the citadel called Cypros, located above Jericho, killed the garrison, and completely destroyed the defenses. This was around the same time that the large group of Jews at Machaerus convinced the Roman garrison to abandon the site and hand it over to them. The Romans, fearing they would be overrun, agreed to leave under certain conditions, and once they secured what they needed, they surrendered the citadel, which the people of Machaerus fortified for their own protection and kept under their control.
7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the people of the place against the Jews was perpetual, and this from that very time when Alexander [the Great], upon finding the readiness of the Jews in assisting him against the Egyptians, and as a reward for such their assistance, gave them equal privileges in this city with the Grecians themselves; which honorary reward Continued among them under his successors, who also set apart for them a particular place, that they might live without being polluted [by the Gentiles], and were thereby not so much intermixed with foreigners as before; they also gave them this further privilege, that they should be called Macedonians. Nay, when the Romans got possession of Egypt, neither the first Caesar, nor any one that came after him, thought of diminishing the honors which Alexander had bestowed on the Jews. But still conflicts perpetually arose with the Grecians; and although the governors did every day punish many of them, yet did the sedition grow worse; but at this time especially, when there were tumults in other places also, the disorders among them were put into a greater flame; for when the Alexandrians had once a public assembly, to deliberate about an embassage they were sending to Nero, a great number of Jews came flocking to the theater; but when their adversaries saw them, they immediately cried out, and called them their enemies, and said they came as spies upon them; upon which they rushed out, and laid violent hands upon them; and as for the rest, they were slain as they ran away; but there were three men whom they caught, and hauled them along, in order to have them burnt alive; but all the Jews came in a body to defend them, who at first threw stones at the Grecians, but after that they took lamps, and rushed with violence into the theater, and threatened that they would burn the people to a man; and this they had soon done, unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, had restrained their passions. However, this man did not begin to teach them wisdom by arms, but sent among them privately some of the principal men, and thereby entreated them to be quiet, and not provoke the Roman army against them; but the seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Tiberius, and reproached him for so doing.
7. But in Alexandria, the conflict between the locals and the Jews was ongoing, ever since Alexander the Great recognized how willing the Jews were to help him against the Egyptians. As a reward for their support, he granted them equal rights in the city alongside the Greeks. This honor continued under his successors, who also designated a specific area for the Jews to live separately from the Gentiles, keeping them less mixed with foreigners than before. They were given the additional privilege of being referred to as Macedonians. Even when the Romans took control of Egypt, neither the first Caesar nor any of his successors considered revoking the honors Alexander had given the Jews. Still, tensions with the Greeks constantly flared up; even though the local authorities punished many of them regularly, the unrest only intensified. This was especially true during a time when there were uprisings in other areas, which fueled the chaos among them. During one public assembly to discuss a delegation they were sending to Nero, many Jews gathered in the theater. When their opponents spotted them, they immediately shouted insults, claiming they were their enemies and accusing them of spying. The Greeks charged out and attacked them, with many fleeing only to be killed. Three men were captured and dragged off to be burned alive, but the rest of the Jews rallied to defend them. Initially, they threw stones at the Greeks, but then they grabbed torches and stormed into the theater, threatening to burn everyone there. They would have done just that if Tiberius Alexander, the governor of the city, hadn't intervened to calm them down. However, he didn't try to teach them restraint with force; instead, he privately sent some respected figures among them to persuade them to stay calm and not provoke the Roman army. But the troublemakers only mocked Tiberius’s pleas and criticized him for trying to intervene.
8. Now when he perceived that those who were for innovations would not be pacified till some great calamity should overtake them, he sent out upon them those two Roman legions that were in the city, and together with them five thousand other soldiers, who, by chance, were come together out of Libya, to the ruin of the Jews. They were also permitted not only to kill them, but to plunder them of what they had, and to set fire to their houses. These soldiers rushed violently into that part of the city that was called Delta, where the Jewish people lived together, and did as they were bidden, though not without bloodshed on their own side also; for the Jews got together, and set those that were the best armed among them in the forefront, and made a resistance for a great while; but when once they gave back, they were destroyed unmercifully; and this their destruction was complete, some being caught in the open field, and others forced into their houses, which houses were first plundered of what was in them, and then set on fire by the Romans; wherein no mercy was shown to the infants, and no regard had to the aged; but they went on in the slaughter of persons of every age, till all the place was overflowed with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay dead upon heaps; nor had the remainder been preserved, had they not be-taken themselves to supplication. So Alexander commiserated their condition, and gave orders to the Romans to retire; accordingly, these being accustomed to obey orders, left off killing at the first intimation; but the populace of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to the Jews, that it was difficult to recall them, and it was a hard thing to make them leave their dead bodies.
8. Once he realized that those who wanted change wouldn't be calmed down until something major happened, he sent out the two Roman legions in the city, along with an additional five thousand soldiers who had gathered from Libya to wreak havoc on the Jews. They were allowed not only to kill but also to loot and burn down their homes. These soldiers violently entered an area of the city known as Delta, where the Jewish community was concentrated, and followed their orders, although it wasn't without their own casualties. The Jews organized themselves, positioning their best-armed fighters at the front, and managed to resist for a long time. However, once they started to retreat, they faced merciless destruction. Some were caught out in the open, while others were driven into their homes, which were first looted and then set ablaze by the Romans. There was no mercy for infants, and the elderly were disregarded; they continued the slaughter of people of all ages until the streets were filled with blood, leaving fifty thousand dead in piles. The remaining survivors wouldn’t have been spared if they hadn’t begged for mercy. Alexander felt pity for their plight and ordered the Romans to withdraw. Since the soldiers were used to following commands, they stopped killing at the first instruction. However, the people of Alexandria held such deep resentment toward the Jews that it was hard to pull them back, and it was difficult to make them leave the corpses behind.
9. And this was the miserable calamity which at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria. Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie still, while the Jews were everywhere up in arms; so he took out of Antioch the twelfth legion entire, and out of each of the rest he selected two thousand, with six cohorts of footmen, and four troops of horsemen, besides those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings; of which Antiochus sent two thousand horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with as many archers; and Agrippa sent the same number of footmen, and one thousand horsemen; Sohemus also followed with four thousand, a third part whereof were horsemen, but most part were archers, and thus did he march to Ptolemais. There were also great numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same skill in martial affairs, but made up in their alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what they wanted in skill. There came also along with Cestius Agrippa himself, both as a guide in his march over the country, and a director what was fit to be done; so Cestius took part of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon, a strong city of Galilee, which was called the City of Men, and divides the country of Ptolemais from our nation; this he found deserted by its men, the multitude having fled to the mountains, but full of all sorts of good things; those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder, and set fire to the city, although it was of admirable beauty, and had its houses built like those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus. After this he overran all the country, and seized upon whatsoever came in his way, and set fire to the villages that were round about them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But when the Syrians, and especially those of Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews pulled up their courage again, for they knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon those that were left behind unexpectedly, and destroyed about two thousand of them. 27
9. This was the terrible disaster that happened to the Jews in Alexandria at that time. Because of this, Cestius decided he couldn't just sit back while the Jews were rising up everywhere; so he took the entire twelfth legion from Antioch and selected two thousand from each of the other legions, along with six cohorts of foot soldiers and four troops of cavalry, in addition to the reinforcements sent by the kings. Antiochus sent two thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, with an equal number of archers; Agrippa sent the same amount of infantry and one thousand cavalry; Sohemus also joined with four thousand, a third of whom were cavalry, but mostly archers, and they marched to Ptolemais. There were also many additional troops gathered from the free cities. While they may not have had the same military skills, they made up for it with their enthusiasm and hatred for the Jews. Agrippa came along with Cestius, serving as both a guide for the march and a consultant on what needed to be done. Cestius took part of his forces and quickly marched to Zabulon, a strong city in Galilee known as the City of Men, which separates Ptolemais from our territory. He found that it had been deserted by its people, who had fled to the mountains, but it was filled with good things. He allowed his soldiers to plunder the city and set it on fire, even though it was beautifully built, with houses like those in Tyre, Sidon, and Berytus. After this, he swept through the entire region, seizing everything he encountered and burning the nearby villages before returning to Ptolemais. However, while the Syrians, especially those from Berytus, were busy looting, the Jews regained their courage, knowing that Cestius had retreated, and they launched an unexpected attack on those left behind, killing about two thousand of them. 27
10. And now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea; but he sent part of his army before him to Joppa, and gave order, that if they could take that city [by surprise] they should keep it; but that in case the citizens should perceive they were coming to attack them, that they then should stay for him, and for the rest of the army. So some of them made a brisk march by the sea-side, and some by land, and so coming upon them on both sides, they took the city with ease; and as the inhabitants had made no provision beforehand for a flight, nor had gotten any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell upon them, and slew them all, with their families, and then plundered and burnt the city. The number of the slain was eight thousand four hundred. In like manner, Cestius sent also a considerable body of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbatene, that adjoined to Cesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew a great multitude of its people; they also plundered what they had, and burnt their villages.
10. Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais and arrived in Cesarea. However, he sent part of his army ahead to Joppa with orders to take the city by surprise and hold it if they succeeded. If the citizens noticed their approach, they were to wait for him and the rest of the army. Some of the soldiers made a swift march along the coast, while others went by land, attacking from both sides and easily taking the city. The inhabitants were unprepared for an escape and hadn’t arranged anything for defense, so the soldiers attacked them, killing everyone, including their families, then looted and burned the city. The number of those killed was eight thousand four hundred. In the same way, Cestius also sent a significant group of horsemen to the toparchy of Narbatene, which was next to Cesarea. They devastated the area and killed many of its people, looted their possessions, and burned their villages.
11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and delivered to him as many of his forces as he supposed sufficient to subdue that nation. He was received by the strongest city of Galilee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations of joy; which wise conduct of that city occasioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet; while the seditious part and the robbers ran away to that mountain which lies in the very middle of Galilee, and is situated over against Sepphoris; it is called Asamon. So Gallus brought his forces against them; but while those men were in the superior parts above the Romans, they easily threw their darts upon the Romans, as they made their approaches, and slew about two hundred of them. But when the Romans had gone round the mountains, and were gotten into the parts above their enemies, the others were soon beaten; nor could they who had only light armor on sustain the force of them that fought them armed all over; nor when they were beaten could they escape the enemies' horsemen; insomuch that only some few concealed themselves in certain places hard to be come at, among the mountains, while the rest, above two thousand in number, were slain.
11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the leader of the twelfth legion, into Galilee and gave him as many troops as he thought necessary to conquer that region. He was welcomed by the strongest city in Galilee, Sepphoris, with cheers of joy; this wise decision by the city helped keep the rest of the cities calm, while the troublemakers and thieves fled to a mountain in the center of Galilee, directly across from Sepphoris, called Asamon. Gallus brought his forces against them; but since those men were positioned above the Romans, they easily hurled their darts at the Romans as they approached and killed about two hundred of them. However, when the Romans circled around the mountains and got to a higher ground above their enemies, the others were quickly defeated; those in light armor couldn't withstand the might of the heavily armed soldiers fighting against them; and when they were beaten, they couldn't escape the enemy cavalry. In the end, only a few hid in hard-to-reach places among the mountains, while over two thousand were killed.
CHAPTER 19.
What Cestius Did Against The Jews; And How, Upon His
Besieging Jerusalem, He Retreated From The City Without Any
Just Occasion In The World. As Also What Severe Calamities
He Under Went From The Jews In His Retreat.
What Cestius Did Against The Jews; And How, When He
Besieged Jerusalem, He Retreated From The City Without Any
Just Cause. As Well As The Severe Calamities
He Endured From The Jews During His Retreat.1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more that looked towards an innovation in Galilee, returned with his army to Cesarea: but Cestius removed with his whole army, and marched to Antipatris; and when he was informed that there was a great body of Jewish forces gotten together in a certain tower called Aphek, he sent a party before to fight them; but this party dispersed the Jews by affrighting them before it came to a battle: so they came, and finding their camp deserted, they burnt it, as well as the villages that lay about it. But when Cestius had marched from Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, for the whole multitude 28 were gone up to Jerusalem to the feast of tabernacles; yet did he destroy fifty of those that showed themselves, and burnt the city, and so marched forwards; and ascending by Betboron, he pitched his camp at a certain place called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant from Jerusalem.
1. And now Gallus, seeing no further opportunity for change in Galilee, returned with his army to Cesarea. Meanwhile, Cestius moved with his entire army and marched to Antipatris. When he learned that a large group of Jewish forces had gathered in a tower called Aphek, he sent a team ahead to engage them. However, this team scared off the Jews before a battle could take place, so they arrived to find the camp deserted and burned it, along with the nearby villages. When Cestius moved from Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty of its men, as the entire population 28 had gone up to Jerusalem for the Feast of Tabernacles. Nevertheless, he killed fifty of those who remained and burned the city before continuing on, ascending by Betboron and setting up camp at a place called Gabao, fifty furlongs away from Jerusalem.
2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the war approaching to their metropolis, they left the feast, and betook themselves to their arms; and taking courage greatly from their multitude, went in a sudden and disorderly manner to the fight, with a great noise, and without any consideration had of the rest of the seventh day, although the Sabbath 29 was the day to which they had the greatest regard; but that rage which made them forget the religious observation [of the sabbath] made them too hard for their enemies in the fight: with such violence therefore did they fall upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks, and to march through the midst of them, making a great slaughter as they went, insomuch that unless the horsemen, and such part of the footmen as were not yet tired in the action, had wheeled round, and succored that part of the army which was not yet broken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were slain, of which number four hundred were footmen, and the rest horsemen, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of Monobazus, king of Adiabene, and their names were Monobazus and Kenedeus; and next to them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews; for he had formerly served in his army. When the front of the Jewish army had been cut off, the Jews retired into the city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell upon the backs of the Romans, as they were ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost of the army into disorder, and carried off many of the beasts that carried the weapons of war, and led Shem into the city. But as Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and set watches at the entrances into the city, and appeared openly resolved not to rest when once the Romans should begin to march.
2. But when the Jews saw the war coming toward their city, they left the celebration and grabbed their weapons. Feeling empowered by their numbers, they rushed into battle in a chaotic and noisy manner, disregarding the observance of the Sabbath, which was the day they held most sacred. Their anger drove them to ignore their religious customs, making them fierce opponents against their enemies. They attacked the Romans with such intensity that they broke through their ranks, causing significant slaughter as they moved through the lines. If it hadn’t been for the cavalry and the segment of foot soldiers who weren’t exhausted yet, which rallied to support the part of the army that was still intact, Cestius and his entire force could have been in serious danger. In total, five hundred and fifteen Romans were killed, including four hundred infantry and the rest cavalry, while the Jews only lost twenty-two, among whom the most notable were the relatives of Monobazus, the king of Adiabene, named Monobazus and Kenedeus. Close behind them were Niger from Perea and Silas from Babylon, who had switched sides from King Agrippa to join the Jews after previously serving in his army. After the front lines of the Jewish force were repelled, they retreated back into the city. However, Simon, the son of Giora, attacked the rear of the Romans as they ascended toward Bethoron, throwing the last part of the army into disarray and capturing many of the supplies meant for battle, leading them into the city. While Cestius stayed there for three days, the Jews took control of the higher ground in the city, set up watch at the city entrances, and showed they were determined not to let the Romans rest once they began to advance.
3. And now when Agrippa observed that even the affairs of the Romans were likely to be in danger, while such an immense multitude of their enemies had seized upon the mountains round about, he determined to try what the Jews would agree to by words, as thinking that he should either persuade them all to desist from fighting, or, however, that he should cause the sober part of them to separate themselves from the opposite party. So he sent Borceus and Phebus, the persons of his party that were the best known to them, and promised them that Cestius should give them his right hand, to secure them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of what they had done amiss, if they would throw away their arms, and come over to them; but the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude, in hopes of security to themselves, should go over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall upon and kill the ambassadors; accordingly they slew Phebus before he said a word, but Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented his fate by flying away. And when the people were very angry at this, they had the seditious beaten with stones and clubs, and drove them before them into the city.
3. When Agrippa saw that the Romans were in danger because so many of their enemies had taken control of the surrounding mountains, he decided to find out what the Jews would agree to through dialogue. He thought he could either convince them all to stop fighting or at least encourage the more reasonable ones to break away from the extremists. So, he sent Borceus and Phebus, his associates who were well-known to the Jews, and promised them that Cestius would extend his hand to ensure the Romans would completely forgive them for their wrongdoings if they laid down their arms and joined them. However, the radicals, fearing that the entire group might seek safety with Agrippa, decided to attack and kill the ambassadors. They ended up killing Phebus before he could say a word, while Borceus was only wounded and managed to escape. This angered the crowd, and they retaliated against the extremists by beating them with stones and clubs, driving them back into the city.
4. But now Cestius, observing that the disturbances that were begun among the Jews afforded him a proper opportunity to attack them, took his whole army along with him, and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them to Jerusalem. He then pitched his camp upon the elevation called Scopus, [or watch-tower,] which was distant seven furlongs from the city; yet did not he assault them in three days' time, out of expectation that those within might perhaps yield a little; and in the mean time he sent out a great many of his soldiers into neighboring villages, to seize upon their corn. And on the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] when he had put his army in array, he brought it into the city. Now for the people, they were kept under by the seditious; but the seditious themselves were greatly affrighted at the good order of the Romans, and retired from the suburbs, and retreated into the inner part of the city, and into the temple. But when Cestius was come into the city, he set the part called Bezetha, which is called Cenopolis, [or the new city,] on fire; as he did also to the timber market; after which he came into the upper city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace; and had he but at this very time attempted to get within the walls by force, he had won the city presently, and the war had been put an end to at once; but Tyrannius Priseus, the muster-master of the army, and a great number of the officers of the horse, had been corrupted by Florus, and diverted him from that his attempt; and that was the occasion that this war lasted so very long, and thereby the Jews were involved in such incurable calamities.
4. But now Cestius, noticing that the unrest beginning among the Jews was a good opportunity to attack, took his entire army with him and forced the Jews to flee, chasing them all the way to Jerusalem. He then set up camp on the hill known as Scopus, which was seven furlongs away from the city; however, he did not launch an assault for three days, hoping that those inside might surrender after a while. In the meantime, he sent many of his soldiers into nearby villages to seize their crops. On the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] after organizing his troops, he moved them into the city. The people were oppressed by the rebels, but the rebels themselves were intimidated by the disciplined Romans and withdrew from the outskirts, retreating further into the city and into the temple. Once Cestius entered the city, he set fire to the area called Bezetha, also known as Cenopolis, [or the new city,] as well as the timber market. After that, he moved into the upper city and set up camp opposite the royal palace. If he had taken the chance to break through the walls forcefully at that moment, he would have easily captured the city and ended the war right then. However, Tyrannius Priseus, the army's muster-master, along with many cavalry officers, had been bribed by Florus, which prevented him from following through with his attack. This is what caused the war to drag on for so long, leading to the Jews suffering such irreparable disasters.
5. In the mean time, many of the principal men of the city were persuaded by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius into the city, and were about to open the gates for him; but he overlooked this offer, partly out of his anger at the Jews, and partly because he did not thoroughly believe they were in earnest; whence it was that he delayed the matter so long, that the seditious perceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and those of his party down from the wall, and, pelting them with stones, drove them into their houses; but they stood themselves at proper distances in the towers, and threw their darts at those that were getting over the wall. Thus did the Romans make their attack against the wall for five days, but to no purpose. But on the next day Cestius took a great many of his choicest men, and with them the archers, and attempted to break into the temple at the northern quarter of it; but the Jews beat them off from the cloisters, and repulsed them several times when they were gotten near to the wall, till at length the multitude of the darts cut them off, and made them retire; but the first rank of the Romans rested their shields upon the wall, and so did those that were behind them, and the like did those that were still more backward, and guarded themselves with what they call Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off without doing them any harm; so the soldiers undermined the wall, without being themselves hurt, and got all things ready for setting fire to the gate of the temple.
5. Meanwhile, many of the city's leading figures were convinced by Ananus, the son of Jonathan, to invite Cestius into the city, and they were ready to open the gates for him. However, he ignored this offer, partly because he was angry with the Jews and partly because he didn’t fully believe they were serious. This delay made the rebels aware of the betrayal, leading them to throw Ananus and his supporters down from the wall, and they pelted them with stones, forcing them into their houses. The defenders positioned themselves at a safe distance in the towers, launching projectiles at anyone attempting to climb over the wall. The Romans attacked the wall for five days without success. The next day, Cestius took many of his best soldiers, including archers, and tried to break into the temple at its northern side. However, the Jews successfully drove them back from the cloisters and repelled them several times as they got close to the wall. Eventually, the heavy barrage of darts forced them to retreat. The front line of Romans leaned their shields against the wall, followed by those behind them, and so on, creating a turtle formation called Testudo, which helped protect them as the thrown darts fell and slid off without causing any harm. This allowed the soldiers to tunnel beneath the wall without being injured and prepared to set fire to the temple gate.
6. And now it was that a horrible fear seized upon the seditious, insomuch that many of them ran out of the city, as though it were to be taken immediately; but the people upon this took courage, and where the wicked part of the city gave ground, thither did they come, in order to set open the gates, and to admit Cestius 30 as their benefactor, who, had he but continued the siege a little longer, had certainly taken the city; but it was, I suppose, owing to the aversion God had already at the city and the sanctuary, that he was hindered from putting an end to the war that very day.
6. And now a terrible fear gripped the rebels, so much so that many of them ran out of the city as if it was about to be captured right away; but the people, seeing this, gained courage, and where the wicked part of the city retreated, they gathered to open the gates and welcome Cestius 30 as their benefactor. If he had just continued the siege a little longer, he would have definitely taken the city; but I suppose it was due to God's disfavor towards the city and the sanctuary that he was prevented from ending the war that very day.
7. It then happened that Cestius was not conscious either how the besieged despaired of success, nor how courageous the people were for him; and so he recalled his soldiers from the place, and by despairing of any expectation of taking it, without having received any disgrace, he retired from the city, without any reason in the world. But when the robbers perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder parts of his army, and destroyed a considerable number of both their horsemen and footmen; and now Cestius lay all night at the camp which was at Scopus; and as he went off farther next day, he thereby invited the enemy to follow him, who still fell upon the hindmost, and destroyed them; they also fell upon the flank on each side of the army, and threw darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those that were hindmost turn back upon those who wounded them behind, as imagining that the multitude of those that pursued them was immense; nor did they venture to drive away those that pressed upon them on each side, because they were heavy with their arms, and were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces, and because they saw the Jews were light, and ready for making incursions upon them. And this was the reason why the Romans suffered greatly, without being able to revenge themselves upon their enemies; so they were galled all the way, and their ranks were put into disorder, and those that were thus put out of their ranks were slain; among whom were Priscus, the commander of the sixth legion, and Longinus, the tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a troop of horsemen. So it was not without difficulty that they got to Gabao, their former camp, and that not without the loss of a great part of their baggage. There it was that Cestius staid two days, and was in great distress to know what he should do in these circumstances; but when on the third day he saw a still much greater number of enemies, and all the parts round about him full of Jews, he understood that his delay was to his own detriment, and that if he staid any longer there, he should have still more enemies upon him.
7. It happened that Cestius was unaware of how hopeless the besieged were feeling, nor did he realize how brave the people were for him. So, he called his soldiers back and, believing there was no chance of taking the city and without suffering any disgrace, he withdrew from it for no reason at all. But when the robbers saw this unexpected retreat, they regained their courage and chased after the rear of his army, causing significant losses among both the cavalry and infantry. That night, Cestius camped at Scopus, and the next day, as he moved farther away, he inadvertently invited the enemy to follow him. They attacked the rear and caused more casualties; they also struck from the flanks, launching projectiles at them from the sides. The soldiers at the back didn’t dare turn to confront those who wounded them because they feared the overwhelming numbers of pursuers. They also hesitated to fend off those pressing in on the sides, as they were weighed down by their armor and scared of breaking their ranks, especially since they saw that the Jews were light and ready to make quick attacks. This was why the Romans suffered greatly, unable to retaliate against their enemies; they were harassed the entire way, thrown into disarray, and those who fell out of formation were killed, including Priscus, the commander of the sixth legion, Longinus, a tribune, and Emilius Secundus, the commander of a cavalry unit. It was not easy for them to reach Gabao, their previous camp, and they did so while losing a significant amount of their supplies. Cestius stayed there for two days, troubled about what to do next; but on the third day, seeing an even larger number of enemies surrounding him, he realized that his delay was detrimental and that if he lingered any longer, he would face even more enemies.
8. That therefore he might fly the faster, he gave orders to cast away what might hinder his army's march; so they killed the mules and other creatures, excepting those that carried their darts and machines, which they retained for their own use, and this principally because they were afraid lest the Jews should seize upon them. He then made his army march on as far as Bethoron. Now the Jews did not so much press upon them when they were in large open places; but when they were penned up in their descent through narrow passages, then did some of them get before, and hindered them from getting out of them; and others of them thrust the hinder-most down into the lower places; and the whole multitude extended themselves over against the neck of the passage, and covered the Roman army with their darts. In which circumstances, as the footmen knew not how to defend themselves, so the danger pressed the horsemen still more, for they were so pelted, that they could not march along the road in their ranks, and the ascents were so high, that the cavalry were not able to march against the enemy; the precipices also and valleys into which they frequently fell, and tumbled down, were such on each side of them, that there was neither place for their flight, nor any contrivance could be thought of for their defense; till the distress they were at last in was so great, that they betook themselves to lamentations, and to such mournful cries as men use in the utmost despair: the joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they encouraged one another, echoed the sounds back again, these last composing a noise of those that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. Indeed, things were come to such a pass, that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's entire army prisoners, had not the night come on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews seized upon all the places round about them, and watched for their coming out [in the morning].
8. To speed up his army's march, he ordered the disposal of anything that could slow them down; so they killed the mules and other animals, except for those carrying their weapons and machines, which they kept for themselves mainly because they were worried the Jews would take them. He then led his army forward to Bethoron. The Jews didn't push hard when the Romans were in open areas, but when they were squeezed into narrow paths during their descent, some got ahead and blocked their escape, while others pushed those at the back down into the lower areas. The whole group spread out across the passage's neck and showered the Roman army with their darts. In this situation, the foot soldiers struggled to defend themselves, and the danger increased for the horsemen, as they were bombarded and couldn't maintain their formations on the road. The slopes were so steep that the cavalry couldn't advance against the enemy; the cliffs and valleys they frequently fell into were such on each side that there was no way to escape, and they couldn't figure out any defense strategy. Eventually, their distress became so intense that they broke into cries of lamentation and sorrowful wails typical of utter despair. The joyful shouts of the Jews encouraging one another echoed back, creating a noise of both celebration and rage. In fact, the situation had escalated to the point where the Jews were close to capturing Cestius's entire army, if not for nightfall when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and the Jews took control of all the surrounding areas, waiting for them to emerge in the morning.
9. And then it was that Cestius, despairing of obtaining room for a public march, contrived how he might best run away; and when he had selected four hundred of the most courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at the strongest of their fortifications, and gave order, that when they went up to the morning guard, they should erect their ensigns, that the Jews might be made to believe that the entire army was there still, while he himself took the rest of his forces with him, and marched, without any noise, thirty furlongs. But when the Jews perceived, in the morning, that the camp was empty, they ran upon those four hundred who had deluded them, and immediately threw their darts at them, and slew them; and then pursued after Cestius. But he had already made use of a great part of the night in his flight, and still marched quicker when it was day; insomuch that the soldiers, through the astonishment and fear they were in, left behind them their engines for sieges, and for throwing of stones, and a great part of the instruments of war. So the Jews went on pursuing the Romans as far as Antipatris; after which, seeing they could not overtake them, they came back, and took the engines, and spoiled the dead bodies, and gathered the prey together which the Romans had left behind them, and came back running and singing to their metropolis; while they had themselves lost a few only, but had slain of the Romans five thousand and three hundred footmen, and three hundred and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened on the eighth day of the month Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.
9. At that point, Cestius, giving up on finding a way to march publicly, figured out how to escape; he chose four hundred of his bravest soldiers and stationed them at the strongest part of their fortifications, ordering them to display their banners when they went up for morning guard, so the Jews would think the whole army was still there. Meanwhile, he quietly took the rest of his forces and marched thirty furlongs. But when the Jews saw in the morning that the camp was empty, they rushed at those four hundred who had tricked them, immediately launching their darts and killing them, then chasing after Cestius. However, he had already spent a good portion of the night fleeing, and he marched even faster during the day. The soldiers, overwhelmed by shock and fear, left behind their siege engines and a lot of their weapons. The Jews pursued the Romans all the way to Antipatris, but when they realized they couldn't catch up, they turned back, taking the equipment and spoiling the dead bodies, gathering the loot that the Romans had left behind. They returned home, running and singing, having lost only a few men while killing five thousand three hundred foot soldiers and three hundred eighty cavalry from the Romans. This defeat occurred on the eighth day of the month Dius, [Marchesvan,] in the twelfth year of Nero's reign.
CHAPTER 20.
Cestius Sends Ambassadors To Nero. The People Of Damascus
Slay Those Jews That Lived With Them. The People Of
Jerusalem After They Had [Left Off] Pursuing Cestius, Return
To The City And Get Things Ready For Its Defense And Make A
Great Many Generals For Their Armies And Particularly
Josephus The Writer Of These Books. Some Account Of His
Administration.
Cestius Sends Ambassadors To Nero. The People Of Damascus
Kill the Jews Who Lived Among Them. After They Stopped
Pursuing Cestius, The People Of Jerusalem Return
To The City To Prepare For Its Defense And Appoint Many
Generals For Their Armies, Notably Josephus, The Author Of
These Books. A Brief Overview Of His Leadership.1. After this calamity had befallen Cestius, many of the most eminent of the Jews swam away from the city, as from a ship when it was going to sink; Costobarus, therefore, and Saul, who were brethren, together with Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was the commander of king Agrippa's forces, ran away from the city, and went to Cestius. But then how Antipas, who had been besieged with them in the king's palace, but would not fly away with them, was afterward slain by the seditious, we shall relate hereafter. However, Cestius sent Saul and his friends, at their own desire, to Achaia, to Nero, to inform him of the great distress they were in, and to lay the blame of their kindling the war upon Florus, as hoping to alleviate his own danger, by provoking his indignation against Florus.
1. After this disaster struck Cestius, many of the most prominent Jews fled the city, like passengers escaping a sinking ship. Costobarus and Saul, who were brothers, along with Philip, the son of Jacimus, commander of King Agrippa's forces, escaped from the city and went to Cestius. Later, we will explain how Antipas, who had been trapped with them in the king's palace but refused to flee, was eventually killed by the rebels. Meanwhile, Cestius sent Saul and his companions, at their request, to Achaia to see Nero and inform him about their dire situation, blaming Florus for igniting the conflict, hoping to shift some of the danger away from himself by provoking Nero's anger against Florus.
2. In the mean time, the people of Damascus, when they were informed of the destruction of the Romans, set about the slaughter of those Jews that were among them; and as they had them already cooped up together in the place of public exercises, which they had done out of the suspicion they had of them, they thought they should meet with no difficulty in the attempt; yet did they distrust their own wives, which were almost all of them addicted to the Jewish religion; on which account it was that their greatest concern was, how they might conceal these things from them; so they came upon the Jews, and cut their throats, as being in a narrow place, in number ten thousand, and all of them unarmed, and this in one hour's time, without any body to disturb them.
2. Meanwhile, when the people of Damascus heard about the Romans' destruction, they began to kill the Jews among them. They had already gathered the Jews together in a public exercise area due to their suspicions, believing they would have no trouble with their plan. However, they were wary of their own wives, most of whom practiced the Jewish faith. Because of this, their biggest concern was how to hide their actions from them. They attacked the Jews, slitting their throats, as they were in a confined space, numbering about ten thousand and completely unarmed, all within the span of an hour, without anyone to interrupt them.
3. But as to those who had pursued after Cestius, when they were returned back to Jerusalem, they overbore some of those that favored the Romans by violence, and some them persuaded [by en-treaties] to join with them, and got together in great numbers in the temple, and appointed a great many generals for the war. Joseph also, the son of Gorion, 31 and Ananus the high priest, were chosen as governors of all affairs within the city, and with a particular charge to repair the walls of the city; for they did not ordain Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, although he had gotten into his possession the prey they had taken from the Romans, and the money they had taken from Cestius, together with a great part of the public treasures, because they saw he was of a tyrannical temper, and that his followers were, in their behavior, like guards about him. However, the want they were in of Eleazar's money, and the subtle tricks used by him, brought all so about, that the people were circumvented, and submitted themselves to his authority in all public affairs.
3. But for those who chased after Cestius, when they returned to Jerusalem, they violently overpowered some of the Roman supporters, while others were convinced through persuasion to join them. They gathered in large numbers in the temple and appointed many generals for the war. Joseph, the son of Gorion, 31, and Ananus the high priest were chosen as the leaders for all city affairs, with a specific task of repairing the city walls. They did not appoint Eleazar, the son of Simon, to that position, even though he had taken the spoils from the Romans and the money from Cestius, along with a significant portion of the public treasure, because they recognized he had a tyrannical nature and that his followers acted like guards around him. However, their need for Eleazar's money, along with his cunning schemes, ultimately led the people to be deceived and submit to his authority in all public matters.
4. They also chose other generals for Idumea; Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests; and Eleazar, the son of Ananias, the high priest; they also enjoined Niger, the then governor of Idumea, 32 who was of a family that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan, and was thence called the Peraite, that he should be obedient to those fore-named commanders. Nor did they neglect the care of other parts of the country; but Joseph the son of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Esscue, to the toparchy of Thamna; Lydda was also added to his portion, and Joppa, and Emmaus. But John, the son of Matthias, was made governor of the toparchies of Gophnitica and Acrabattene; as was Josephus, the son of Matthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala also, which was the strongest city in those parts, was put under his command.
4. They also selected other generals for Idumea: Jesus, the son of Sapphias, one of the high priests, and Eleazar, the son of Ananias, the high priest. They also ordered Niger, the governor of Idumea at the time, 32 who came from a family in Perea, across the Jordan, and was therefore called the Peraite, to obey the commanders mentioned earlier. They didn't neglect other regions either; Joseph, the son of Simon, was assigned as general to Jericho, Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Esscue, to the district of Thamna. Lydda, Joppa, and Emmaus were also added to his responsibility. John, the son of Matthias, was appointed governor of the districts of Gophnitica and Acrabattene, while Josephus, the son of Matthias, oversaw both Galilees. Gamala, the strongest city in the area, was placed under his command.
5. So every one of the other commanders administered the affairs of his portion with that alacrity and prudence they were masters of; but as to Josephus, when he came into Galilee, his first care was to gain the good-will of the people of that country, as sensible that he should thereby have in general good success, although he should fail in other points. And being conscious to himself that if he communicated part of his power to the great men, he should make them his fast friends; and that he should gain the same favor from the multitude, if he executed his commands by persons of their own country, and with whom they were well acquainted; he chose out seventy of the most prudent men, and those elders in age, and appointed them to be rulers of all Galilee, as he chose seven judges in every city to hear the lesser quarrels; for as to the greater causes, and those wherein life and death were concerned, he enjoined they should be brought to him and the seventy 33 elders.
5. Each of the other commanders managed their responsibilities with the skill and caution they were known for; however, when Josephus arrived in Galilee, his main focus was to win the favor of the local people, knowing that this would help him succeed overall, even if other things didn't go as planned. He realized that by sharing some of his authority with the influential leaders, he could secure their loyalty, and that he could also earn the trust of the general public by appointing leaders from their own community, someone they knew well. So, he selected seventy of the wisest and oldest men and designated them as rulers of all Galilee, also appointing seven judges in each city to handle minor disputes; for more serious cases, particularly those involving life and death, he ordered that they be brought to him and the seventy elders 33.
6. Josephus also, when he had settled these rules for determining causes by the law, with regard to the people's dealings one with another, betook himself to make provisions for their safety against external violence; and as he knew the Romans would fall upon Galilee, he built walls in proper places about Jotapata, and Bersabee, and Selamis; and besides these, about Caphareccho, and Japha, and Sigo, and what they call Mount Tabor, and Taricheae, and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls about the caves near the lake of Gennesar, which places lay in the Lower Galilee; the same he did to the places of Upper Galilee, as well as to the rock called the Rock of the Achabari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and Meroth; and in Gaulonitis he fortified Seleucia, and Sogane, and Gamala; but as to those of Sepphoris, they were the only people to whom he gave leave to build their own walls, and this because he perceived they were rich and wealthy, and ready to go to war, without standing in need of any injunctions for that purpose. The case was the same with Gischala, which had a wall built about it by John the son of Levi himself, but with the consent of Josephus; but for the building of the rest of the fortresses, he labored together with all the other builders, and was present to give all the necessary orders for that purpose. He also got together an army out of Galilee, of more than a hundred thousand young men, all of which he armed with the old weapons which he had collected together and prepared for them.
6. Josephus, after establishing these rules for resolving disputes under the law regarding how people interacted with each other, focused on ensuring their safety from outside threats. Knowing that the Romans would attack Galilee, he constructed walls in strategic locations around Jotapata, Bersabee, and Selamis. He also built walls around Caphareccho, Japha, Sigo, what is now called Mount Tabor, Taricheae, and Tiberias. Additionally, he fortified the caves near the shores of Lake Gennesar, which were located in Lower Galilee. He did the same for the towns in Upper Galilee, as well as at the site known as the Rock of the Achabari, and also at Seph, Jamnith, and Meroth. In Gaulonitis, he strengthened Seleucia, Sogane, and Gamala. However, he allowed the people of Sepphoris to build their own walls, recognizing that they were affluent and eager to go to war without needing any orders for that. The same situation applied to Gischala, which had its wall built by John, the son of Levi, with Josephus’s approval. For the construction of the other fortresses, he worked alongside all the other builders, overseeing everything necessary for the task. He also gathered an army from Galilee, totaling over a hundred thousand young men, all of whom he equipped with old weapons he had collected and prepared for them.
7. And when he had considered that the Roman power became invincible, chiefly by their readiness in obeying orders, and the constant exercise of their arms, he despaired of teaching these his men the use of their arms, which was to be obtained by experience; but observing that their readiness in obeying orders was owing to the multitude of their officers, he made his partitions in his army more after the Roman manner, and appointed a great many subalterns. He also distributed the soldiers into various classes, whom he put under captains of tens, and captains of hundreds, and then under captains of thousands; and besides these, he had commanders of larger bodies of men. He also taught them to give the signals one to another, and to call and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, how to expand the wings of an army, and make them wheel about; and when one wing hath had success, to turn again and assist those that were hard set, and to join in the defense of what had most suffered. He also continually instructed them in what concerned the courage of the soul, and the hardiness of the body; and, above all, he exercised them for war, by declaring to them distinctly the good order of the Romans, and that they were to fight with men who, both by the strength of their bodies and courage of their souls, had conquered in a manner the whole habitable earth. He told them that he should make trial of the good order they would observe in war, even before it came to any battle, in case they would abstain from the crimes they used to indulge themselves in, such as theft, and robbery, and rapine, and from defrauding their own countrymen, and never to esteem the harm done to those that were so near of kin to them to be any advantage to themselves; for that wars are then managed the best when the warriors preserve a good conscience; but that such as are ill men in private life will not only have those for enemies which attack them, but God himself also for their antagonist.
7. When he realized that the Roman power was unbeatable, mostly because of their willingness to follow orders and their constant training, he lost hope in teaching his men how to fight effectively, which they would only learn through experience. However, noticing that their obedience came from the many officers they had, he organized his army more like the Romans and appointed a lot of lower-ranking officers. He also divided the soldiers into different classes, placing them under captains of ten, captains of a hundred, and then under captains of a thousand; in addition to these, he had leaders for larger groups of soldiers. He taught them how to signal each other, how to call and regroup the troops using trumpets, how to spread out their formation and turn around; when one side succeeded, they were to support those who were struggling and help defend the weakest points. He consistently educated them about building inner courage and physical strength, and most importantly, he prepared them for battle by clearly explaining the discipline of the Romans, emphasizing that they would be fighting against men who had, through their physical prowess and bravery, conquered much of the world. He told them he would test how well they could maintain order even before any battle, provided they refrained from their usual crimes like theft, robbery, and cheating their fellow countrymen, and not to think that harming those close to them would benefit them. He emphasized that wars are best fought when warriors have a clear conscience, but that those who live immorally will face not just their enemies, but also God as their adversary.
8. And thus did he continue to admonish them. Now he chose for the war such an army as was sufficient, i.e. sixty thousand footmen, and two hundred and fifty horsemen; 34 and besides these, on which he put the greatest trust, there were about four thousand five hundred mercenaries; he had also six hundred men as guards of his body. Now the cities easily maintained the rest of his army, excepting the mercenaries, for every one of the cities enumerated above sent out half their men to the army, and retained the other half at home, in order to get provisions for them; insomuch that the one part went to the war, and the other part to their work, and so those that sent out their corn were paid for it by those that were in arms, by that security which they enjoyed from them.
8. And so he kept reminding them. He gathered an army that was adequate for the war, that is, sixty thousand infantry and two hundred and fifty cavalry; 34 and on top of that, he placed the greatest trust in about four thousand five hundred mercenaries; he also had six hundred men to guard him. The cities easily supported the rest of his army, except for the mercenaries, as each of the listed cities sent out half of their men to join the army and kept the other half at home to gather supplies for them; thus, one group went to the war, while the other worked, and those who supplied their grain were compensated by those in arms, thanks to the protection they provided.
CHAPTER 21.
Concerning John Of Gichala. Josephus Uses Stratagems Against
The Plots John Laid Against Him And Recovers Certain Cities
Which Had Revolted From Him.
Regarding John of Gichala. Josephus employs tactics to counter the schemes John plotted against him and reclaims certain cities that had rebelled against him.
1. Now as Josephus was thus engaged in the administration of the affairs of Galilee, there arose a treacherous person, a man of Gischala, the son of Levi, whose name was John. His character was that of a very cunning and very knavish person, beyond the ordinary rate of the other men of eminence there, and for wicked practices he had not his fellow any where. Poor he was at first, and for a long time his wants were a hinderance to him in his wicked designs. He was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gaining credit to his fictions: he thought it a point of virtue to delude people, and would delude even such as were the dearest to him. He was a hypocritical pretender to humanity, but where he had hopes of gain, he spared not the shedding of blood: his desires were ever carried to great things, and he encouraged his hopes from those mean wicked tricks which he was the author of. He had a peculiar knack at thieving; but in some time he got certain companions in his impudent practices; at first they were but few, but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they became still more and more numerous. He took care that none of his partners should be easily caught in their rogueries, but chose such out of the rest as had the strongest constitutions of body, and the greatest courage of soul, together with great skill in martial affairs; as he got together a band of four hundred men, who came principally out of the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that had run away from its villages; and by the means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and irritated a considerable number, who were in great expectation of a war then suddenly to arise among them.
1. While Josephus was managing the affairs of Galilee, a treacherous individual named John, the son of Levi from Gischala, emerged. He was exceptionally cunning and deceitful, more so than other notable figures in the region, and he had no equal when it came to wickedness. Initially, he was poor, and for a long time, his lack of resources hindered his malicious plans. He was a skilled liar and very adept at gaining trust for his fabrications; he considered it virtuous to deceive others, even those closest to him. He pretended to be humane but wouldn’t hesitate to shed blood if he saw a chance to profit. His ambitions were lofty, fueled by the petty, wicked schemes he devised. He had a talent for stealing, and over time, he recruited partners in his brazen activities. They started off as a small group but grew larger as he continued down his immoral path. He ensured that none of his accomplices would be easily caught in their crimes, selecting those who were physically strong, courageous, and skilled in combat. He eventually assembled a gang of four hundred men, mostly runaway vagabonds from Tyre, and with their help, he wreaked havoc across Galilee, provoking many who were eagerly anticipating an imminent war.
2. However, John's want of money had hitherto restrained him in his ambition after command, and in his attempts to advance himself. But when he saw that Josephus was highly pleased with the activity of his temper, he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust him with the repairing of the walls of his native city, [Gischala,] in which work he got a great deal of money from the rich citizens. He after that contrived a very shrewd trick, and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in Syria were obliged to make use of oil that was made by others than those of their own nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send oil to their borders; so he bought four amphorae with such Tyrian money as was of the value of four Attic drachmae, and sold every half-amphora at the same price. And as Galilee was very fruitful in oil, and was peculiarly so at that time, by sending away great quantities, and having the sole privilege so to do, he gathered an immense sum of money together, which money he immediately used to the disadvantage of him who gave him that privilege; and, as he supposed, that if he could once overthrow Josephus, he should himself obtain the government of Galilee; so he gave orders to the robbers that were under his command to be more zealous in their thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many that desired innovations in the country, he might either catch their general in his snares, as he came to the country's assistance, and then kill him; or if he should overlook the robbers, he might accuse him for his negligence to the people of the country. He also spread abroad a report far and near that Josephus was delivering up the administration of affairs to the Romans; and many such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him.
2. However, John's lack of money had previously held him back in his ambition for power and his efforts to improve his situation. But when he noticed that Josephus was really impressed with his energy, he convinced him, first, to let him take care of repairing the walls of his hometown, [Gischala,] where he earned a significant amount of money from the wealthy citizens. After that, he came up with a clever scheme, pretending that the Jews living in Syria had to use oil made by others outside their own community. He asked Josephus for permission to send oil to their borders; so he bought four amphorae using Tyrian currency worth four Attic drachmae, selling each half-amphora at that same price. Galilee was very rich in oil, especially at that time, so by shipping out large amounts and having the exclusive right to do so, he amassed a huge sum of money, which he immediately used to undermine the very person who granted him that privilege. He believed that if he could take down Josephus, he could seize control of Galilee, so he instructed the robbers under his command to be more aggressive in their thefts. This way, either he could trap Josephus when he came to help the people and then kill him, or if he ignored the robbers, he could blame him for being negligent to the locals. He also spread rumors far and wide that Josephus was handing over power to the Romans, and he laid many such traps to bring about his downfall.
3. Now at the same time that certain young men of the village Dabaritta, who kept guard in the Great Plain laid snares for Ptolemy, who was Agrippa's and Bernice's steward, and took from him all that he had with him; among which things there were a great many costly garments, and no small number of silver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold; yet were they not able to conceal what they had stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to Taricheae. Hereupon he blamed them for the violence they had offered to the king and queen, and deposited what they brought to him with Eneas, the most potent man of Taricheae, with an intention of sending the things back to the owners at a proper time; which act of Josephus brought him into the greatest danger; for those that had stolen the things had an indignation at him, both because they gained no share of it for themselves, and because they perceived beforehand what was Josephus's intention, and that he would freely deliver up what had cost them so much pains to the king and queen. These ran away by night to their several villages, and declared to all men that Josephus was going to betray them: they also raised great disorders in all the neighboring cities, insomuch that in the morning a hundred thousand armed men came running together; which multitude was crowded together in the hippodrome at Taricheae, and made a very peevish clamor against him; while some cried out, that they should depose the traitor; and others, that they should burn him. Now John irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was then governor of Tiberias. Then it was that Josephus's friends, and the guards of his body, were so affrighted at this violent assault of the multitude, that they all fled away but four; and as he was asleep, they awaked him, as the people were going to set fire to the house. And although those four that remained with him persuaded him to run away, he was neither surprised at his being himself deserted, nor at the great multitude that came against him, but leaped out to them with his clothes rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with his hands behind him, and his sword hanging at his neck. At this sight his friends, especially those of Taricheae, commiserated his condition; but those that came out of the country, and those in their neighborhood, to whom his government seemed burdensome, reproached him, and bid him produce the money which belonged to them all immediately, and to confess the agreement he had made to betray them; for they imagined, from the habit in which he appeared, that he would deny nothing of what they suspected concerning him, and that it was in order to obtain pardon that he had put himself entirely into so pitiable a posture. But this humble appearance was only designed as preparatory to a stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to set those that were so angry at him at variance one with another about the things they were angry at. However, he promised he would confess all: hereupon he was permitted to speak, when he said, "I did neither intend to send this money back to Agrippa, nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor did I look upon what would tend to your disadvantage to be my advantage. But, O you people of Tarieheae, I saw that your city stood in more need than others of fortifications for your security, and that it wanted money in order for the building it a wall. I was also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and other cities should lay a plot to seize upon these spoils, and therefore it was that I intended to retain this money privately, that I might encompass you with a wall. But if this does not please you, I will produce what was brought me, and leave it to you to plunder it; but if I have conducted myself so well as to please you, you may if you please punish your benefactor."
3. At the same time, some young men from the village of Dabaritta, who were on guard in the Great Plain, set traps for Ptolemy, who was Agrippa's and Bernice's steward, and took everything he had with him. Among these items were many expensive garments, numerous silver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold. However, they couldn't hide what they had stolen and brought it all to Josephus in Taricheae. He criticized them for their violence against the king and queen and placed what they brought him with Eneas, the most influential man in Taricheae, intending to return the items to their rightful owners at the right time. This action put Josephus in serious danger because the thieves were angry at him, not only because they didn't get a share of the loot but also because they suspected his plan to give back what they had worked so hard to steal. They escaped by night to their villages and told everyone that Josephus was planning to betray them. They stirred up chaos in the nearby cities, resulting in a hundred thousand armed men gathering in the morning. This crowd assembled in the hippodrome at Taricheae, making loud accusations against him, with some shouting for his removal and others calling for him to be burned. John and another man, Jesus, the son of Sapphias, who was the governor of Tiberias, fueled the anger of the crowd. When Josephus's friends and bodyguards saw the mob's violent assault, they all fled except for four. While he was asleep, they woke him as the crowd was about to set fire to his house. Although the remaining four urged him to escape, he wasn't shocked by their desertion or the huge crowd coming after him. He leaped out to face them, his clothes torn, ashes on his head, hands behind his back, and sword hanging at his neck. Seeing this, his friends, especially those from Taricheae, felt sorry for him, but the ones from the countryside and nearby areas, who found his leadership burdensome, insulted him and demanded that he return their stolen money immediately and admit to plotting against them. They assumed that because of his disheveled appearance, he would not deny their accusations and that he was adopting this pitiful look to seek forgiveness. However, his humble posture was simply a tactic to sow discord among those who were angry at him. Nonetheless, he promised he would confess everything. Once allowed to speak, he said, "I had no intention of returning this money to Agrippa or keeping it for myself, as I never regarded anyone who was your enemy as my friend, nor did I view anything that harmed you as being to my advantage. But, people of Taricheae, I noticed that your city needed fortifications more than others for its security, and it lacked funds for building a wall. I was also concerned that the people of Tiberias and other cities might plot to take these spoils, which is why I planned to keep the money privately so I could build a wall for you. But if this doesn't satisfy you, I will show you what was brought to me and let you plunder it. However, if I have done well enough to please you, you may punish your benefactor if you wish."
4. Hereupon the people of Taricheae loudly commended him; but those of Tiberias, with the rest of the company, gave him hard names, and threatened what they would do to him; so both sides left off quarrelling with Josephus, and fell on quarrelling with one another. So he grew bold upon the dependence he had on his friends, which were the people of Taricheae, and about forty thousand in number, and spake more freely to the whole multitude, and reproached them greatly for their rashness; and told them, that with this money he would build walls about Taricheae, and would put the other cities in a state of security also; for that they should not want money, if they would but agree for whose benefit it was to be procured, and would not suffer themselves to be irritated against him who procured it for them.
4. The people of Taricheae loudly praised him; however, those from Tiberias and the rest of the group called him names and threatened what they would do to him. So instead of arguing with Josephus, both sides ended up fighting with each other. Gaining confidence from the support of his friends, who were around forty thousand people from Taricheae, he spoke more openly to the entire crowd, strongly criticizing them for their rashness. He told them that with this money, he would build walls around Taricheae and also secure the other cities. He said they wouldn’t lack funds if they could just agree on whose benefit it was meant for and not let themselves be stirred up against the one who was obtaining it for them.
5. Hereupon the rest of the multitude that had been deluded retired; but yet so that they went away angry, and two thousand of them made an assault upon him in their armor; and as he was already gone to his own house, they stood without and threatened him. On which occasion Josephus again used a second stratagem to escape them; for he got upon the top of his house, and with his right hand desired them to be silent, and said to them, "I cannot tell what you would have, nor can hear what you say, for the confused noise you make;" but he said that he would comply with all their demands, in case they would but send some of their number in to him that might talk with him about it. And when the principal of them, with their leaders, heard this, they came into the house. He then drew them to the most retired part of the house, and shut the door of that hall where he put them, and then had them whipped till every one of their inward parts appeared naked. In the mean time the multitude stood round the house, and supposed that he had a long discourse with those that were gone in about what they claimed of him. He had then the doors set open immediately, and sent the men out all bloody, which so terribly affrighted those that had before threatened him, that they threw away their arms and ran away.
5. After that, the rest of the crowd that had been misled left, but they left angrily, and two thousand of them attacked him in their armor. Since he had already gone to his house, they stood outside and threatened him. At this point, Josephus used another trick to escape them. He climbed to the top of his house and with his right hand signaled for them to be quiet, saying, "I don’t know what you want, and I can’t hear what you’re saying because of the noise you’re making." He offered to meet all their demands if they would just send a few of their leaders inside to talk with him about it. When the main leaders heard this, they came into the house. He then took them to the most secluded part of the house, locked the door to that room, and had them beaten until they were left exposed. Meanwhile, the crowd stood around the house, thinking he was having a long discussion with those who entered about their demands. He then opened the doors immediately and sent the men out all bloodied, which scared the ones who had threatened him so much that they dropped their weapons and ran away.
6. But as for John, his envy grew greater [upon this escape of Josephus], and he framed a new plot against him; he pretended to be sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus would give him leave to use the hot baths that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his health. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto suspected nothing of John's plots against him, wrote to the governors of the city, that they would provide a lodging and necessaries for John; which favors, when he had made use of, in two days' time he did what he came about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds, and others with money, and so persuaded them to revolt from Josephus. This Silas, who was appointed guardian of the city by Josephus, wrote to him immediately, and informed him of the plot against him; which epistle when Josephus had received, he marched with great diligence all night, and came early in the morning to Tiberias; at which time the rest of the multitude met him. But John, who suspected that his coming was not for his advantage, sent however one of his friends, and pretended that he was sick, and that being confined to his bed, he could not come to pay him his respects. But as soon as Josephus had got the people of Tiberias together in the stadium, and tried to discourse with them about the letters that he had received, John privately sent some armed men, and gave them orders to slay him. But when the people saw that the armed men were about to draw their swords, they cried out; at which cry Josephus turned himself about, and when he saw that the swords were just at his throat, he marched away in great haste to the sea-shore, and left off that speech which he was going to make to the people, upon an elevation of six cubits high. He then seized on a ship which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with two of his guards, and fled away into the midst of the lake.
6. But for John, his envy grew even stronger after Josephus escaped, and he came up with a new scheme against him. He pretended to be sick and wrote a letter asking Josephus for permission to use the hot baths in Tiberias to help recover his health. Josephus, who had no idea about John's plans, wrote to the city officials to arrange for John to have a place to stay and what he needed. After taking advantage of this, within two days, John achieved his goal; he corrupted some people with deceitful tricks and bribed others to turn against Josephus. Silas, who Josephus had appointed as the city's guardian, immediately wrote to inform him of the plot. When Josephus received this letter, he hurriedly marched all night and arrived early in the morning at Tiberias, where the rest of the crowd met him. John, suspecting that Josephus’s arrival wasn’t in his favor, sent one of his friends to pretend he was sick and bed-ridden, so he couldn’t come to pay respects. However, as soon as Josephus gathered the people of Tiberias in the stadium and began discussing the letters he had received, John secretly sent some armed men with orders to kill him. But when the crowd saw the armed men drawing their swords, they shouted. At the sound of their cries, Josephus turned around and, noticing that the swords were right at his throat, hurriedly made his way to the sea shore, abandoning the speech he was about to give from an elevated platform six cubits high. He then grabbed a ship docked in the harbor, jumped in with two of his guards, and fled into the middle of the lake.
7. But now the soldiers he had with him took up their arms immediately, and marched against the plotters; but Josephus was afraid lest a civil war should be raised by the envy of a few men, and bring the city to ruin; so he sent some of his party to tell them, that they should do no more than provide for their own safety; that they should not kill any body, nor accuse any for the occasion they had afforded [of disorder]. Accordingly, these men obeyed his orders, and were quiet; but the people of the neighboring country, when they were informed of this plot, and of the plotter, they got together in great multitudes to oppose John. But he prevented their attempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native city, while the Galileans came running out of their several cities to Josephus; and as they were now become many ten thousands of armed men, they cried out, that they were come against John the common plotter against their interest, and would at the same time burn him, and that city which had received him. Hereupon Josephus told them that he took their good-will to him kindly, but still he restrained their fury, and intended to subdue his enemies by prudent conduct, rather than by slaying them; so he excepted those of every city which had joined in this revolt with John, by name, who had readily been shown him by these that came from every city, and caused public proclamation to be made, that he would seize upon the effects of those that did not forsake John within five days' time, and would burn both their houses and their families with fire. Whereupon three thousand of John's party left him immediately, who came to Josephus, and threw their arms down at his feet. John then betook himself, together with his two thousand Syrian runagates, from open attempts, to more secret ways of treachery. Accordingly, he privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to accuse Josephus, as having to great power, and to let them know that he would soon come as a tyrant to their metropolis, unless they prevented him. This accusation the people were aware of beforehand, but had no regard to it. However, some of the grandees, out of envy, and some of the rulers also, sent money to John privately, that he might be able to get together mercenary soldiers, in order to fight Josephus; they also made a decree of themselves, and this for recalling him from his government, yet did they not think that decree sufficient; so they sent withal two thousand five hundred armed men, and four persons of the highest rank amongst them; Joazar the son of Nomicus, and Ananias the son of Sadduk, as also Simon and Judas the sons of Jonathan, all very able men in speaking, that these persons might withdraw the good-will of the people from Josephus. These had it in charge, that if he would voluntarily come away, they should permit him to [come and] give an account of his conduct; but if he obstinately insisted upon continuing in his government, they should treat him as an enemy. Now Josephus's friends had sent him word that an army was coming against him, but they gave him no notice beforehand what the reason of their coming was, that being only known among some secret councils of his enemies; and by this means it was that four cities revolted from him immediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gischala, and Tiberias. Yet did he recover these cities without war; and when he had routed those four commanders by stratagems, and had taken the most potent of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem; and the people [of Galilee] had great indignation at them, and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not only these forces, but those that sent them also, had not these forces prevented it by running away.
7. But now the soldiers with him immediately picked up their weapons and marched against the conspirators; however, Josephus was worried that a civil war could arise from the envy of a few men and lead to the city's destruction. So, he sent some members of his group to tell them to focus only on their own safety and not to kill anyone or accuse anyone for the chaos that had been caused. As a result, these men followed his orders and remained calm. Meanwhile, the people from the surrounding areas, upon hearing about the plot and the plotter, gathered in large numbers to confront John. But John preempted their attempt and fled to Gischala, his hometown, while the Galileans rushed from their own cities to Josephus, now joined by tens of thousands of armed men. They shouted that they had come to fight John, the common enemy of their interests, and intended to burn him and the city that had welcomed him. In response, Josephus expressed gratitude for their support but restrained their anger, aiming to defeat his enemies through smart strategy rather than bloodshed. So, he singled out those from each city who had allied with John—names provided by those arriving from each location—and made a public announcement that he would seize the property of anyone who did not renounce John within five days and would burn both their houses and families. Consequently, three thousand members of John’s group abandoned him immediately, coming to Josephus and throwing down their weapons at his feet. John then shifted, along with his two thousand Syrian outlaws, from open attacks to more covert plans of treachery. He secretly sent messengers to Jerusalem to accuse Josephus of having too much power and warned them that he would soon come as a tyrant unless they stopped him. The people had heard about this accusation in advance but paid it no mind. Nevertheless, some influential figures out of jealousy, along with some leaders, secretly sent money to John so he could hire mercenaries to fight Josephus. They also issued a decree to recall him from his position, but they didn’t think that was enough; so they sent two thousand five hundred armed men and four high-ranking individuals among them: Joazar son of Nomicus, Ananias son of Sadduk, and Simon and Judas sons of Jonathan, all skilled speakers, with instructions to turn the people’s favor against Josephus. They were tasked with offering Josephus the chance to step down voluntarily and come to explain his actions; but if he stubbornly insisted on remaining in his position, they were to treat him as an enemy. Josephus's friends warned him that an army was approaching, but they didn’t inform him of the reason for their advance, as that was only known among secret councils of his adversaries. As a result, four cities—Sepphoris, Gamala, Gischala, and Tiberias—immediately revolted against him. Yet, he managed to regain these cities without resorting to war; and after outsmarting those four leaders and capturing the strongest of their warriors, he sent them to Jerusalem. The people of Galilee were extremely angry with them and were eager to kill not only these soldiers but also those who had sent them if these soldiers hadn't managed to escape.
8. Now John was detained afterward within the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias revolted again, the people within it inviting king Agrippa [to return to the exercise of his authority there]. And when he did not come at the time appointed, and when a few Roman horsemen appeared that day, they expelled Josephus out of the city. Now this revolt of theirs was presently known at Taricheae; and as Josephus had sent out all the soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he knew not how either to march out alone against the revolters, or to stay where he was, because he was afraid the king's soldiers might prevent him if he tarried, and might get into the city; for he did not intend to do any thing on the next day, because it was the sabbath day, and would hinder his proceeding. So he contrived to circumvent the revolters by a stratagem; and in the first place he ordered the gates of Taricheae to be shut, that nobody might go out and inform [those of Tiberias], for whom it was intended, what stratagem he was about; he then got together all the ships that were upon the lake, which were found to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of them he put no more than four mariners. So he sailed to Tiberias with haste, and kept at such a distance from the city, that it was not easy for the people to see the vessels, and ordered that the empty vessels should float up and down there, while himself, who had but seven of his guards with him, and those unarmed also, went so near as to be seen; but when his adversaries, who were still reproaching him, saw him from the walls, they were so astonished that they supposed all the ships were full of armed men, and threw down their arms, and by signals of intercession they besought him to spare the city.
8. John was held up inside the walls of Gischala, afraid of Josephus. But a few days later, Tiberias revolted again, with the people inviting King Agrippa to take back control. When he didn't arrive as scheduled, and a few Roman horsemen showed up that day, they kicked Josephus out of the city. This revolt quickly reached Taricheae; since Josephus had sent all his soldiers to gather grain, he was unsure whether to confront the rebels alone or stay put, worried that the king's soldiers might beat him to the city if he lingered. He didn't plan to act the next day because it was the Sabbath, which would delay his moves. So, he came up with a clever plan to outsmart the rebels. First, he ordered the gates of Taricheae to be closed so that no one could go out and inform the people of Tiberias about his strategy. Then he gathered all the ships on the lake, totaling two hundred and thirty, and placed only four mariners in each. He quickly sailed to Tiberias while keeping a distance from the city so the people wouldn't easily see the vessels. He had the empty ships float around while he, with just seven unarmed guards, approached closely enough to be seen. When his opponents, who were still insulting him, spotted him from the walls, they were so shocked that they thought all the ships were filled with armed men. They dropped their weapons and begged him to spare the city.
9. Upon this Josephus threatened them terribly, and reproached them, that when they were the first that took up arms against the Romans, they should spend their force beforehand in civil dissensions, and do what their enemies desired above all things; and that besides they should endeavor so hastily to seize upon him, who took care of their safety, and had not been ashamed to shut the gates of their city against him that built their walls; that, however, he would admit of any intercessors from them that might make some excuse for them, and with whom he would make such agreements as might be for the city's security. Hereupon ten of the most potent men of Tiberias came down to him presently; and when he had taken them into one of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried a great way off from the city. He then commanded that fifty others of their senate, such as were men of the greatest eminence, should come to him, that they also might give him some security on their behalf. After which, under one new pretense or another, he called forth others, one after another, to make the leagues between them. He then gave order to the masters of those vessels which he had thus filled to sail away immediately for Taricheae, and to confine those men in the prison there; till at length he took all their senate, consisting of six hundred persons, and about two thousand of the populace, and carried them away to Taricheae. 35
9. Josephus then threatened them harshly and criticized them for being the first to take up arms against the Romans, only to waste their strength in internal conflicts and do exactly what their enemies wanted. He pointed out how quickly they tried to capture the one who was looking out for their safety and had even closed the city gates against the person who built their walls. Still, he said he would accept anyone from their side who could plead their case and that he would make agreements that could ensure the city's safety. Following this, ten of the most influential men from Tiberias came down to him right away. He took them onto one of his ships and instructed them to be taken far away from the city. He then ordered that fifty other prominent members of their senate should also come to him to secure their position. After that, he called forth others under various pretenses, one after another, to make agreements with them. He then instructed the captains of the ships he had filled to set sail immediately for Taricheae and to imprison those men there. Eventually, he took all six hundred people from their senate and about two thousand from the general populace and transported them to Taricheae. 35
10. And when the rest of the people cried out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief author of this revolt, they desired him to spend his anger upon him [only]; but Josephus, whose intention it was to slay nobody, commanded one Levius, belonging to his guards, to go out of the vessel, in order to cut off both Clitus's hands; yet was Levius afraid to go out by himself alone to such a large body of enemies, and refused to go. Now Clitus saw that Josephus was in a great passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of it, in order to execute the punishment himself; he begged therefore from the shore, that he would leave him one of his hands; which Josephus agreed to, upon condition that he would himself cutoff the other hand; accordingly he drew his sword, and with his right hand cut off his left, so great was the fear he was in of Josephus himself. And thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners, and recovered the city again with empty ships and seven of his guard. Moreover, a few days afterward he retook Gischala, which had revolted with the people of Sepphoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder it; yet did he get all the plunder together, and restored it to the inhabitants; and the like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and Tiberias. For when he had subdued those cities, he had a mind, by letting them be plundered, to give them some good instruction, while at the same time he regained their good-will by restoring them their money again.
10. When the rest of the people shouted that Clitus was the main instigator of the revolt, they wanted Josephus to focus his anger on him alone. However, Josephus, who didn’t want to kill anyone, ordered one of his guards, Levius, to go out of the ship and cut off both of Clitus's hands. Levius was too afraid to face such a large crowd of enemies alone and refused to go. Clitus saw that Josephus was furious on the ship and ready to jump out to punish him himself. So, he pleaded from the shore for Josephus to spare one of his hands. Josephus agreed, but only on the condition that Clitus would cut off the other hand himself. Clitus, terrified of Josephus, drew his sword and used his right hand to cut off his left hand. This is how he took the people of Tiberias as captives and regained the city with his empty ships and seven guards. Moreover, a few days later, he recaptured Gischala, which had joined forces with the people of Sepphoris, and allowed his soldiers to loot it. However, he gathered all the loot and returned it to the residents; he did the same for the people of Sepphoris and Tiberias. After subduing those cities, he thought that allowing them to be looted would teach them a lesson, while also winning back their goodwill by giving their money back.
CHAPTER 22.
The Jews Make All Ready For The War; And Simon, The Son Of
Gioras, Falls To Plundering.
The Jews Get Everything Ready For The War; And Simon, The Son Of
Gioras, Starts Plundering.1. And thus were the disturbances of Galilee quieted, when, upon their ceasing to prosecute their civil dissensions, they betook themselves to make preparations for the war with the Romans. Now in Jerusalem the high priest Artanus, and as many of the men of power as were not in the interest of the Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a great many warlike instruments, insomuch that in all parts of the city darts and all sorts of armor were upon the anvil. Although the multitude of the young men were engaged in exercises, without any regularity, and all places were full of tumultuous doings; yet the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and a great many there were who, out of the prospect they had of the calamities that were coming upon them, made great lamentations. There were also such omens observed as were understood to be forerunners of evils by such as loved peace, but were by those that kindled the war interpreted so as to suit their own inclinations; and the very state of the city, even before the Romans came against it, was that of a place doomed to destruction. However, Ananus's concern was this, to lay aside, for a while, the preparations for the war, and to persuade the seditious to consult their own interest, and to restrain the madness of those that had the name of zealots; but their violence was too hard for him; and what end he came to we shall relate hereafter.
1. And so the troubles in Galilee were calmed when they stopped fighting among themselves and started getting ready for war against the Romans. In Jerusalem, the high priest Artanus and many influential people who weren't on the Romans' side strengthened the walls and made a lot of weapons, so everywhere in the city there were arrows and all kinds of armor being forged. Although many young men were involved in chaotic training, filling the streets with disorder, the more sensible people were very worried, and many of them were mourning the disasters they foresaw. There were also omens noted that those who valued peace interpreted as signs of coming troubles, but the war supporters twisted these signs to fit their desires; the state of the city even before the Romans attacked looked like a place destined for ruin. However, Ananus was focused on temporarily halting the war preparations, trying to persuade the rebels to consider their own interests and to control the frenzy of the so-called zealots, but their aggression was too much for him; we will discuss the outcome of his efforts later.
2. But as for the Acrabbene toparchy, Simon, the son of Gioras, got a great number of those that were fond of innovations together, and betook himself to ravage the country; nor did he only harass the rich men's houses, but tormented their bodies, and appeared openly and beforehand to affect tyranny in his government. And when an army was sent against him by Artanus, and the other rulers, he and his band retired to the robbers that were at Masada, and staid there, and plundered the country of Idumea with them, till both Ananus and his other adversaries were slain; and until the rulers of that country were so afflicted with the multitude of those that were slain, and with the continual ravage of what they had, that they raised an army, and put garrisons into the villages, to secure them from those insults. And in this state were the affairs of Judea at that time.
2. In the Acrabbene region, Simon, the son of Gioras, gathered a large group of people who liked to create chaos and started to raid the area. He not only attacked the wealthy residents but also harmed their families and openly displayed his desire for tyranny in his leadership. When Artanus and the other leaders sent an army to confront him, he and his gang retreated to the robbers at Masada, where they continued to plunder Idumea until Ananus and his other enemies were killed. The rulers of the region were so overwhelmed by the number of deaths and constant destruction that they raised an army and stationed troops in the villages to protect them from further attacks. This was the state of affairs in Judea at that time.
1 (return)
[ Hear Dean Aldrich's note
on this place: "The law or Custom of the Jews [says he] requires seven
days' mourning for the dead," Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 4; whence the
author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, ch. 22:12, assigns seven days as the
proper time of mourning for the dead, and, ch. 38:17, enjoins men to mourn
for the dead, that they may not be evil spoken of; for, as Josephus says
presently, if any one omits this mourning [funeral feast], he is not
esteemed a holy person. How it is certain that such a seven days' mourning
has been customary from times of the greatest antiquity, Genesis 1:10.
Funeral feasts are also mentioned as of considerable antiquity, Ezekiel
24:17; Jeremiah 16:7; Prey. 31:6; Deuteronomy 26:14; Josephus, Of the War
B. III. ch. 9. sect. 5.]
1 (return)
[ Hear Dean Aldrich's note on this place: "The law or custom of the Jews requires seven days of mourning for the dead," Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 8. sect. 4; which is why the author of the Book of Ecclesiasticus, ch. 22:12, designates seven days as the proper mourning period for the dead, and in ch. 38:17, instructs people to mourn for the dead so they aren't spoken of poorly; as Josephus notes, if someone skips this mourning [funeral feast], they are not regarded as a holy person. It is clear that this seven-day mourning tradition has been practiced since ancient times, as seen in Genesis 1:10. Funeral feasts are also referenced as having significant historical roots, Ezekiel 24:17; Jeremiah 16:7; Prey. 31:6; Deuteronomy 26:14; Josephus, Of the War B. III. ch. 9. sect. 5.]
2 (return)
[ This holding a council in
the temple of Apollo, in the emperor's palace at Rome, by Augustus, and
even the building of this temple magnificently by himself in that palace,
are exactly agreeable to Augustus, in his elder years, as Aldrich and from
Suttonius and Propertius.]
2 (return)
[ This council was held in the temple of Apollo, located in the emperor's palace in Rome, organized by Augustus. He even took it upon himself to construct this temple grandly within the palace, which is consistent with Augustus's character in his later years, as noted by Aldrich and the works of Suttonius and Propertius.]
3 (return)
[ Here we have a strong
confirmation that it was Xerxes, and not Artaxerxes, under whom the main
part of the Jews returned out of the Babylonian captivity, i.e. in the
days of Ezra and Nehemiah. The same thing is in the Antiquities, B. XI.
ch.6]
3 (return)
[ Here we have a solid confirmation that it was Xerxes, not Artaxerxes, during whose reign the majority of the Jews returned from the Babylonian captivity, specifically in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. The same information appears in the Antiquities, B. XI. ch.6]
4 (return)
[ This practice of the
Essens, in refusing to swear, and esteeming swearing in ordinary occasions
worse than perjury, is delivered here in general words, as are the
parallel injunctions of our Savior, Matthew 6:34; 23:16; and of St. James,
5:12; but all admit of particular exceptions for solemn causes, and on
great and necessary occasions. Thus these very Essens, who here do so
zealously avoid swearing, are related, in the very next section, to admit
none till they take tremendous oaths to perform their several duties to
God, and to their neighbor, without supposing they thereby break this
rule, Not to swear at all. The case is the same in Christianity, as we
learn from the Apostolical Constitutions, which although they agree with
Christ and St. James, in forbidding to swear in general, ch. 5:12; 6:2, 3;
yet do they explain it elsewhere, by avoiding to swear falsely, and to
swear often and in vain, ch. 2:36; and again, by "not swearing at all,"
but withal adding, that "if that cannot be avoided, to swear truly," ch.
7:3; which abundantly explain to us the nature of the measures of this
general injunction.]
4 (return)
[ The Essenes practiced refusing to swear and considered swearing in ordinary situations worse than lying under oath. This is stated here in general terms, similar to the teachings of our Savior in Matthew 6:34; 23:16, and St. James in 5:12. However, there are specific exceptions for serious reasons and important occasions. So, these same Essenes, who are so committed to avoiding swearing, are noted in the very next section to only accept it when they take extremely serious oaths to fulfill their duties to God and to others, without thinking they are breaking the rule of not swearing at all. The same applies in Christianity, as indicated in the Apostolic Constitutions. Though they align with Christ and St. James in generally forbidding swearing, ch. 5:12; 6:2, 3; they further clarify it by saying to avoid swearing falsely and swearing frequently or unnecessarily, ch. 2:36; and again, to "not swear at all," while also stating that "if unavoidable, to swear truthfully," ch. 7:3; which clearly shows us the essence of this general prohibition.]
5 (return)
[ This mention of the "names
of angels," so particularly preserved by the Essens, [if it means more
than those "messengers" which were employed to bring, them the peculiar
books of their Sect,] looks like a prelude to that "worshipping of
angels," blamed by St. Paul, as superstitious and unlawful, in some such
sort of people as these Essens were, Colossians 2:8; as is the prayer to
or towards the sun for his rising every morning, mentioned before, sect.
5, very like those not much later observances made mention of in the
preaching of Peter, Authent. Rec. Part II. p. 669, and regarding a kind of
worship of angels, of the month, and of the moon, and not celebrating the
new moons, or other festivals, unless the moon appeared. Which, indeed,
seems to me the earliest mention of any regard to the phases in fixing the
Jewish calendar, of which the Talmud and later Rabbins talk so much, and
upon so very little ancient foundation.]
5 (return)
[ This reference to the "names of angels," particularly preserved by the Essenes, [if it signifies more than just the "messengers" used to deliver their unique sect's books,] seems like a precursor to that "worship of angels," which St. Paul criticized as superstitious and unlawful, likely referring to people like the Essenes, Colossians 2:8; similar to the prayer towards the sun for its daily rising mentioned earlier in section 5, resembling those later practices noted in Peter's preaching, Authent. Rec. Part II. p. 669, about a type of worship of angels, the month, and the moon, and not celebrating the new moons or other festivals unless the moon was visible. This indeed appears to be the earliest reference regarding the phases used to establish the Jewish calendar, which the Talmud and later Rabbis discuss extensively, yet not based on substantial ancient evidence.]
6 (return)
[ Of these Jewish or Essene
[and indeed Christian] doctrines concerning souls, both good and bad, in
Hades, see that excellent discourse, or homily, of our Josephus concerning
Hades, at the end of the volume.]
6 (return)
[ For more on these Jewish or Essene
[and indeed Christian] teachings about souls, both good and bad, in
Hades, check out that excellent speech, or homily, by our Josephus about
Hades, at the end of the book.]
7 (return)
[ Dean Aldrich reckons up
three examples of this gift of prophecy in several of these Essens out of
Josephus himself, viz. in the History of the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5,
Judas foretold the death of Antigonus at Strato's Tower; B. II. ch. 7.
sect. 3, Simon foretold that Archelaus should reign but nine or ten years;
and Antiq. B. XV. ch. 10. sect. 4, 5, Menuhem foretold that Herod should
be king, and should reign tyrannically, and that for more than twenty or
even thirty years. All which came to pass accordingly.]
7 (return)
[ Dean Aldrich lists three examples of this prophecy gift among several of these Essens from Josephus himself. In the History of the War, B. I. ch. 3. sect. 5, Judas predicted the death of Antigonus at Strato's Tower; in B. II. ch. 7. sect. 3, Simon predicted that Archelaus would rule for just nine or ten years; and in Antiq. B. XV. ch. 10. sect. 4, 5, Menuhem predicted that Herod would become king and rule tyrannically for more than twenty or even thirty years. All of these predictions came true.]
8 (return)
[ There is so much more here
about the Essens than is cited from Josephus in Porphyry and Eusebius, and
yet so much less about the Pharisees and Sadducees, the two other Jewish
sects, than would naturally be expected in proportion to the Essens or
third sect, nay, than seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that
one is tempted to suppose Josephus had at first written less of the one,
and more of the two others, than his present copies afford us; as also,
that, by some unknown accident, our present copies are here made up of the
larger edition in the first case, and of the smaller in the second. See
the note in Havercamp's edition. However, what Josephus says in the name
of the Pharisees, that only the souls of good men go out of one body into
another, although all souls be immortal, and still the souls of the bad
are liable to eternal punishment; as also what he says afterwards, Antiq.
B. XVIII. ch. 1. sect. 3, that the soul's vigor is immortal, and that
under the earth they receive rewards or punishments according as their
lives have been virtuous or vicious in the present world; that to the bad
is allotted an eternal prison, but that the good are permitted to live
again in this world; are nearly agreeable to the doctrines of
Christianity. Only Josephus's rejection of the return of the wicked into
other bodies, or into this world, which he grants to the good, looks
somewhat like a contradiction to St. Paul's account of the doctrine of the
Jews, that they "themselves allowed that there should be a resurrection of
the dead, both of the just and unjust," Acts 24:15. Yet because Josephus's
account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Patti's that of the Jews in
general, and of himself the contradiction is not very certain.]
8 (return)
[ There is much more information about the Essenes than what Josephus mentions in Porphyry and Eusebius. However, there’s significantly less about the Pharisees and Sadducees, the other two Jewish sects, than would typically be expected compared to the Essenes or third sect. It almost seems like Josephus initially wrote more about the latter two sects than our current copies show; it's as if an unknown event caused our existing copies to blend a longer version in the first case and a shorter one in the second. Refer to the note in Havercamp's edition. Nevertheless, what Josephus says about the Pharisees—that only the souls of good people transition between bodies, even though all souls are immortal, while the souls of bad people face eternal punishment—along with his later statement in Antiquities, Book XVIII, Chapter 1, Section 3, that the soul's energy is everlasting and that under the earth they receive rewards or punishments based on whether their lives were virtuous or vicious in this world; that the wicked are sentenced to eternal imprisonment, while the good are allowed to be reborn in this world—aligns closely with Christian teachings. Josephus’s rejection of the wicked's rebirth, which he allows for the good, seems somewhat contradictory to St. Paul's account of Jewish beliefs, which states that they "themselves allowed that there should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just and unjust," Acts 24:15. Yet, since Josephus speaks specifically about the Pharisees while St. Paul's perspective is more general to the Jews and himself, the contradiction isn’t very clear.]
9 (return)
[ We have here, in that
Greek MS. which was once Alexander Petavius's, but is now in the library
at Leyden, two most remarkable additions to the common copies, though
declared worth little remark by the editor; which, upon the mention of
Tiberius's coming to the empire, inserts first the famous testimony of
Josephus concerning Jesus Christ, as it stands verbatim in the
Antiquities, B. XVIII. ch. 3. sect. 3, with some parts of that excellent
discourse or homily of Josephus concerning Hades, annexed to the work. But
what is here principally to be noted is this, that in this homily,
Josephus having just mentioned Christ, as "God the Word, and the Judge of
the world, appointed by the Father," etc., adds, that "he had himself
elsewhere spoken about him more nicely or particularly."]
9 (return)
[ In the Greek manuscript that once belonged to Alexander Petavius and is now held in the library at Leyden, we find two significant additions to the standard copies, which the editor claims are not particularly noteworthy. One of these additions, upon mentioning Tiberius’s rise to power, includes the well-known testimony of Josephus regarding Jesus Christ, as it appears verbatim in the Antiquities, B. XVIII. ch. 3. sect. 3, along with parts of Josephus's remarkable discourse about Hades, appended to the text. However, what stands out here is that in this discourse, Josephus, after referring to Christ as "God the Word and the Judge of the world, appointed by the Father," further notes that "he had discussed him in more detail elsewhere." ]
10 (return)
[ This use of corban, or
oblation, as here applied to the sacred money dedicated to God in the
treasury of the temple, illustrates our Savior's words, Mark 7:11, 12.]
10 (return)
[ This use of corban, or offering, as applied to the sacred money dedicated to God in the temple treasury, illustrates our Savior's words, Mark 7:11, 12.]
11 (return)
[ Tacitus owns that Caius
commanded the Jews to place his effigies in their temple, though he be
mistaken when he adds that the Jews thereupon took arms.]
11 (return)
[ Tacitus admits that Caius ordered the Jews to put his statue in their temple, although he is wrong to say that the Jews then took up arms.]
12 (return)
[ This account of a place
near the mouth of the river Belus in Phoenicia, whence came that sand out
of which the ancients made their glass, is a known thing in history,
particularly in Tacitus and Strabo, and more largely in Pliny.]
12 (return)
[ This description of a location near the mouth of the river Belus in Phoenicia, from which the sand used by ancient people to make glass came, is well-documented in history, especially in the works of Tacitus and Strabo, and more extensively in Pliny.]
13 (return)
[ This Memnon had several
monuments, and one of them appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to have
been in Syria, and not improbably in this very place.]
13 (return)
[ This Memnon had several monuments, and one of them seems to have been in Syria, as mentioned by both Strabo and Diodorus, and it’s likely in this exact location.]
14 (return)
[ Reland notes here, that
the Talmud in recounting ten sad accidents for which the Jews ought to
rend their garments, reckons this for one, "When they hear that the law of
God is burnt."]
14 (return)
[Reland points out that the Talmud lists ten tragic events for which Jews should tear their garments, and one of them is "when they hear that the law of God is burned."]
15 (return)
[ This Ummidius, or
Numidius, or, as Tacitus calls him, Vinidius Quadratus, is mentioned in an
ancient inscription, still preserved, as Spanhelm here informs us, which
calls him Urnmidius Quadratus.]
15 (return)
[This Ummidius, or Numidius, or, as Tacitus refers to him, Vinidius Quadratus, is noted in an ancient inscription that is still preserved, as Spanhelm informs us, which labels him Urnmidius Quadratus.]
16 (return)
[ Take the character of
this Felix [who is well known from the Acts of the Apostles, particularly
from his trembling when St. Paul discoursed of "righteousness, chastity,
and judgment to come,"] Acts 24:5; and no wonder, when we have elsewhere
seen that he lived in adultery with Drusilla, another man's wife, [Antiq.
B. XX. ch. 7. sect. 1: in the words of Tacitus, produced here by Dean
Aldrich: "Felix exercised," says Tacitas, "the authority of a king, with
the disposition of a slave, and relying upon the great power of his
brother Pallas at court, thought he might safely be guilty of all kinds of
wicked practices." Observe also the time when he was made procurator, A.D.
52; that when St. Paul pleaded his cause before him, A.D. 58, he might
have been "many years a judge unto that nation," as St. Paul says he had
then been, Acts 24:10. But as to what Tacitus here says, that before the
death of Cumanus, Felix was procurator over Samaria only, does not well
agree with St. Paul's words, who would hardly have called Samaria a Jewish
nation. In short, since what Tacitus here says is about countries very
remote from Rome, where he lived; since what he says of two Roman
procurators, the one over Galilee, the other over Samaria at the same
time, is without example elsewhere; and since Josephus, who lived at that
very time in Judea, appears to have known nothing of this procuratorship
of Felix, before the death of Cumanus; I much suspect the story itself as
nothing better than a mistake of Tacitus, especially when it seems not
only omitted, but contradicted by Josephus; as any one may find that
compares their histories together. Possibly Felix might have been a
subordinate judge among the Jews some time before under Cumanus, but that
he was in earnest a procurator of Samaria before I do not believe. Bishop
Pearson, as well as Bishop Lloyd, quote this account, but with a doubtful
clause: confides Tacito, "If we may believe Tacitus." Pears. Anhal.
Paulin. p. 8; Marshall's Tables, at A.D. 49.]
16 (return)
[Consider the character of Felix, who is well-known from the Acts of the Apostles, particularly for his fear when St. Paul spoke about "righteousness, self-control, and the coming judgment" (Acts 24:5). It's not surprising, since we know he was living in adultery with Drusilla, another man's wife (Antiq. B. XX. ch. 7. sect. 1). Tacitus notes, as quoted by Dean Aldrich, that "Felix exercised the authority of a king, with the mindset of a slave, and relying on the significant influence of his brother Pallas at court, believed he could partake in all kinds of immoral acts." Note also that he became procurator in A.D. 52; thus, when St. Paul defended himself before him in A.D. 58, he had likely been "a judge of that nation for many years," as St. Paul states in Acts 24:10. However, Tacitus's assertion that before Cumanus's death, Felix was only the procurator over Samaria doesn’t align well with St. Paul's description, as it’s unlikely he would have referred to Samaria as a Jewish nation. In short, Tacitus's comments concern regions far from Rome, where he lived; the idea of two Roman procurators—one in Galilee and another in Samaria—at the same time is unprecedented; and Josephus, who lived in Judea during this period, appears unaware of Felix's procuratorship before Cumanus's death. I have serious doubts about the accuracy of Tacitus's account, especially as it seems to be omitted or contradicted by Josephus, as anyone can see by comparing their histories. It’s possible that Felix held a minor judicial role under Cumanus prior, but I do not believe he was genuinely the procurator of Samaria before. Bishop Pearson and Bishop Lloyd both reference this account, but they do so with a caveat: "If we may believe Tacitus" (Pears. Anhal. Paulin. p. 8; Marshall's Tables, at A.D. 49).]
18 (return)
[ Not long after this
beginning of Florus, the wickedest of all the Roman procurators of Judea,
and the immediate occasion of the Jewish war, at the twelfth year of Nero,
and the seventeenth of Agrippa, or A.D. 66, the history in the twenty
books of Josephus's Antiquities ends, although Josephus did not finish
these books till the thirteenth of Domitian, or A.D. 93, twenty-seven
years afterward; as he did not finish their Appendix, containing an
account of his own life, till Agrippa was dead, which happened in the
third year of Trajan, or A. D. 100, as I have several times observed
before.]
18 (return)
[ Shortly after the rise of Florus, the most corrupt of all the Roman governors of Judea, whose actions directly led to the Jewish war, in the twelfth year of Nero and the seventeenth of Agrippa, or A.D. 66, the narrative in the twenty books of Josephus's Antiquities comes to an end. However, Josephus didn't complete these books until the thirteenth year of Domitian, or A.D. 93, which is twenty-seven years later. He also didn’t finish the Appendix, detailing his own life, until after Agrippa died, which occurred in the third year of Trajan, or A.D. 100, as I have mentioned several times before.]
19 (return)
[ Here we may note, that
three millions of the Jews were present at the passover, A.D. 65; which
confirms what Josephus elsewhere informs us of, that at a passover a
little later they counted two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred
paschal lambs, which, at twelve to each lamb, which is no immoderate
calculation, come to three millions and seventy-eight thousand. See B. VI.
ch. 9. sect. 3.]
19 (return)
[ It's worth noting that three million Jews were present at the Passover in A.D. 65. This supports what Josephus tells us elsewhere, that at a slightly later Passover, they counted two hundred fifty-six thousand five hundred paschal lambs. If we assume twelve people per lamb, which is a reasonable estimate, that totals three million seventy-eight thousand. See B. VI. ch. 9. sect. 3.]
20 (return)
[ Take here Dr. Hudson's
very pertinent note. "By this action," says he, "the killing of a bird
over an earthen vessel, the Jews were exposed as a leprous people; for
that was to be done by the law in the cleansing of a leper, Leviticus 14.
It is also known that the Gentiles reproached the Jews as subject to the
leprosy, and believed that they were driven out of Egypt on that account.
This that eminent person Mr. Reland suggested to me."]
20 (return)
[ Here's an important note from Dr. Hudson: "By this action," he says, "the killing of a bird over an earthen vessel exposed the Jews as a leprous people; this was part of the law concerning the cleansing of a leper in Leviticus 14. It's also known that Gentiles accused the Jews of being leprous and believed they were driven out of Egypt for this reason. This was suggested to me by the notable Mr. Reland."]
21 (return)
[ Here we have examples of
native Jews who were of the equestrian order among the Romans, and so
ought never to have been whipped or crucified, according to the Roman
laws. See almost the like case in St. Paul himself, Acts 22:25-29.]
21 (return)
[ Here we have examples of native Jews who were part of the Roman equestrian class, and therefore should never have been whipped or crucified, based on Roman laws. See a similar case with St. Paul himself, Acts 22:25-29.]
22 (return)
[ This vow which Bernice
[here and elsewhere called queen, not only as daughter and sister to two
kings, Agrippa the Great, and Agrippa junior, but the widow of Herod king
of Chalcis] came now to accomplish at Jerusalem was not that of a
Nazarite, but such a one as religious Jews used to make, in hopes of any
deliverance from a disease, or other danger, as Josephus here intimates.
However, these thirty days' abode at Jerusalem, for fasting and
preparation against the oblation of a proper sacrifice, seems to be too
long, unless it were wholly voluntary in this great lady. It is not
required in the law of Moses relating to Nazarites, Numbers 6., and is
very different from St. Paul's time for such preparation, which was but
one day, Acts 21:26. So we want already the continuation of the
Antiquities to afford us light here, as they have hitherto done on so many
occasions elsewhere. Perhaps in this age the traditions of the Pharisees
had obliged the Jews to this degree of rigor, not only as to these thirty
days' preparation, but as to the going barefoot all that time, which here
Bernice submitted to also. For we know that as God's and our Savior's yoke
is usually easy, and his burden comparatively light, in such positive
injunctions, Matthew 11:30, so did the scribes and Pharisees sometimes
"bind upon men heavy burdens, and grievous to be borne," even when they
themselves "would not touch them with one of their fingers," Matthew 23:4;
Luke 11:46. However, Noldius well observes, De Herod. No. 404, 414, that
Juvenal, in his sixth satire, alludes to this remarkable penance or
submission of this Bernice to Jewish discipline, and jests upon her for
it; as do Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, and Sextus Aurelius mention her as one
well known at Rome.—Ibid.]
22 (return)
[ The vow that Bernice,
[referred to as queen here and elsewhere, not only as the daughter and sister of two
kings, Agrippa the Great and Agrippa Junior, but also as the widow of Herod, king
of Chalcis] was about to fulfill in Jerusalem was not a Nazarite vow, but similar to
vows made by religious Jews seeking deliverance from illness or danger, as Josephus suggests.
However, the thirty days spent in Jerusalem for fasting and preparing for a proper
sacrifice seems excessive unless it was entirely voluntary for this noble lady.
The law of Moses concerning Nazarites, Numbers 6, does not demand such a long period,
which is quite different from St. Paul's single-day preparation, as mentioned in
Acts 21:26. We still need the continuation of the Antiquities to shed more light
on this matter, as they have done on many other occasions. Perhaps during this time,
the traditions of the Pharisees compelled the Jews to adhere to such strict standards,
not only regarding these thirty days of preparation but also the requirement to go
barefoot throughout that time, which Bernice also complied with. We know that while
God's and our Savior's yoke is typically easy, and His burden comparatively light,
as found in Matthew 11:30, the scribes and Pharisees sometimes placed "heavy burdens
that are hard to bear" on people, even when they themselves "would not lift a
finger to help," as noted in Matthew 23:4 and Luke 11:46. Nonetheless, Noldius rightly
points out in De Herod. No. 404, 414, that Juvenal, in his sixth satire, refers
to this significant penance or submission of Bernice to Jewish discipline, making jokes
about it; Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, and Sextus Aurelius also mention her as a well-known
figure in Rome.—Ibid.]
23 (return)
[ I take this Bezetha to
be that small hill adjoining to the north side of the temple, whereon was
the hospital with five porticoes or cloisters, and beneath which was the
sheep pool of Bethesda; into which an angel or messenger, at a certain
season, descended, and where he or they who were the "first put into the
pool" were cured, John 5:1 etc. This situation of Bezetha, in Josephus, on
the north side of the temple, and not far off the tower Antonia, exactly
agrees to the place of the same pool at this day; only the remaining
cloisters are but three. See Maundrel, p. 106. The entire buildings seem
to have been called the New City, and this part, where was the hospital,
peculiarly Bezetha or Bethesda. See ch. 19. sect. 4.]
23 (return)
[ I believe this Bezetha refers to the small hill on the north side of the temple, where the hospital with five porticoes or cloisters used to be, and beneath it was the sheep pool of Bethesda. An angel or messenger would come down to this pool at a certain time, and those who were the "first put into the pool" were healed, as referenced in John 5:1, etc. Josephus describes Bezetha's location on the north side of the temple, not far from the Antonia Tower, which perfectly matches where the pool is today, though only three cloisters remain. See Maundrel, p. 106. The whole area seems to have been called the New City, and this part, where the hospital was located, was specifically known as Bezetha or Bethesda. See ch. 19. sect. 4.]
24 (return)
[ In this speech of king
Agrippa we have an authentic account of the extent and strength of the
Roman empire when the Jewish war began. And this speech with other
circumstances in Josephus, demonstrate how wise and how great a person
Agrippa was, and why Josephus elsewhere calls him a most wonderful or
admirable man, Contr. Ap. I. 9. He is the same Agrippa who said to Paul,
"Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian," Acts 26;28; and of whom St.
Paul said, "He was expert in all the customs and questions of the Jews,"
yet. 3. See another intimation of the limits of the same Roman empire, Of
the War, B. III. ch. 5. sect. 7. But what seems to me very remarkable here
is this, that when Josephus, in imitation of the Greeks and Romans, for
whose use he wrote his Antiquities, did himself frequently he into their
they appear, by the politeness of their composition, and their flights of
oratory, to be not the real speeches of the persons concerned, who usually
were no orators, but of his own elegant composure, the speech before us is
of another nature, full of undeniable facts, and composed in a plain and
unartful, but moving way; so it appears to be king Agrippa's own speech,
and to have been given Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom Josephus had
the greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa's constant doctrine here,
that this vast Roman empire was raised and supported by Divine Providence,
and that therefore it was in vain for the Jews, or any others, to think of
destroying it. Nor may we neglect to take notice of Agrippa's solemn
appeal to the angels here used; the like appeals to which we have in St.
Paul, 1 Timothy 5:22, and by the apostles in general, in the form of the
ordination of bishops, Constitut. Apost. VIII. 4.]
24 (return)
[ In this speech by King Agrippa, we have a genuine account of the size and power of the Roman Empire when the Jewish war began. This speech, along with other details from Josephus, shows how wise and significant Agrippa was, which is why Josephus elsewhere calls him a remarkable or admirable man, Contr. Ap. I. 9. He is the same Agrippa who said to Paul, "Almost you persuade me to be a Christian," Acts 26:28; and of whom St. Paul remarked, "He was knowledgeable about all the customs and issues of the Jews," yet. 3. See another indication of the limits of the Roman Empire in The War, B. III. ch. 5. sect. 7. What stands out to me here is that when Josephus, modeling his work after the Greeks and Romans for whom he wrote his Antiquities, often made their speeches appear, through the elegance of their writing and rhetorical flourishes, not to be the actual words of the persons involved—who typically weren’t orators—but rather his own polished creations, the speech in question feels different. It’s full of undeniable facts and is written in a straightforward, unpretentious, yet compelling manner; it seems to be King Agrippa's own speech and likely given to Josephus by Agrippa himself, with whom Josephus shared a close friendship. We should also note Agrippa's consistent belief that this vast Roman Empire was established and maintained by Divine Providence, making any attempts by the Jews or others to destroy it futile. Additionally, we shouldn't overlook Agrippa's solemn appeal to the angels here, similar to the appeals we see from St. Paul, 1 Timothy 5:22, and among the apostles in general during the ordination of bishops, Constitut. Apost. VIII. 4.]
25 (return)
[ Julius Caesar had
decreed that the Jews of Jerusalem should pay an annual tribute to the
Romans, excepting the city Joppa, and for the sabbatical year; as Spanheim
observes from the Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 6.]
25 (return)
[ Julius Caesar ordered that the Jews of Jerusalem would pay an annual tax to the Romans, excluding the city of Joppa and for the sabbatical year; as Spanheim notes from the Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 6.]
26 (return)
[ Of this Sohemus we have
mention made by Tacitus. We also learn from Dio that his father was king
of the Arabians of Iturea, [which Iturea is mentioned by St. Luke, ch.
3:1.] both whose testimonies are quoted here by Dr. Hudson. See Noldius,
No. 371.]
26 (return)
[ Tacitus references Sohemus, and Dio tells us that his father was the king of the Arabian people of Iturea, which is also mentioned by St. Luke in chapter 3, verse 1. Both of these sources are cited here by Dr. Hudson. See Noldius, No. 371.]
27 (return)
[ Spanheim notes on the
place, that this later Antiochus, who was called Epiphaues, is mentioned
by Dio, LIX. p. 645, and that he is mentioned by Josephus elsewhere twice
also, B.V. ch. 11. sect. 3; and Antiq. B. XIX. ch. 8. sect. I.]
27 (return)
[Spanheim remarks that this later Antiochus, known as Epiphanes, is referenced by Dio, LIX. p. 645, and is also mentioned twice by Josephus in other places, B.V. ch. 11. sect. 3; and Antiq. B. XIX. ch. 8. sect. I.]
28 (return)
[ Here we have an eminent
example of that Jewish language, which Dr. Wail truly observes, we several
times find used in the sacred writings; I mean, where the words "all" or
"whole multitude," etc. are used for much the greatest part only; but not
so as to include every person, without exception; for when Josephus had
said that "the whole multitude" [Footnote all the males] of Lydda were
gone to the feast of tabernacles, he immediately adds, that, however, no
fewer than fifty of them appeared, and were slain by the Romans. Other
examples somewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in Josephus, but, as
I think, none so remarkable as this. See Wall's Critical Observations on
the Old Testament, p. 49, 50.]
28 (return)
[ Here we have a clear example of that Jewish language, which Dr. Wail rightly points out is often found in the sacred writings; that is, where the words "all" or "whole multitude," etc. are used to mean mostly, but not necessarily every person without exception. For when Josephus stated that "the whole multitude" [Footnote all the males] of Lydda went to the feast of tabernacles, he quickly adds that, in fact, no fewer than fifty of them showed up and were killed by the Romans. I've noticed other similar examples in Josephus, but, in my opinion, none as notable as this. See Wall's Critical Observations on the Old Testament, p. 49, 50.]
29 (return)
[ We have also, in this
and the next section, two eminent facts to be observed, viz. the first
example, that I remember, in Josephus, of the onset of the Jews' enemies
upon their country when their males were gone up to Jerusalem to one of
their three sacred festivals; which, during the theocracy, God had
promised to preserve them from, Exodus 34:24. The second fact is this, the
breach of the sabbath by the seditions Jews in an offensive fight,
contrary to the universal doctrine and practice of their nation in these
ages, and even contrary to what they themselves afterward practiced in the
rest of this war. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4.]
29 (return)
[ In this section and the next, we should note two significant facts. First, there's the early example I recall from Josephus about the enemies of the Jews attacking their land when the men had gone to Jerusalem for one of their three sacred festivals, which, during the time of the theocracy, God had promised to protect them from (Exodus 34:24). The second fact is the violation of the Sabbath by the rebellious Jews during an offensive battle, which was against the widespread beliefs and practices of their nation during that time and even contradicted what they themselves later did throughout the rest of this war. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI. ch. 2. sect. 4.]
30 (return)
[ There may another very
important, and very providential, reason be here assigned for this strange
and foolish retreat of Cestius; which, if Josephus had been now a
Christian, he might probably have taken notice of also; and that is, the
affording the Jewish Christians in the city an opportunity of calling to
mind the prediction and caution given them by Christ about thirty-three
years and a half before, that "when they should see the abomination of
desolation" [the idolatrous Roman armies, with the images of their idols
in their ensigns, ready to lay Jerusalem desolate] "stand where it ought
not;" or, "in the holy place;" or, "when they should see Jerusalem any one
instance of a more unpolitic, but more providential, compassed with
armies;" they should then "flee to the mound conduct than this retreat of
Cestius visible during this whole rains." By complying with which those
Jewish Christians fled I siege of Jerusalem; which yet was providentially
such a "great to the mountains of Perea, and escaped this destruction. See
tribulation, as had not been from the beginning of the world to that time;
no, Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 69, 70. Nor was there, perhaps, nor ever
should be."—Ibid. p. 70, 71.]
30 (return)
[There may be another very important and fortunate reason for this strange and foolish retreat of Cestius. If Josephus had been a Christian at that time, he might have noticed it as well. That reason is that it gave the Jewish Christians in the city an opportunity to recall the warning given to them by Christ about thirty-three and a half years earlier: that "when they see the abomination of desolation" [the idolatrous Roman armies, with the images of their idols on their banners, ready to devastate Jerusalem] "stand where it should not," or "in the holy place;" or "when they see Jerusalem surrounded by armies," they should then "flee to the mountains." By following this advice, the Jewish Christians fled the siege of Jerusalem, escaping this destruction. They escaped a tribulation that had not been seen from the beginning of the world until that time; no, nor was there any that would ever be like it. See Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 69, 70. Nor was there, perhaps, nor would there ever be."—Ibid. p. 70, 71.]
31 (return)
[ From this name of Joseph
the son of Gorion, or Gorion the son of Joseph, as B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 9,
one of the governors of Jerusalem, who was slain at the beginning of the
tumults by the zealots, B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 1, the much later Jewish
author of a history of that nation takes his title, and yet personates our
true Josephus, the son of Matthias; but the cheat is too gross to be put
upon the learned world.]
31 (return)
[ From the name Joseph, son of Gorion, or Gorion, son of Joseph, as noted in B. IV. ch. 3. sect. 9, one of the governors of Jerusalem who was killed early in the uprisings by the zealots, B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 1, a much later Jewish author of a history of that nation takes his title, yet he misrepresents our true Josephus, son of Matthias; however, the deception is too obvious to fool the scholarly community.]
32 (return)
[ We may observe here,
that the Idumeans, as having been proselytes of justice since the days of
John Hyrcanus, during about one hundred and ninety-five years, were now
esteemed as part of the Jewish nation, and these provided of a Jewish
commander accordingly. See the note upon Antiq. B. XIII.. ch. 9. sect. 1.]
32 (return)
[ We can see here that the Idumeans, who had been converts committed to justice since the time of John Hyrcanus, were now regarded as part of the Jewish nation for about one hundred and ninety-five years, and they supplied a Jewish commander as a result. See the note on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 9. sect. 1.]
33 (return)
[ We see here, and in
Josephus's account of his own life, sect. 14, how exactly he imitated his
legislator Moses, or perhaps only obeyed what he took to be his perpetual
law, in appointing seven lesser judges, for smaller causes, in particular
cities, and perhaps for the first hearing of greater causes, with the
liberty of an appeal to seventy-one supreme judges, especially in those
causes where life and death were concerned; as Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect.
14; and of his Life, sect. 14. See also Of the War, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4.
Moreover, we find, sect. 7, that he imitated Moses, as well as the Romans,
in the number and distribution of the subaltern officers of his army, as
Exodus 18:25; Deuteronomy 1:15; and in his charge against the offenses
common among soldiers, as Denteronomy 13:9; in all which he showed his
great wisdom and piety, and skillful conduct in martial affairs. Yet may
we discern in his very high character of Artanus the high priest, B. IV.
ch. 5. sect. 2, who seems to have been the same who condemned St. James,
bishop of Jerusalem, to be stoned, under Albinus the procurator, that when
he wrote these books of the War, he was not so much as an Ebionite
Christian; otherwise he would not have failed, according to his usual
custom, to have reckoned this his barbarous murder as a just punishment
upon him for that his cruelty to the chief, or rather only Christian
bishop of the circumcision. Nor, had he been then a Christian, could he
immediately have spoken so movingly of the causes of the destruction of
Jerusalem, without one word of either the condemnation of James, or
crucifixion of Christ, as he did when he was become a Christian
afterward.]
33 (return)
[ Here, and in Josephus's account of his own life, section 14, we can see how closely he imitated his lawgiver Moses, or perhaps just followed what he believed to be his ongoing law, by appointing seven lesser judges for minor cases in specific cities, and possibly for the initial hearings of more serious cases, with the option to appeal to seventy-one supreme judges, especially in cases involving life and death; as noted in Antiquities Book IV, chapter 8, section 14; and in his Life, section 14. See also The War, Book IV, chapter 5, section 4. Additionally, we learn in section 7 that he followed Moses’s example, as well as that of the Romans, in the number and organization of the subordinate officers in his army, as mentioned in Exodus 18:25; Deuteronomy 1:15; and in his admonitions regarding offenses commonly found among soldiers, as stated in Deuteronomy 13:9; in all these instances, he demonstrated his great wisdom, piety, and skillful management in military matters. However, we can also note that in the very lofty character of Artanus the high priest, Book IV, chapter 5, section 2, who appears to be the same individual who condemned St. James, bishop of Jerusalem, to be stoned under Albinus the procurator, it seems that when Josephus wrote these books of The War, he was not yet an Ebionite Christian; otherwise, he would not have failed, as was his custom, to regard this brutal murder as a fitting punishment for his cruelty toward the chief, or rather only, Christian bishop of the circumcision. Furthermore, had he been a Christian at that time, he would not have been able to speak so powerfully about the reasons for the destruction of Jerusalem without mentioning either the condemnation of James or the crucifixion of Christ, as he did after he became a Christian.]
34 (return)
[ I should think that an
army of sixty thousand footmen should require many more than two hundred
and fifty horsemen; and we find Josephus had more horsemen under his
command than two hundred and fifty in his future history. I suppose the
number of the thousands is dropped in our present copies.]
34 (return)
[ I would think that an army of sixty thousand infantry would need way more than two hundred and fifty cavalry; and we see that Josephus had more than two hundred and fifty cavalry in his later accounts. I guess the count of the thousands is missing in our current versions.]
35 (return)
[ I cannot but think this
stratagem of Josephus, which is related both here and in his Life, sect.
32, 33, to be one of the finest that ever was invented and executed by any
warrior whatsoever.]
35 (return)
[ I can’t help but consider this plan by Josephus, mentioned here and in his Life, sections 32 and 33, to be one of the best that any warrior has ever come up with and carried out.]
BOOK III.
Containing The Interval Of About One Year.
From Vespasian's Coming To Subdue The Jews To The Taking Of
Gamala.
Containing The Interval Of About One Year.
From Vespasian's Arrival To Conquer The Jews To The Capture Of
Gamala.CHAPTER 1.
Vespasian Is Sent Into Syria By Nero In Order To Make War
With The Jews.
Vespasian Is Sent To Syria By Nero To Fight The Jews.
1. When Nero was informed of the Romans' ill success in Judea, a concealed consternation and terror, as is usual in such cases, fell upon him; although he openly looked very big, and was very angry, and said that what had happened was rather owing to the negligence of the commander, than to any valor of the enemy: and as he thought it fit for him, who bare the burden of the whole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he now pretended so to do, and to have a soul superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever. Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul plainly appear by the solicitude he was in [how to recover his affairs again].
1. When Nero found out about the Romans' poor performance in Judea, he secretly felt a mix of shock and fear, which is common in situations like this. Even though he tried to act tough and seemed really angry, claiming that the failure was more due to the commander’s negligence than the enemy’s bravery, he believed it was important for him, as the leader of the entire empire, to brush off such misfortunes. He pretended to do this and to have a mindset that was above all such unfortunate events. However, his inner turmoil was clearly shown by how concerned he was about figuring out how to fix the situation.
2. And as he was deliberating to whom he should commit the care of the East, now it was in so great a commotion, and who might be best able to punish the Jews for their rebellion, and might prevent the same distemper from seizing upon the neighboring nations also,—he found no one but Vespasian equal to the task, and able to undergo the great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he was growing an old man already in the camp, and from his youth had been exercised in warlike exploits: he was also a man that had long ago pacified the west, and made it subject to the Romans, when it had been put into disorder by the Germans; he had also recovered to them Britain by his arms, which had been little known before 1 whereby he procured to his father Claudius to have a triumph bestowed on him without any sweat or labor of his own.
2. As he was considering whom to entrust with the responsibility for the East, which was in such turmoil, and who could best punish the Jews for their rebellion while also preventing similar unrest in neighboring nations, he realized that only Vespasian was suited for this task. Vespasian was capable of handling the immense burden of a major war, especially since he was already an older man in the camp, having been engaged in military exploits since his youth. He had long ago brought peace to the West, making it subject to the Romans after it had been thrown into chaos by the Germans. He had also reclaimed Britain for them through his military efforts, which had previously been largely unknown, allowing his father Claudius to receive a triumph without any effort or struggle on his part.
3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances as favorable omens, and saw that Vespasian's age gave him sure experience, and great skill, and that he had his sons as hostages for his fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing age they were in would make them fit instruments under their father's prudence. Perhaps also there was some interposition of Providence, which was paving the way for Vespasian's being himself emperor afterwards. Upon the whole, he sent this man to take upon him the command of the armies that were in Syria; but this not without great encomiums and flattering compellations, such as necessity required, and such as might mollify him into complaisance. So Vespasian sent his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with him from thence the fifth and the tenth legions, while he himself, when he had passed over the Hellespont, came by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, with a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings in that neighborhood.
3. Nero viewed these circumstances as promising signs, recognizing that Vespasian’s age brought him valuable experience and skill. He also saw that Vespasian had his sons as hostages to ensure his loyalty, and that their youthful energy would make them effective partners under their father’s guidance. Perhaps there was also a divine influence at play, setting the stage for Vespasian to become emperor in the future. Overall, Nero sent Vespasian to take command of the armies in Syria, not without generous praise and flattering titles to make him more agreeable. Vespasian then sent his son Titus, who had been with Nero in Achaia, to Alexandria to bring back the fifth and tenth legions. Meanwhile, Vespasian himself crossed the Hellespont and traveled overland to Syria, where he gathered the Roman forces and a significant number of auxiliaries from the neighboring kings.
CHAPTER 2.
A Great Slaughter About Ascalon. Vespasian Comes To
Ptolemais.
A Great Massacre Near Ascalon. Vespasian Arrives In
Ptolemais.1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten Cestius, were so much elevated with their unexpected success, that they could not govern their zeal, but, like people blown up into a flame by their good fortune, carried the war to remoter places. Accordingly, they presently got together a great multitude of all their most hardy soldiers, and marched away for Ascalon. This is an ancient city that is distant from Jerusalem five hundred and twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy to the Jews; on which account they determined to make their first effort against it, and to make their approaches to it as near as possible. This excursion was led on by three men, who were the chief of them all, both for strength and sagacity; Niger, called the Persite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strongly walled about, but had almost no assistance to be relied on [near them], for the garrison consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, whose captain was Antonius.
1. After the Jews defeated Cestius, they were so overwhelmed by their unexpected victory that they couldn't manage their excitement and, like people ignited by their good fortune, took the war to farther places. So, they quickly gathered a large number of their bravest soldiers and marched toward Ascalon. This is an ancient city located five hundred and twenty furlongs from Jerusalem, and it had always been an enemy of the Jews; for this reason, they decided to make their first attack against it and get as close as possible. This mission was led by three of their leaders, noted for both their strength and intelligence: Niger, known as the Persite, Silas from Babylon, and John the Essene. Although Ascalon was heavily fortified, it had very little support nearby, as the garrison consisted of just one cohort of foot soldiers and one troop of cavalry, led by Captain Antonius.
2. These Jews, therefore, out of their anger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if they had come but a little way, approached very near the city, and were come even to it; but Antonius, who was not unapprized of the attack they were going to make upon the city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and being neither daunted at the multitude, nor at the courage of the enemy, received their first attacks with great bravery; and when they crowded to the very walls, he beat them off. Now the Jews were unskillful in war, but were to fight with those who were skillful therein; they were footmen to fight with horsemen; they were in disorder, to fight those that were united together; they were poorly armed, to fight those that were completely so; they were to fight more by their rage than by sober counsel, and were exposed to soldiers that were exactly obedient; and did every thing they were bidden upon the least intimation. So they were easily beaten; for as soon as ever their first ranks were once in disorder, they were put to flight by the enemy's cavalry, and those of them that came behind such as crowded to the wall fell upon their own party's weapons, and became one another's enemies; and this so long till they were all forced to give way to the attacks of the horsemen, and were dispersed all the plain over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the horsemen; which circumstance was very commodious for the Romans, and occasioned the slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews; for such as ran away, they could overrun them, and make them turn back; and when they had brought them back after their flight, and driven them together, they ran them through, and slew a vast number of them, insomuch that others encompassed others of them, and drove them before them whithersoever they turned themselves, and slew them easily with their arrows; and the great number there were of the Jews seemed a solitude to themselves, by reason of the distress they were in, while the Romans had such good success with their small number, that they seemed to themselves to be the greater multitude. And as the former strove zealously under their misfortunes, out of the shame of a sudden flight, and hopes of the change in their success, so did the latter feel no weariness by reason of their good fortune; insomuch that the fight lasted till the evening, till ten thousand men of the Jews' side lay dead, with two of their generals, John and Silas, and the greater part of the remainder were wounded, with Niger, their remaining general, who fled away together to a small city of Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the Romans were wounded in this battle.
2. The Jews, fueled by anger, marched faster than usual and quickly approached the city. Antonius, aware of their impending attack, had already rallied his cavalry. Undeterred by the large numbers or the determination of the enemy, he met their initial assaults with great courage and pushed them back when they crowded near the walls. Although the Jews lacked experience in warfare, they faced skilled soldiers; they were infantry fighting against cavalry, disorganized against a unified force, poorly armed against a well-equipped enemy, relying more on their rage than strategy, and against soldiers who executed orders swiftly and efficiently. This lack of cohesion made them easy targets. Once their front lines faltered, they were driven into retreat by the cavalry. Those behind, pushed against the wall, fell victim to their own weapons, turning on each other in chaos. They were forced to yield to the cavalry's attacks, scattering across the wide plain, which favored the Romans. This situation led to a significant number of Jewish casualties; the Romans could easily overtake them as they fled, forcing them to turn back. Once regrouped, the Roman soldiers struck them down, leading to a massive death toll among the Jews. Others among them ended up attacking one another, easily targeted by Roman arrows. The overwhelming numbers of the Jews ironically felt isolating due to their situation, while the Romans, despite being outnumbered, felt empowered by their success. The battle continued until evening, resulting in the deaths of ten thousand Jewish soldiers, including two of their generals, John and Silas, while most of the remaining forces were wounded, including Niger, their last general, who fled to a small town in Idumea called Sallis. A few Romans were also injured in this battle.
3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews broken by so great a calamity, but the losses they had sustained rather quickened their resolution for other attempts; for, overlooking the dead bodies which lay under their feet, they were enticed by their former glorious actions to venture on a second destruction; so when they had lain still so little a while that their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured, they got together all their forces, and came with greater fury, and in much greater numbers, to Ascalon. But their former ill fortune followed them, as the consequence of their unskilfulness, and other deficiencies in war; for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the passages they were to go through, where they fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they were encompassed about with horsemen, before they could form themselves into a regular body for fighting, and were above eight thousand of them slain; so all the rest of them ran away, and with them Niger, who still did a great many bold exploits in his flight. However, they were driven along together by the enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a certain strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedeh However, Antonius and his party, that they might neither spend any considerable time about this tower, which was hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander, and the most courageous man of them all, to escape from them, they set the wall on fire; and as the tower was burning, the Romans went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted that Niger was destroyed; but he leaped out of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the innermost part of it, and was preserved; and on the third day afterward he spake out of the ground to those that with great lamentation were searching for him, in order to give him a decent funeral; and when he was come out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected joy, as though he were preserved by God's providence to be their commander for the time to come.
3. The spirits of the Jews weren't broken by such a huge disaster; instead, the losses they experienced only strengthened their resolve for further attempts. Overlooking the dead bodies beneath them, they were inspired by their previous glorious actions to risk a second battle. So, after resting briefly, their wounds not fully healed, they gathered all their forces and marched back to Ascalon with even greater fury and in much larger numbers. However, their earlier misfortunes followed them due to their lack of skill and other shortcomings in battle. Antonius set ambushes along the paths they were taking, where they unexpectedly fell into traps and were surrounded by cavalry before they could organize themselves for a fight, resulting in over eight thousand of them being killed. The rest fled, including Niger, who still managed to perform many bold feats during his escape. Nevertheless, they were driven together by the enemy, who pressed hard on them, into a strong tower belonging to a village called Bezedeh. To avoid wasting too much time on this difficult tower and to prevent their commander, the bravest of them all, from escaping, Antonius and his men set the wall on fire. As the tower burned, the Romans left, convinced that Niger was dead. However, he jumped from the tower into a hidden cave deep inside and survived. Three days later, he called out from the ground to those who were searching for him with great sorrow, intending to give him a proper burial. When he emerged, he brought unexpected joy to all the Jews, as if he had been preserved by God's providence to lead them in the future.
4. And now Vespasian took along with him his army from Antioch, [which is the metropolis of Syria, and without dispute deserves the place of the third city in the habitable earth that was under the Roman empire, 2 both in magnitude, and other marks of prosperity,] where he found king Agrippa, with all his forces, waiting for his coming, and marched to Ptolemais. At this city also the inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him, who were for peace with the Romans. These citizens had beforehand taken care of their own safety, and being sensible of the power of the Romans, they had been with Cestius Gallus before Vespasian came, and had given their faith to him, and received the security of his right hand, and had received a Roman garrison; and at this time withal they received Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly, and readily promised that they would assist him against their own countrymen. Now the general delivered them, at their desire, as many horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews, if they should come against them. And indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris would be no small one, in this war that was now beginning, seeing it was the largest city of Galilee, and built in a place by nature very strong, and might be a security of the whole nation's [fidelity to the Romans].
4. And now Vespasian took his army from Antioch, [which is the capital of Syria, and undoubtedly deserves to be recognized as the third greatest city in the Roman Empire, 2 both in size and other signs of prosperity.] There, he found King Agrippa and all his forces waiting for him, and they marched to Ptolemais. In this city, the people of Sepphoris in Galilee also met him, as they were in favor of peace with the Romans. These citizens had already taken steps to ensure their safety, understanding the power of the Romans. They had previously aligned with Cestius Gallus before Vespasian arrived, pledged their loyalty to him, and received protection from his forces, along with a Roman garrison. At this point, they welcomed Vespasian, the Roman general, very warmly, and readily promised to help him against their fellow countrymen. The general granted them, as they requested, as many cavalry and infantry as he deemed necessary to defend against any potential attacks from the Jews. Indeed, the threat of losing Sepphoris would be significant in this war that was about to begin, considering it was the largest city in Galilee, situated in a naturally strong location, and could serve as a safeguard for the entire nation's [loyalty to the Romans].
CHAPTER 3.
A Description Of Galilee, Samaria, And Judea.
A Description of Galilee, Samaria, and Judea.
1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass about the Galilees, which are two, and called the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are bounded toward the sun-setting, with the borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais, and by Carmel; which mountain had formerly belonged to the Galileans, but now belonged to the Tyrians; to which mountain adjoins Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, because those horsemen that were dismissed by Herod the king dwelt therein; they are bounded on the south with Samaria and Scythopolis, as far as the river Jordan; on the east with Hippeae and Gadaris, and also with Ganlonitis, and the borders of the kingdom of Agrippa; its northern parts are bounded by Tyre, and the country of the Tyrians. As for that Galilee which is called the Lower, it, extends in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and of the maritime places Ptolemais is its neighbor; its breadth is from the village called Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the village Baca, which divides the land of the Tyrians from it; its length is also from Meloth to Thella, a village near to Jordan.
1. Phoenicia and Syria now include the Galilee region, which is made up of two areas known as Upper Galilee and Lower Galilee. To the west, it borders the territory of Ptolemais and Mount Carmel; this mountain used to belong to the Galileans but is now part of Tyrian land. Nearby is Gaba, also known as the City of Horsemen, because it was where the horsemen dismissed by King Herod used to live. To the south, Galilee is bordered by Samaria and Scythopolis, stretching all the way to the Jordan River. To the east, it is bordered by Hippeae, Gadaris, and Ganlonitis, as well as the edges of Agrippa's kingdom. The northern part is bounded by Tyre and the Tyrian territory. As for the Lower Galilee, it runs from Tiberias to Zabulon, with Ptolemais as its coastal neighbor. Its width spans from a village called Xaloth in the large plain to Bersabe, which also marks the width of Upper Galilee, extending to the village Baca, separating it from Tyrian land. The length is from Meloth to Thella, a village close to the Jordan.
2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness, and encompassed with so many nations of foreigners, have been always able to make a strong resistance on all occasions of war; for the Galileans are inured to war from their infancy, and have been always very numerous; nor hath the country been ever destitute of men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of them; for their soil is universally rich and fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its fruitfulness; accordingly, it is all cultivated by its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle. Moreover, the cities lie here very thick, and the very many villages there are here are every where so full of people, by the richness of their soil, that the very least of them contain above fifteen thousand inhabitants.
2. These two large Galilees, surrounded by many foreign nations, have always been able to put up strong resistance in times of war; the Galileans have been trained for battle since childhood and have always been very numerous. The region has never lacked courageous people or a large number of them; its land is rich and fertile, filled with all kinds of trees, encouraging even the laziest to cultivate it because of its productivity. As a result, all of it is farmed by its residents, and no part lies unused. Moreover, the cities are densely packed, and the many villages are so populated due to the richness of the land that even the smallest of them has over fifteen thousand residents.
3. In short, if any one will suppose that Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he will be obliged to prefer it before it in its strength; for this is all capable of cultivation, and is every where fruitful; but for Perea, which is indeed much larger in extent, the greater part of it is desert and rough, and much less disposed for the production of the milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil [in other parts], and produces all kinds of fruits, and its plains are planted with trees of all sorts, while yet the olive tree, the vine, and the palm tree are chiefly cultivated there. It is also sufficiently watered with torrents, which issue out of the mountains, and with springs that never fail to run, even when the torrents fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Now the length of Perea is from Machaerus to Pella, and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan; its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we have already said, as well as its Western with Jordan; the land of Moab is its southern border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia, and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene and Gerasa.
3. In short, if anyone thinks that Galilee is smaller than Perea in size, they must acknowledge its strength; because all of Galilee is arable and fertile everywhere. In contrast, while Perea is indeed much larger, most of it is desert and rugged, making it less suitable for growing milder fruits. However, it does have some moist areas that produce a variety of fruits, and its plains are filled with all kinds of trees, with olive trees, vines, and palm trees being the primary crops. It also has enough water from streams that flow from the mountains and from springs that always run, even when the streams dry up during the hottest days. Perea stretches from Machaerus to Pella, and its width runs from Philadelphia to the Jordan River. Its northern boundary is Pella, as mentioned earlier, while the western boundary is the Jordan. The land of Moab forms its southern border, and its eastern limits extend to Arabia, Silbonitis, and further to Philadelphene and Gerasa.
4. Now as to the country of Samaria, it lies between Judea and Galilee; it begins at a village that is in the great plain called Ginea, and ends at the Acrabbene toparchy, and is entirely of the same nature with Judea; for both countries are made up of hills and valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture, and are very fruitful. They have abundance of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both that which grows wild, and that which is the effect of cultivation. They are not naturally watered by many rivers, but derive their chief moisture from rain-water, of which they have no want; and for those rivers which they have, all their waters are exceeding sweet: by reason also of the excellent grass they have, their cattle yield more milk than do those in other places; and, what is the greatest sign of excellency and of abundance, they each of them are very full of people.
4. The region of Samaria is located between Judea and Galilee; it starts at a village in the large plain known as Ginea and ends at the Acrabbene district. It has similar characteristics to Judea, as both areas consist of hills and valleys, are sufficiently moist for farming, and are very productive. There are plenty of trees and an abundance of autumn fruits, both wild and cultivated. They don't have many rivers for natural irrigation but get most of their moisture from rain, which is plentiful. The rivers they do have provide very sweet water, and due to the excellent grass available, their cattle produce more milk than in other regions. Moreover, one of the biggest indicators of richness and abundance is that both areas are quite densely populated.
5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, which is also named Borceos. This is the northern boundary of Judea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be measured lengthways, are bounded by a Village adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the Jews that dwell there call it Jordan. However, its breadth is extended from the river Jordan to Joppa. The city Jerusalem is situated in the very middle; on which account some have, with sagacity enough, called that city the Navel of the country. Nor indeed is Judea destitute of such delights as come from the sea, since its maritime places extend as far as Ptolemais: it was parted into eleven portions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the supreme, and presided over all the neighboring country, as the head does over the body. As to the other cities that were inferior to it, they presided over their several toparchies; Gophna was the second of those cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Herodium, and Jericho; and after them came Jamnia and Joppa, as presiding over the neighboring people; and besides these there was the region of Gamala, and Gaulonitis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of the kingdom of Agrippa. This [last] country begins at Mount Libanus, and the fountains of Jordan, and reaches breadthways to the lake of Tiberias; and in length is extended from a village called Arpha, as far as Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews and Syrians. And thus have I, with all possible brevity, described the country of Judea, and those that lie round about it.
5. In the regions of Samaria and Judea lies the village Anuath, also known as Borceos. This marks the northern boundary of Judea. The southern part of Judea, when measured in length, borders a village next to the edge of Arabia, which the Jews living there call Jordan. Its width stretches from the Jordan River to Joppa. The city of Jerusalem is located right in the center, which is why some wisely refer to it as the heart of the country. Judea is not lacking in the pleasures that come from the sea, as its coastal areas reach all the way to Ptolemais. It was divided into eleven regions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was the most significant, overseeing all the surrounding areas, similar to how a head governs a body. As for the other cities that were less prominent, they governed their respective districts; Gophna was the second city, followed by Acrabatta, then Thamna, Lydda, Emmaus, Pella, Idumea, Engaddi, Herodium, and Jericho. After these came Jamnia and Joppa, overseeing the nearby communities. Additionally, there were the regions of Gamala, Gaulonitis, Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also parts of King Agrippa's domain. This last area starts at Mount Lebanon and the springs of Jordan, stretching width-wise to the Sea of Tiberias, and length-wise from a village called Arpha to Julias. Its residents are a mix of Jews and Syrians. Thus, I have briefly described the land of Judea and its surrounding regions.
CHAPTER 4.
Josephus Makes An Attempt Upon Sepphoris But Is Repelled.
Titus Comes With A Great Army To Ptolemais.
Josephus Tries to Attack Sepphoris But Is Repelled.
Titus Arrives With a Large Army in Ptolemais.1. Now the auxiliaries which were sent to assist the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand horsemen, and six thousand footmen, under Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in two bodies in the great plain. The foot were put into the city to be a guard to it, but the horse lodged abroad in the camp. These last, by marching continually one way or other, and overrunning the parts of the adjoining country, were very troublesome to Josephus and his men; they also plundered all the places that were out of the city's liberty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad. On this account it was that Josephus marched against the city, as hoping to take what he had lately encompassed with so strong a wall, before they revolted from the rest of the Galileans, that the Romans would have much ado to take it; by which means he proved too weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to the forcing the place, and as to his prevailing with the people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him. By this means he provoked the Romans to treat the country according to the law of war; nor did the Romans, out of the anger they bore at this attempt, leave off, either by night or by day, burning the places in the plain, and stealing away the cattle that were in the country, and killing whatsoever appeared capable of fighting perpetually, and leading the weaker people as slaves into captivity; so that Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood; nor was it exempted from any kind of misery or calamity, for the only refuge they had was this, that when they were pursued, they could retire to the cities which had walls built them by Josephus.
1. The auxiliaries sent to help the people of Sepphoris, consisting of a thousand horsemen and six thousand foot soldiers under Tribune Placidus, set up camp in two groups in the great plain. The foot soldiers were stationed in the city as its guard, while the horsemen camped outside. The horsemen were constantly on the move, causing trouble for Josephus and his men by raiding the nearby areas; they also looted places beyond the city's limits and intercepted anyone who dared to venture out. Because of this, Josephus decided to march against the city, hoping to capture it before they distanced themselves from the other Galileans, making it much harder for the Romans to take. However, he proved too weak and failed in his attempts, both to force the city and to persuade the people of Sepphoris to surrender it to him. As a result, he provoked the Romans to treat the region according to the laws of war. In their anger over his actions, the Romans did not stop, day or night, from burning places in the plain, stealing the livestock in the area, and killing anyone who seemed able to fight. They led the weaker people away as slaves, resulting in Galilee being filled with fire and blood. There was no escaping the misery or calamity; their only refuge was to retreat to the cities that Josephus had fortified with walls.
2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than the winter season did usually permit; so he took with him those forces he was sent for, and marching with great expedition, he came suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his father, together with the two legions, the fifth and the tenth, which were the most eminent legions of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion which was with his father; eighteen cohorts followed these legions; there came also five cohorts from Cesarea, with one troop of horsemen, and five other troops of horsemen from Syria. Now these ten cohorts had severally a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen cohorts had no more than six hundred footmen apiece, with a hundred and twenty horsemen. There were also a considerable number of auxiliaries got together, that came from the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohemus, each of them contributing one thousand footmen that were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus also, the king of Arabia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five thousand footmen, the greatest part of which were archers; so that the whole army, including the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well horsemen as footmen, when all were united together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides the servants, who, as they followed in vast numbers, so because they had been trained up in war with the rest, ought not to be distinguished from the fighting men; for as they were in their masters' service in times of peace, so did they undergo the like dangers with them in times of war, insomuch that they were inferior to none, either in skill or in strength, only they were subject to their masters.
2. As for Titus, he sailed from Achaia to Alexandria sooner than the winter season usually allowed. He brought along the troops he was sent for, and marching quickly, he arrived unexpectedly at Ptolemais. There, he found his father along with the two legions, the fifth and the tenth, which were the most prominent of all. He combined them with the fifteenth legion that was with his father; eighteen cohorts followed these legions. Additionally, five cohorts came from Cesarea, along with one troop of horsemen, and five more troops of horsemen from Syria. Each of these ten cohorts had a thousand foot soldiers, while the other thirteen cohorts each had no more than six hundred foot soldiers, along with a hundred and twenty horsemen. A significant number of auxiliaries gathered as well, coming from kings Antiochus, Agrippa, and Sohemus, each contributing a thousand foot soldiers who were archers, and a thousand horsemen. Malchus, the king of Arabia, also sent a thousand horsemen and five thousand foot soldiers, mostly archers. Thus, the total army, including the auxiliaries sent by the kings, in both horsemen and foot soldiers, added up to sixty thousand, not counting the servants, who followed in large numbers. Since they had been trained in warfare alongside the others, they shouldn't be seen as separate from the soldiers; during peacetime, they were in their masters' service and faced the same dangers in wartime, being equal in skill and strength, though they were subordinate to their masters.
CHAPTER 5.
A Description Of The Roman Armies And Roman Camps And Of
Other Particulars For Which The Romans Are Commended.
A Description of the Roman Armies and Roman Camps and Other Reasons Why the Romans Are Praised.
1. Now here one cannot but admire at the precaution of the Romans, in providing themselves of such household servants, as might not only serve at other times for the common offices of life, but might also be of advantage to them in their wars. And, indeed, if any one does but attend to the other parts of their military discipline, he will be forced to confess that their obtaining so large a dominion hath been the acquisition of their valor, and not the bare gift of fortune; for they do not begin to use their weapons first in time of war, nor do they then put their hands first into motion, while they avoided so to do in times of peace; but, as if their weapons did always cling to them, they have never any truce from warlike exercises; nor do they stay till times of war admonish them to use them; for their military exercises differ not at all from the real use of their arms, but every soldier is every day exercised, and that with great diligence, as if it were in time of war, which is the reason why they bear the fatigue of battles so easily; for neither can any disorder remove them from their usual regularity, nor can fear affright them out of it, nor can labor tire them; which firmness of conduct makes them always to overcome those that have not the same firmness; nor would he be mistaken that should call those their exercises unbloody battles, and their battles bloody exercises. Nor can their enemies easily surprise them with the suddenness of their incursions; for as soon as they have marched into an enemy's land, they do not begin to fight till they have walled their camp about; nor is the fence they raise rashly made, or uneven; nor do they all abide in it, nor do those that are in it take their places at random; but if it happens that the ground is uneven, it is first leveled: their camp is also four-square by measure, and carpenters are ready, in great numbers, with their tools, to erect their buildings for them. 3
1. One can't help but admire the Romans for their foresight in hiring household servants who could not only help with everyday tasks but could also support them in war. In fact, anyone who pays attention to other aspects of their military discipline has to admit that their massive empire was built on their bravery, not just luck. They don’t wait until war breaks out to start using their weapons; instead, their weapons seem like a part of them, as they practice military exercises continuously and don't wait for war to remind them to do so. Their training is as rigorous as real battles; every soldier trains daily with great commitment as if they're in wartime, which is why they endure battle fatigue so easily. No disorder can disrupt their regular routine, no fear can scare them away from it, and no amount of hard work can wear them out. This steadfastness gives them an edge over those who lack the same resolve. You wouldn't be wrong to think of their training as unbloody battles and their actual battles as bloody training. Their enemies rarely catch them off guard during sudden attacks; when they enter enemy territory, they don't fight until they've fortified their camp. Every defensive structure they build is carefully planned and level; not everyone stays in the same spot, and positions aren't assigned randomly. If the terrain is uneven, they level it first. Their camp is also square and well-measured, with plenty of carpenters on hand with their tools to build their structures. 3
2. As for what is within the camp, it is set apart for tents, but the outward circumference hath the resemblance to a wall, and is adorned with towers at equal distances, where between the towers stand the engines for throwing arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and where they lay all other engines that can annoy the enemy, all ready for their several operations. They also erect four gates, one at every side of the circumference, and those large enough for the entrance of the beasts, and wide enough for making excursions, if occasion should require. They divide the camp within into streets, very conveniently, and place the tents of the commanders in the middle; but in the very midst of all is the general's own tent, in the nature of a temple, insomuch, that it appears to be a city built on the sudden, with its market-place, and place for handicraft trades, and with seats for the officers superior and inferior, where, if any differences arise, their causes are heard and determined. The camp, and all that is in it, is encompassed with a wall round about, and that sooner than one would imagine, and this by the multitude and the skill of the laborers; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn round the whole, whose depth is four cubits, and its breadth equal.
2. Inside the camp, there are designated areas for tents, while the outer edge looks like a wall, complete with towers spaced evenly apart. Between the towers are machines for launching arrows and darts, as well as slinging stones, along with other devices designed to harass the enemy, all prepared for their various functions. They also build four gates—one on each side of the perimeter—that are large enough for the animals to enter and wide enough for making attacks if needed. The camp is divided into streets in a practical way, with the commanders' tents placed in the center; right in the middle is the general's own tent, resembling a temple, making it seem like a city built overnight, complete with a marketplace and areas for crafts, as well as seating for both senior and junior officers where any disputes can be addressed and resolved. The entire camp and everything in it is surrounded by a wall, constructed more quickly than one might expect, thanks to the large number of skilled workers; if necessary, a trench, four cubits deep and equally wide, is dug around the entire area.
3. When they have thus secured themselves, they live together by companies, with quietness and decency, as are all their other affairs managed with good order and security. Each company hath also their wood, and their corn, and their water brought them, when they stand in need of them; for they neither sup nor dine as they please themselves singly, but all together. Their times also for sleeping, and watching, and rising are notified beforehand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any thing done without such a signal; and in the morning the soldiery go every one to their centurions, and these centurions to their tribunes, to salute them; with whom all the superior officers go to the general of the whole army, who then gives them of course the watchword and other orders, to be by them carried to all that are under their command; which is also observed when they go to fight, and thereby they turn themselves about on the sudden, when there is occasion for making sallies, as they come back when they are recalled in crowds also.
3. Once they’ve established their security, they live in groups, maintaining peace and decency, just like all their other affairs are managed with order and safety. Each group has its own wood, grain, and water brought to them when needed; they don’t eat or drink individually whenever they want, but all together. Their schedules for sleeping, standing watch, and rising are announced ahead of time with the sound of trumpets, and nothing happens without this signal. In the morning, every soldier goes to their centurions, who then report to their tribunes to pay their respects; all the higher-ranking officers then go to the general of the entire army, who naturally gives them the watchword and other orders to pass on to everyone under their command. This practice is also followed during battles, allowing them to quickly change formation when they need to launch an attack, and they return in groups when called back.
4. Now when they are to go out of their camp, the trumpet gives a sound, at which time nobody lies still, but at the first intimation they take down their tents, and all is made ready for their going out; then do the trumpets sound again, to order them to get ready for the march; then do they lay their baggage suddenly upon their mules, and other beasts of burden, and stand, as at the place of starting, ready to march; when also they set fire to their camp, and this they do because it will be easy for them to erect another camp, and that it may not ever be of use to their enemies. Then do the trumpets give a sound the third time, that they are to go out, in order to excite those that on any account are a little tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank when the army marches. Then does the crier stand at the general's right hand, and asks them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they be now ready to go out to war or not? To which they reply as often, with a loud and cheerful voice, saying, "We are ready." And this they do almost before the question is asked them: they do this as filled with a kind of martial fury, and at the same time that they so cry out, they lift up their right hands also.
4. When it's time to leave their camp, the trumpet sounds, and no one stays still; as soon as they hear the call, they start taking down their tents and get everything ready to move out. Then the trumpets sound again to signal them to prepare for the march. They quickly load their gear onto their mules and other pack animals and stand at the starting point, ready to go. They also set fire to their camp to make it easier to set up a new one and to ensure it can't be used by their enemies. The trumpets sound a third time to prompt anyone who might be a bit slow so that everyone stays in formation when the army moves out. The crier stands to the general's right and asks three times in their language if they're ready to go to war. They respond just as many times with a loud, cheerful voice, saying, "We are ready." They do this almost before the question is finished, filled with a kind of battle spirit, and as they shout, they also raise their right hands.
5. When, after this, they are gone out of their camp, they all march without noise, and in a decent manner, and every one keeps his own rank, as if they were going to war. The footmen are armed with breastplates and head-pieces, and have swords on each side; but the sword which is upon their left side is much longer than the other, for that on the right side is not longer than a span. Those foot-men also that are chosen out from the rest to be about the general himself have a lance and a buckler, but the rest of the foot soldiers have a spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a basket, a pick-axe and an axe, a thong of leather and a hook, with provisions for three days, so that a footman hath no great need of a mule to carry his burdens. The horsemen have a long sword on their right sides, axed a long pole in their hand; a shield also lies by them obliquely on one side of their horses, with three or more darts that are borne in their quiver, having broad points, and not smaller than spears. They have also head-pieces and breastplates, in like manner as have all the footmen. And for those that are chosen to be about the general, their armor no way differs from that of the horsemen belonging to other troops; and he always leads the legions forth to whom the lot assigns that employment.
5. When they leave their camp, they all march quietly and orderly, keeping their ranks as if they were heading into battle. The foot soldiers wear breastplates and helmets, carrying swords at their sides; the sword on their left side is much longer than the one on the right, which is only about the length of a hand. The foot soldiers chosen to be around the general carry a lance and a shield, while the other foot soldiers have a spear and a long shield, along with tools like a saw, a basket, a pickaxe, and an axe, as well as a leather strap and a hook, plus enough food for three days, meaning a foot soldier doesn’t really need a mule to carry their gear. The horsemen carry a long sword on their right side, holding a long pole; they also have a shield positioned diagonally on one side of their horses, along with three or more broad-tipped darts in their quiver, which are as large as spears. They wear helmets and breastplates just like the foot soldiers. The armor of those picked to be around the general is no different from that of the horsemen in other units, and he always leads the legions as assigned by their lot.
6. This is the manner of the marching and resting of the Romans, as also these are the several sorts of weapons they use. But when they are to fight, they leave nothing without forecast, nor to be done off-hand, but counsel is ever first taken before any work is begun, and what hath been there resolved upon is put in execution presently; for which reason they seldom commit any errors; and if they have been mistaken at any time, they easily correct those mistakes. They also esteem any errors they commit upon taking counsel beforehand to be better than such rash success as is owing to fortune only; because such a fortuitous advantage tempts them to be inconsiderate, while consultation, though it may sometimes fail of success, hath this good in it, that it makes men more careful hereafter; but for the advantages that arise from chance, they are not owing to him that gains them; and as to what melancholy accidents happen unexpectedly, there is this comfort in them, that they had however taken the best consultations they could to prevent them.
6. This is how the Romans march and rest, as well as the different types of weapons they use. When it's time to fight, they leave nothing to chance and avoid acting on impulse; they always consult each other before starting any task, and what they've decided is carried out right away. For this reason, they rarely make mistakes, and if they do, they can quickly fix them. They believe that any errors made after careful consultation are better than lucky successes that come from chance alone, as such random advantages can lead to recklessness. On the other hand, even if consultation sometimes fails, it teaches people to be more careful in the future. The advantages gained by chance don't belong to the person who receives them, and when unfortunate events happen unexpectedly, they can find comfort in knowing they did everything they could to prevent them.
7. Now they so manage their preparatory exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies of the soldiers only, but their souls may also become stronger: they are moreover hardened for war by fear; for their laws inflict capital punishments, not only for soldiers running away from the ranks, but for slothfulness and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser degree; as are their generals more severe than their laws, for they prevent any imputation of cruelty toward those under condemnation, by the great rewards they bestow on the valiant soldiers; and the readiness of obeying their commanders is so great, that it is very ornamental in peace; but when they come to a battle, the whole army is but one body, so well coupled together are their ranks, so sudden are their turnings about, so sharp their hearing as to what orders are given them, so quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nimble are their hands when they set to work; whereby it comes to pass that what they do is done quickly, and what they suffer they bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we find any examples where they have been conquered in battle, when they came to a close fight, either by the multitude of the enemies, or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties in the places they were in; no, nor by fortune neither, for their victories have been surer to them than fortune could have granted them. In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes before action, and where, after taking the best advice, that advice is followed by so active an army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on the east, the ocean on the west, the most fertile regions of Libya on the south, and the Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the limits of this empire? One might well say that the Roman possessions are not inferior to the Romans themselves.
7. Now they manage their training with weapons in a way that strengthens not just the soldiers' bodies, but also their spirits. They prepare for war through instilling fear; their laws impose severe punishments not only for soldiers who desert their ranks but also for laziness and inactivity, even if it's to a lesser extent. Their leaders are even stricter than the laws, as they avoid any perception of cruelty towards those who are punished by offering substantial rewards to brave soldiers. Their willingness to obey their commanders is so remarkable that it enhances their peacekeeping efforts. However, in battle, the entire army functions as a single unit, with their ranks closely knit, able to turn swiftly, hear orders sharply, spot signals quickly, and move their hands nimbly when it’s time to act. This results in them executing tasks rapidly and enduring hardships with great patience. There are hardly any instances where they have been defeated in close combat, regardless of the enemy's numbers, strategies, or the challenges posed by their locations; luck has played no role in their victories, which have been more reliable than any chance could offer. Therefore, in a context where strategy comes before action, and where an active army follows the best advice, it’s no surprise that the Euphrates to the east, the ocean to the west, the lush regions of Libya to the south, and the Danube and the Rhine to the north define the borders of this empire. One could confidently assert that Roman territories are equal to the Romans themselves.
8. This account I have given the reader, not so much with the intention of commending the Romans, as of comforting those that have been conquered by them, and for the deterring others from attempting innovations under their government. This discourse of the Roman military conduct may also perhaps be of use to such of the curious as are ignorant of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I return now from this digression.
8. I’ve shared this account with the reader not so much to praise the Romans, but to reassure those who have been conquered by them, and to discourage others from trying to make changes under their rule. This discussion about Roman military tactics may also be helpful to those who are curious but don't know much about it and still want to learn. Now, I’ll return to the main topic after this digression.
CHAPTER 6.
Placidus Attempts To Take Jotapata And Is Beaten Off.
Vespasian Marches Into Galilee.
Placidus Tries To Capture Jotapata But Is Driven Back.
Vespasian Advances Into Galilee.1. And now Vespasian, with his son Titus, had tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had put his army in order. But when Placidus, who had overrun Galilee, and had besides slain a number of those whom he had caught, [which were only the weaker part of the Galileans, and such as were of timorous souls,] saw that the warriors ran always to those cities whose walls had been built by Josephus, he marched furiously against Jotapata, which was of them all the strongest, as supposing he should easily take it by a sudden surprise, and that he should thereby obtain great honor to himself among the commanders, and bring a great advantage to them in their future campaign; because if this strongest place of them all were once taken, the rest would be so affrighted as to surrender themselves. But he was mightily mistaken in his undertaking; for the men of Jotapata were apprized of his coming to attack them, and came out of the city, and expected him there. So they fought the Romans briskly when they least expected it, being both many in number, and prepared for fighting, and of great alacrity, as esteeming their country, their wives, and their children to be in danger, and easily put the Romans to flight, and wounded many of them, and slew seven of them; 4 because their retreat was not made in a disorderly manner, because the strokes only touched the surface of their bodies, which were covered with their armor in all parts, and because the Jews did rather throw their weapons upon them from a great distance, than venture to come hand to hand with them, and had only light armor on, while the others were completely armed. However, three men of the Jews' side were slain, and a few wounded; so Placidus, finding himself unable to assault the city, ran away.
1. Now Vespasian, along with his son Titus, had stayed for a while in Ptolemais and had organized his army. But when Placidus, who had invaded Galilee and killed several people he caught, mainly targeting the weaker Galileans and those who were easily scared, saw that the fighters kept running to the cities fortified by Josephus, he charged angrily toward Jotapata, which was the strongest of all, believing he could easily capture it by catching them off guard, thereby earning great respect among the commanders and giving them a significant advantage in their future battles; because if this strongest city fell, the others would be so terrified they would surrender. However, he was greatly mistaken in his plan; the people of Jotapata were aware of his approach and came out of the city to confront him. They attacked the Romans vigorously when they least expected it, being numerous, ready to fight, and motivated by the thought of protecting their land, wives, and children, which allowed them to drive the Romans away, wounding many and killing seven of them; 4 as their retreat was orderly, the blows mainly grazing their bodies, which were protected by their armor, and because the Jews preferred to throw their weapons from a distance rather than engage in close combat, relying on their lighter armor while the Romans were fully armed. Nonetheless, three Jewish warriors were killed and a few were wounded; so Placidus, realizing he couldn't attack the city, fled.
2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to fall upon Galilee, he marched out of Ptolemais, having put his army into that order wherein the Romans used to march. He ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly armed, and the archers, to march first, that they might prevent any sudden insults from the enemy, and might search out the woods that looked suspiciously, and were capable of ambuscades. Next to these followed that part of the Romans which was completely armed, both footmen and horsemen. Next to these followed ten out of every hundred, carrying along with them their arms, and what was necessary to measure out a camp withal; and after them, such as were to make the road even and straight, and if it were any where rough and hard to be passed over, to plane it, and to cut down the woods that hindered their march, that the army might not be in distress, or tired with their march. Behind these he set such carriages of the army as belonged both to himself and to the other commanders, with a considerable number of their horsemen for their security. After these he marched himself, having with him a select body of footmen, and horsemen, and pikemen. After these came the peculiar cavalry of his own legion, for there were a hundred and twenty horsemen that peculiarly belonged to every legion. Next to these came the mules that carried the engines for sieges, and the other warlike machines of that nature. After these came the commanders of the cohorts and tribunes, having about them soldiers chosen out of the rest. Then came the ensigns encompassing the eagle, which is at the head of every Roman legion, the king, and the strongest of all birds, which seems to them a signal of dominion, and an omen that they shall conquer all against whom they march; these sacred ensigns are followed by the trumpeters. Then came the main army in their squadrons and battalions, with six men in depth, which were followed at last by a centurion, who, according to custom, observed the rest. As for the servants of every legion, they all followed the footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers, which was borne by the mules and other beasts of burden. But behind all the legions came the whole multitude of the mercenaries; and those that brought up the rear came last of all for the security of the whole army, being both footmen, and those in their armor also, with a great number of horsemen.
2. But since Vespasian was eager to attack Galilee, he marched out of Ptolemais, arranging his army in the formation typical of the Romans. He ordered the lightly armed auxiliaries and the archers to march first to prevent any unexpected attacks from the enemy and to scout out any suspicious woods that could be hiding an ambush. Following them were the fully armed Romans, both foot soldiers and cavalry. Next came one in every ten soldiers carrying their weapons and essentials for setting up camp. After them were those tasked with clearing and smoothing the path, making it easier to traverse if it was rough, and cutting down trees that obstructed their advance, so the army wouldn't be fatigued or distressed by the march. Behind them were the army's transport vehicles, both his and those of the other commanders, accompanied by a good number of horsemen for protection. He marched behind them, accompanied by a select group of foot soldiers, cavalry, and pikemen. Following them was the specific cavalry unit of his own legion, with each legion having a hundred and twenty horsemen designated to it. After that came the mules carrying siege engines and other war machines of that sort. Then came the leaders of the cohorts and tribunes, surrounded by specially chosen soldiers. Next were the standards surrounding the eagle, which is at the forefront of every Roman legion, representing power and serving as an omen of victory against any foes they confront; these sacred standards were followed by the trumpeters. Then came the main army arranged in squadrons and battalions, six men deep, followed lastly by a centurion who, as was customary, kept an eye on the others. As for the legion's servants, they followed the foot soldiers, carrying the soldiers' baggage, which was transported by mules and other pack animals. Finally, at the back of the legions came the entire crowd of mercenaries, and those bringing up the rear provided security for the army, comprising both infantry and armored soldiers, along with a large number of cavalry.
3. And thus did Vespasian march with his army, and came to the bounds of Galilee, where he pitched his camp and restrained his soldiers, who were eager for war; he also showed his army to the enemy, in order to affright them, and to afford them a season for repentance, to see whether they would change their minds before it came to a battle, and at the same time he got things ready for besieging their strong minds. And indeed this sight of the general brought many to repent of their revolt, and put them all into a consternation; for those that were in Josephus's camp, which was at the city called Garis, not far from Sepphoris, when they heard that the war was come near them, and that the Romans would suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed themselves and fled, not only before they came to a battle, but before the enemy ever came in sight, while Josephus and a few others were left behind; and as he saw that he had not an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the greater part would willingly come to terms, if they might be credited, he already despaired of the success of the whole war, and determined to get as far as he possibly could out of danger; so he took those that staid along with him, and fled to Tiberias.
3. So Vespasian marched with his army and reached the borders of Galilee, where he set up camp and held back his soldiers, who were eager for battle. He also displayed his army to the enemy to scare them and give them a chance to reconsider, hoping they would change their minds before a fight broke out. At the same time, he prepared for an assault on their stronghold. This show of force caused many to regret their revolt and left the others in a panic. Those in Josephus's camp, located in the city of Garis, not far from Sepphoris, upon realizing that war was imminent and that the Romans would soon engage them directly, scattered and fled, even before a battle began or the enemy was in sight, leaving Josephus and a few others behind. Seeing that he lacked a proper army to confront the enemy, that the morale of the Jews was low, and that most would willingly negotiate if given a chance, he lost hope for the war's success and decided to escape as far as possible from danger. He took those who stayed with him and fled to Tiberias.
CHAPTER 7.
Vespasian, When He Had Taken The City Gadaea Marches To
Jotapata. After A Long Siege The City Is Betrayed By A
Deserter, And Taken By Vespasian.
Vespasian, after capturing the city of Gadaea, marches to Jotapata. After a lengthy siege, the city is betrayed by a deserter and taken by Vespasian.
1. So Vespasian marched to the city Gadara, and took it upon the first onset, because he found it destitute of any considerable number of men grown up and fit for war. He came then into it, and slew all the youth, the Romans having no mercy on any age whatsoever; and this was done out of the hatred they bore the nation, and because of the iniquity they had been guilty of in the affair of Cestius. He also set fire not only to the city itself, but to all the villas and small cities that were round about it; some of them were quite destitute of inhabitants, and out of some of them he carried the inhabitants as slaves into captivity.
1. So Vespasian marched to the city of Gadara and took it on the first attempt because he found it lacking a significant number of men who were grown and able to fight. He then entered the city and killed all the young men, with the Romans showing no mercy to anyone, regardless of age; this was done out of the hatred they felt for the nation and because of the wrongdoing they believed the people had committed in connection with Cestius. He also set fire not only to the city itself but to all the villas and smaller towns around it; some were completely uninhabited, and from some of them, he took the residents as slaves into captivity.
2. As to Josephus, his retiring to that city which he chose as the most fit for his security, put it into great fear; for the people of Tiberias did not imagine that he would have run away, unless he had entirely despaired of the success of the war. And indeed, as to that point, they were not mistaken about his opinion; for he saw whither the affairs of the Jews would tend at last, and was sensible that they had but one way of escaping, and that was by repentance. However, although he expected that the Romans would forgive him, yet did he choose to die many times over, rather than to betray his country, and to dishonor that supreme command of the army which had been intrusted with him, or to live happily under those against whom he was sent to fight. He determined, therefore, to give an exact account of affairs to the principal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he might not, by too much aggrandizing the power of the enemy, make them too timorous; nor, by relating that their power beneath the truth, might encourage them to stand out when they were perhaps disposed to repentance. He also sent them word, that if they thought of coming to terms, they must suddenly write him an answer; or if they resolved upon war, they must send him an army sufficient to fight the Romans. Accordingly, he wrote these things, and sent messengers immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem.
2. As for Josephus, his retreat to the city he chose for his safety instilled great fear. The people of Tiberias didn't believe he would flee unless he had completely given up hope for the war's success. And indeed, they weren't wrong about his feelings; he understood where the fate of the Jews was headed and realized they had only one way to escape: through repentance. However, even though he hoped the Romans would show him mercy, he preferred to face death repeatedly rather than betray his country, dishonor the high command of the army entrusted to him, or live comfortably among those he was supposed to fight. So, he decided to send a detailed letter to the leaders in Jerusalem, ensuring he didn't exaggerate the enemy's strength and make them too fearful, nor downplay it and encourage them to resist when they might be leaning towards repentance. He also informed them that if they were considering terms, they needed to respond quickly; if they chose war, they had to send him enough troops to battle the Romans. He then wrote this and immediately sent messengers to deliver his letter to Jerusalem.
3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of demolishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelligence that the greatest part of the enemy had retired thither, and that it was, on other accounts, a place of great security to them. Accordingly, he sent both foot-men and horsemen to level the road, which was mountainous and rocky, not without difficulty to be traveled over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable for horsemen. Now these workmen accomplished what they were about in four days' time, and opened a broad way for the army. On the fifth day, which was the twenty-first of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] Josephus prevented him, and came from Tiberias, and went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter told this good news to Vespasian, that Josephus had removed himself thither, which made him make haste to the city, as supposing that with taking that he should take all Judea, in case he could but withal get Josephus under his power. So he took this news to be of the vastest advantage to him, and believed it to be brought about by the providence of God, that he who appeared to be the most prudent man of all their enemies, had, of his own accord, shut himself up in a place of sure custody. Accordingly, he sent Placidus with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a decurion, a person that was of eminency both in council and in action, to encompass the city round, that Josephus might not escape away privately.
3. Vespasian was very eager to take down Jotapata because he had received word that most of the enemy had retreated there, and it was quite secure for them in other ways as well. So, he sent both infantry and cavalry to clear the rocky, mountainous road, which was challenging for foot soldiers and completely impossible for horsemen. The workers finished their task in four days, creating a wide path for the army. On the fifth day, the twenty-first of the month Artemisius, Josephus thwarted his plans by arriving from Tiberias and entering Jotapata to boost the morale of the Jews. A deserter informed Vespasian of this news, stating that Josephus had positioned himself there, which prompted Vespasian to rush to the city, thinking that capturing it would allow him to dominate all of Judea, especially if he could also capture Josephus. He saw this news as a significant advantage and believed it was orchestrated by divine intervention, as the most strategic of their enemies had willingly confined himself in a secure location. Therefore, he sent Placidus with a thousand cavalry and Ebutius, a respected officer both in strategy and action, to surround the city to ensure Josephus couldn’t escape secretly.
4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took his whole army and followed them, and by marching till late in the evening, arrived then at Jotapata; and bringing his army to the northern side of the city, he pitched his camp on a certain small hill which was seven furlongs from the city, and still greatly endeavored to be well seen by the enemy, to put them into a consternation; which was indeed so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no one of them durst go out beyond the wall. Yet did the Romans put off the attack at that time, because they had marched all the day, although they placed a double row of battalions round the city, with a third row beyond them round the whole, which consisted of cavalry, in order to stop up every way for an exit; which thing making the Jews despair of escaping, excited them to act more boldly; for nothing makes men fight so desperately in war as necessity.
4. The next day, Vespasian gathered his entire army and followed them, marching until late evening to reach Jotapata. He set up camp on a small hill seven furlongs from the city’s northern side, making sure his army was visible to the enemy to instill fear. This sight was so terrifying to the Jews that none of them dared to venture beyond the wall. However, the Romans decided not to launch an attack at that moment, as they had marched all day. They positioned a double line of battalions around the city, with a third line beyond them made up of cavalry, to block any possible escape routes. This situation made the Jews feel hopeless, prompting them to fight more fiercely because nothing drives people to fight more desperately in war than necessity.
5. Now when the next day an assault was made by the Romans, the Jews at first staid out of the walls and opposed them, and met them, as having formed themselves a camp before the city walls. But when Vespasian had set against them the archers and slingers, and the whole multitude that could throw to a great distance, he permitted them to go to work, while he himself, with the footmen, got upon an acclivity, whence the city might easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jewish multitude with him; these fell together upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove them away from the wall, and performed a great many glorious and bold actions. Yet did they suffer as much as they made the enemy suffer; for as despair of deliverance encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame equally encourage the Romans. These last had skill as well as strength; the other had only courage, which armed them, and made them fight furiously. And when the fight had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the coming on of the night. They had wounded a great many of the Romans, and killed of them thirteen men; of the Jews' side seventeen were slain, and six hundred wounded.
5. The next day, when the Romans launched an attack, the Jews initially stayed outside the walls to confront them and had set up camp near the city walls. However, when Vespasian deployed archers, slingers, and all the troops that could attack from a distance, he let them start their assault while he himself took position with the infantry on a slope that provided a good vantage point to capture the city. Josephus, fearing for the city, jumped down, and the entire Jewish crowd followed him; they charged at the Romans in large numbers, pushing them back from the wall and performing many brave and impressive feats. Yet, they suffered as much as they inflicted pain on the enemy; just as the Jews were driven by despair, the Romans were equally motivated by a sense of shame. The Romans had both skill and strength; the Jews relied solely on their courage, which fueled their fierce fighting. After a full day of battle, the fight ended with the arrival of night. The Jews had wounded many Romans and killed thirteen; on their side, seventeen were killed and six hundred were wounded.
6. On the next day the Jews made another attack upon the Romans, and went out of the walls and fought a much more desperate battle with them than before. For they were now become more courageous than formerly, and that on account of the unexpected good opposition they had made the day before, as they found the Romans also to fight more desperately; for a sense of shame inflamed these into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. Thus did the Romans try to make an impression upon the Jews till the fifth day continually, while the people of Jotapata made sallies out, and fought at the walls most desperately; nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength of the enemy, nor were the Romans discouraged at the difficulties they met with in taking the city.
6. The next day, the Jews launched another attack on the Romans, moving out of the walls to fight a much more intense battle than before. They had become braver than they were earlier, motivated by their unexpected success in the previous day's skirmish, which they saw had also pushed the Romans to fight harder; the Romans felt a sense of shame that turned into anger, viewing their failure to secure a quick victory as a loss. For five straight days, the Romans tried to conquer the Jews, while the people of Jotapata made bold charges and fought fiercely at the walls; the Jews were not intimidated by the enemy's strength, and the Romans were not disheartened by the challenges they faced in capturing the city.
7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built on a precipice, having on all the other sides of it every way valleys immensely deep and steep, insomuch that those who would look down would have their sight fail them before it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be come at on the north side, where the utmost part of the city is built on the mountain, as it ends obliquely at a plain. This mountain Josephus had encompassed with a wall when he fortified the city, that its top might not be capable of being seized upon by the enemies. The city is covered all round with other mountains, and can no way be seen till a man comes just upon it. And this was the strong situation of Jotapata.
7. Jotapata is mostly built on a cliff, surrounded by incredibly deep and steep valleys on all sides, so much so that anyone looking down would feel dizzy before reaching the bottom. The only access is from the north side, where the highest part of the city is built on the mountain, which slopes down to a flat area. Josephus had surrounded this mountain with a wall when he fortified the city, to prevent enemies from taking the top. The city is surrounded by other mountains and can't be seen until someone is right on top of it. This was the strong position of Jotapata.
8. Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how he might overcome the natural strength of the place, as well as the bold defense of the Jews, made a resolution to prosecute the siege with vigor. To that end he called the commanders that were under him to a council of war, and consulted with them which way the assault might be managed to the best advantage. And when the resolution was there taken to raise a bank against that part of the wall which was practicable, he sent his whole army abroad to get the materials together. So when they had cut down all the trees on the mountains that adjoined to the city, and had gotten together a vast heap of stones, besides the wood they had cut down, some of them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the effects of the darts that were shot from above them. These hurdles they spread over their banks, under cover whereof they formed their bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by the darts that were thrown upon them from the wall, while others pulled the neighboring hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought earth to them; so that while they were busy three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. However, the Jews cast great stones from the walls upon the hurdles which protected the men, with all sorts of darts also; and the noise of what could not reach them was yet so terrible, that it was some impediment to the workmen.
8. Vespasian, therefore, to figure out how to overcome the natural strength of the location and the fierce resistance of the Jews, decided to actively pursue the siege. To do this, he gathered his commanders for a war council and discussed the best way to manage the assault. Once they agreed to build a ramp against the section of the wall that could be attacked, he sent his entire army out to gather the necessary materials. They cut down all the trees on the nearby mountains and collected a massive pile of stones, in addition to the wood they had felled. Some brought hurdles to protect themselves from the arrows shot down at them. They placed these hurdles over their ramp, creating shelter as they built, which allowed them to suffer little to no harm from the projectiles coming from the wall. Meanwhile, others demolished nearby hillocks and continuously transported earth to the ramp; everyone was busy working. However, the Jews hurled large stones from the walls onto the hurdles protecting the workers, along with various types of darts. The noise of the projectiles that missed was so alarming that it created some obstacles for the workers.
9. Vespasian then set the engines for throwing stones and darts round about the city. The number of the engines was in all a hundred and sixty, and bid them fall to work, and dislodge those that were upon the wall. At the same time such engines as were intended for that purpose threw at once lances upon them with a great noise, and stones of the weight of a talent were thrown by the engines that were prepared for that purpose, together with fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews durst not only not come upon it, but durst not come to those parts within the walls which were reached by the engines; for the multitude of the Arabian archers, as well also as all those that threw darts and slung stones, fell to work at the same time with the engines. Yet did not the others lie still, when they could not throw at the Romans from a higher place; for they then made sallies out of the city, like private robbers, by parties, and pulled away the hurdles that covered the workmen, and killed them when they were thus naked; and when those workmen gave way, these cast away the earth that composed the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it, together with the hurdles, till at length Vespasian perceived that the intervals there were between the works were of disadvantage to him; for those spaces of ground afforded the Jews a place for assaulting the Romans. So he united the hurdles, and at the same time joined one part of the army to the other, which prevented the private excursions of the Jews.
9. Vespasian then set up catapults and other siege engines around the city. There were a total of one hundred and sixty of these machines, and he ordered them to begin firing to drive off those on the walls. At the same time, the engines designed for this purpose launched lances with a loud noise, and heavy stones weighing about a talent were hurled by the engines prepared for that task, along with a huge number of arrows. This bombardment made the wall so dangerous that the Jews dared not come near it, nor even approach those areas within the walls that were targeted by the engines. Meanwhile, a large group of Arabian archers, along with others who threw darts and slung stones, simultaneously joined in the attack using the engines. However, the defenders didn’t just sit back; when they could not strike the Romans from a higher position, they made sudden raids out of the city, like bandits in small groups. They tore away the protective barriers that covered the workers and killed them while they were exposed. As the workers faltered, the attackers demolished the earthen rampart and set fire to its wooden components, including the barriers. Eventually, Vespasian realized that the gaps between the fortifications were a disadvantage for him, as those open spaces provided the Jews with opportunities to assault the Romans. So he connected the barriers and simultaneously joined one part of the army to the other, preventing the Jews from making their raids.
10. And when the bank was now raised, and brought nearer than ever to the battlements that belonged to the walls, Josephus thought it would be entirely wrong in him if he could make no contrivances in opposition to theirs, and that might be for the city's preservation; so he got together his workmen, and ordered them to build the wall higher; and while they said that this was impossible to be done while so many darts were thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover for them: He bid them fix piles, and expand before them the raw hides of oxen newly killed, that these hides by yielding and hollowing themselves when the stones were thrown at them might receive them, for that the other darts would slide off them, and the fire that was thrown would be quenched by the moisture that was in them. And these he set before the workmen, and under them these workmen went on with their works in safety, and raised the wall higher, and that both by day and by night, till it was twenty cubits high. He also built a good number of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong battlements. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who in their own opinions were already gotten within the walls, while they were now at once astonished at Josephus's contrivance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that were in the city.
10. When the bank was raised and brought closer than ever to the battlements of the walls, Josephus thought it would be wrong not to come up with some strategies to oppose them and save the city. So, he gathered his workers and ordered them to build the wall higher. They said it was impossible with so many projectiles being thrown at them, but he came up with a solution: he instructed them to set up wooden posts and spread the raw hides of freshly killed oxen in front of them. These hides would absorb the impact of the stones thrown at them because they were soft and would cause the other projectiles to slide off, while the moisture in the hides would extinguish any fire thrown their way. He placed these hides in front of the workers, who then continued their construction safely, raising the wall higher, both day and night, until it reached twenty cubits. He also built several towers on the wall and reinforced it with strong battlements. This greatly discouraged the Romans, who believed they had already breached the walls, and they were astonished by Josephus's ingenuity and the bravery of the citizens inside the city.
11. And now Vespasian was plainly irritated at the great subtlety of this stratagem, and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapata; for taking heart again upon the building of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the Romans, and had every day conflicts with them by parties, together with all such contrivances, as robbers make use of, and with the plundering of all that came to hand, as also with the setting fire to all the other works; and this till Vespasian made his army leave off fighting them, and resolved to lie round the city, and to starve them into a surrender, as supposing that either they would be forced to petition him for mercy by want of provisions, or if they should have the courage to hold out till the last, they should perish by famine: and he concluded he should conquer them the more easily in fighting, if he gave them an interval, and then fell upon them when they were weakened by famine; but still he gave orders that they should guard against their coming out of the city.
11. Vespasian was clearly annoyed by the cunning strategy and the audacity of the people of Jotapata. They found new courage with the construction of their wall and frequently launched attacks on the Romans. Every day, they engaged in skirmishes in small groups, using tactics typical of thieves, seizing whatever they could, and setting fire to all other works. This continued until Vespasian decided to stop his army from engaging them directly and instead to surround the city, aiming to force them into surrender through starvation, believing they would either have to beg him for mercy due to lack of food or, if they showed the courage to hold out until the very end, they would ultimately die from hunger. He thought it would be easier to defeat them in battle if he allowed them a pause, then attacked when they were weakened by famine. Still, he ordered his troops to be vigilant against anyone trying to escape from the city.
12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn within the city, and indeed of all necessaries, but they wanted water, because there was no fountain in the city, the people being there usually satisfied with rain water; yet is it a rare thing in that country to have rain in summer, and at this season, during the siege, they were in great distress for some contrivance to satisfy their thirst; and they were very sad at this time particularly, as if they were already in want of water entirely, for Josephus seeing that the city abounded with other necessaries, and that the men were of good courage, and being desirous to protract the siege to the Romans longer than they expected, ordered their drink to be given them by measure; but this scanty distribution of water by measure was deemed by them as a thing more hard upon them than the want of it; and their not being able to drink as much as they would made them more desirous of drinking than they otherwise had been; nay, they were as much disheartened hereby as if they were come to the last degree of thirst. Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the state they were in, for when they stood over against them, beyond the wall, they could see them running together, and taking their water by measure, which made them throw their javelins thither the place being within their reach, and kill a great many of them.
12. The people trapped in the city had plenty of grain and other supplies, but they were short on water since there was no fountain. They usually relied on rainwater, which is quite uncommon in summer in that region. During the siege, they were desperate for a way to quench their thirst, and they felt particularly gloomy, as if they were completely out of water. Josephus noticed that the city had enough food and that the men were still brave, so he wanted to prolong the siege against the Romans longer than they anticipated. He ordered the water to be distributed in measured amounts. However, this limited supply felt harsher to them than the lack of water itself, making them crave it even more. Their inability to drink as much as they wanted left them feeling just as discouraged as if they were at their most parched. The Romans were aware of their situation; when they saw them gathering and measuring their water from outside the wall, they took the opportunity to throw their javelins, hitting and killing many of them.
13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their receptacles of water would in no long time be emptied, and that they would be forced to deliver up the city to him; but Josephus being minded to break such his hope, gave command that they should wet a great many of their clothes, and hang them out about the battlements, till the entire wall was of a sudden all wet with the running down of the water. At this sight the Romans were discouraged, and under consternation, when they saw them able to throw away in sport so much water, when they supposed them not to have enough to drink themselves. This made the Roman general despair of taking the city by their want of necessaries, and to betake himself again to arms, and to try to force them to surrender, which was what the Jews greatly desired; for as they despaired of either themselves or their city being able to escape, they preferred a death in battle before one by hunger and thirst.
13. After that, Vespasian thought that their water supplies would soon run out, and they would have to surrender the city to him. However, Josephus, wanting to crush that hope, ordered that many of their clothes be soaked and hung out on the battlements until the entire wall was suddenly drenched with water. Seeing this, the Romans became disheartened and alarmed when they realized the Jews could waste so much water, despite believing they had barely enough to drink themselves. This discouraged the Roman general from thinking he could take the city just by cutting off their supplies, so he decided to take up arms again and try to force them to surrender, something the Jews wanted very much. They had lost hope of escaping either themselves or their city and preferred to fight to the death rather than die from hunger and thirst.
14. However, Josephus contrived another stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty of what they wanted. There was a certain rough and uneven place that could hardly be ascended, and on that account was not guarded by the soldiers; so Josephus sent out certain persons along the western parts of the valley, and by them sent letters to whom he pleased of the Jews that were out of the city, and procured from them what necessaries soever they wanted in the city in abundance; he enjoined them also to creep generally along by the watch as they came into the city, and to cover their backs with such sheep-skins as had their wool upon them, that if any one should spy them out in the night time, they might be believed to be dogs. This was done till the watch perceived their contrivance, and encompassed that rough place about themselves.
14. However, Josephus came up with another plan to get a lot of what they needed. There was a rough and uneven area that was difficult to climb, which is why it wasn't guarded by the soldiers. So Josephus sent some people out to the western parts of the valley, and through them, he sent letters to the Jews outside the city to gather everything they needed in abundance. He also instructed them to sneak past the guards as they entered the city, covering their backs with sheep skins that still had the wool on them, so that if anyone spotted them at night, they would be believed to be dogs. This went on until the guards caught onto their scheme and surrounded that rough area.
15. And now it was that Josephus perceived that the city could not hold out long, and that his own life would be in doubt if he continued in it; so he consulted how he and the most potent men of the city might fly out of it. When the multitude understood this, they came all round about him, and begged of him not to overlook them while they entirely depended on him, and him alone; for that there was still hope of the city's deliverance, if he would stay with them, because every body would undertake any pains with great cheerfulness on his account, and in that case there would be some comfort for them also, though they should be taken: that it became him neither to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which he came when it was quiet and in a calm; for that by going away he would be the cause of drowning the city, because nobody would then venture to oppose the enemy when he was once gone, upon whom they wholly confided. 16. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting them know that he was to go away to provide for his own safety, but told them that he would go out of the city for their sakes; for that if he staid with them, he should be able to do them little good while they were in a safe condition; and that if they were once taken, he should only perish with them to no purpose; but that if he were once gotten free from this siege, he should be able to bring them very great relief; for that he would then immediately get the Galileans together, out of the country, in great multitudes, and draw the Romans off their city by another war. That he did not see what advantage he could bring to them now, by staying among them, but only provoke the Romans to besiege them more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable thing to take him; but that if they were once informed that he was fled out of the city, they would greatly remit of their eagerness against it. Yet did not this plea move the people, but inflamed them the more to hang about him. Accordingly, both the children and the old men, and the women with their infants, came mourning to him, and fell down before him, and all of them caught hold of his feet, and held him fast, and besought him, with great lamentations, that he would take his share with them in their fortune; and I think they did this, not that they envied his deliverance, but that they hoped for their own; for they could not think they should suffer any great misfortune, provided Josephus would but stay with them.
15. At that point, Josephus realized that the city couldn't hold out much longer and that his life would be in danger if he stayed. So, he thought about how he and the most powerful men in the city could escape. When the crowd understood this, they surrounded him and pleaded with him not to forget about them, as they relied entirely on him. They believed there was still hope for the city's rescue if he chose to stay, because everyone would be willing to endure any hardship for his sake. They thought that if he left, it would mean abandoning them during their time of need, just like jumping from a sinking ship after being welcomed aboard during calm waters. They feared that if he left, it would lead to the city's downfall since no one would dare oppose the enemy without him, the one they trusted completely. 16. Josephus decided not to reveal his true intention of leaving for his own safety. Instead, he told them he would leave the city for their benefit, saying if he stayed with them, he wouldn’t be able to help much while they were safe. He pointed out that if they were captured, he would only die alongside them without purpose. However, if he managed to get away from the siege, he could come back with substantial help. He promised he would gather the Galileans and rally them for another fight against the Romans. He argued that staying with them would only anger the Romans and make them besiege the city more intensely, as they would see him as someone worth capturing. He believed that if the Romans learned he had escaped, they would lose interest in the city. Despite his reasoning, the crowd was not swayed; in fact, their desperation only increased. The children, elderly, and women with their babies came to him, crying, and fell at his feet, begging him with heartfelt pleas to share their fate. It seemed they didn’t want to see him saved for his sake alone, but rather they hoped his presence would protect them, believing that as long as Josephus was with them, they could avoid disaster.
17. Now Josephus thought, that if he resolved to stay, it would be ascribed to their entreaties; and if he resolved to go away by force, he should be put into custody. His commiseration also of the people under their lamentations had much broken that his eagerness to leave them; so he resolved to stay, and arming himself with the common despair of the citizens, he said to them, "Now is the time to begin to fight in earnest, when there is no hope of deliverance left. It is a brave thing to prefer glory before life, and to set about some such noble undertaking as may be remembered by late posterity." Having said this, he fell to work immediately, and made a sally, and dispersed the enemies' out-guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp itself, and pulled the coverings of their tents to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set fire to their works. And this was the manner in which he never left off fighting, neither the next day, nor the day after it, but went on with it for a considerable number of both days and nights.
17. Now Josephus thought that if he decided to stay, it would be seen as a result of their pleas; and if he chose to leave by force, he would be taken into custody. His sympathy for the people, given their suffering, made him less eager to abandon them; so he chose to stay. Gathering the shared despair of the citizens, he said to them, "Now is the time to start fighting for real, when there’s no hope of rescue left. It's courageous to prioritize glory over life and to undertake a noble cause that future generations will remember." After saying this, he got to work immediately, launched an attack, scattered the enemy's outposts, and pushed as far as the Roman camp itself. He tore down the coverings of their tents on the banks and set fire to their fortifications. This was how he continued to fight without stopping, neither the next day nor the day after, but carried on for many days and nights.
18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw the Romans distressed by these sallies, [though they were ashamed to be made to run away by the Jews; and when at any time they made the Jews run away, their heavy armor would not let them pursue them far; while the Jews, when they had performed any action, and before they could be hurt themselves, still retired into the city,] ordered his armed men to avoid their onset, and not fight it out with men under desperation, while nothing is more courageous than despair; but that their violence would be quenched when they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire is quenched when it wants fuel; and that it was proper for the Romans to gain their victories as cheap as they could, since they are not forced to fight, but only to enlarge their own dominions. So he repelled the Jews in great measure by the Arabian archers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that threw stones at them, nor was there any intermission of the great number of their offensive engines. Now the Jews suffered greatly by these engines, without being able to escape from them; and when these engines threw their stones or javelins a great way, and the Jews were within their reach, they pressed hard upon the Romans, and fought desperately, without sparing either soul or body, one part succoring another by turns, when it was tired down.
18. Seeing the Romans troubled by these attacks, Vespasian noticed that they were embarrassed to be chased off by the Jews. Whenever the Romans forced the Jews to retreat, their heavy armor prevented them from pursuing too far. On the other hand, the Jews would retreat to the city quickly after their actions, before they could be harmed. Vespasian ordered his soldiers to avoid engaging with those driven by desperation, noting that nothing is more dangerous than someone in despair. He believed their aggression would fade when they realized they weren't succeeding, like a fire dying out without fuel. He emphasized that the Romans should aim to win their battles as easily as possible since they were not compelled to fight, just to expand their territories. He largely pushed back the Jews using Arabian archers, Syrian slingers, and those who hurled stones. There was a constant stream of their offensive weapons. The Jews suffered greatly from these devices, unable to escape. When these machines launched their stones or javelins at a distance, the Jews pressed hard against the Romans, fighting fiercely and without holding back, assisting each other in shifts when they became exhausted.
19. When, therefore, Vespasian looked upon himself as in a manner besieged by these sallies of the Jews, and when his banks were now not far from the walls, he determined to make use of his battering ram. This battering ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast of a ship, its forepart is armed with a thick piece of iron at the head of it, which is so carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence its name is taken. This ram is slung in the air by ropes passing over its middle, and is hung like the balance in a pair of scales from another beam, and braced by strong beams that pass on both sides of it, in the nature of a cross. When this ram is pulled backward by a great number of men with united force, and then thrust forward by the same men, with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with that iron part which is prominent. Nor is there any tower so strong, or walls so broad, that can resist any more than its first batteries, but all are forced to yield to it at last. This was the experiment which the Roman general betook himself to, when he was eagerly bent upon taking the city; but found lying in the field so long to be to his disadvantage, because the Jews would never let him be quiet. So these Romans brought the several engines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls, that they might reach such as were upon the wall, and endeavored to frustrate their attempts; these threw stones and javelins at them; in the like manner did the archers and slingers come both together closer to the wall. This brought matters to such a pass that none of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then it was that the other Romans brought the battering ram that was cased with hurdles all over, and in the tipper part was secured by skins that covered it, and this both for the security of themselves and of the engine. Now, at the very first stroke of this engine, the wall was shaken, and a terrible clamor was raised by the people within the city, as if they were already taken.
19. When Vespasian saw himself basically surrounded by the attacks from the Jews, and when his siege works were now close to the city walls, he decided to use his battering ram. This battering ram is a huge wooden beam like a ship's mast, with a thick iron piece at the front shaped like a ram’s head, which is how it got its name. It is suspended in the air by ropes in the middle and hangs like a scale from another beam, supported by strong beams on both sides, creating a cross structure. When a large group of men pulls this ram back with great effort and then pushes it forward with a loud crash, it slams into the walls with the iron part. There is no tower or wall so strong or wide that it can withstand the ram, which ultimately forces them to give in. This was the tactic the Roman general chose when he was determined to capture the city but found himself in a disadvantageous position after staying in the field for so long because the Jews would never let him rest. So, the Romans brought their various siege engines closer to the walls to target those on the battlements and tried to disrupt their efforts; they hurled stones and javelins at them. Similarly, the archers and slingers moved closer to the wall. This situation escalated to the point where none of the Jews dared to go up on the walls, and that’s when the other Romans brought in the battering ram, which was covered with hurdles and reinforced with skins for their protection and that of the machine. At the very first strike of this engine, the wall shook, and a terrifying uproar erupted from the people inside the city as if they were already captured.
20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram still battering the same place, and that the wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he resolved to elude for a while the force of the engine. With this design he gave orders to fill sacks with chaff, and to hang them down before that place where they saw the ram always battering, that the stroke might be turned aside, or that the place might feel less of the strokes by the yielding nature of the chaff. This contrivance very much delayed the attempts of the Romans, because, let them remove their engine to what part they pleased, those that were above it removed their sacks, and placed them over against the strokes it made, insomuch that the wall was no way hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the Romans made an opposite contrivance of long poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut off the sacks. Now when the battering ram thus recovered its force, and the wall having been but newly built, was giving way, Josephus and those about him had afterward immediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves withal; whereupon they took what materials soever they had that were but dry, and made a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines, and the hurdles, and the banks of the Romans themselves; nor did the Romans well know how to come to their assistance, being at once under a consternation at the Jews' boldness, and being prevented by the flames from coming to their assistance; for the materials being dry with the bitumen and pitch that were among them, as was brimstone also, the fire caught hold of every thing immediately, and what cost the Romans a great deal of pains was in one hour consumed.
20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram continuing to hit the same spot, and that the wall would soon collapse from it, he decided to temporarily avoid the force of the machine. To do this, he ordered sacks to be filled with chaff and hung in front of the spot where they saw the ram constantly battering, so that the impact could be deflected, or that the area would feel less damage from the softer nature of the chaff. This tactic greatly delayed the Romans' efforts, because no matter where they moved their machine, those positioned above it removed their sacks and placed them in front of the impacts, preventing any harm to the wall, due to the deflection of the blows, until the Romans devised a countermeasure with long poles, tying hooks to their ends to cut off the sacks. Once the battering ram regained its strength and, with the wall newly constructed, began to give way, Josephus and his companions immediately resorted to fire for their defense. They used whatever dry materials they had and launched a surprise attack from three sides, setting fire to the machines, the hurdles, and the Romans' own banks; the Romans were not sure how to assist each other, taken aback by the Jews' boldness and obstructed by the flames from reaching them. The dry materials, combined with bitumen, pitch, and sulfur among them, caught fire quickly, consuming what had cost the Romans a considerable effort in just one hour.
21. And here a certain Jew appeared worthy of our relation and commendation; he was the son of Sameas, and was called Eleazar, and was born at Saab, in Galilee. This man took up a stone of a vast bigness, and threw it down from the wall upon the ram, and this with so great a force, that it broke off the head of the engine. He also leaped down, and took up the head of the ram from the midst of them, and without any concern carried it to the top of the wall, and this while he stood as a fit mark to be pelted by all his enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes upon his naked body, and was wounded with five darts; nor did he mind any of them while he went up to the top of the wall, where he stood in the sight of them all, as an instance of the greatest boldness; after which he drew himself on a heap with his wounds upon him, and fell down together with the head of the ram. Next to him, two brothers showed their courage; their names were Netir and Philip, both of them of the village Ruma, and both of them Galileans also; these men leaped upon the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with such a noise and force as to disorder their ranks, and to put to flight all upon whomsoever they made their assaults.
21. And then a certain Jewish man appeared, deserving of our mention and praise; he was the son of Sameas, named Eleazar, and he was born in Saab, Galilee. This man picked up a large stone and threw it from the wall onto the battering ram with such force that it smashed the head of the machine. He also jumped down, picked up the ram's head from among the enemies, and without any hesitation, carried it to the top of the wall, even while standing as an easy target for all his foes. He took hits to his bare body and was wounded by five darts; yet he ignored them all as he climbed to the top of the wall, where he stood before everyone, showcasing incredible bravery. Afterward, he collapsed with his wounds and fell down along with the ram's head. Right next to him, two brothers showed their bravery; their names were Netir and Philip, both from the village of Ruma and also Galileans. These men charged at the soldiers of the tenth legion and attacked the Romans with such a loud noise and force that they broke their ranks and sent everyone they assaulted fleeing.
22. After these men's performances, Josephus, and the rest of the multitude with him, took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the machines and their coverings, with the works belonging to the fifth and to the tenth legion, which they put to flight; when others followed them immediately, and buried those instruments and all their materials under ground. However, about the evening, the Romans erected the battering ram again, against that part of the wall which had suffered before; where a certain Jew that defended the city from the Romans hit Vespasian with a dart in his foot, and wounded him a little, the distance being so great, that no mighty impression could be made by the dart thrown so far off. However, this caused the greatest disorder among the Romans; for when those who stood near him saw his blood, they were disturbed at it, and a report went abroad, through the whole army, that the general was wounded, while the greatest part left the siege, and came running together with surprise and fear to the general; and before them all came Titus, out of the concern he had for his father, insomuch that the multitude were in great confusion, and this out of the regard they had for their general, and by reason of the agony that the son was in. Yet did the father soon put an end to the son's fear, and to the disorder the army was under, for being superior to his pains, and endeavoring soon to be seen by all that had been in a fright about him, he excited them to fight the Jews more briskly; for now every body was willing to expose himself to danger immediately, in order to avenge their general; and then they encouraged one another with loud voices, and ran hastily to the walls.
22. After these guys performed, Josephus and the rest of the crowd with him got really fired up and burned both the machines and their coverings, along with the equipment of the fifth and tenth legions, which they routed. Others quickly followed and buried all those tools and materials underground. However, later that evening, the Romans set up the battering ram again against the part of the wall that had taken damage before; where a certain Jew defending the city hit Vespasian in the foot with a dart and wounded him a bit, the distance being so great that the dart couldn't do much damage from that far away. Still, this caused a huge panic among the Romans; when those nearby saw his blood, they were shaken, and news spread through the entire army that the general had been wounded. Most of them abandoned the siege and rushed over in shock and fear to the general, including Titus, who was worried about his father. This created a lot of confusion, as everyone cared deeply for their general and because of the panic from his son's distress. However, the father quickly calmed his son's fears and restored order to the army. By overcoming his pain and making an effort to be seen by everyone who was worried, he motivated them to fight the Jews more vigorously; now everyone was eager to put themselves in danger right away to avenge their general. They encouraged each other with loud voices and hurried to the walls.
23. But still Josephus and those with him, although they fell down dead one upon another by the darts and stones which the engines threw upon them, yet did not they desert the wall, but fell upon those who managed the ram, under the protection of the hurdles, with fire, and iron weapons, and stones; and these could do little or nothing, but fell themselves perpetually, while they were seen by those whom they could not see, for the light of their own flame shone about them, and made them a most visible mark to the enemy, as they were in the day time, while the engines could not be seen at a great distance, and so what was thrown at them was hard to be avoided; for the force with which these engines threw stones and darts made them hurt several at a time, and the violent noise of the stones that were cast by the engines was so great, that they carried away the pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the corners of the towers; for no body of men could be so strong as not to be overthrown to the last rank by the largeness of the stones. And any one may learn the force of the engines by what happened this very night; for as one of those that stood round about Josephus was near the wall, his head was carried away by such a stone, and his skull was flung as far as three furlongs. In the day time also, a woman with child had her belly so violently struck, as she was just come out of her house, that the infant was carried to the distance of half a furlong, so great was the force of that engine. The noise of the instruments themselves was very terrible, the sound of the darts and stones that were thrown by them was so also; of the same sort was that noise the dead bodies made, when they were dashed against the wall; and indeed dreadful was the clamor which these things raised in the women within the city, which was echoed back at the same time by the cries of such as were slain; while the whole space of ground whereon they fought ran with blood, and the wall might have been ascended over by the bodies of the dead carcasses; the mountains also contributed to increase the noise by their echoes; nor was there on that night any thing of terror wanting that could either affect the hearing or the sight: yet did a great part of those that fought so hard for Jotapata fall manfully, as were a great part of them wounded. However, the morning watch was come ere the wall yielded to the machines employed against it, though it had been battered without intermission. However, those within covered their bodies with their armor, and raised works over against that part which was thrown down, before those machines were laid by which the Romans were to ascend into the city.
23. But even though Josephus and his companions were struck down one after another by the darts and stones fired from the siege engines, they didn’t abandon the wall. Instead, they charged at those operating the battering ram, using fire, metal weapons, and stones for protection. Yet, they were mostly powerless, falling repeatedly, visible to those who couldn't see them. The light from their flames made them easy targets for the enemy, just as they were during the day, while the engines were hard to spot from a distance, making it difficult to dodge incoming projectiles. The force of the stones and darts thrown by these engines injured several at once, and the loud noise of the projectiles was so intense that it knocked off the tops of the wall and broke the corners of the towers. No group of men could withstand the sheer size of the stones and not be pushed back to the last line. One can understand the power of the engines by what happened that very night; when one of those standing near Josephus was close to the wall, a stone decapitated him, and his skull was thrown as far as three furlongs. During the day, a pregnant woman had her stomach struck so hard as she was leaving her house that her infant was propelled half a furlong away due to the force of the engine. The noise from the machines was terrifying, and the sound of the darts and stones they hurled was equally dreadful. The thud of the dead bodies as they crashed against the wall added to the horror, causing an awful commotion that echoed among the women in the city, mixed with the cries of those who were killed. The ground where they fought was soaked in blood, and the bodies piled up so high that one could have climbed over them to reach the wall. The mountains added to the cacophony with their echoes, and that night provided every sort of terror to affect sight and sound. Still, a significant number of those fighting bravely for Jotapata fell, and many others were wounded. Nevertheless, the morning watch arrived before the wall finally gave way to the relentless battering from the machines. Even so, those inside shielded themselves with their armor and built defenses against the section that had collapsed, before the Romans could use those machines to breach the city.
24. In the morning Vespasian got his army together, in order to take the city [by storm], after a little recreation upon the hard pains they had been at the night before; and as he was desirous to draw off those that opposed him from the places where the wall had been thrown down, he made the most courageous of the horsemen get off their horses, and placed them in three ranks over against those ruins of the wall, but covered with their armor on every side, and with poles in their hands, that so these might begin their ascent as soon as the instruments for such ascent were laid; behind them he placed the flower of the footmen; but for the rest of the horse, he ordered them to extend themselves over against the wall, upon the whole hilly country, in order to prevent any from escaping out of the city when it should be taken; and behind these he placed the archers round about, and commanded them to have their darts ready to shoot. The same command he gave to the slingers, and to those that managed the engines, and bid them to take up other ladders, and have them ready to lay upon those parts of the wall which were yet untouched, that the besieged might be engaged in trying to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the guard of the parts that were thrown down, while the rest of them should be overborne by the darts cast at them, and might afford his men an entrance into the city.
24. In the morning, Vespasian gathered his army to attack the city after a brief rest from the exhausting efforts of the night before. Wanting to draw the enemy away from the areas where the wall had been breached, he had his bravest horsemen dismount and form three lines in front of the wall's ruins. They were equipped with armor all around and holding poles, so they could start climbing as soon as the necessary equipment was ready. Behind them, he positioned the best of the foot soldiers. For the remaining cavalry, he instructed them to spread out over the hilly terrain near the wall to prevent anyone from escaping the city once it was captured. He placed archers around them and ordered them to have their arrows ready. He gave the same instructions to the slingers and those operating the siege engines, telling them to grab additional ladders and prepare to place them against the untouched sections of the wall. This way, the defenders would be focused on stopping them from climbing while leaving the breached areas vulnerable to attacks, which would create an opportunity for his men to enter the city.
25. But Josephus, understanding the meaning of Vespasian's contrivance, set the old men, together with those that were tired out, at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting no harm from those quarters, but set the strongest of his men at the place where the wall was broken down, and before them all six men by themselves, among whom he took his share of the first and greatest danger. He also gave orders, that when the legions made a shout, they should stop their ears, that they might not be affrighted at it, and that, to avoid the multitude of the enemy's darts, they should bend down on their knees, and cover themselves with their shields, and that they should retreat a little backward for a while, till the archers should have emptied their quivers; but that When the Romans should lay their instruments for ascending the walls, they should leap out on the sudden, and with their own instruments should meet the enemy, and that every one should strive to do his best, in order not to defend his own city, as if it were possible to be preserved, but in order to revenge it, when it was already destroyed; and that they should set before their eyes how their old men were to be slain, and their children and wives were to be killed immediately by the enemy; and that they would beforehand spend all their fury, on account of the calamities just coming upon them, and pour it out on the actors.
25. But Josephus, understanding what Vespasian was planning, placed the older men and those who were exhausted at the stronger sections of the wall, expecting no trouble from those areas. He positioned his strongest men at the spot where the wall was breached and, in front of everyone, he set six men apart, among whom he took on the first and greatest risks himself. He also instructed that when the legions shouted, they should cover their ears so they wouldn't be frightened, and to avoid the rain of enemy arrows, they should kneel down and shield themselves. He told them to step back for a bit until the archers had run out of arrows, but when the Romans started to use their equipment to scale the walls, they should leap out suddenly and confront the enemy with their own weapons. Each person was urged to give their best effort, not just to defend their city as if it could still be saved, but to seek revenge once it was already lost. They should keep in mind that their elderly would be slain, and their children and wives would be killed immediately by the enemy, and they should unleash all their anger in light of the impending disaster on those who were causing it.
26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both his bodies of men; but then for the useless part of the citizens, the women and children, when they saw their city encompassed by a threefold army, [for none of the usual guards that had been fighting before were removed,] when they also saw, not only the walls thrown down, but their enemies with swords in their hands, as also the hilly country above them shining with their weapons, and the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they made a final and lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the misery were not only threatened, but actually come upon them already. But Josephus ordered the women to be shut up in their houses, lest they should render the warlike actions of the men too effeminate, by making them commiserate their condition, and commanded them to hold their peace, and threatened them if they did not, while he came himself before the breach, where his allotment was; for all those who brought ladders to the other places, he took no notice of them, but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows that was coming.
26. So, Josephus organized both groups of people; but for the vulnerable citizens, the women and children, when they saw their city surrounded by a threefold army, [since none of the usual guards were removed from fighting], and witnessed not only the walls destroyed but also their enemies armed with swords, as well as the hills above them glinting with weapons and the darts in the hands of the Arabian archers, they let out a final and heartbreaking cry of despair, as if their suffering was not only imminent but already upon them. However, Josephus ordered the women to stay inside their homes, so they wouldn’t distract the men from their battle by making them sympathetic to their situation. He commanded them to be quiet and threatened them if they didn't comply while he positioned himself at the breach where he was assigned; he ignored those bringing ladders to other areas and focused intently on the impending rain of arrows.
27. And now the trumpeters of the several Roman legions sounded together, and the army made a terrible shout; and the darts, as by order, flew so fast, that they intercepted the light. However, Josephus's men remembered the charges he had given them, they stopped their ears at the sounds, and covered their bodies against the darts; and as to the engines that were set ready to go to work, the Jews ran out upon them, before those that should have used them were gotten upon them. And now, on the ascending of the soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many actions of the hands and of the soul were exhibited; while the Jews did earnestly endeavor, in the extreme danger they were in, not to show less courage than those who, without being in danger, fought so stoutly against them; nor did they leave struggling with the Romans till they either fell down dead themselves, or killed their antagonists. But the Jews grew weary with defending themselves continually, and had not enough to come in their places, and succor them; while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men still succeeded those that were tired; and still new men soon got upon the machines for ascent, in the room of those that were thrust down; those encouraging one another, and joining side to side with their shields, which were a protection to them, they became a body of men not to be broken; and as this band thrust away the Jews, as though they were themselves but one body, they began already to get upon the wall.
27. The trumpeters from the various Roman legions sounded their horns at once, and the army let out a terrifying shout; the darts flew so fast, under orders, that they blocked out the light. However, Josephus's men recalled his instructions, covered their ears against the noise, and protected themselves from the darts. As for the siege engines that were prepared for use, the Jews rushed at them before the ones meant to operate them could climb aboard. As the soldiers advanced, there was a fierce battle, with many acts of bravery displayed; the Jews, determined not to show any less courage than those fighting them without any immediate risk, kept up their struggle with the Romans until they either fell dead or managed to kill their enemies. But the Jews grew exhausted from their constant defense and lacked sufficient reinforcements to relieve them; meanwhile, the Romans continued to send in fresh troops to replace those who were tired, with new men quickly taking the place of those pushed down from the siege machines. Encouraging each other and forming a wall with their shields for protection, they became an unbreakable force, and as this group pushed back the Jews as if they were one unified body, they began to climb the wall.
28. Then did Josephus take necessity for his counselor in this utmost distress, [which necessity is very sagacious in invention when it is irritated by despair,] and gave orders to pour scalding oil upon those whose shields protected them. Whereupon they soon got it ready, being many that brought it, and what they brought being a great quantity also, and poured it on all sides upon the Romans, and threw down upon them their vessels as they were still hissing from the heat of the fire: this so burnt the Romans, that it dispersed that united band, who now tumbled clown from the wall with horrid pains, for the oil did easily run down the whole body from head to foot, under their entire armor, and fed upon their flesh like flame itself, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it soon heated and slowly cooled; and as the men were cooped up in their head-pieces and breastplates, they could no way get free from this burning oil; they could only leap and roll about in their pains, as they fell down from the bridges they had laid. And as they thus were beaten back, and retired to their own party, who still pressed them forward, they were easily wounded by those that were behind them.
28. Then Josephus saw that he had to rely on necessity in this desperate situation, which can be very clever when fueled by despair, and he ordered scalding oil to be poured on those protected by shields. They quickly prepared it, as many people gathered to bring a large amount, and poured it all around the Romans, throwing down their containers while the oil was still hissing from the heat. The oil burned the Romans so badly that it broke their united front, causing them to tumble down from the wall in terrible pain. The oil ran down their bodies from head to toe, seeping under their armor and burning their flesh like fire itself, its greasy and thick nature making it heat up quickly and cool down slowly. Trapped in their helmets and breastplates, they couldn't escape the burning oil; they could only jump and roll around in agony as they fell from the bridges they had built. As they were pushed back and retreated to their own forces, who still pressed forward, they were easily wounded by those behind them.
29. However, in this ill success of the Romans, their courage did not fail them, nor did the Jews want prudence to oppose them; for the Romans, although they saw their own men thrown down, and in a miserable condition, yet were they vehemently bent against those that poured the oil upon them; while every one reproached the man before him as a coward, and one that hindered him from exerting himself; and while the Jews made use of another stratagem to prevent their ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon the boards, in order to make them slip and fall down; by which means neither could those that were coming up, nor those that were going down, stand on their feet; but some of them fell backward upon the machines on which they ascended, and were trodden upon; many of them fell down upon the bank they had raised, and when they were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews; for when the Romans could not keep their feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at them. So the general called off those soldiers in the evening that had suffered so sorely, of whom the number of the slain was not a few, while that of the wounded was still greater; but of the people of Jotapata no more than six men were killed, although more than three hundred were carried off wounded. This fight happened on the twentieth day of the month Desius [Sivan]. 30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his army on occasion of what happened, and as he found them angry indeed, but rather wanting somewhat to do than any further exhortations, he gave orders to raise the banks still higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty feet high, and that they should cover them with plates of iron on every side, that they might be both firm by their weight, and not easily liable to be set on fire. These towers he set upon the banks, and placed upon them such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the lighter engines for throwing stones and darts also; and besides these, he set upon them the stoutest men among the slingers, who not being to be seen by reason of the height they stood upon, and the battlements that protected them, might throw their weapons at those that were upon the wall, and were easily seen by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being easily able to escape those darts that were thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge themselves on those whom they could not see, and perceiving that the height of the towers was so great, that a dart which they threw with their hand could hardly reach it, and that the iron plates about them made it very hard to come at them by fire, they ran away from the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and fell upon those that shot at them. And thus did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans, while a great number of them were every day killed, without their being able to retort the evil upon their enemies; nor could they keep them out of the city without danger to themselves.
29. Despite the Romans' failure, they didn't lose their courage, nor did the Jews lack the strategy to counter them. The Romans, while witnessing their own men defeated and in a pitiful state, were fiercely determined to go after those who were pouring oil on them. Each soldier blamed the man next to him for being a coward and holding him back. Meanwhile, the Jews employed a different tactic to thwart their advance by pouring boiling fenugreek on the boards to make them slippery, causing everyone to lose their footing. As a result, those trying to climb up and those coming down couldn't maintain their balance; some fell backward onto the machines they were using to ascend and got trampled, while many fell onto the bank they had built and were killed by the Jews. With the Romans unable to stand firm, the Jews, free from close combat, had the time to hurl their darts at them. Consequently, the general withdrew the soldiers in the evening who had suffered greatly, among whom many were slain and even more were wounded. However, only six men from Jotapata were killed, although over three hundred were taken off wounded. This battle occurred on the twentieth day of the month Desius [Sivan]. 30. In response, Vespasian encouraged his army after the events that transpired. Finding them angry but eager for action rather than more speeches, he ordered the banks to be raised even higher and for three towers to be built, each fifty feet tall, and covered with iron plates on all sides to make them heavy and less prone to catching fire. He placed these towers on the banks and assigned men to shoot darts and arrows from them, along with lighter engines for throwing stones and darts. Additionally, he positioned the strongest men among the slingers, who, because of their height and protective battlements, could launch their weapons at those on the wall who were easily visible. The Jews, unable to evade the darts raining down on them or retaliate against unseen attackers, realized the towers were so high that a hand-thrown dart could hardly reach them, and the iron plating made it difficult to set them on fire. Consequently, they fled from the walls and hurried out of the city, attacking those who were shooting at them. Thus, the people of Jotapata resisted the Romans, enduring heavy losses daily without being able to strike back effectively against their enemies, nor could they prevent them from entering the city without risking their own safety.
31. About this time it was that Vespasian sent out Trajan against a city called Japha, that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired innovations, and was puffed up with the unexpected length of the opposition of Jotapata. This Trajan was the commander of the tenth legion, and to him Vespasian committed one thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen. When Trajan came to the city, he found it hard to be taken, for besides the natural strength of its situation, it was also secured by a double wall; but when he saw the people of this city coming out of it, and ready to fight him, he joined battle with them, and after a short resistance which they made, he pursued after them; and as they fled to their first wall, the Romans followed them so closely, that they fell in together with them: but when the Jews were endeavoring to get again within their second wall, their fellow citizens shut them out, as being afraid that the Romans would force themselves in with them. It was certainly God therefore who brought the Romans to punish the Galileans, and did then expose the people of the city every one of them manifestly to be destroyed by their bloody enemies; for they fell upon the gates in great crowds, and earnestly calling to those that kept them, and that by their names also, yet had they their throats cut in the very midst of their supplications; for the enemy shut the gates of the first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates of the second, so they were enclosed between two walls, and were slain in great numbers together; many of them were run through by swords of their own men, and many by their own swords, besides an immense number that were slain by the Romans. Nor had they any courage to revenge themselves; for there was added to the consternation they were in from the enemy, their being betrayed by their own friends, which quite broke their spirits; and at last they died, cursing not the Romans, but their own citizens, till they were all destroyed, being in number twelve thousand. So Trajan gathered that the city was empty of people that could fight, and although there should a few of them be therein, he supposed that they would be too timorous to venture upon any opposition; so he reserved the taking of the city to the general. Accordingly, he sent messengers to Vespasian, and desired him to send his son Titus to finish the victory he had gained. Vespasian hereupon imagining there might be some pains still necessary, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen, and one thousand footmen. So he came quickly to the city, and put his army in order, and set Trajan over the left wing, while he had the right himself, and led them to the siege: and when the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed them from above for a while; but soon afterward they left the walls. Then did Titus's men leap into the city, and seized upon it presently; but when those that were in it were gotten together, there was a fierce battle between them; for the men of power fell upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and the women threw whatsoever came next to hand at them, and sustained a fight with them for six hours' time; but when the fighting men were spent, the rest of the multitude had their throats cut, partly in the open air, and partly in their own houses, both young and old together. So there were no males now remaining, besides infants, which, with the women, were carried as slaves into captivity; so that the number of the slain, both now in the city and at the former fight, was fifteen thousand, and the captives were two thousand one hundred and thirty. This calamity befell the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan.] 32. Nor did the Samaritans escape their share of misfortunes at this time; for they assembled themselves together upon the mountain called Gerizzim, which is with them a holy mountain, and there they remained; which collection of theirs, as well as the courageous minds they showed, could not but threaten somewhat of war; nor were they rendered wiser by the miseries that had come upon their neighboring cities. They also, notwithstanding the great success the Romans had, marched on in an unreasonable manner, depending on their own weakness, and were disposed for any tumult upon its first appearance. Vespasian therefore thought it best to prevent their motions, and to cut off the foundation of their attempts. For although all Samaria had ever garrisons settled among them, yet did the number of those that were come to Mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy together, give ground for fear what they would be at; he therefore sent thither Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, who did not think it safe to go up to the mountain, and give them battle, because many of the enemy were on the higher part of the ground; so he encompassed all the lower part of the mountain with his army, and watched them all that day. Now it happened that the Samaritans, who were now destitute of water, were inflamed with a violent heat, [for it was summer time, and the multitude had not provided themselves with necessaries,] insomuch that some of them died that very day with heat, while others of them preferred slavery before such a death as that was, and fled to the Romans; by whom Cerealis understood that those which still staid there were very much broken by their misfortunes. So he went up to the mountain, and having placed his forces round about the enemy, he, in the first place, exhorted them to take the security of his right hand, and come to terms with him, and thereby save themselves; and assured them, that if they would lay down their arms, he would secure them from any harm; but when he could not prevail with them, he fell upon them and slew them all, being in number eleven thousand and six hundred. This was done on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calamities that befell the Samaritans at this time.
31. Around this time, Vespasian sent Trajan against a city called Japha, located near Jotapata, which was seeking changes and was overconfident due to the unexpected duration of the siege at Jotapata. Trajan, the commander of the tenth legion, was tasked by Vespasian with one thousand horsemen and two thousand foot soldiers. When Trajan arrived at the city, he found it difficult to capture, as it was naturally strong due to its location and protected by a double wall. However, when he saw the city’s inhabitants coming out to fight, he engaged them in battle. After a brief resistance, he chased them, and as they fled back to their inner wall, the Romans pursued so closely that they ended up fighting alongside them. When the Jews tried to get back inside their second wall, their fellow citizens prevented them, fearing that the Romans would invade with them. It was clear that it was God who allowed the Romans to punish the Galileans, leading the city's people to face destruction at the hands of their enemies; they rushed to the gates in large numbers, pleading with the gatekeepers by name, only to have their throats cut amidst their cries for help. The enemy closed the gates of the first wall, while their own citizens closed the gates of the second, trapping them between two walls where they were slaughtered in large numbers. Many were killed by their own men’s swords, and many by their own weapons, in addition to the countless numbers slain by the Romans. They lacked the courage to fight back, as the fear from the enemy combined with betrayal from their friends shattered their spirits. Ultimately, they died cursing not the Romans, but their own fellow citizens, until they were all wiped out, numbering twelve thousand. Trajan concluded that the city was devoid of fighters, and even if a few remained, he figured they would be too scared to resist. Therefore, he decided to leave the capture of the city to the general. He sent messengers to Vespasian, requesting that his son Titus be sent to finalize the victory. Vespasian, thinking that some effort might still be needed, sent his son with an army of five hundred horsemen and one thousand foot soldiers. Titus quickly arrived at the city, organized his army, and placed Trajan in command of the left wing while he took the right, leading them into the siege. When the soldiers brought ladders to scale the walls, the Galileans resisted from above for a while, but eventually abandoned the walls. Titus's men then jumped into the city and quickly took control. A fierce battle broke out as those inside banded together; the powerful citizens attacked the Romans in the narrow streets, while the women threw whatever they could find at them, fighting for six hours. When the fighting men were exhausted, the remainder of the crowd had their throats cut, both in the streets and in their homes, young and old alike. No males were left except for infants, who along with the women were taken as slaves; thus, the total number of those killed, both now in the city and earlier, reached fifteen thousand, with two thousand one hundred and thirty captives. This disaster struck the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan]. 32. The Samaritans also suffered misfortunes at this time; they gathered on Mount Gerizzim, which they considered a holy mountain, and remained there. Their assembly and the courage they displayed surely threatened some conflict, and they were not made wiser by the calamities that befell their neighboring cities. Despite the Romans' overwhelming success, they continued to act irrationally, relying on their own weakness and ready for any conflict at the slightest indication. To prevent any unrest, Vespasian decided to intercept their actions and undermine their plans. Even though Samaria had always had garrisons stationed there, the number of those gathered on Mount Gerizzim and their conspiracy raised concerns about what they might do; thus, he sent Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion, with six hundred horsemen and three thousand foot soldiers. Cerealis felt it was unsafe to confront them directly on the mountain, as many of the enemy occupied the higher ground, so he surrounded the lower part of the mountain with his troops and monitored them throughout the day. The Samaritans, lacking water and suffering under the intense summer heat, saw some die from the heat, while others preferred to surrender rather than face such a death and fled to the Romans. Cerealis learned from these deserters that those remaining on the mountain were significantly weakened by their plight. He then ascended the mountain and encircled the enemy with his forces, first urging them to accept his protection and negotiate terms to save themselves, assuring them that if they laid down their arms, he would keep them safe from harm. When he could not convince them, he attacked and killed them all, numbering eleven thousand six hundred. This occurred on the twenty-seventh day of the month Desius [Sivan]. These were the disasters that befell the Samaritans at this time.
33. But as the people of Jotapata still held out manfully, and bore up under their miseries beyond all that could be hoped for, on the forty-seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up by the Romans were become higher than the wall; on which day a certain deserter went to Vespasian, and told him how few were left in the city, and how weak they were, and that they had been so worn out with perpetual watching, and as perpetual fighting, that they could not now oppose any force that came against them, and that they might be taken by stratagem, if any one would attack them; for that about the last watch of the night, when they thought they might have some rest from the hardships they were under, and when a morning sleep used to come upon them, as they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch used to fall asleep; accordingly his advice was, that they should make their attack at that hour. But Vespasian had a suspicion about this deserter, as knowing how faithful the Jews were to one another, and how much they despised any punishments that could be inflicted on them; this last because one of the people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts of torments, and though they made him pass through a fiery trial of his enemies in his examination, yet would he inform them nothing of the affairs within the city, and as he was crucified, smiled at them. However, the probability there was in the relation itself did partly confirm the truth of what the deserter told them, and they thought he might probably speak truth. However, Vespasian thought they should be no great sufferers if the report was a sham; so he commanded them to keep the man in custody, and prepared the army for taking the city.
33. But as the people of Jotapata still held out bravely and endured their suffering beyond what anyone could expect, on the forty-seventh day of the siege, the mounds the Romans had built were now taller than the wall. On this day, a deserter went to Vespasian and told him how few were left in the city and how weak they had become. He explained that they had been worn out from constant watching and fighting, and that they couldn’t resist any force that came against them. He suggested they could be captured by strategy since around the last watch of the night, when they thought they might finally get some rest and were completely exhausted, the guards tended to fall asleep. He advised Vespasian to launch an attack at that hour. However, Vespasian was suspicious of this deserter, knowing how loyal the Jews were to each other and how much they disregarded any punishments they faced. This was evident as one of the people of Jotapata had endured all kinds of torture, yet revealed nothing about the situation in the city, and even smiled at his captors as he was crucified. Still, the plausibility of the deserter's story led them to believe there might be some truth to it. Nevertheless, Vespasian thought they wouldn’t suffer too much if the report turned out to be false; so he ordered the man to be detained and prepared the army to take the city.
34. According to which resolution they marched without noise, at the hour that had been told them, to the wall; and it was Titus himself that first got upon it, with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of the fifteenth legion along with him. So they cut the throats of the watch, and entered the city very quietly. After these came Cerealis the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those that were tinder them. Now when the citadel was taken, and the enemy were in the very midst of the city, and when it was already day, yet was not the taking of the city known by those that held it; for a great many of them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which then by chance fell upon the city, hindered those that got up from distinctly seeing the case they were in, till the whole Roman army was gotten in, and they were raised up only to find the miseries they were under; and as they were slaying, they perceived the city was taken. And for the Romans, they so well remembered what they had suffered during the siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any, but drove the people down the precipice from the citadel, and slew them as they drove them down; at which time the difficulties of the place hindered those that were still able to fight from defending themselves; for as they were distressed in the narrow streets, and could not keep their feet sure along the precipice, they were overpowered with the crowd of those that came fighting them down from the citadel. This provoked a great many, even of those chosen men that were about Josephus, to kill themselves with their own hands; for when they saw that they could kill none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent being killed by the Romans, and got together in great numbers in the utmost parts of the city, and killed themselves.
34. According to the plan, they quietly marched at the agreed hour to the wall. It was Titus himself, along with one of his tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and a few men from the fifteenth legion, who first climbed onto it. They killed the guards and entered the city silently. Following them were Tribune Cerealis and Placidus, leading those under their command. When the citadel was taken and the enemy was caught in the city's heart, it was already daytime, but the defenders were unaware that the city had fallen. Many of them were still asleep, and a heavy mist that had unexpectedly settled over the city prevented those who woke up from clearly understanding their situation until the entire Roman army had entered. They were only roused to face the misery around them, and as they were attacked, they realized the city had been taken. The Romans, remembering the suffering they endured during the siege, showed no mercy. They pushed the people over the cliff from the citadel and killed them as they fell. The difficulties of the terrain made it hard for those still able to fight to defend themselves; trapped in narrow streets and unable to maintain their footing along the cliff, they were overwhelmed by the advancing Romans. This drove many of the chosen men around Josephus to take their own lives. Realizing they couldn’t kill any Romans, they chose to end their own lives instead, gathering in large numbers in the far reaches of the city to commit suicide.
35. However, such of the watch as at the first perceived they were taken, and ran away as fast as they could, went up into one of the towers on the north side of the city, and for a while defended themselves there; but as they were encompassed with a multitude of enemies, they tried to use their right hands when it was too late, and at length they cheerfully offered their necks to be cut off by those that stood over them. And the Romans might have boasted that the conclusion of that siege was without blood [on their side] if there had not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain at the taking of the city. His death was occasioned by the following treachery; for there was one of those that were fled into the caverns, which were a great number, who desired that this Antonius would reach him his right hand for his security, and would assure him that he would preserve him, and give him his assistance in getting up out of the cavern; accordingly, he incautiously reached him his right hand, when the other man prevented him, and stabbed him under his loins with a spear, and killed him immediately.
35. However, some of the guards who first realized they were being taken captive ran away as fast as they could and sought refuge in one of the towers on the north side of the city. They managed to defend themselves there for a while, but as they were surrounded by a multitude of enemies, they attempted to fight back when it was too late. Eventually, they bravely offered their necks to those standing over them ready to execute them. The Romans could have claimed that the end of that siege was bloodless on their part if it weren't for a centurion named Antonius, who was killed during the city's capture. His death was the result of the following betrayal: one of the fugitives hiding in the numerous caverns asked Antonius to extend his right hand for safety, assuring him that he would help him get out of the cavern. Acting carelessly, Antonius extended his hand, but the other man took the opportunity to stab him in the back with a spear, killing him immediately.
36. And on this day it was that the Romans slew all the multitude that appeared openly; but on the following days they searched the hiding-places, and fell upon those that were under ground, and in the caverns, and went thus through every age, excepting the infants and the women, and of these there were gathered together as captives twelve hundred; and as for those that were slain at the taking of the city, and in the former fights, they were numbered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian gave order that the city should be entirely demolished, and all the fortifications burnt down. And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
36. On that day, the Romans killed all the people who showed themselves openly; in the following days, they searched the hiding spots and attacked those who were underground and in the caves. They went through every age group, except for infants and women, of whom twelve hundred were captured. As for those who were killed when the city was taken and in earlier battles, they totaled about forty thousand. Vespasian ordered that the city be completely destroyed and all the fortifications burned down. And so Jotapata fell, in the thirteenth year of Nero's reign, on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
CHAPTER 8.
How Josephus Was Discovered By A Woman, And Was Willing To
Deliver Himself Up To The Romans; And What Discourse He Had
With His Own Men, When They Endeavored To Hinder Him; And
What He Said To Vespasian, When He Was Brought To Him; And
After What Manner Vespasian Used Him Afterward.
How Josephus Was Discovered By A Woman, And Was Willing To
Surrender Himself To The Romans; And What He Discussed
With His Own Men, When They Tried To Stop Him; And
What He Said To Vespasian, When He Was Brought To Him; And
How Vespasian Treated Him Afterwards.1. And now the Romans searched for Josephus, both out of the hatred they bore him, and because their general was very desirous to have him taken; for he reckoned that if he were once taken, the greatest part of the war would be over. They then searched among the dead, and looked into the most concealed recesses of the city; but as the city was first taken, he was assisted by a certain supernatural providence; for he withdrew himself from the enemy when he was in the midst of them, and leaped into a certain deep pit, whereto there adjoined a large den at one side of it, which den could not be seen by those that were above ground; and there he met with forty persons of eminency that had concealed themselves, and with provisions enough to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the day time he hid himself from the enemy, who had seized upon all places, and in the night time he got up out of the den and looked about for some way of escaping, and took exact notice of the watch; but as all places were guarded every where on his account, that there was no way of getting off unseen, he went down again into the den. Thus he concealed himself two days; but on the third day, when they had taken a woman who had been with them, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespasian sent immediately and zealously two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered them to give Josephus their right hands as a security for his life, and to exhort him to come up.
1. The Romans were on the hunt for Josephus, driven by their hatred for him and because their general was eager to capture him; he believed that capturing him would effectively end most of the war. They searched among the dead and scoured the hidden corners of the city. However, as the city was initially taken, he was helped by some sort of supernatural force; he managed to escape from the enemy while they were all around him and jumped into a deep pit, which had a large den on one side that was hidden from those above ground. There, he found forty distinguished people who had also concealed themselves, along with enough supplies to last them several days. During the day, he kept himself out of sight from the enemy, who had taken control of all locations, and at night he would emerge from the den to look for an escape route and pay close attention to the guards, but since every possible exit was monitored because of him, he had to return to the den. He stayed hidden there for two days, but on the third day, when they had captured a woman who had been with them, he was found out. In response, Vespasian quickly sent two tribunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, instructing them to offer Josephus their right hands as a guarantee of his safety and to persuade him to come out.
2. So they came and invited the man to come up, and gave him assurances that his life should be preserved: but they did not prevail with him; for he gathered suspicions from the probability there was that one who had done so many things against the Romans must suffer for it, though not from the mild temper of those that invited him. However, he was afraid that he was invited to come up in order to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him; he was one that was well known to Josephus, and had been his familiar acquaintance in old time. When he was come, he enlarged upon the natural mildness of the Romans towards those they have once conquered; and told him that he had behaved himself so valiantly, that the commanders rather admired than hated him; that the general was very desirous to have him brought to him, not in order to punish him, for that he could do though he should not come voluntarily, but that he was determined to preserve a man of his courage. He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had he been resolved to impose upon him, would not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor put the fairest color upon the vilest action, by pretending friendship and meaning perfidiousness; nor would he have himself acquiesced, or come to him, had it been to deceive him.
2. So they came and invited the man to come up, assuring him that his life would be safe. But they couldn’t convince him; he had suspicions that someone who had done so much against the Romans must face consequences, even if those inviting him seemed mild-mannered. He worried that he was being called up to be punished until Vespasian sent a third tribune, Nicanor, to him. Nicanor was someone well-known to Josephus and had been his close friend in the past. When he arrived, he spoke about how naturally lenient the Romans are towards those they’ve conquered, and told Josephus that he had acted so bravely that the commanders admired him rather than hated him. The general was very eager to have him brought before him, not to punish him—he could do that even if Josephus didn’t come voluntarily—but because he wanted to preserve a man of his courage. He also added that if Vespasian had intended to deceive him, he wouldn’t have sent a friend of his own or pretended to be friendly while meaning to betray him; nor would he have agreed to come if it was just to trick him.
3. Now as Josephus began to hesitate with himself about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiery were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire to the den; but the tribune would not permit them so to do, as being very desirous to take the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard at Josephus to comply, and he understood how the multitude of the enemies threatened him, he called to mind the dreams which he had dreamed in the night time, whereby God had signified to him beforehand both the future calamities of the Jews, and the events that concerned the Roman emperors. Now Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures about the interpretation of such dreams as have been ambiguously delivered by God. Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the prophecies contained in the sacred books, as being a priest himself, and of the posterity of priests: and just then was he in an ecstasy; and setting before him the tremendous images of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a secret prayer to God, and said, "Since it pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish nation, to depress the same, and since all their good fortune is gone over to the Romans, and since thou hast made choice of this soul of mine to foretell what is to come to pass hereafter, I willingly give them my hands, and am content to live. And I protest openly that I do not go over to the Romans as a deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from thee."
3. As Josephus started to hesitate about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiers became so angry that they rushed to set fire to the place. However, the tribune stopped them because he was very eager to capture the man alive. With Nicanor pressuring Josephus to agree and realizing the threats from the crowd of enemies, Josephus remembered the dreams he had experienced at night, where God had warned him about the future troubles facing the Jews and events related to the Roman emperors. Josephus was skilled at interpreting dreams that were ambiguously delivered by God. Additionally, being a priest from a line of priests, he was familiar with the prophecies in the sacred texts. At that moment, he fell into a trance and reflected on the terrifying images from his recent dreams. He offered a quiet prayer to God, saying, "Since it pleases you, who created the Jewish nation, to humiliate them, and since all their good fortune has shifted to the Romans, and since you have chosen me to predict what will happen in the future, I willingly surrender myself and choose to live. I declare openly that I am not going over to the Romans as a traitor to the Jews, but as a messenger from you."
4. When he had said this, he complied with Nicanor's invitation. But when those Jews who had fled with him understood that he yielded to those that invited him to come up, they came about him in a body, and cried out, "Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our forefathers, which God ordained himself, well groan to purpose; that God we mean who hath created the souls of the Jews of such a temper, that they despise death. O Josephus! art thou still fond of life? and canst thou bear to see the light in a state of slavery? How soon hast thou forgotten thyself! How many hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for liberty! Thou hast therefore had a false reputation for manhood, and a like false reputation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for preservation from those against whom thou hast fought so zealously, and art however willing to be preserved by them, if they be in earnest. But although the good fortune of the Romans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought to take care that the glory of our forefathers may not be tarnished. We will lend thee our right hand and a sword; and if thou wilt die willingly, thou wilt die as general of the Jews; but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a traitor to them." As soon as they said this, they began to thrust their swords at him, and threatened they would kill him, if he thought of yielding himself to the Romans.
4. After he said this, he accepted Nicanor's invitation. But when the Jews who had fled with him realized that he was giving in to those inviting him to come forward, they gathered around him and shouted, "No way! Now the laws of our ancestors, which God himself established, should truly mourn; the God who created the souls of the Jews so strong that they disdain death. Oh Josephus! Do you still love life? Can you stand to see the light while in slavery? How quickly you’ve forgotten who you are! How many have you convinced to sacrifice their lives for freedom! You've built a false reputation for bravery and wisdom if you think you can be saved by those you have fought against so fiercely, and yet you're willing to be saved by them if they're sincere. But even if Roman fortune has made you forget yourself, we must ensure that the honor of our ancestors is not tarnished. We will offer you our right hand and a sword; if you're willing to die, you'll die as the leader of the Jews; but if you aren't willing, you'll die as a traitor." As soon as they finished speaking, they began to jab their swords at him and threatened to kill him if he dared to surrender to the Romans.
5. Upon this Josephus was afraid of their attacking him, and yet thought he should be a betrayer of the commands of God, if he died before they were delivered. So he began to talk like a philosopher to them in the distress he was then in, when he said thus to them: "O my friends, why are we so earnest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our soul and body, which are such dear companions, at such variance? Can any one pretend that I am not the man I was formerly? Nay, the Romans are sensible how that matter stands well enough. It is a brave thing to die in war; but so that it be according to the law of war, by the hand of conquerors. If, therefore, I avoid death from the sword of the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed by my own sword, and my own hand; but if they admit of mercy, and would spare their enemy, how much more ought we to have mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves? For it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to ourselves which we quarrel with them for doing to us. I confess freely that it is a brave thing to die for liberty; but still so that it be in war, and done by those who take that liberty from us; but in the present case our enemies do neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us. Now he is equally a coward who will not die when he is obliged to die, and he who will die when he is not obliged so to do. What are we afraid of, when we will not go up to the Romans? Is it death? If so, what we are afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on ourselves for certain? But it may be said we must be slaves. And are we then in a clear state of liberty at present? It may also be said that it is a manly act for one to kill himself. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one; as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant coward, who, out of fear of a storm, should sink his ship of his own accord. Now self-murder is a crime most remote from the common nature of all animals, and an instance of impiety against God our Creator; nor indeed is there any animal that dies by its own contrivance, or by its own means, for the desire of life is a law engraven in them all; on which account we deem those that openly take it away from us to be our enemies, and those that do it by treachery are punished for so doing. And do not you think that God is very angry when a man does injury to what he hath bestowed on him? For from him it is that we have received our being, and we ought to leave it to his disposal to take that being away from us. The bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are created out of corruptible matter; but the soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the divinity that inhabits our bodies. Besides, if any one destroys or abuses a depositum he hath received from a mere man, he is esteemed a wicked and perfidious person; but then if any one cast out of his body this Divine depositum, can we imagine that he who is thereby affronted does not know of it? Moreover, our law justly ordains that slaves which run away from their master shall be punished, though the masters they run away from may have been wicked masters to them. And shall we endeavor to run away from God, who is the best of all masters, and not guilty of impeity? Do not you know that those who depart out of this life according to the law of nature, and pay that debt which was received from God, when he that lent it us is pleased to require it back again, enjoy eternal fame; that their houses and their posterity are sure, that their souls are pure and obedient, and obtain a most holy place in heaven, from whence, in the revolutions of ages, they are again sent into pure bodies; while the souls of those whose hands have acted madly against themselves are received by the darkest place in Hades, and while God, who is their Father, punishes those that offend against either of them in their posterity? for which reason God hates such doings, and the crime is punished by our most wise legislator. Accordingly, our laws determine that the bodies of such as kill themselves should be exposed till the sun be set, without burial, although at the same time it be allowed by them to be lawful to bury our enemies [sooner]. The laws of other nations also enjoin such men's hands to be cut off when they are dead, which had been made use of in destroying themselves when alive, while they reckoned that as the body is alien from the soul, so is the hand alien from the body. It is therefore, my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and not add to the calamities which men bring upon us impiety towards our Creator. If we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us do it; for to be preserved by those our enemies, to whom we have given so many demonstrations of our courage, is no way inglorious; but if we have a mind to die, it is good to die by the hand of those that have conquered us. For my part, I will not run over to our enemies' quarters, in order to be a traitor to myself; for certainly I should then be much more foolish than those that deserted to the enemy, since they did it in order to save themselves, and I should do it for destruction, for my own destruction. However, I heartily wish the Romans may prove treacherous in this matter; for if, after their offer of their right hand for security, I be slain by them, I shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me the sense of their perfidiousness, as a consolation greater than victory itself."
5. At this, Josephus feared that they might attack him, but he also believed he would betray God's commands if he died before he delivered them. So, in his distress, he began to speak to them like a philosopher, saying: "Oh my friends, why are we so eager to kill ourselves? Why are we putting our souls and bodies, which are such close companions, at odds with each other? Can anyone claim that I am not the same person I used to be? No, the Romans are well aware of how things stand. It is noble to die in battle, as long as it’s according to the rules of war, at the hands of conquerors. Therefore, if I avoid death by the sword of the Romans, I deserve to be killed by my own sword and hand; but if they show mercy and spare their enemy, how much more should we show mercy to ourselves and spare our own lives? It is certainly foolish to do to ourselves what we condemn them for doing to us. I honestly admit that it is brave to die for freedom, but it must be in battle and against those who take that freedom from us; yet in our current situation, our enemies neither fight us nor kill us. The coward is equally the one who doesn’t die when he must and the one who dies when he doesn’t have to. What are we afraid of, that we won’t approach the Romans? Is it death? If so, why would we inflict it on ourselves when we merely suspect our enemies will do it? It might be said that we will become slaves. But are we truly free at this moment? It might also be claimed that it is a manly act for a person to take their own life. No, it’s actually a deeply unmanly act; I would consider a pilot a coward if he sunk his ship out of fear of a storm. Self-murder is a crime far removed from the nature of all living beings and an affront to God, our Creator; in fact, no animal willingly causes its own death, for the desire for life is inscribed in all of them. That’s why we view those who take life from us as enemies and punish those who do it sneakily. Don’t you think God feels angry when a person harms what He has given them? For it is from Him that we have our existence, and we should allow Him to decide when to take that life from us. The bodies of all men are indeed mortal and formed from corruptible matter, but the soul is immortal, a piece of the divine living within us. Moreover, if someone destroys or misuses a gift they’ve received from another human, they are viewed as wicked and treacherous; then how can we believe that the Divine does not notice when someone expels this Divine gift from their body? Additionally, our law correctly states that runaway slaves should be punished, even if their masters have been unjust. Should we really try to escape from God, who is the best of masters and is free from wrongdoing? Don't you know that those who leave this life according to nature, paying the debt given to them by God when He requests it back, are honored eternally? Their homes and descendants are secure, their souls are pure and obedient, and they find a sacred place in heaven, from where, through ages, they are sent back into pure bodies; while the souls of those who have acted against themselves are cast into the darkest depths of Hades, and God, their Father, punishes those who offend against either Him or them in their descendants? For this reason, God despises such actions, and such crimes are punished by our wise legislator. As a result, our laws dictate that the bodies of those who take their own lives should be displayed until sunset, without burial, while at the same time, it is lawful to bury our enemies sooner. Other nations' laws also require that the hands of those who have killed themselves be cut off once they’re dead, as those hands were used to destroy themselves while believing that, as the body is separate from the soul, so is the hand separate from the body. Therefore, my friends, it’s right to think rationally and not add to the suffering that our own impiety towards our Creator brings upon us. If we want to survive, let’s do so; being saved by our enemies, to whom we’ve shown so much courage, is not shameful; but if we’re determined to die, then it’s best to die at the hands of those who have conquered us. For my part, I will not defect to the enemy’s side to betray myself; that would make me far more foolish than those who have defected out of self-preservation, as they did it to save themselves, while I would be doing it for my own destruction. However, I sincerely hope that the Romans will betray this matter; for if, after they offer their hand for security, I’m killed by them, I will die happily, carrying with me the knowledge of their treachery as a consolation greater than victory itself."
6. Now these and many the like motives did Josephus use to these men to prevent their murdering themselves; but desperation had shut their ears, as having long ago devoted themselves to die, and they were irritated at Josephus. They then ran upon him with their swords in their hands, one from one quarter, and another from another, and called him a coward, and everyone of them appeared openly as if he were ready to smite him; but he calling to one of them by name, and looking like a general to another, and taking a third by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of himself, by praying him to forbear, and being in this condition distracted with various passions, [as he well might in the great distress he was then in,] he kept off every one of their swords from killing him, and was forced to do like such wild beasts as are encompassed about on every side, who always turn themselves against those that last touched them. Nay, some of their right hands were debilitated by the reverence they bare to their general in these his fatal calamities, and their swords dropped out of their hands; and not a few of them there were, who, when they aimed to smite him with their swords, they were not thoroughly either willing or able to do it.
6. Josephus used various arguments to try to stop these men from taking their own lives, but desperation had closed their ears, as they had long since decided to die, and they were angry with Josephus. They charged at him with swords in hand, coming at him from different directions, calling him a coward, each of them appearing ready to strike him down. However, he called one of them by name, looked like a commanding general to another, took a third one by the hand, and shamed a fourth into backing down by asking him to stop. In this chaotic situation, overwhelmed by intense emotions, he managed to deflect their swords from killing him, forced to act like wild animals cornered by their attackers, always facing those who had just touched them. In fact, some of their right hands grew weak from the respect they felt for their general in such dire circumstances, causing their swords to slip from their grip. Many of them, when they tried to strike him, found themselves neither willing nor able to do it.
7. However, in this extreme distress, he was not destitute of his usual sagacity; but trusting himself to the providence of God, he put his life into hazard [in the manner following]: "And now," said he, "since it is resolved among you that you will die, come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to determination by lot. He whom the lot falls to first, let him be killed by him that hath the second lot, and thus fortune shall make its progress through us all; nor shall any of us perish by his own right hand, for it would be unfair if, when the rest are gone, somebody should repent and save himself." This proposal appeared to them to be very just; and when he had prevailed with them to determine this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for himself also. He who had the first lot laid his neck bare to him that had the next, as supposing that the general would die among them immediately; for they thought death, if Josephus might but die with them, was sweeter than life; yet was he with another left to the last, whether we must say it happened so by chance, or whether by the providence of God. And as he was very desirous neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he had been left to the last, to imbrue his right hand in the blood of his countrymen, he persuaded him to trust his fidelity to him, and to live as well as himself.
7. However, in this extreme distress, he didn’t lack his usual sharpness; trusting in God’s providence, he put his life at risk in the following way: "And now," he said, "since you all agree that you will die, let’s decide our deaths by drawing lots. Whoever's lot is drawn first should be killed by the one with the second lot, and let fate work its way through all of us; none of us should die by our own hand, as it would be unfair if, after everyone else is gone, someone decides to save themselves." This suggestion seemed very fair to them, and after he convinced them to resolve the matter by drawing lots, he also drew one for himself. The one who drew the first lot exposed his neck to the one who had the next, thinking that the general would die among them straight away; they believed that death, if only Josephus could die with them, was sweeter than life. Yet, he and another were left for last, whether it was by chance or by God’s providence. Eager not to be condemned by the lot, nor to be the one to spill the blood of his fellow countrymen if he ended up last, he persuaded the other to trust him and to live alongside him.
8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with the Romans, and in this his own war with his friends, and was led by Nicanor to Vespasian. But now all the Romans ran together to see him; and as the multitude pressed one upon another about their general, there was a tumult of a various kind; while some rejoiced that Josephus was taken, and some threatened him, and some crowded to see him very near; but those that were more remote cried out to have this their enemy put to death, while those that were near called to mind the actions he had done, and a deep concern appeared at the change of his fortune. Nor were there any of the Roman commanders, how much soever they had been enraged at him before, but relented when they came to the sight of him. Above all the rest, Titus's own valor, and Josephus's own patience under his afflictions, made him pity him, as did also the commiseration of his age, when he recalled to mind that but a little while ago he was fighting, but lay now in the hands of his enemies, which made him consider the power of fortune, and how quick is the turn of affairs in war, and how no state of men is sure; for which reason he then made a great many more to be of the same pitiful temper with himself, and induced them to commiserate Josephus. He was also of great weight in persuading his father to preserve him. However, Vespasian gave strict orders that he should be kept with great caution, as though he would in a very little time send him to Nero. 5
8. So Josephus escaped during the war with the Romans, and in this battle with his own allies, he was taken by Nicanor to Vespasian. But now all the Romans rushed together to see him; and as the crowd jostled around their general, there was an uproar of different kinds; some were happy that Josephus had been captured, some threatened him, and others pushed to get a closer look; those further away shouted for his execution, while those nearby recalled his previous deeds, showing great concern for his change in fortune. Even the Roman commanders, no matter how angry they had been with him before, softened when they actually saw him. Above all, Titus's own bravery and Josephus's patience in his suffering made him feel sorry for him, as did the sympathy for his age, remembering that not long ago he was fighting but now lay in the hands of his enemies. This made him reflect on the power of fate, how swiftly things can change in war, and how no situation is secure; for this reason, he influenced many others to feel sorry for Josephus as well. He also played a big role in convincing his father to spare him. However, Vespasian ordered that he be kept under strict watch, as if he would soon send him to Nero. 5
9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he said that he had somewhat in his mind that he would willingly say to himself alone. When therefore they were all ordered to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their friends, he said, "Thou, O Vespasian, thinkest no more than that thou hast taken Josephus himself captive; but I come to thee as a messenger of greater tidings; for had not I been sent by God to thee, I knew what was the law of the Jews in this case? and how it becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me to Nero? For why? Are Nero's successors till they come to thee still alive? Thou, O Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and this thy son. Bind me now still faster, and keep me for thyself, for thou, O Caesar, are not only lord over me, but over the land and the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I deserve to be kept in closer custody than I now am in, in order to be punished, if I rashly affirm any thing of God." When he had said this, Vespasian at present did not believe him, but supposed that Josephus said this as a cunning trick, in order to his own preservation; but in a little time he was convinced, and believed what he said to be true, God himself erecting his expectations, so as to think of obtaining the empire, and by other signs fore-showing his advancement. He also found Josephus to have spoken truth on other occasions; for one of those friends that were present at that secret conference said to Josephus, "I cannot but wonder how thou couldst not foretell to the people of Jotapata that they should be taken, nor couldst foretell this captivity which hath happened to thyself, unless what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in order to avoid the rage that is risen against thyself." To which Josephus replied, "I did foretell to the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I should be caught alive by the Romans." Now when Vespasian had inquired of the captives privately about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. Yet did he not set Josephus at liberty from his hands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes, and other precious gifts; he treated him also in a very obliging manner, and continued so to do, Titus still joining his interest in the honors that were done him.
9. When Josephus heard him give those orders, he thought to himself that he had something he wanted to say privately. So, when everyone was told to leave except for Titus and two of their friends, he said, "You, Vespasian, think you’ve just captured Josephus himself; but I come to you with a message of greater importance. If I hadn’t been sent by God to you, do you think I would know the laws of the Jews in this situation? And how generals are expected to meet their end? Are you sending me to Nero? Why? Will Nero’s successors still be alive when they reach you? You, Vespasian, are Caesar and emperor, you and your son. Bind me even tighter, and keep me for yourself, for you, Caesar, are not just lord over me, but over land and sea and all of humanity; and I surely deserve to be held more securely than I currently am, in order to be punished if I rashly speak of God." After he said this, Vespasian didn’t initially believe him, thinking Josephus was just trying to save himself with a clever trick; but soon he was convinced, believing what Josephus said was true, as God raised his hopes, making him think about obtaining the empire and giving other signs of his rise. He also found that Josephus had spoken truth on other occasions, for one of the friends present at that private meeting said to Josephus, "I can't help but wonder why you didn’t warn the people of Jotapata that they would be captured, or foretell your own captivity, unless what you're saying now is just empty words to avoid the anger aimed at you." To which Josephus replied, "I did warn the people of Jotapata that they would be taken on the forty-seventh day, and that I would be captured alive by the Romans." When Vespasian privately asked the captives about these predictions, he found them to be true, and then he began to believe those that concerned himself. Still, he didn’t free Josephus from captivity but gave him clothing and other valuable gifts; he treated him kindly and continued to do so, with Titus also supporting the honors given to him.
CHAPTER 9.
How Joppa Was Taken, And Tiberias Delivered Up.
How Joppa Was Captured, And Tiberias Surrendered.
1. Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus, [Tamus] and from thence he came to Cesarea, which lay by the sea-side. This was a very great city of Judea, and for the greatest part inhabited by Greeks: the citizens here received both the Roman army and its general, with all sorts of acclamations and rejoicings, and this partly out of the good-will they bore to the Romans, but principally out of the hatred they bore to those that were conquered by them; on which account they came clamoring against Josephus in crowds, and desired he might be put to death. But Vespasian passed over this petition concerning him, as offered by the injudicious multitude, with a bare silence. Two of the legions also he placed at Cesarea, that they might there take their winter-quarters, as perceiving the city very fit for such a purpose; but he placed the tenth and the fifth at Scythopolis, that he might not distress Cesarea with the entire army. This place was warm even in winter, as it was suffocating hot in the summer time, by reason of its situation in a plain, and near to the sea [of Galilee].
1. Vespasian returned to Ptolemais on the fourth day of the month Panemus, [Tamus] and from there he went to Caesarea, which was situated by the sea. This was a large city in Judea, mostly inhabited by Greeks. The citizens welcomed both the Roman army and its general with cheers and celebrations, partly because of their goodwill towards the Romans, but mainly due to their hatred for those who had been defeated by them. For this reason, they gathered in crowds, shouting against Josephus and demanding that he be executed. However, Vespasian ignored this request from the unruly crowd, remaining silent. He stationed two legions in Caesarea so they could set up winter quarters there, since he recognized the city was suitable for that purpose. He placed the tenth and the fifth legions in Scythopolis to avoid overwhelming Caesarea with the entire army. This area was warm even in winter and unbearably hot in the summer due to its location in a plain and close to the Sea of Galilee.
2. In the mean time, there were gathered together as well such as had seditiously got out from among their enemies, as those that had escaped out of the demolished cities, which were in all a great number, and repaired Joppa, which had been left desolate by Cestius, that it might serve them for a place of refuge; and because the adjoining region had been laid waste in the war, and was not capable of supporting them, they determined to go off to sea. They also built themselves a great many piratical ships, and turned pirates upon the seas near to Syria, and Phoenicia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavigable to all men. Now as soon as Vespasian knew of their conspiracy, he sent both footmen and horsemen to Joppa, which was unguarded in the night time; however, those that were in it perceived that they should be attacked, and were afraid of it; yet did they not endeavor to keep the Romans out, but fled to their ships, and lay at sea all night, out of the reach of their darts.
2. In the meantime, people who had escaped from their enemies and those who had fled from the destroyed cities gathered together in large numbers. They repaired Joppa, which had been left deserted by Cestius, to make it a safe place for themselves. Since the surrounding area had been ravaged by the war and could not support them, they decided to go out to sea. They also built many pirate ships and became pirates along the coasts of Syria, Phoenicia, and Egypt, making those waters unsafe for all. As soon as Vespasian learned about their plot, he sent both infantry and cavalry to Joppa, which was unguarded at night. However, the people inside realized they would be attacked and were afraid. Instead of trying to resist the Romans, they fled to their ships and stayed out at sea all night to avoid being hit.
3. Now Joppa is not naturally a haven, for it ends in a rough shore, where all the rest of it is straight, but the two ends bend towards each other, where there are deep precipices, and great stones that jut out into the sea, and where the chains wherewith Andromeda was bound have left their footsteps, which attest to the antiquity of that fable. But the north wind opposes and beats upon the shore, and dashes mighty waves against the rocks which receive them, and renders the haven more dangerous than the country they had deserted. Now as those people of Joppa were floating about in this sea, in the morning there fell a violent wind upon them; it is called by those that sail there "the black north wind," and there dashed their ships one against another, and dashed some of them against the rocks, and carried many of them by force, while they strove against the opposite waves, into the main sea; for the shore was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy upon it, that they were afraid to come to land; nay, the waves rose so very high, that they drowned them; nor was there any place whither they could fly, nor any way to save themselves; while they were thrust out of the sea, by the violence of the wind, if they staid where they were, and out of the city by the violence of the Romans. And much lamentation there was when the ships were dashed against one another, and a terrible noise when they were broken to pieces; and some of the multitude that were in them were covered with waves, and so perished, and a great many were embarrassed with shipwrecks. But some of them thought that to die by their own swords was lighter than by the sea, and so they killed themselves before they were drowned; although the greatest part of them were carried by the waves, and dashed to pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks, insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way, and the maritime parts were full of dead bodies; for the Romans came upon those that were carried to the shore, and destroyed them; and the number of the bodies that were thus thrown out of the sea was four thousand and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without opposition, and utterly demolished it.
3. Joppa isn’t naturally a safe harbor; it ends in a rough shore, unlike the straight coastline around it. The two ends curve toward each other, where there are steep cliffs and large rocks that jut out into the sea, marking the spot where the chains that bound Andromeda left their imprint, proving the age of that story. However, the north wind blows fiercely against the shore, crashing huge waves against the rocks, making the harbor riskier than the land they had abandoned. While the people of Joppa were adrift in the sea, a violent storm hit them in the morning; those who sail there call it "the black north wind." It crashed their ships into each other, smashed some against the rocks, and swept many into the open sea as they struggled against the waves. The shore was so rocky and filled with enemies that they were too afraid to land; the waves were so high that they drowned many, and there was no safe place to escape or any way to save themselves. They were pushed out to sea by the force of the wind and out of the city by the Romans. There was much wailing as the ships collided, creating a terrible noise when they broke apart; some people aboard were overwhelmed by the waves and drowned, while many others faced shipwreck. Some believed that dying by their own swords was preferable to drowning, so they took their own lives before the water could claim them. However, most were carried away by the waves and smashed against the jagged rocks, staining the sea with blood for a long distance, while the coastal areas were filled with corpses. The Romans attacked those washed ashore and killed them, and the number of bodies found washed up from the sea was four thousand and two hundred. The Romans also took the city without any resistance and completely destroyed it.
4. And thus was Joppa taken twice by the Romans in a little time; but Vespasian, in order to prevent these pirates from coming thither any more, erected a camp there, where the citadel of Joppa had been, and left a body of horse in it, with a few footmen, that these last might stay there and guard the camp, and the horsemen might spoil the country that lay round it, and might destroy the neighboring villages and smaller cities. So these troops overran the country, as they were ordered to do, and every day cut to pieces and laid desolate the whole region.
4. So Joppa was taken by the Romans twice in a short time; however, Vespasian set up a camp there to prevent the pirates from returning. He established the camp where the citadel of Joppa had stood and left a group of cavalry along with a few infantry to guard it. The infantry stayed behind to protect the camp, while the cavalry raided the surrounding countryside, destroying the nearby villages and smaller towns. As instructed, these troops swept through the area, killing and devastating it daily.
5. But now, when the fate of Jotapata was related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of the calamity, and because they had no eye-witness to attest the truth of what was related about it; for not one person was saved to be a messenger of that news, but a fame was spread abroad at random that the city was taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news about. However, the truth was known by degrees, from the places near Jotapata, and appeared to all to be too true. Yet were there fictitious stories added to what was really done; for it was reported that Josephus was slain at the taking of the city, which piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow. In every house also, and among all to whom any of the slain were allied, there was a lamentation for them; but the mourning for the commander was a public one; and some mourned for those that had lived with them, others for their kindred, others for their friends, and others for their brethren, but all mourned for Josephus; insomuch that the lamentation did not cease in the city before the thirtieth day; and a great many hired mourners, with their pipes, who should begin the melancholy ditties for them.
5. But now, when the news about Jotapata reached Jerusalem, many initially didn’t believe it because the disaster sounded too large to be true, and there were no eyewitnesses to confirm what had happened; not a single person survived to deliver the message. Instead, rumors spread haphazardly that the city had fallen, as bad news typically travels. However, the truth gradually emerged from the surrounding areas of Jotapata and became evident to everyone. Still, some exaggerated tales were added to the real events; it was reported that Josephus was killed when the city fell, which deeply saddened Jerusalem. In every household, and among all those related to the deceased, there was mourning for them; however, the mourning for the commander was public. Some mourned for those they had lived alongside, others for their relatives, others for friends, and some for their brothers, but everyone mourned for Josephus. The wailing continued in the city for thirty days; many hired professional mourners with their flutes to start the sorrowful songs for them.
6. But as the truth came out in time, it appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really stood; yet was it found that the death of Josephus was a fiction; and when they understood that he was alive, and was among the Romans, and that the commanders treated him at another rate than they treated captives, they were as vehemently angry at him now as they had showed their good-will before, when he appeared to have been dead. He was also abused by some as having been a coward, and by others as a deserter; and the city was full of indignation at him, and of reproaches cast upon him; their rage was also aggravated by their afflictions, and more inflamed by their ill success; and what usually becomes an occasion of caution to wise men, I mean affliction, became a spur to them to venture on further calamities, and the end of one misery became still the beginning of another; they therefore resolved to fall on the Romans the more vehemently, as resolving to be revenged on him in revenging themselves on the Romans. And this was the state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which now came upon it.
6. But as the truth came out over time, it became clear how things really were in Jotapata; it turned out that Josephus was not dead after all. When they found out he was alive and with the Romans, and that the commanders treated him much better than they treated prisoners, they became as furious with him as they had previously shown their goodwill when they thought he was dead. Some accused him of being a coward, while others called him a deserter; the city was filled with anger towards him and thrown into a frenzy of blame. Their rage was made worse by their suffering and further fueled by their failures. What usually makes wise people cautious—affliction—became a motivator for them to pursue even more disasters, and the end of one misfortune only marked the start of another. They decided to attack the Romans even more fiercely, believing that by getting revenge on the Romans, they would also be avenging themselves on Josephus. This was the situation in Jerusalem regarding the troubles it faced.
7. But Vespasian, in order to see the kingdom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded himself so to do, [partly in order to his treating the general and his army in the best and most splendid manner his private affairs would enable him to do, and partly that he might, by their means, correct such things as were amiss in his government,] he removed from that Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and went to that which is called Cesarea Philippi 6 and there he refreshed his army for twenty days, and was himself feasted by king Agrippa, where he also returned public thanks to God for the good success he had had in his undertakings. But as soon as he was informed that Tiberias was fond of innovations, and that Taricheae had revolted, both which cities were parts of the kingdom of Agrippa, and was satisfied within himself that the Jews were every where perverted [from their obedience to their governors], he thought it seasonable to make an expedition against these cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and in order to bring his cities to reason. So he sent away his son Titus to [the other] Cesarea, that he might bring the army that lay there to Seythopous, which is the largest city of Decapolis, and in the neighborhood of Tiberias, whither he came, and where he waited for his son. He then came with three legions, and pitched his camp thirty furlongs off Tiberias, at a certain station easily seen by the innovators; it is named Sennabris. He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen, to speak peaceably to those that were in the city, and to exhort them to give him assurances of their fidelity; for he had heard that the people were desirous of peace, but were obliged by some of the seditious part to join with them, and so were forced to fight for them. When Valerian had marched up to the place, and was near the wall, he alighted off his horse, and made those that were with him to do the same, that they might not be thought to come to skirmish with them; but before they could come to a discourse one with another, the most potent men among the seditious made a sally upon them armed; their leader was one whose name was Jesus, the son of Shaphat, the principal head of a band of robbers. Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe to fight contrary to the commands of the general, though he were secure of a victory, and knowing that it was a very hazardous undertaking for a few to fight with many, for those that were unprovided to fight those that were ready, and being on other accounts surprised at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran away on foot, as did five of the rest in like manner, and left their horses behind them; which horses Jesus led away into the city, and rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle, and not by treachery.
7. But Vespasian, wanting to see King Agrippa's kingdom, while the king convinced himself to do so—partly to treat the general and his army in the best and most impressive way his resources allowed, and partly to correct issues in his government with their help—he left the coastal Cesarea and went to the one known as Cesarea Philippi 6 where he rested his army for twenty days. During this time, King Agrippa hosted him, and he publicly thanked God for his successful endeavors. However, as soon as he learned that Tiberias was leaning towards rebellion and that Taricheae had revolted, both of which were part of Agrippa's kingdom, he became convinced that the Jews were straying from their obedience to their rulers. He decided it was time to launch an expedition against these cities, both for Agrippa's sake and to restore order. He sent his son Titus to the other Cesarea to bring the army stationed there to Seythopous, the largest city in Decapolis and near Tiberias, where he waited for his son. He then arrived with three legions and set up camp thirty furlongs from Tiberias at a visible position called Sennabris. He also sent Valerian, a decurion, with fifty horsemen to peacefully address those in the city and encourage them to assure him of their loyalty, having heard that the people wanted peace but were being pressured by some rebels to fight. When Valerian reached the location near the wall, he got off his horse and made his companions do the same, so it wouldn’t seem like they were preparing for battle. However, before they could have a conversation, the most influential of the rebels charged at them, led by a man named Jesus, the son of Shaphat, a notorious bandit leader. Valerian, sensing it was unsafe to fight against the general's orders despite being confident of victory, and recognizing the danger of a small group battling a larger one, was caught off guard by this sudden attack from the Jews. He fled on foot, as did five others, abandoning their horses, which Jesus then took into the city, celebrating as if they had won them in battle rather than through treachery.
8. Now the seniors of the people, and such as were of principal authority among them, fearing what would be the issue of this matter, fled to the camp of the Romans; they then took their king along with them, and fell down before Vespasian, to supplicate his favor, and besought him not to overlook them, nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole city, to spare a people that have been ever civil and obliging to the Romans; but to bring the authors of this revolt to due punishment, who had hitherto so watched them, that though they were zealous to give them the security of their right hands of a long time, yet could they not accomplish the same. With these supplications the general complied, although he were very angry at the whole city about the carrying off his horses, and this because he saw that Agrippa was under a great concern for them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had accepted of their right hands by way of security, Jesus and his party thought it not safe for them to continue at Tiberias, so they ran away to Taricheae. The next day Vespasian sent Trajan before with some horsemen to the citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whether they were all disposed for peace; and as soon as he knew that the people were of the same mind with the petitioner, he took his army, and went to the city; upon which the citizens opened to him their gates, and met him with acclamations of joy, and called him their savior and benefactor. But as the army was a great while in getting in at the gates, they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded the south wall to be broken down, and so made a broad passage for their entrance. However, he charged them to abstain from rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the king; and on his account spared the rest of the wall, while the king undertook for them that they should continue [faithful to the Romans] for the time to come. And thus did he restore this city to a quiet state, after it had been grievously afflicted by the sedition.
8. Now the leaders of the people, along with those in positions of authority, worried about how this situation would turn out, fled to the Roman camp. They took their king with them and fell down before Vespasian to plead for his mercy. They asked him not to judge the entire city based on the reckless actions of a few, but to spare a people that had always been respectful and cooperative with the Romans, and to punish those responsible for the uprising. These troublemakers had kept them from giving their support for a long time. The general agreed to their pleas, even though he was very angry at the entire city for stealing his horses, especially since he knew Agrippa was very concerned about them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa accepted their pledges of support, Jesus and his group decided it wasn’t safe to stay in Tiberias and fled to Taricheae. The next day, Vespasian sent Trajan ahead with some cavalry to check on the people to see if they wanted peace. Once he found out that the citizens were aligned with the supplicants, he took his army to the city. The citizens opened their gates to him with cheers of joy, calling him their savior and benefactor. However, it took a long time for the army to get through the narrow gates, so Vespasian ordered the south wall to be torn down to create a wider entrance. Still, he instructed them to refrain from looting and injustice to please the king, and on his behalf, he spared the rest of the wall, since the king assured him that they would remain loyal to the Romans moving forward. Thus, he restored the city to a peaceful state after it had suffered greatly from the conflict.
CHAPTER 10.
How Taricheae Was Taken. A Description Of The River Jordan,
And Of The Country Of Gennesareth.
How Taricheae Was Taken. A Description of the Jordan River,
and of the Region of Gennesaret.1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp between this city and Taricheae, but fortified his camp more strongly, as suspecting that he should be forced to stay there, and have a long war; for all the innovators had gotten together at Taricheae, as relying upon the strength of the city, and on the lake that lay by it. This lake is called by the people of the country the Lake of Gennesareth. The city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bottom of a mountain, and on those sides which are not washed by the sea, had been strongly fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly as Tiberias; for the wall of Tiberias had been built at the beginning of the Jews' revolt, when he had great plenty of money, and great power, but Taricheae partook only the remains of that liberality, Yet had they a great number of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that, in case they were beaten at land, they might retire to them; and they were so fitted up, that they might undertake a Sea-fight also. But as the Romans were building a wall about their camp, Jesus and his party were neither affrighted at their number, nor at the good order they were in, but made a sally upon them; and at the very first onset the builders of the wall were dispersed; and these pulled what little they had before built to pieces; but as soon as they saw the armed men getting together, and before they had suffered any thing themselves, they retired to their own men. But then the Romans pursued them, and drove them into their ships, where they launched out as far as might give them the opportunity of reaching the Romans with what they threw at them, and then cast anchor, and brought their ships close, as in a line of battle, and thence fought the enemy from the sea, who were themselves at land. But Vespasian hearing that a great multitude of them were gotten together in the plain that was before the city, he thereupon sent his son, with six hundred chosen horsemen, to disperse them.
1. Vespasian set up his camp between this city and Taricheae, reinforcing it because he anticipated he would be there for a while and face a prolonged conflict. All the rebels had gathered at Taricheae, confident in the city's defenses and the nearby lake. This lake is known locally as the Lake of Gennesareth. The city is located similarly to Tiberias, at the base of a mountain, and on the sides not facing the sea, it had been fortressed by Josephus, although not as strongly as Tiberias; the wall of Tiberias was constructed at the start of the Jewish revolt when he had ample funds and significant power, while Taricheae only benefited from the remnants of that generosity. However, they had a large number of ships prepared on the lake, ready to retreat to them if they were defeated on land, and these ships were equipped for naval combat as well. As the Romans were building a wall around their camp, Jesus and his group were not intimidated by their numbers or their disciplined formation but launched an attack. In the initial clash, the wall builders were scattered, and those that had constructed even a little of it dismantled what they had built. But as soon as they noticed the armed men gathering and before they faced any real harm themselves, they fell back to their comrades. The Romans then chased them, forcing them into their ships, where they rowed out far enough to throw projectiles at the Romans, then anchored and positioned their ships in a battle line to fight the enemy on land. When Vespasian learned that a large crowd had assembled in the plain in front of the city, he sent his son with six hundred elite cavalry to scatter them.
2. But when Titus perceived that the enemy was very numerous, he sent to his father, and informed him that he should want more forces. But as he saw a great many of the horsemen eager to fight, and that before any succors could come to them, and that yet some of them were privately under a sort of consternation at the multitude of the Jews, he stood in a place whence he might be heard, and said to them, "My brave Romans! for it is right for me to put you in mind of what nation you are, in the beginning of my speech, that so you may not be ignorant who you are, and who they are against whom we are going to fight. For as to us, Romans, no part of the habitable earth hath been able to escape our hands hitherto; but as for the Jews, that I may speak of them too, though they have been already beaten, yet do they not give up the cause; and a sad thing it would be for us to grow wealthy under good success, when they bear up under their misfortunes. As to the alacrity which you show publicly, I see it, and rejoice at it; yet am I afraid lest the multitude of the enemy should bring a concealed fright upon some of you: let such a one consider again, who we are that are to fight, and who those are against whom we are to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very bold and great despisers of death, are but a disorderly body, and unskillful in war, and may rather be called a rout than an army; while I need say nothing of our skill and our good order; for this is the reason why we Romans alone are exercised for war in time of peace, that we may not think of number for number when we come to fight with our enemies: for what advantage should we reap by our continual sort of warfare, if we must still be equal in number to such as have not been used to war. Consider further, that you are to have a conflict with men in effect unarmed, while you are well armed; with footmen, while you are horsemen; with those that have no good general, while you have one; and as these advantages make you in effect manifold more than you are, so do their disadvantages mightily diminish their number. Now it is not the multitude of men, though they be soldiers, that manages wars with success, but it is their bravery that does it, though they be but a few; for a few are easily set in battle-array, and can easily assist one another, while over-numerous armies are more hurt by themselves than by their enemies. It is boldness and rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct the Jews. Those passions indeed make a great figure when they succeed, but are quite extinguished upon the least ill success; but we are led on by courage, and obedience, and fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our good fortune, but still does not for ever desert us in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your fighting is to be on greater motives than those of the Jews; for although they run the hazard of war for liberty, and for their country, yet what can be a greater motive to us than glory? and that it may never be said, that after we have got dominion of the habitable earth, the Jews are able to confront us. We must also reflect upon this, that there is no fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in the present case; for those that are ready to assist us are many, and at hand also; yet it is in our power to seize upon this victory ourselves; and I think we ought to prevent the coming of those my father is sending to us for our assistance, that our success may be peculiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation to us. And I cannot but think this an opportunity wherein my father, and I, and you shall be all put to the trial, whether he be worthy of his former glorious performances, whether I be his son in reality, and whether you be really my soldiers; for it is usual for my father to conquer; and for myself, I should not bear the thoughts of returning to him if I were once taken by the enemy. And how will you be able to avoid being ashamed, if you do not show equal courage with your commander, when he goes before you into danger? For you know very well that I shall go into the danger first, and make the first attack upon the enemy. Do not you therefore desert me, but persuade yourselves that God will be assisting to my onset. Know this also before we begin, that we shall now have better success than we should have, if we were to fight at a distance."
2. But when Titus realized that the enemy was very numerous, he sent a message to his father, letting him know that he would need more troops. However, as he noticed many of the cavalry eager to fight, and that some of them were secretly feeling intimidated by the large number of Jews before any reinforcements could arrive, he stood in a spot where he could be heard and said to them, "My brave Romans! I must remind you at the beginning of my speech what nation you come from, so you won’t forget who you are and who we are going to fight. As for us Romans, no part of the known world has escaped our grasp so far; but regarding the Jews, even though they have already been defeated, they still refuse to abandon their cause. It would be unfortunate for us to become comfortable and wealthy through success when they are still enduring their hardships. I see your enthusiasm, and I’m glad for it, but I worry that the enemy's numbers may instill a hidden fear in some of you: let those individuals think again about who we are fighting and who our opponents are. These Jews, though bold and disdainful of death, are disorganized and poorly trained in warfare; you could better call them a mob than an army. I don’t need to explain our skills and discipline; that’s why we Romans train for war even in times of peace—to ensure we don’t worry about numbers when we face our enemies. What good would our constant military readiness do if we had to match the numbers of those who aren’t battle-hardened? Also, remember, you’ll be fighting against men who are essentially unarmed, while you’re well-equipped; against infantry while you’re cavalry; against those without a competent leader while you have one. These benefits make you effectively far greater than you are, while their disadvantages significantly reduce their strength. It’s not the sheer number of soldiers that wins wars, but bravery, even in small numbers; because a few can easily form ranks and support each other, while too many can create more chaos than an enemy could. The Jews rely on boldness and recklessness, which can lead to great successes but vanish quickly at the first sign of trouble; whereas we are driven by courage, discipline, and strength, which show up in good times and stand by us in tough times. Furthermore, your reasons for fighting are far nobler than those of the Jews; they fight for freedom and their homeland, but what could be more motivating for us than glory? It must never be said that after we’ve conquered the earth, the Jews could stand against us. We should also remember that there’s little fear of facing any irreversible disaster right now; many are ready to support us and are nearby; it is up to us to seize this victory ourselves. I believe we should aim to achieve success before my father’s reinforcements arrive, so our triumph can be uniquely ours, bringing us greater honor. I can’t help but see this as a moment where my father, I, and you will be tested to show whether he deserves his past glory, whether I truly am his son, and whether you are truly my soldiers; my father is known for winning battles, and I wouldn’t be able to bear the thought of returning to him if I were captured by the enemy. How can you avoid shame if you don’t show the same courage as your leader when he goes into danger? You all know I will lead the charge and be the first to engage the enemy. So don’t abandon me; convince yourselves that God will support my attack. Also, know this before we begin: we will have better success now than if we were to fight from a distance."
3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordinary fury fell upon the men; and as Trajan was already come before the fight began, with four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at it, because the reputation of the victory would be diminished by being common to so many. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given it them in charge to seize upon the mountain that was over against the city, and repel those that were upon the wall; which archers did as they were commanded, and prevented those that attempted to assist them that way; And now Titus made his own horse march first against the enemy, as did the others with a great noise after him, and extended themselves upon the plain as wide as the enemy which confronted them; by which means they appeared much more numerous than they really were. Now the Jews, although they were surprised at their onset, and at their good order, made resistance against their attacks for a little while; but when they were pricked with their long poles, and overborne by the violent noise of the horsemen, they came to be trampled under their feet; many also of them were slain on every side, which made them disperse themselves, and run to the city, as fast as every one of them were able. So Titus pressed upon the hindmost, and slew them; and of the rest, some he fell upon as they stood on heaps, and some he prevented, and met them in the mouth, and run them through; many also he leaped upon as they fell one upon another, and trod them down, and cut off all the retreat they had to the wall, and turned them back into the plain, till at last they forced a passage by their multitude, and got away, and ran into the city.
3. As Titus was saying this, an incredible rage overtook the men; and since Trajan had already arrived before the fight started, with four hundred horsemen, they felt uneasy about it, because the glory of victory would be lessened by so many sharing it. Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and Silo, with two thousand archers, and instructed them to take the mountain opposite the city and to drive off those on the wall; the archers followed these orders and prevented those who tried to assist from that direction. Now Titus led his cavalry forward against the enemy, followed by the others with a loud noise, spreading out on the plain as wide as the enemy facing them, making them appear far more numerous than they really were. The Jews, though taken by surprise by their attack and good organization, resisted for a little while; but when they were prodded with long poles and overwhelmed by the chaotic noise of the horsemen, they were trampled underfoot. Many were killed on all sides, causing them to scatter and rush back to the city as fast as they could. Titus pursued those at the back, killing them; some he attacked as they huddled together, and others he met head-on and ran through; many he jumped on as they fell over each other, trampling them down and cutting off their escape to the wall, forcing them back to the plain, until finally, they broke through in their numbers and fled into the city.
4. But now there fell out a terrible sedition among them within the city; for the inhabitants themselves, who had possessions there, and to whom the city belonged, were not disposed to fight from the very beginning; and now the less so, because they had been beaten; but the foreigners, which were very numerous, would force them to fight so much the more, insomuch that there was a clamor and a tumult among them, as all mutually angry one at another. And when Titus heard this tumult, for he was not far from the wall, he cried out, "Fellow soldiers, now is the time; and why do we make any delay, when God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the victory which is given you: do not you hear what a noise they make? Those that have escaped our hands are in an uproar against one another. We have the city if we make haste; but besides haste, we must undergo some labor, and use some courage; for no great thing uses to be accomplished without danger: accordingly, we must not only prevent their uniting again, which necessity will soon compel them to do, but we must also prevent the coming of our own men to our assistance, that, as few as we are, we may conquer so great a multitude, and may ourselves alone take the city."
4. But then a terrible uprising broke out among them in the city; the local residents, who owned property there and considered the city theirs, were reluctant to fight from the start; and even less so now, having already been defeated. However, the numerous foreigners were pushing them to fight even more, leading to shouting and chaos as everyone became angry with each other. When Titus heard this commotion, since he was not far from the wall, he shouted, "Soldiers, now is the time! Why are we hesitating when God is handing the Jews over to us? Seize the victory that's given to you! Don't you hear all that noise? Those who have escaped our grasp are now in uproar against one another. We can take the city if we act quickly; but besides speed, we need to show some effort and courage, because nothing significant is achieved without risk. So, we must not only stop them from uniting again, which they will soon feel compelled to do, but we must also prevent our own men from coming to help us, so that, as few as we are, we can defeat such a large crowd and take the city for ourselves."
5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down to the lake; by which lake he marched, and entered into the city the first of them all, as did the others soon after him. Hereupon those that were upon the walls were seized with a terror at the boldness of the attempt, nor durst any one venture to fight with him, or to hinder him; so they left guarding the city, and some of those that were about Jesus fled over the country, while others of them ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in the teeth, and some were slain as they were getting up into the ships, but others of them as they attempted to overtake those that were already gone aboard. There was also a great slaughter made in the city, while those foreigners that had not fled away already made opposition; but the natural inhabitants were killed without fighting: for in hopes of Titus's giving them his right hand for their security, and out of a consciousness that they had not given any consent to the war, they avoided fighting, till Titus had slain the authors of this revolt, and then put a stop to any further slaughters, out of commiseration of these inhabitants of the place. But for those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing the city taken, they sailed as far as they possibly could from the enemy.
5. As soon as Titus said this, he jumped on his horse and rode quickly down to the lake. He marched by the lake and was the first to enter the city, followed by the others shortly after him. The soldiers on the walls were struck with fear at his boldness and didn’t dare to fight or stop him; they abandoned their posts, and some of Jesus’s followers ran off into the countryside, while others rushed down to the lake to confront the enemy. Some were killed while trying to get onto the ships, while others were attacked as they attempted to catch those who had already boarded. There was also a massive slaughter in the city, as those foreigners who hadn’t fled yet put up a fight, but the local inhabitants were killed without resistance. Hoping for Titus’s protection and believing they hadn’t consented to the war, they avoided fighting until Titus had dealt with the leaders of the revolt, after which he halted further killings out of pity for the residents. However, those who fled to the lake sailed as far away from the enemy as they could.
6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father, and let him know the good news of what he had done; at which, as was natural, he was very joyful, both on account of the courage and glorious actions of his son; for he thought that now the greatest part of the war was over. He then came thither himself, and set men to guard the city, and gave them command to take care that nobody got privately out of it, but to kill such as attempted so to do. And on the next day he went down to the lake, and commanded that vessels should be fitted up, in order to pursue those that had escaped in the ships. These vessels were quickly gotten ready accordingly, because there was great plenty of materials, and a great number of artificers also.
6. Then Titus sent one of his horsemen to his father to share the good news of his achievements, which made his father very happy, naturally, because of his son's bravery and glorious acts; he believed that the hardest part of the war was over. He then went there himself, stationed guards around the city, and ordered them to ensure that no one could sneak out, even commanding them to kill anyone who tried. The next day, he went down to the lake and ordered that ships be prepared to chase after those who had escaped. The ships were quickly readied because there was an abundance of materials and plenty of skilled workers available.
7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so called from the country adjoining to it. Its breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one hundred and forty; its waters are sweet, and very agreeable for drinking, for they are finer than the thick waters of other fens; the lake is also pure, and on every side ends directly at the shores, and at the sand; it is also of a temperate nature when you draw it up, and of a more gentle nature than river or fountain water, and yet always cooler than one could expect in so diffuse a place as this is. Now when this water is kept in the open air, it is as cold as that snow which the country people are accustomed to make by night in summer. There are several kinds of fish in it, different both to the taste and the sight from those elsewhere. It is divided into two parts by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it is carried thither after an occult manner from the place called Phiala: this place lies as you go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and twenty furlongs from Cesarea, and is not far out of the road on the right hand; and indeed it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very justly, from the roundness of its circumference, as being round like a wheel; its water continues always up to its edges, without either sinking or running over. And as this origin of Jordan was formerly not known, it was discovered so to be when Philip was tetrarch of Trachonitis; for he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was found at Paninto, where the ancients thought the fountain-head of the river was, whither it had been therefore carried [by the waters]. As for Panium itself, its natural beauty had been improved by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorned at his expenses. Now Jordan's visible stream arises from this cavern, and divides the marshes and fens of the lake Semechonitis; when it hath run another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Julias, and then passes through the middle of the lake Gennesareth; after which it runs a long way over a desert, and then makes its exit into the lake Asphaltites.
7. The lake of Gennesaret gets its name from the surrounding area. It’s forty furlongs wide and one hundred and forty furlongs long. Its water is fresh and very pleasant for drinking, better than the muddy waters of other marshes. The lake is also clear, with its edges meeting the shores and sand directly. When drawn up, the water has a mild temperature, gentler than river or spring water, yet always cooler than you’d expect in such an open area. When left outside, the water is as cold as the snow that local people make at night during summer. There are various types of fish in it, which differ in taste and appearance from those found elsewhere. The river Jordan divides the lake into two parts. Panium is thought to be the source of the Jordan, but it actually comes from a hidden place called Phiala, located on the way to Trachonitis, about a hundred and twenty furlongs from Caesarea, slightly off to the right side of the road. The name Phiala (meaning vial or bowl) is fitting because of its round shape, resembling a wheel; its water consistently fills to the brim without either sinking or overflowing. The source of the Jordan was not known until it was discovered during Philip’s time as tetrarch of Trachonitis; he had chaff thrown into Phiala, and it was later found at Panium, where the ancients believed the river’s source was, as the waters carried it there. Panium's natural beauty was enhanced by the kingly generosity of Agrippa, who adorned it with his investments. The visible flow of the Jordan originates from this cave and separates the marshes and wetlands of lake Semechonitis. After traveling another hundred and twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city of Julias, then flows through the center of Lake Gennesaret, before continuing across a desert and ultimately entering the lake Asphaltites.
8. The country also that lies over against this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth; its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty; its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can grow upon it, and the inhabitants accordingly plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very well with those several sorts, particularly walnuts, which require the coldest air, flourish there in vast plenty; there are palm trees also, which grow best in hot air; fig trees also and olives grow near them, which yet require an air that is more temperate. One may call this place the ambition of nature, where it forces those plants that are naturally enemies to one another to agree together; it is a happy contention of the seasons, as if every one of them laid claim to this country; for it not only nourishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond men's expectation, but preserves them a great while; it supplies men with the principal fruits, with grapes and figs continually, during ten months of the year 7 and the rest of the fruits as they become ripe together through the whole year; for besides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a most fertile fountain. The people of the country call it Capharnaum. Some have thought it to be a vein of the Nile, because it produces the Coracin fish as well as that lake does which is near to Alexandria. The length of this country extends itself along the banks of this lake that bears the same name for thirty furlongs, and is in breadth twenty, And this is the nature of that place.
8. The country across from this lake is also called Gennesaret; its nature is amazing as well as its beauty. The soil is so fertile that all kinds of trees can grow there, and the people who live there plant all sorts of trees. The climate is so well balanced that it suits various types, especially walnuts, which need cooler air and thrive there in abundance. Palm trees, which prefer warmer air, also grow well there, as do fig trees and olives, which need a more moderate climate. You could call this place a showcase of nature, where it brings together plants that usually don’t get along. It’s a pleasant mix of the seasons, as if each one is claiming this land; not only does it support a variety of autumn fruits beyond what you’d expect, but it also keeps them fresh for a long time. It provides people with key fruits, like grapes and figs, almost all year round for ten months of the year 7 and the rest of the fruits as they ripen throughout the entire year. In addition to the great climate, it is also fed by a very fertile spring. The locals call it Capharnaum. Some believe it's connected to the Nile because it produces the Coracin fish, just like the lake near Alexandria. This country stretches along the shores of the lake that shares its name for thirty furlongs and is twenty furlongs wide. And this is the nature of that place.
9. But now, when the vessels were gotten ready, Vespasian put upon ship-board as many of his forces as he thought sufficient to be too hard for those that were upon the lake, and set sail after them. Now these which were driven into the lake could neither fly to the land, where all was in their enemies' hand, and in war against them; nor could they fight upon the level by sea, for their ships were small and fitted only for piracy; they were too weak to fight with Vespasian's vessels, and the mariners that were in them were so few, that they were afraid to come near the Romans, who attacked them in great numbers. However, as they sailed round about the vessels, and sometimes as they came near them, they threw stones at the Romans when they were a good way off, or came closer and fought them; yet did they receive the greatest harm themselves in both cases. As for the stones they threw at the Romans, they only made a sound one after another, for they threw them against such as were in their armor, while the Roman darts could reach the Jews themselves; and when they ventured to come near the Romans, they became sufferers themselves before they could do any harm to the ether, and were drowned, they and their ships together. As for those that endeavored to come to an actual fight, the Romans ran many of them through with their long poles. Sometimes the Romans leaped into their ships, with swords in their hands, and slew them; but when some of them met the vessels, the Romans caught them by the middle, and destroyed at once their ships and themselves who were taken in them. And for such as were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads up above the water, they were either killed by darts, or caught by the vessels; but if, in the desperate case they were in, they attempted to swim to their enemies, the Romans cut off either their heads or their hands; and indeed they were destroyed after various manners every where, till the rest being put to flight, were forced to get upon the land, while the vessels encompassed them about [on the sea]: but as many of these were repulsed when they were getting ashore, they were killed by the darts upon the lake; and the Romans leaped out of their vessels, and destroyed a great many more upon the land: one might then see the lake all bloody, and full of dead bodies, for not one of them escaped. And a terrible stink, and a very sad sight there was on the following days over that country; for as for the shores, they were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies all swelled; and as the dead bodies were inflamed by the sun, and putrefied, they corrupted the air, insomuch that the misery was not only the object of commiseration to the Jews, but to those that hated them, and had been the authors of that misery. This was the upshot of the sea-fight. The number of the slain, including those that were killed in the city before, was six thousand and five hundred.
9. But now, as the ships were prepared, Vespasian loaded as many of his troops as he thought necessary to overpower those on the lake and set out after them. Those who had been forced into the lake couldn’t escape to land, where everything was controlled by their enemies and in conflict with them; nor could they fight effectively at sea, as their ships were small and only suited for piracy. They were too weak to engage with Vespasian's vessels, and the crews were so few that they were scared to approach the Romans, who attacked them in large numbers. Still, as they maneuvered around the ships, sometimes getting close, they threw stones at the Romans from a distance or engaged them closer in combat; however, they suffered the most damage in both scenarios. The stones they hurled merely made noise against the armored Romans, while the Roman projectiles could reach and injure the Jews directly. When they dared to venture near the Romans, they became victims themselves before they could inflict harm, often getting drowned along with their ships. Those who tried to engage in actual combat found themselves impaled by the Romans' long poles. Occasionally, the Romans jumped into their ships, armed with swords, and slaughtered them; when some of them approached the vessels, the Romans captured them mid-stride, destroying their boats and those caught in them. For those drowning in the sea, if they lifted their heads above water, they were either struck down by darts or captured by the vessels; but if, in their desperation, they tried to swim towards their enemies, the Romans would sever their heads or hands. They were indeed wiped out in various ways until the remainder were forced to flee to land, while the ships surrounded them at sea. Many of those who attempted to reach the shore were repelled and shot with darts from the lake; the Romans jumped out of their vessels and killed even more on land. At that point, the lake was strewn with blood and bodies, with none escaping. A terrible stench and a heartbreaking sight lingered in the area in the following days; the shores were cluttered with wrecked ships and bloated corpses, which, as the sun scorched them and they decayed, contaminated the air. The suffering was a cause for sympathy not only among the Jews but even among those who despised them and had contributed to their plight. This was the outcome of the naval battle. The total number of dead, including those killed in the city earlier, was six thousand five hundred.
10. After this fight was over, Vespasian sat upon his tribunal at Taricheae, in order to distinguish the foreigners from the old inhabitants; for those foreigners appear to have begun the war. So he deliberated with the other commanders, whether he ought to save those old inhabitants or not. And when those commanders alleged that the dismission of them would be to his own disadvantage, because, when they were once set at liberty, they would not be at rest, since they would be people destitute of proper habitations, and would be able to compel such as they fled to fight against us, Vespasian acknowledged that they did not deserve to be saved, and that if they had leave given them to fly away, they would make use of it against those that gave them that leave. But still he considered with himself after what manner they should be slain 8 for if he had them slain there, he suspected the people of the country would thereby become his enemies; for that to be sure they would never bear it, that so many that had been supplicants to him should be killed; and to offer violence to them, after he had given them assurances of their lives, he could not himself bear to do it. However, his friends were too hard for him, and pretended that nothing against Jews could be any impiety, and that he ought to prefer what was profitable before what was fit to be done, where both could not be made consistent. So he gave them an ambiguous liberty to do as they advised, and permitted the prisoners to go along no other road than that which led to Tiberias only. So they readily believed what they desired to be true, and went along securely, with their effects, the way which was allowed them, while the Romans seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias, that none of them might go out of it, and shut them up in the city. Then came Vespasian, and ordered them all to stand in the stadium, and commanded them to kill the old men, together with the others that were useless, which were in number a thousand and two hundred. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus, and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty thousand and four hundred, besides such as he made a present of to Agrippa; for as to those that belonged to his kingdom, he gave him leave to do what he pleased with them; however, the king sold these also for slaves; but for the rest of the multitude, who were Trachonites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos, and some of Gadara, the greatest part of them were seditious persons and fugitives, who were of such shameful characters, that they preferred war before peace. These prisoners were taken on the eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].
10. After the fight was over, Vespasian sat on his platform at Taricheae to separate the foreigners from the local inhabitants, since the foreigners seemed to have initiated the war. He discussed with the other commanders whether he should save the local people or not. When the commanders argued that letting them go would be disadvantageous for him—since once freed, they wouldn't settle down and could convince others to fight against the Romans—Vespasian admitted that they didn't deserve to be saved. He believed that if they were allowed to escape, they would turn against those who granted them freedom. However, he pondered how they should be killed, because if he had them executed there, he suspected the local population would see him as an enemy. They wouldn't tolerate the killing of so many who had sought refuge with him, and he couldn't bring himself to betray the assurance of their lives he had given. Nevertheless, his advisors were too persuasive, arguing that nothing against the Jews was considered wrong and that he should prioritize what was beneficial over what was morally right when the two couldn't align. So he gave them a vague permission to act as they suggested and allowed the prisoners to only take the route leading to Tiberias. They happily accepted this as the truth and traveled the permitted path with their belongings, while the Romans blocked all the roads to Tiberias to ensure none could escape, trapping them in the city. Then Vespasian ordered them to assemble in the stadium and commanded the execution of the old men and others deemed useless, totaling a thousand and two hundred. From the young men, he selected six thousand of the strongest to send to Nero for labor on the Isthmus and sold the remaining thirty thousand four hundred as slaves, aside from those he gifted to Agrippa. As for those from Agrippa's kingdom, he allowed him to do as he wished with them, but the king also sold these as slaves. The rest of the captives, who were from Trachon, Gaulon, Hippos, and some from Gadara, mostly consisted of rebellious individuals and fugitives who preferred war over peace. These prisoners were captured on the eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].
1 (return)
[ Take the confirmation of
this in the words of Suetonius, here produced by Dr. Hudson: "In the reign
of Claudius," says he, "Vespasian, for the sake of Narcissus, was sent as
a lieutenant of a legion into Germany. Thence he removed into Britain
battles with the enemy." In Vesp. sect. 4. We may also here note from
Josephus, that Claudius the emperor, who triumphed for the conquest of
Britain, was enabled so to do by Vespasian's conduct and bravery, and that
he is here styled "the father of Vespasian."]
1 (return)
[ Take the confirmation of this in the words of Suetonius, presented here by Dr. Hudson: "During the reign of Claudius," he says, "Vespasian was sent as a lieutenant of a legion to Germany for the sake of Narcissus. From there, he moved to Britain to engage in battles with the enemy." In Vesp. sect. 4. We may also note from Josephus that Emperor Claudius, who celebrated his triumph for the conquest of Britain, was able to do so thanks to Vespasian's leadership and bravery, and he is referred to here as "the father of Vespasian."]
2 (return)
[ Spanheim and Reland both
agree, that the two cities here esteemed greater than Antioch, the
metropolis of Syria, were Rome and Alexandria; nor is there any occasion
for doubt in so plain a case.]
2 (return)
[Spanheim and Reland both agree that the two cities considered to be greater than Antioch, the capital of Syria, were Rome and Alexandria; there is no reason to doubt such a clear statement.]
3 (return)
[ This description of the
exact symmetry and regularity of the Roman army, and of the Roman
encampments, with the sounding their trumpets, etc. and order of war,
described in this and the next chapter, is so very like to the symmetry
and regularity of the people of Israel in the wilderness, [see Description
of the Temples, ch. 9.,] that one cannot well avoid the supposal, that the
one was the ultimate pattern of the other, and that the tactics of the
ancients were taken from the rules given by God to Moses. And it is
thought by some skillful in these matters, that these accounts of
Josephus, as to the Roman camp and armor, and conduct in war, are
preferable to those in the Roman authors themselves.]
3 (return)
[ This description of the precise symmetry and organization of the Roman army and their encampments, along with the sounds of their trumpets and military order detailed in this and the next chapter, closely resembles the symmetry and organization of the Israelites in the wilderness, [see Description of the Temples, ch. 9.] This similarity suggests that one may have served as a model for the other, and that the tactics of ancient times were influenced by the guidelines given by God to Moses. Some experts in this field believe that Josephus's accounts of the Roman camp, armor, and military conduct are actually superior to those found in Roman writings.]
4 (return)
[ I cannot but here observe
an Eastern way of speaking, frequent among them, but not usual among us,
where the word "only" or "alone" is not set down, but perhaps some way
supplied in the pronunciation. Thus Josephus here says, that those of
Jotapata slew seven of the Romans as they were marching off, because the
Romans' retreat was regular, their bodies were covered over with their
armor, and the Jews fought at some distance; his meaning is clear, that
these were the reasons why they slew only, or no more than seven. I have
met with many the like examples in the Scriptures, in Josephus, etc.; but
did not note down the particular places. This observation ought to be
borne in mind upon many occasions.]
4 (return)
[ I can't help but point out an Eastern way of speaking that’s common among them but not typical for us, where the words "only" or "alone" aren't explicitly mentioned but might be implied in the pronunciation. For instance, Josephus notes that the people of Jotapata killed seven of the Romans as they were retreating because the Romans' withdrawal was organized, their bodies were covered with armor, and the Jews were fighting from a distance. The point he’s making is clear: these were the reasons they killed only seven. I've come across many similar examples in the Scriptures, in Josephus, and elsewhere, but I haven't kept track of the specific references. This observation should be kept in mind in many situations.]
5 (return)
[ These public mourners,
hired upon the supposed death of Josephus, and the real death of many
more, illustrate some passages in the Bible, which suppose the same
custom, as Matthew 11:17, where the reader may consult the notes of
Grotius.]
5 (return)
[ These public mourners, hired for the supposed death of Josephus and the actual death of many others, exemplify some verses in the Bible that reference the same practice, such as Matthew 11:17, where the reader can check Grotius's notes.]
6 (return)
[ Of this Cesarea Philippi
[twice mentioned in our New Testament, Matthew 16:13; Mark 8;27: there are
coins still extant, Spanheim here informs us.]
6 (return)
[ This Cesarea Philippi
[mentioned twice in our New Testament, Matthew 16:13; Mark 8:27: there are
still existing coins, as Spanheim informs us.]
7 (return)
[ I do not know where to
find the law of Moses here mentioned by Josephus, and afterwards by
Eleazar, 13. VII. ch. 8. sect. 7, and almost implied in B. I. ch. 13.
sect. 10, by Josephus's commendation of Phasaelus for doing so; I mean,
whereby Jewish generals and people were obliged to kill themselves, rather
than go into slavery under heathens. I doubt this would have been no
better than "self-murder;" and I believe it was rather some vain doctrine,
or interpretation, of the rigid Pharisees, or Essens, or Herodiaus, than a
just consequence from any law of God delivered by Moses.
7 (return)
[ I don't know where to find the law of Moses that Josephus mentions here, and later Eleazar refers to in 13. VII. ch. 8. sect. 7, which is nearly implied in B. I. ch. 13. sect. 10, by Josephus praising Phasaelus for doing this; I'm talking about the idea that Jewish leaders and people were supposed to take their own lives rather than be enslaved by non-Jews. I question whether this would be any better than "self-murder," and I think it was more of a misguided belief or interpretation from the strict Pharisees, Essenes, or Herodians, rather than a legitimate teaching from any law of God given by Moses.
(It may be worth our while to observe here, that near this lake of Gennesareth grapes and figs hang on the trees ten months of the year. We may observe also, that in Cyril of Jerusalem, Cateehes. 18. sect. 3, which was delivered not long before Easter, there were no fresh leaves of fig trees, nor bunches of fresh grapes in Judea; so that when St. Mark says, ch. 11. ver. 13, that our Savior, soon after the same time of the year, came and "found leaves" on a fig tree near Jerusalem, but "no figs, because the time of" new "figs" ripening "was not yet," he says very true; nor were they therefore other than old leaves which our Savior saw, and old figs which he expected, and which even with us commonly hang on the trees all winter long.)]
(It may be worth noting that near this lake of Gennesareth, grapes and figs hang on the trees for ten months of the year. We can also note that in Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. 18. sect. 3, which was delivered shortly before Easter, there were no fresh leaves on fig trees or fresh bunches of grapes in Judea; so when St. Mark says, ch. 11. ver. 13, that our Savior, not long after that time of year, came and "found leaves" on a fig tree near Jerusalem, but "no figs, because the time of" new "figs" ripening "was not yet," he is correct; and thus, the leaves our Savior saw were indeed old leaves, and the figs he expected were also old, which typically hang on the trees throughout the winter.)
8 (return)
[ This is the most cruel and
barbarous action that Vespasian ever did in this whole war, as he did it
with great reluctance also. It was done both after public assurance given
of sparing the prisoners' lives, and when all knew and confessed that
these prisoners were no way guilty of any sedition against the Romans. Nor
indeed did Titus now give his consent, so far as appears, nor ever act of
himself so barbarously; nay, soon after this, Titus grew quite weary of
shedding blood, and of punishing the innocent with the guilty, and gave
the people of Gischala leave to keep the Jewish sabbath, B. IV. ch. 2.
sect. 3, 5, in the midst of their siege. Nor was Vespasian disposed to do
what he did, till his officers persuaded him, and that from two principal
topics, viz. that nothing could be unjust that was done against Jews; and
that when both cannot be consistent, advantage must prevail over justice.
Admirable court doctrines these!]
8 (return)
[ This was the most brutal and savage act that Vespasian committed during the entire war, and he did it with significant reluctance. It occurred after he had publicly promised to spare the prisoners' lives, and everyone recognized that these prisoners were not guilty of any rebellion against the Romans. Moreover, it doesn't seem that Titus agreed to this action, nor did he ever act so ruthlessly himself; in fact, shortly after this, Titus became tired of shedding blood and punishing the innocent along with the guilty, allowing the people of Gischala to observe the Jewish Sabbath, B. IV. ch. 2. sect. 3, 5, even amid their siege. Vespasian was not inclined to carry out this action until his officers convinced him, arguing that nothing could be unjust if done against Jews, and that when justice and advantage conflict, advantage must take precedence. What remarkable court doctrines these are!]
BOOK IV.
Containing The Interval Of About One Year.
Containing The Interval Of About One Year.
From The Siege Of Gamala To The Coming Of Titus To Besiege
Jerusalem.
From The Siege Of Gamala To The Arrival Of Titus To Surround
Jerusalem.CHAPTER 1.
The Siege And Taking Of Gamala.
The Siege and Capture of Gamala.
1. Now all those Galileans who, after the taking of Jotapata, had revolted from the Romans, did, upon the conquest of Taricheae, deliver themselves up to them again. And the Romans received all the fortresses and the cities, excepting Gischala and those that had seized upon Mount Tabor; Gamala also, which is a city over against Taricheae, but on the other side of the lake, conspired with them. This city lay upon the borders of Agrippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana and Seleucia. And these were both parts of Gaulanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Gamala of the Lower; while Seleucia was situated at the lake Semechouitis, which lake is thirty furlongs in breadth, and sixty in length; its marshes reach as far as the place Daphne, which in other respects is a delicious place, and hath such fountains as supply water to what is called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf, 1 where it is sent into Great Jordan. Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleucia by leagues to himself, at the very beginning of the revolt from the Romans; yet did not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon the difficulty of the place, which was greater than that of Jotapata, for it was situated upon a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a kind of neck in the middle: where it begins to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as much downward before as behind, insomuch that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it is so named, although the people of the country do not pronounce it accurately. Both on the side and the face there are abrupt parts divided from the rest, and ending in vast deep valleys; yet are the parts behind, where they are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier of ascent than the other; but then the people belonging to the place have cut an oblique ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended also. On its acclivity, which is straight, houses are built, and those very thick and close to one another. The city also hangs so strangely, that it looks as if it would fall down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It is exposed to the south, and its southern mount, which reaches to an immense height, was in the nature of a citadel to the city; and above that was a precipice, not walled about, but extending itself to an immense depth. There was also a spring of water within the wall, at the utmost limits of the city.
1. After the Romans took Jotapata, all the Galileans who had revolted against them surrendered again following the conquest of Taricheae. The Romans captured all the fortresses and cities except for Gischala and those that occupied Mount Tabor; Gamala, which is a city opposite Taricheae but on the other side of the lake, also allied with them. This city was located on the border of Agrippa's kingdom, as were Sogana and Seleucia. Both of these were part of Gaulanitis; Sogana was in Upper Gaulanitis, while Gamala was in Lower Gaulanitis. Seleucia was situated by the lake Semechouitis, which is thirty furlongs wide and sixty long; its marshes extend up to the area known as Daphne, which is a lovely spot with springs that supply water to what’s called Little Jordan, under the temple of the golden calf, 1 where it flows into Great Jordan. Agrippa had connected Sogana and Seleucia to himself through alliances right at the start of the revolt against the Romans; however, Gamala did not join them and instead depended on the difficulty of its location, which was more challenging than Jotapata. It was placed on a rugged mountain ridge, featuring a narrow section in the middle: where it begins to rise, it extends and descends sharply both in front and back, resembling the shape of a camel, which is how it got its name, though the locals don't pronounce it correctly. There are steep sections on the side and face, separated from the rest and ending in deep valleys; the parts at the back, where they connect to the mountain, are somewhat easier to climb, but the locals have dug an angled ditch there, making it hard to ascend as well. On its steep incline, houses are built very closely together. The city appears to hang precariously, looking as if it might collapse on itself, so sharp is the peak. It faces south, and its southern mountain, reaching an incredible height, served as the city's fortress; above it lies a cliff, open and dropping off to a great depth. There was also a spring of water within the walls, located at the city's farthest edge.
2. As this city was naturally hard to be taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall about it, made it still stronger, as also by ditches and mines under ground. The people that were in it were made more bold by the nature of the place than the people of Jotapata had been, but it had much fewer fighting men in it; and they had such a confidence in the situation of the place, that they thought the enemy could not be too many for them; for the city had been filled with those that had fled to it for safety, on account of its strength; on which account they had been able to resist those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it for seven months together.
2. This city was naturally difficult to conquer, and Josephus made it even stronger by building a wall around it, along with ditches and underground tunnels. The residents felt more courageous due to the defenses of the location than the people of Jotapata had been, but there were many fewer soldiers among them. They were so confident in their location that they believed the enemy could not outnumber them; the city was filled with those who had sought refuge there because of its strength, which allowed them to withstand the siege that Agrippa sent for seven months.
3. But Vespasian removed from Emmaus, where he had last pitched his camp before the city Tiberias, [now Emmaus, if it be interpreted, may be rendered "a warm bath," for therein is a spring of warm water, useful for healing,] and came to Gamala; yet was its situation such that he was not able to encompass it all round with soldiers to watch it; but where the places were practicable, he set men to watch it, and seized upon the mountain which was over it. And as the legions, according to their usual custom, were fortifying their camp upon that mountain, he began to cast up banks at the bottom, at the part towards the east, where the highest tower of the whole city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitched their camp; while the fifth legion did duty over against the midst of the city, and whilst the tenth legion filled up the ditches and the valleys. Now at this time it was that as king Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was endeavoring to speak to those that were on the walls about a surrender, he was hit with a stone on his right elbow by one of the slingers; he was then immediately surrounded with his own men. But the Romans were excited to set about the siege, by their indignation on the king's account, and by their fear on their own account, as concluding that those men would omit no kinds of barbarity against foreigners and enemies, who where so enraged against one of their own nation, and one that advised them to nothing but what was for their own advantage.
3. But Vespasian moved away from Emmaus, where he had last set up his camp before the city of Tiberias. [Emmaus, when translated, means "a warm bath," because there's a spring of warm water there that's good for healing.] He then went to Gamala; however, the location was such that he couldn't surround it completely with soldiers to keep an eye on it. Where it was feasible, he placed men to watch, and he took control of the mountain overlooking it. As the legions were fortifying their camp on that mountain, he started building mounds at the base, facing east, where the tallest tower of the entire city stood and where the fifteenth legion set up camp; meanwhile, the fifth legion was stationed across from the center of the city, and the tenth legion filled in the ditches and valleys. At that time, King Agrippa approached the walls and tried to talk to those on the walls about surrendering when one of the slingers hit him with a stone on his right elbow. He was then quickly surrounded by his own men. The Romans, feeling angry about the king's injury and fearing for their own safety, were spurred on to begin the siege, thinking that if the locals were so furious with one of their own, they wouldn't hesitate to commit all sorts of cruelty against foreigners and enemies.
4. Now when the banks were finished, which was done on the sudden, both by the multitude of hands, and by their being accustomed to such work, they brought the machines; but Chares and Joseph, who were the most potent men in the city, set their armed men in order, though already in a fright, because they did not suppose that the city could hold out long, since they had not a sufficient quantity either of water, or of other necessaries. However, these their leaders encouraged them, and brought them out upon the wall, and for a while indeed they drove away those that were bringing the machines; but when those machines threw darts and stones at them, they retired into the city; then did the Romans bring battering rams to three several places, and made the wall shake [and fall]. They then poured in over the parts of the wall that were thrown down, with a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of armor, and with a shout of the soldiers, and brake in by force upon those that were in the city; but these men fell upon the Romans for some time, at their first entrance, and prevented their going any further, and with great courage beat them back; and the Romans were so overpowered by the greater multitude of the people, who beat them on every side, that they were obliged to run into the upper parts of the city. Whereupon the people turned about, and fell upon their enemies, who had attacked them, and thrust them down to the lower parts, and as they were distressed by the narrowness and difficulty of the place, slew them; and as these Romans could neither beat those back that were above them, nor escape the force of their own men that were forcing their way forward, they were compelled to fly into their enemies' houses, which were low; but these houses being thus full, of soldiers, whose weight they could not bear, fell down suddenly; and when one house fell, it shook down a great many of those that were under it, as did those do to such as were under them. By this means a vast number of the Romans perished; for they were so terribly distressed, that although they saw the houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap upon the tops of them; so that a great many were ground to powder by these ruins, and a great many of those that got from under them lost some of their limbs, but still a greater number were suffocated by the dust that arose from those ruins. The people of Gamala supposed this to be an assistance afforded them by God, and without regarding what damage they suffered themselves, they pressed forward, and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their houses; and when they stumbled in the sharp and narrow streets, and were perpetually falling down, they threw their stones or darts at them, and slew them. Now the very ruins afforded them stones enow; and for iron weapons, the dead men of the enemies' side afforded them what they wanted; for drawing the swords of those that were dead, they made use of them to despatch such as were only half dead; nay, there were a great number who, upon their falling down from the tops of the houses, stabbed themselves, and died after that manner; nor indeed was it easy for those that were beaten back to fly away; for they were so unacquainted with the ways, and the dust was so thick, that they wandered about without knowing one another, and fell down dead among the crowd.
4. Once the banks were completed, quite suddenly, thanks to the many hands involved and their experience with such tasks, they brought in the machines. However, Chares and Joseph, who were the most powerful men in the city, organized their armed forces, even though they were already scared because they didn’t believe the city could hold out for long, lacking enough water or other supplies. Nonetheless, these leaders encouraged them and led them up onto the wall. For a time, they managed to push back those who were operating the machines. But when those machines started launching darts and stones at them, they pulled back into the city. The Romans then brought in battering rams to three different spots, making the wall shake and fall. They charged in through the collapsed sections with a loud sound of trumpets, clanging armor, and shouting soldiers, forcing their way into the city. Initially, the defenders fought off the Romans fiercely as they entered, preventing them from advancing and courageously pushing them back. However, the Romans were overwhelmed by the larger number of defenders attacking from all sides, forcing them to retreat to the upper parts of the city. The defenders then turned and attacked their attackers, driving them down to the lower areas. As they struggled with the narrow and difficult terrain, they killed many Romans; these Romans couldn’t push back those above nor escape the crowd pressing in on them. They were compelled to run into low houses, but when too many soldiers crammed into those houses, the structures collapsed under the weight. When one house fell, it brought down many of those below it, creating a domino effect. This led to the death of a vast number of Romans, as they were so trapped that, despite seeing the houses collapsing, they were forced to leap onto their roofs. Many were crushed under the debris, and those who managed to escape often lost limbs, while a greater number suffocated in the dust stirred up by the wreckage. The people of Gamala believed this was divine help, and without concern for their own injuries, they pushed forward, driving the enemy onto the rooftops. As the Romans stumbled in the narrow, jagged streets and repeatedly fell, the defenders hurled stones and darts at them, killing them. The ruins provided them with plenty of stones, and they used the weapons of their fallen enemies. They drew swords from the dead to finish off those who were only partially alive; in fact, many who fell from the rooftops ultimately stabbed themselves and died that way. It was also difficult for those retreating to escape; they were unfamiliar with the paths, and the dust was so thick that they wandered in confusion, falling dead among the crowd.
5. Those therefore that were able to find the ways out of the city retired. But now Vespasian always staid among those that were hard set; for he was deeply affected with seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his army, and forgot to take care of his own preservation. He went up gradually towards the highest parts of the city before he was aware, and was left in the midst of dangers, having only a very few with him; for even his son Titus was not with him at that time, having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus. However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do; but calling to mind the actions he had done from his youth, and recollecting his courage, as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he covered himself and those that were with him with their shields, and formed a testudo over both their bodies and their armor, and bore up against the enemy's attacks, who came running down from the top of the city; and without showing any dread at the multitude of the men or of their darts, he endured all, until the enemy took notice of that divine courage that was within him, and remitted of their attacks; and when they pressed less zealously upon him, he retired, though without showing his back to them till he was gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a great number of the Romans fell in this battle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion, a man who appeared not only in this engagement, wherein he fell, but every where, and in former engagements, to be of the truest courage, and one that had done very great mischief to the Jews. But there was a centurion whose name was Gallus, who, during this disorder, being encompassed about, he and ten other soldiers privately crept into the house of a certain person, where he heard them talking at supper, what the people intended to do against the Romans, or about themselves [for both the man himself and those with him were Syrians]. So he got up in the night time, and cut all their throats, and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the Romans.
5. Those who could find a way out of the city managed to escape. But Vespasian stayed among those who were struggling; he was deeply moved by the sight of the city's ruins collapsing onto his army and forgot to focus on his own safety. He gradually climbed toward the highest parts of the city without realizing it, putting himself in the midst of danger, with only a few people around him; even his son Titus wasn't with him at that time, as he had been sent to Syria to join Mucianus. However, Vespasian felt it wasn't safe to flee, nor did he think it was appropriate to do so. Remembering his past actions and drawing on his courage, as if inspired by divine fury, he shielded himself and those with him with their shields, forming a protective testudo over their bodies and armor, and resisted the enemy's assaults, who were rushing down from the top of the city. Without showing any fear of the crowd or their projectiles, he held his ground until the enemy noticed the divine courage within him and lessened their attacks. When their pressure eased, he retreated, though he didn't turn his back to them until he was safely out of the city walls. A significant number of Romans fell in this battle, including Ebutius, the decurion, a man who had displayed exceptional bravery not just in this engagement, but in previous ones as well, and had inflicted considerable damage on the Jews. Among them was a centurion named Gallus, who, amid the chaos, found himself surrounded. He and ten other soldiers secretly crept into a certain household where they overheard a conversation at dinner about the people’s plans against the Romans or about themselves (as both the man and his companions were Syrians). So, he got up at night, slit their throats, and escaped with his soldiers to join the Romans.
6. And now Vespasian comforted his army, which was much dejected by reflecting on their ill success, and because they had never before fallen into such a calamity, and besides this, because they were greatly ashamed that they had left their general alone in great dangers. As to what concerned himself, he avoided to say any thing, that he might by no means seem to complain of it; but he said that "we ought to bear manfully what usually falls out in war, and this, by considering what the nature of war is, and how it can never be that we must conquer without bloodshed on our own side; for there stands about us that fortune which is of its own nature mutable; that while they had killed so many ten thousands of the Jews, they had now paid their small share of the reckoning to fate; and as it is the part of weak people to be too much puffed up with good success, so is it the part of cowards to be too much affrighted at that which is ill; for the change from the one to the other is sudden on both sides; and he is the best warrior who is of a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may continue in that temper, and cheerfully recover what had been lost formerly; and as for what had now happened, it was neither owing to their own effeminacy, nor to the valor of the Jews, but the difficulty of the place was the occasion of their advantage, and of our disappointment. Upon reflecting on which matter one might blame your zeal as perfectly ungovernable; for when the enemy had retired to their highest fastnesses, you ought to have restrained yourselves, and not, by presenting yourselves at the top of the city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon your having obtained the lower parts of the city, you ought to have provoked those that had retired thither to a safe and settled battle; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon victory, you took no care of your safety. But this incautiousness in war, and this madness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While we perform all that we attempt by skill and good order, that procedure is the part of barbarians, and is what the Jews chiefly support themselves by. We ought therefore to return to our own virtue, and to be rather angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky misfortune, and let every one seek for his own consolation from his own hand; for by this means he will avenge those that have been destroyed, and punish those that have killed them. For myself, I will endeavor, as I have now done, to go first before you against your enemies in every engagement, and to be the last that retires from it."
6. Vespasian now encouraged his army, which was feeling really down after their poor performance, especially since they had never faced such a disaster before. They were also deeply ashamed for leaving their general alone in dangerous situations. As for himself, he avoided mentioning his own feelings, so he wouldn’t come off as complaining. Instead, he said, "We need to face what happens in war with strength, understanding that it's in the nature of war to involve some losses on our side. We are subject to the unpredictable nature of chance; after having killed many thousands of Jews, we've only paid a small part of the price to fate. Just as it's typical for weak people to get overly confident in good times, it's also true that cowards can become overly frightened in bad times. The shift from one to the other can happen quickly. The best warriors are those who remain steady-minded in tough times so they can bounce back and recover what has been lost. As for what just happened, it wasn't because of our weakness or the bravery of the Jews but due to the challenging terrain benefiting them and putting us at a disadvantage. Looking at this, one might criticize your enthusiasm as completely out of control; when the enemy fell back to their strongest positions, you should have held back and avoided exposing yourselves at the top of the city. After capturing the lower parts, you should have drawn those who retreated there into a secure battle instead of rushing headlong into something that endangered you. This thoughtless eagerness in battle isn’t how Romans operate. We achieve our goals through skill and strategy, unlike the barbarians, who rely on such reckless tactics. So we need to refocus on our own strengths, feeling more anger than despair over this unfortunate event, and let everyone find their own way to cope; this way they can pursue revenge against those who have fallen. As for me, I will continue to lead you against our enemies in every battle, being the first to charge and the last to retreat."
7. So Vespasian encouraged his army by this speech; but for the people of Gamala, it happened that they took courage for a little while, upon such great and unaccountable success as they had had. But when they considered with themselves that they had now no hopes of any terms of accommodation, and reflecting upon it that they could not get away, and that their provisions began already to be short, they were exceedingly cast down, and their courage failed them; yet did they not neglect what might be for their preservation, so far as they were able, but the most courageous among them guarded those parts of the wall that were beaten down, while the more infirm did the same to the rest of the wall that still remained round the city. And as the Romans raised their banks, and attempted to get into the city a second time, a great many of them fled out of the city through impracticable valleys, where no guards were placed, as also through subterraneous caverns; while those that were afraid of being caught, and for that reason staid in the city, perished for want of food; for what food they had was brought together from all quarters, and reserved for the fighting men.
7. Vespasian motivated his army with this speech; meanwhile, the people of Gamala felt a momentary surge of courage due to their unexpected success. However, when they realized that they had no hope for any peaceful resolution, reflected on their inability to escape, and recognized that their supplies were running low, their spirits plummeted, and their courage wavered. Nevertheless, they didn’t ignore what actions could be taken for their survival, as best as they could. The bravest among them defended the sections of the wall that had been breached, while the weaker individuals tended to the parts of the wall that still stood around the city. As the Romans built their siege works and tried to enter the city again, a number of Gamalans fled through difficult valleys with no guards or through underground passages. Those who feared capture and chose to stay in the city ended up starving, as the limited food they had was gathered from all around and saved for the warriors.
8. And these were the hard circumstances that the people of Gamala were in. But now Vespasian went about other work by the by, during this siege, and that was to subdue those that had seized upon Mount Tabor, a place that lies in the middle between the great plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated as high as thirty furlongs 2 and is hardly to be ascended on its north side; its top is a plain of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed with a wall. Now Josephus erected this so long a wall in forty days' time, and furnished it with other materials, and with water from below, for the inhabitants only made use of rain water. As therefore there was a great multitude of people gotten together upon this mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus with six hundred horsemen thither. Now, as it was impossible for him to ascend the mountain, he invited many of them to peace, by the offer of his right hand for their security, and of his intercession for them. Accordingly they came down, but with a treacherous design, as well as he had the like treacherous design upon them on the other side; for Placidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take them, when he got them into the plain; they also came down, as complying with his proposals, but it was in order to fall upon him when he was not aware of it: however, Placidus's stratagem was too hard for theirs; for when the Jews began to fight, he pretended to run away, and when they were in pursuit of the Romans, he enticed them a great way along the plain, and then made his horsemen turn back; whereupon he beat them, and slew a great number of them, and cut off the retreat of the rest of the multitude, and hindered their return. So they left Tabor, and fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the country came to terms with him, for their water failed them, and so they delivered up the mountain and themselves to Placidus.
8. The people of Gamala were in tough circumstances. Meanwhile, during the siege, Vespasian was focused on another task: bringing under control those who had taken over Mount Tabor, a location situated between the great plain and Scythopolis. Its summit is about thirty furlongs high and is difficult to climb from the north side; the top is a flat area of twenty-six furlongs, entirely surrounded by a wall. Josephus managed to build this long wall in just forty days, providing it with materials and water from below since the residents relied solely on rainwater. With a large crowd gathered on the mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus along with six hundred cavalry. Since it was impossible for him to climb the mountain, he extended an invitation for peace, offering his hand for their security and promising to advocate for them. They complied and came down, but with a deceptive plan, just as Placidus had his own deceit in mind for them. Placidus spoke to them gently, intending to capture them once they reached the plain. Although they descended in agreement with his offers, it was to ambush him when he least expected it. However, Placidus's strategy outsmarted theirs; when the Jews began to attack, he pretended to flee. As they chased after the Romans, he lured them far across the plain, then turned his horsemen around. Consequently, he defeated them, killed a large number, and cut off the escape route for the remaining crowd, preventing their return. They abandoned Tabor and fled to Jerusalem, while the locals negotiated terms with him, as their water supply ran out, and they surrendered the mountain and themselves to Placidus.
9. But of the people of Gamala, those that were of the bolder sort fled away and hid themselves, while the more infirm perished by famine; but the men of war sustained the siege till the two and twentieth day of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] when three soldiers of the fifteenth legion, about the morning watch, got under a high tower that was near them, and undermined it, without making any noise; nor when they either came to it, which was in the night time, nor when they were under it, did those that guarded it perceive them. These soldiers then upon their coming avoided making a noise, and when they had rolled away five of its strongest stones, they went away hastily; whereupon the tower fell down on a sudden, with a very great noise, and its guard fell headlong with it; so that those that kept guard at other places were under such disturbance, that they ran away; the Romans also slew many of those that ventured to oppose them, among whom was Joseph, who was slain by a dart, as he was running away over that part of the wall that was broken down: but as those that were in the city were greatly affrighted at the noise, they ran hither and thither, and a great consternation fell upon them, as though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and under the physician's hands, gave up the ghost, the fear he was in greatly contributing to make his distemper fatal to him. But the Romans so well remembered their former ill success, that they did not enter the city till the three and twentieth day of the forementioned month.
9. But among the people of Gamala, the bolder ones fled and hid, while the weaker ones died from starvation; however, the soldiers held out against the siege until the twenty-second day of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri]. On that morning, three soldiers from the fifteenth legion approached a tall tower nearby and quietly dug underneath it. Neither the guards on duty nor anyone else noticed them, whether when they arrived at night or when they were under the tower. These soldiers managed to roll away five of the strongest stones without making a sound, then quickly left. Suddenly, the tower collapsed with a loud noise, taking its guards down with it, causing such chaos that other guards ran away. The Romans killed many who tried to resist, including Joseph, who was struck by a dart while trying to escape over the broken wall. The citizens inside the city were terrified by the noise and started to run wildly, feeling as if all their enemies had attacked at once. At that moment, Chares, who was sick and being treated by a doctor, died, with his fear worsening his condition. The Romans, remembering their previous failures, didn’t enter the city until the twenty-third day of the previously mentioned month.
10. At which time Titus, who was now returned, out of the indignation he had at the destruction the Romans had undergone while he was absent, took two hundred chosen horsemen and some footmen with him, and entered without noise into the city. Now as the watch perceived that he was coming, they made a noise, and betook themselves to their arms; and as that his entrance was presently known to those that were in the city, some of them caught hold of their children and their wives, and drew them after them, and fled away to the citadel, with lamentations and cries, while others of them went to meet Titus, and were killed perpetually; but so many of them as were hindered from running up to the citadel, not knowing what in the world to do, fell among the Roman guards, while the groans of those that were killed were prodigiously great every where, and blood ran down over all the lower parts of the city, from the upper. But then Vespasian himself came to his assistance against those that had fled to the citadel, and brought his whole army with him; now this upper part of the city was every way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and elevated to a vast altitude, and very full of people on all sides, and encompassed with precipices, whereby the Jews cut off those that came up to them, and did much mischief to others by their darts, and the large stones which they rolled down upon them, while they were themselves so high that the enemy's darts could hardly reach them. However, there arose such a Divine storm against them as was instrumental to their destruction; this carried the Roman darts upon them, and made those which they threw return back, and drove them obliquely away from them; nor could the Jews indeed stand upon their precipices, by reason of the violence of the wind, having nothing that was stable to stand upon, nor could they see those that were ascending up to them; so the Romans got up and surrounded them, and some they slew before they could defend themselves, and others as they were delivering up themselves; and the remembrance of those that were slain at their former entrance into the city increased their rage against them now; a great number also of those that were surrounded on every side, and despaired of escaping, threw their children and their wives, and themselves also, down the precipices, into the valley beneath, which, near the citadel, had been dug hollow to a vast depth; but so it happened, that the anger of the Romans appeared not to be so extravagant as was the madness of those that were now taken, while the Romans slew but four thousand, whereas the number of those that had thrown themselves down was found to be five thousand: nor did any one escape except two women, who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip himself was the son of a certain eminent man called Jacimus, who had been general of king Agrippa's army; and these did therefore escape, because they lay concealed from the rage of the Romans when the city was taken; for otherwise they spared not so much as the infants, of which many were flung down by them from the citadel. And thus was Gamala taken on the three and twentieth day of the month Hyperbereteus, [Tisri,] whereas the city had first revolted on the four and twentieth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].
10. At that time, Titus, who had just returned and was angry about the destruction the Romans experienced while he was away, took two hundred selected horsemen and some foot soldiers with him and quietly entered the city. When the guards saw he was coming, they made a noise and grabbed their weapons. As word quickly spread among those in the city about his arrival, some grabbed their children and wives, pulling them along as they fled to the citadel, crying out in distress. Others went to confront Titus and were killed on the spot. Many who were unable to reach the citadel, not knowing what to do, found themselves surrounded by Roman guards, and the sounds of the dying echoed everywhere, with blood flowing down from the upper parts of the city. Then Vespasian arrived to help those who had fled to the citadel, bringing his entire army with him. The upper part of the city was rocky and steep, hard to climb, extremely high, and packed with people, surrounded by cliffs, which allowed the Jews to attack those who approached and inflict serious damage with their javelins and the large stones they rolled down. Meanwhile, they were so elevated that the enemy's projectiles could hardly reach them. However, a tremendous storm arose against them that contributed to their destruction; it blew Roman darts onto them, sent their own missiles back, and deflected them away. The Jews could not hold their ground on the cliffs due to the fierce wind, having no stable surface to stand on, and they were unable to see those who were climbing up toward them. As the Romans reached the top and surrounded them, they killed some before they could defend themselves and others as they surrendered. The memory of those who had been killed during the previous entry into the city only fueled their rage now. A significant number of those trapped, who had lost hope of escaping, threw their children, wives, and themselves down the cliffs into the deep valley below near the citadel, which had been excavated to a considerable depth. It turned out that the Romans' wrath was not as extreme as the madness of those now captured, as the Romans killed only four thousand, while five thousand had thrown themselves down. Only two women, the daughters of Philip, survived, as they managed to hide from the Romans during the city's capture. Otherwise, they showed no mercy to even the infants, many of whom were thrown down from the citadel. And thus Gamala was taken on the twenty-third day of the month Hyperbereteus [Tisri], while the city had first revolted on the twenty-fourth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul].
CHAPTER 2.
The Surrender Of Gischala; While John Flies Away From It To
Jerusalem.
The Surrender of Gischala; While John Escapes to
Jerusalem.1. Now no place of Galilee remained to be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose multitude yet were desirous of peace; for they were generally husbandmen, and always applied themselves to cultivate the fruits of the earth. However, there were a great number that belonged to a band of robbers, that were already corrupted, and had crept in among them, and some of the governing part of the citizens were sick of the same distemper. It was John, the son of a certain man whose name was Levi, that drew them into this rebellion, and encouraged them in it. He was a cunning knave, and of a temper that could put on various shapes; very rash in expecting great things, and very sagacious in bringing about what he hoped for. It was known to every body that he was fond of war, in order to thrust himself into authority; and the seditious part of the people of Gischala were under his management, by whose means the populace, who seemed ready to send ambassadors in order to surrender, waited for the coming of the Romans in battle-array. Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis, while he returned to Cesarea with the two other legions, that he might allow them to refresh themselves after their long and hard campaign, thinking withal that the plenty which was in those cities would improve their bodies and their spirits, against the difficulties they were to go through afterwards; for he saw there would be occasion for great pains about Jerusalem, which was not yet taken, because it was the royal city, and the principal city of the whole nation, and because those that had run away from the war in other places got all together thither. It was also naturally strong, and the walls that were built round it made him not a little concerned about it. Moreover, he esteemed the men that were in it to be so courageous and bold, that even without the consideration of the walls, it would be hard to subdue them; for which reason he took care of and exercised his soldiers beforehand for the work, as they do wrestlers before they begin their undertaking.
1. Now, the only place left to conquer in Galilee was the small city of Gischala, whose people still wanted peace; they were mostly farmers who focused on cultivating the land. However, a significant number had joined a group of robbers, who had already caused trouble by infiltrating the area, and some of the city leaders were sick with the same problem. It was John, the son of a man named Levi, who led them into this rebellion and encouraged them to continue. He was a clever trickster, capable of adapting his behavior to different situations; he was very impulsive in expecting great results and quite shrewd in achieving what he wanted. Everyone knew he loved war as a means to gain power, and the rebellious faction in Gischala was under his influence, which caused the populace—who seemed ready to send ambassadors to surrender—to instead wait for the Romans to arrive for battle. Vespasian sent Titus against them, with a thousand cavalry, but withdrew the tenth legion to Scythopolis, while he returned to Caesarea with the other two legions to allow them to rest after their long and difficult campaign, believing that the abundance in those cities would restore their strength and morale for the challenges ahead; he knew that great efforts would be required regarding Jerusalem, which had not yet fallen, as it was the royal city and the most important city for the entire nation, and because those who had fled battles elsewhere gathered there. It was also naturally well-fortified, and the walls surrounding it made him quite concerned. Moreover, he viewed the soldiers inside as so brave and bold that, even without considering the walls, it would be hard to defeat them; for this reason, he prepared and trained his soldiers ahead of time for the task, similar to how wrestlers are trained before starting their matches.
2. Now Titus, as he rode out to Gischala, found it would be easy for him to take the city upon the first onset; but knew withal, that if he took it by force, the multitude would be destroyed by the soldiers without mercy. [Now he was already satiated with the shedding of blood, and pitied the major part, who would then perish, without distinction, together with the guilty.] So he was rather desirous the city might be surrendered up to him on terms. Accordingly, when he saw the wall full of those men that were of the corrupted party, he said to them, That he could not but wonder what it was they depended on, when they alone staid to fight the Romans, after every other city was taken by them, especially when they have seen cities much better fortified than theirs is overthrown by a single attack upon them; while as many as have intrusted themselves to the security of the Romans' right hands, which he now offers to them, without regarding their former insolence, do enjoy their own possessions in safety; for that while they had hopes of recovering their liberty, they might be pardoned; but that their continuance still in their opposition, when they saw that to be impossible, was inexcusable; for that if they will not comply with such humane offers, and right hands for security, they should have experience of such a war as would spare nobody, and should soon be made sensible that their wall would be but a trifle, when battered by the Roman machines; in depending on which they demonstrate themselves to be the only Galileans that were no better than arrogant slaves and captives.
2. As Titus rode out to Gischala, he realized that it would be easy to take the city right away, but he also knew that if he did it by force, many innocent people would be killed without mercy by the soldiers. He was already tired of the bloodshed and felt sorry for the majority who would perish, along with the guilty. So, he preferred that the city surrender to him on favorable terms. When he saw the wall filled with those from the corrupted group, he questioned them, wondering what they were relying on by being the only ones left to fight the Romans after every other city had surrendered, especially since they had witnessed stronger cities fall with just a single attack. Meanwhile, those who had trusted the protection offered by the Romans—despite their previous arrogance—were able to keep their possessions safe. He pointed out that if they still held onto the hope of regaining their freedom, they might be forgiven, but their continued resistance, knowing it was futile, was unacceptable. If they refused to accept such humane offers and secure protection, they would soon experience a war that showed no mercy, quickly realizing that their walls would mean little against the Roman siege weapons. By clinging to such illusions, they proved to be the only Galileans who acted like nothing more than arrogant slaves and captives.
3. Now none of the populace durst not only make a reply, but durst not so much as get upon the wall, for it was all taken up by the robbers, who were also the guard at the gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from going out, in order to propose terms of submission, and from receiving any of the horsemen into the city. But John returned Titus this answer: That for himself he was content to hearken to his proposals, and that he would either persuade or force those that refused them. Yet he said that Titus ought to have such regard to the Jewish law, as to grant them leave to celebrate that day, which was the seventh day of the week, on which it was unlawful not only to remove their arms, but even to treat of peace also; and that even the Romans were not ignorant how the period of the seventh day was among them a cessation from all labors; and that he who should compel them to transgress the law about that day would be equally guilty with those that were compelled to transgress it: and that this delay could be of no disadvantage to him; for why should any body think of doing any thing in the night, unless it was to fly away? which he might prevent by placing his camp round about them; and that they should think it a great point gained, if they might not be obliged to transgress the laws of their country; and that it would be a right thing for him, who designed to grant them peace, without their expectation of such a favor, to preserve the laws of those they saved inviolable. Thus did this man put a trick upon Titus, not so much out of regard to the seventh day as to his own preservation, for he was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if the city should be taken, and had his hopes of life in that night, and in his flight therein. Now this was the work of God, who therefore preserved this John, that he might bring on the destruction of Jerusalem; as also it was his work that Titus was prevailed with by this pretense for a delay, and that he pitched his camp further off the city at Cydessa. This Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village of the Tyrians, which always hated and made war against the Jews; it had also a great number of inhabitants, and was well fortified, which made it a proper place for such as were enemies to the Jewish nation.
3. Now none of the people dared not only to respond but also didn’t even dare to climb up on the wall, since it was all occupied by the robbers, who were also guarding the gates to stop anyone from going out to negotiate surrender terms, or from letting any of the horsemen into the city. But John replied to Titus, saying that he himself was willing to hear his proposals and that he would either convince or force those who refused them. However, he stated that Titus should respect the Jewish law by allowing them to observe that day, which was the seventh day of the week, on which it was not only forbidden to carry weapons but also to discuss peace; and that even the Romans knew that the seventh day was a time for them to cease all work. He argued that anyone who forced them to break the law on that day would be just as guilty as those who were compelled to do so. He added that this delay would not be a disadvantage to Titus; after all, why would anyone think of taking action at night unless it was to escape? Titus could prevent that by surrounding them with his camp, and they would see it as a significant win if they weren’t forced to violate their national laws. Furthermore, it would be right for him, who intended to offer them peace, to uphold the laws of those he wished to save, without them expecting such kindness. Thus, this man played a trick on Titus, not so much out of concern for the seventh day but for his own safety, fearing he would be completely abandoned if the city fell, and he had hopes for survival that night and in his potential escape. This was the work of God, who preserved this John so he could lead to the destruction of Jerusalem; it was also His doing that Titus was swayed by this excuse for a delay, prompting him to set up his camp further from the city at Cydessa. Cydessa was a strong Mediterranean village inhabited by Tyrians, who had always hated and fought against the Jews; it had a large population and was well-fortified, making it a suitable place for those who were enemies of the Jewish nation.
4. Now, in the night time, when John saw that there was no Roman guard about the city, he seized the opportunity directly, and, taking with him not only the armed men that were about him, but a considerable number of those that had little to do, together with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. And indeed, though the man was making haste to get away, and was tormented with fears of being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did he prevail with himself to take out of the city along with him a multitude of women and children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he proceeded further on his journey, where those that were left behind made sad lamentations; for the farther every one of them was come from his own people, the nearer they thought themselves to be to their enemies. They also affrighted themselves with this thought, that those who would carry them into captivity were just at hand, and still turned themselves back at the mere noise they made themselves in this their hasty flight, as if those from whom they fled were just upon them. Many also of them missed their ways, and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo the rest threw down many of them. And indeed there was a miserable destruction made of the women and children; while some of them took courage to call their husbands and kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the bitterest lamentations, to stay for them; but John's exhortation, who cried out to them to save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He said also, that if the Romans should seize upon those whom they left behind, they would be revenged on them for it. So this multitude that run thus away was dispersed abroad, according as each of them was able to run, one faster or slower than another.
4. Now, at night, when John saw that there were no Roman guards around the city, he seized the opportunity and, taking with him not just the armed men around him but also a significant number of those who had little to do, along with their families, he fled to Jerusalem. And indeed, even though he was in a hurry to escape and was tormented by fears of being captured or losing his life, he managed to take a large group of women and children with him for about twenty furlongs; but there he left them as he continued on his journey, where those left behind mourned deeply. The farther each of them got from their own people, the closer they felt to their enemies. They also scared themselves thinking that those who would take them captive were right behind them, and they kept looking back at the noise they made during their hurried flight, as if those they were fleeing from were just on their heels. Many of them also lost their way, and the eagerness of those trying to outrun the rest caused many to stumble. There was a tragic scene of destruction among the women and children; some mustered the courage to call their husbands and relatives back, begging them with bitter cries to wait for them. But John's urging, as he shouted for them to save themselves and run away, carried the day. He also warned that if the Romans captured those they left behind, they would take revenge on them for it. So, this fleeing group scattered, each person running at their own pace, some faster and some slower than others.
5. Now on the next day Titus came to the wall, to make the agreement; whereupon the people opened their gates to him, and came out to him, with their children and wives, and made acclamations of joy to him, as to one that had been their benefactor, and had delivered the city out of custody; they also informed him of John's flight, and besought him to spare them, and to come in, and bring the rest of those that were for innovations to punishment. But Titus, not so much regarding the supplications of the people, sent part of his horsemen to pursue after John, but they could not overtake him, for he was gotten to Jerusalem before; they also slew six thousand of the women and children who went out with him, but returned back, and brought with them almost three thousand. However, Titus was greatly displeased that he had not been able to bring this John, who had deluded him, to punishment; yet he had captives enough, as well as the corrupted part of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it missed of John. So he entered the city in the midst of acclamations of joy; and when he had given orders to the soldiers to pull down a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in war, he repressed those that had disturbed the city rather by threatenings than by executions; for he thought that many would accuse innocent persons, out of their own private animosities and quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish those that were worthy of punishment from the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty person alone in his fears, that to destroy with him any one that did not deserve it; for that probably such a one might be taught prudence, by the fear of the punishment he had deserved, and have a shame upon him for his former offenses, when he had been forgiven; but that the punishment of such as have been once put to death could never be retrieved. However, he placed a garrison in the city for its security, by which means he should restrain those that were for innovations, and should leave those that were peaceably disposed in greater security. And thus was all Galilee taken, but this not till after it had cost the Romans much pains before it could be taken by them.
5. The next day, Titus approached the wall to make the agreement. The people opened their gates and came out to him with their children and wives, cheering for him as if he were their benefactor who had rescued the city from captivity. They informed him of John's escape and begged him to spare them, asking him to enter and punish those who were causing trouble. However, Titus paid little attention to their pleas; instead, he sent some of his horsemen to chase after John, but they couldn’t catch him since he had already reached Jerusalem. They did manage to kill six thousand women and children who had gone out with him, but they returned with almost three thousand captives. Titus was very frustrated that he couldn't bring John to justice, feeling misled by him, but he had enough prisoners and the corrupt part of the city to satisfy his anger despite missing John. So he entered the city to cheers of joy, and after ordering his soldiers to tear down a small section of the wall, as was customary in a conquered city, he dealt with those who had disturbed the peace more through threats than executions. He believed that many would falsely accuse innocent people due to personal grudges if he tried to separate those deserving punishment from the rest; he thought it better to leave a guilty person in fear than to wrongfully punish someone innocent. After all, a person might learn from the fear of deserved consequences and feel shame for past wrongdoings once forgiven, whereas a death sentence could never be undone. He then stationed a garrison in the city for its security, which helped keep those who wanted to cause trouble in check while providing greater safety for the peace-loving citizens. Thus, all of Galilee was captured, but not without a lot of effort from the Romans before they succeeded.
CHAPTER 3.
Concerning John Of Gischala. Concerning The Zealots And The
High Priest Ananus; As Also How The Jews Raise Seditions One
Against Another [In Jerusalem].
About John of Gischala. About the Zealots and High Priest Ananus; Also How the Jews Stir Up Conflicts with One Another [In Jerusalem].
1. Now upon John's entry into Jerusalem, the whole body of the people were in an uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded about every one of the fugitives that were come to them, and inquired of them what miseries had happened abroad, when their breath was so short, and hot, and quick, that of itself it declared the great distress they were in; yet did they talk big under their misfortunes, and pretended to say that they had not fled away from the Romans, but came thither in order to fight them with less hazard; for that it would be an unreasonable and a fruitless thing for them to expose themselves to desperate hazards about Gischala, and such weak cities, whereas they ought to lay up their weapons and their zeal, and reserve it for their metropolis. But when they related to them the taking of Gischala, and their decent departure, as they pretended, from that place, many of the people understood it to be no better than a flight; and especially when the people were told of those that were made captives, they were in great confusion, and guessed those things to be plain indications that they should be taken also. But for John, he was very little concerned for those whom he had left behind him, but went about among all the people, and persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs of the Romans were in a weak condition, and extolled his own power. He also jested upon the ignorance of the unskillful, as if those Romans, although they should take to themselves wings, could never fly over the wall of Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties in taking the villages of Galilee, and had broken their engines of war against their walls.
1. When John arrived in Jerusalem, the entire crowd was in chaos, and thousands surrounded each of the refugees who had come to them, asking about the troubles they had encountered. Their breath was short, hot, and quick, revealing the great distress they were in; yet they spoke confidently about their misfortunes, claiming they hadn’t fled from the Romans, but had come to fight them more safely. They argued that it was unreasonable and pointless to risk themselves on desperate missions around Gischala and other weak cities when they should save their weapons and enthusiasm for their capital. However, when they recounted the fall of Gischala and their supposed orderly retreat from there, many interpreted it as nothing but a retreat; and especially when they heard about the captives, the crowd grew confused, believing this was a clear sign they might also be captured. Yet, John didn’t seem concerned about those he had left behind; instead, he moved among the people, encouraging them to go to war, offering them hope. He insisted that the Romans were in a weak position and boasted about his own power. He even mocked the ignorance of the unskilled, suggesting that even if the Romans had wings, they couldn’t fly over Jerusalem’s walls, as they struggled to capture the villages of Galilee and had damaged their siege engines against the city walls.
2. These harangues of John's corrupted a great part of the young men, and puffed them up for the war; but as to the more prudent part, and those in years, there was not a man of them but foresaw what was coming, and made lamentation on that account, as if the city was already undone; and in this confusion were the people. But then it must be observed, that the multitude that came out of the country were at discord before the Jerusalem sedition began; for Titus went from Gischala to Cesates, and Vespasian from Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, and took them both; and when he had put garrisons into them, he came back with a great number of the people, who were come over to him, upon his giving them his right hand for their preservation. There were besides disorders and civil wars in every city; and all those that were at quiet from the Romans turned their hands one against another. There was also a bitter contest between those that were fond of war, and those that were desirous for peace. At the first this quarrelsome temper caught hold of private families, who could not agree among themselves; after which those people that were the dearest to one another brake through all restraints with regard to each other, and every one associated with those of his own opinion, and began already to stand in opposition one to another; so that seditions arose every where, while those that were for innovations, and were desirous of war, by their youth and boldness, were too hard for the aged and prudent men. And, in the first place, all the people of every place betook themselves to rapine; after which they got together in bodies, in order to rob the people of the country, insomuch that for barbarity and iniquity those of the same nation did no way differ from the Romans; nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.
2. John's speeches corrupted many of the young men and got them excited for war; however, the wiser and older people all foresaw what was coming and mourned as if the city was already lost, and the crowd was in chaos. It's important to note that the groups from the countryside were already in conflict before the Jerusalem rebellion started; because Titus moved from Gischala to Cesarea, and Vespasian from Cesarea to Jamnia and Azotus, capturing them both. After putting garrisons in place, he returned with many people who came over to him after he promised to protect them. There were also riots and civil wars in every city; and all those who were safe from the Romans turned against each other. There was a harsh struggle between those eager for war and those wanting peace. Initially, this aggressive attitude spread to private families who could not get along. Eventually, those who cared deeply for one another broke all ties and began to unite with those who shared their views, setting themselves against each other; thus, riots erupted everywhere, while the youths who favored change and were eager for war overwhelmed the older and wiser men. First, the people everywhere resorted to looting; then they formed groups to rob the country folk, to the point that their cruelty and wickedness were no different from the Romans; in fact, it seemed less severe to be destroyed by the Romans than by their own kind.
3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guarded the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to take such trouble upon them, and partly out of the hatred they bare to the Jewish nation, did little or nothing towards relieving the miserable, till the captains of these troops of robbers, being satiated with rapines in the country, got all together from all parts, and became a band of wickedness, and all together crept into Jerusalem, which was now become a city without a governor, and, as the ancient custom was, received without distinction all that belonged to their nation; and these they then received, because all men supposed that those who came so fast into the city came out of kindness, and for their assistance, although these very men, besides the seditions they raised, were otherwise the direct cause of the city's destruction also; for as they were an unprofitable and a useless multitude, they spent those provisions beforehand which might otherwise have been sufficient for the fighting men. Moreover, besides the bringing on of the war, they were the occasions of sedition and famine therein.
3. The Roman troops stationed in the cities, partly due to their reluctance to take on extra trouble and partly because of their animosity towards the Jewish people, did very little to help the suffering populace. Meanwhile, the leaders of these bandits, having plundered the countryside enough, gathered together and formed a group of criminals. They infiltrated Jerusalem, which had become a city without a leader, and, as was the custom, welcomed anyone from their nation without discrimination. They accepted these newcomers under the assumption that their swift arrival was out of goodwill and to offer assistance, even though these same individuals, in addition to causing riots, were also directly responsible for the city's downfall. Being a large, unproductive crowd, they consumed the supplies that might have sustained the fighting men. Furthermore, their presence contributed to the outbreak of war, as well as to the chaos and famine in the city.
4. There were besides these other robbers that came out of the country, and came into the city, and joining to them those that were worse than themselves, omitted no kind of barbarity; for they did not measure their courage by their rapines and plunderings only, but preceded as far as murdering men; and this not in the night time or privately, or with regard to ordinary men, but did it openly in the day time, and began with the most eminent persons in the city; for the first man they meddled with was Antipas, one of the royal lineage, and the most potent man in the whole city, insomuch that the public treasures were committed to his care; him they took and confined; as they did in the next place to Levias, a person of great note, with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both which were of royal lineage also. And besides these, they did the same to the principal men of the country. This caused a terrible consternation among the people, and everyone contented himself with taking care of his own safety, as they would do if the city had been taken in war.
4. Besides these, there were other robbers who came from the countryside into the city, joining forces with those who were even worse than themselves, committing all sorts of brutal acts. They didn't just measure their courage by their thefts and plundering but went as far as murder; and they did this not at night or secretly, nor only against ordinary people, but boldly in broad daylight, starting with the most prominent individuals in the city. The first person they targeted was Antipas, a member of the royal family and the most influential man in the city, responsible for the management of the public treasury. They captured him and held him captive, and then they did the same to Levias, a notable figure, along with Sophas, the son of Raguel, both also of royal descent. They proceeded to do this to other prominent men in the area as well. This created a widespread panic among the people, and everyone focused on securing their own safety, as they would if the city were under attack.
5. But these were not satisfied with the bonds into which they had put the men forementioned; nor did they think it safe for them to keep them thus in custody long, since they were men very powerful, and had numerous families of their own that were able to avenge them. Nay, they thought the very people would perhaps be so moved at these unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against them; it was therefore resolved to have them slain accordingly, they sent one John, who was the most bloody-minded of them all, to do that execution: this man was also called "the son of Dorcas," 3 in the language of our country. Ten more men went along with him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and so they cut the throats of those that were in custody there. The grand lying pretence these men made for so flagrant an enormity was this, that these men had had conferences with the Romans for a surrender of Jerusalem to them; and so they said they had slain only such as were traitors to their common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew the more insolent upon this bold prank of theirs, as though they had been the benefactors and saviors of the city.
5. But they weren't satisfied with the bonds they had placed on the aforementioned men; they didn't think it was safe to keep them locked up for long, as these men were very powerful and had large families capable of avenging them. In fact, they worried that the people might be so outraged by these unjust actions that they would rise up against them. So, they decided that the men should be killed and sent one John, who was the most ruthless of them all, to carry out the execution. This man was also known as "the son of Dorcas," 3 in our language. Ten more men went with him into the prison, with their swords drawn, and they cut the throats of those held there. The main excuse these men gave for such a blatant act was that these men had conspired with the Romans to surrender Jerusalem to them; they claimed they had only killed those who were traitors to their common freedom. Overall, they became even more arrogant following this bold action of theirs, as if they were the benefactors and saviors of the city.
6. Now the people were come to that degree of meanness and fear, and these robbers to that degree of madness, that these last took upon them to appoint high priests. 4 So when they had disannulled the succession, according to those families out of which the high priests used to be made, they ordained certain unknown and ignoble persons for that office, that they might have their assistance in their wicked undertakings; for such as obtained this highest of all honors, without any desert, were forced to comply with those that bestowed it on them. They also set the principal men at variance one with another, by several sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained the opportunity of doing what they pleased, by the mutual quarrels of those who might have obstructed their measures; till at length, when they were satiated with the unjust actions they had done towards men, they transferred their contumelious behavior to God himself, and came into the sanctuary with polluted feet.
6. The people had sunk to such low levels of meanness and fear, while these robbers had become so deranged, that they decided to appoint high priests for themselves. 4 After they rejected the traditional line of succession from the families that had always produced the high priests, they chose certain unknown and unworthy individuals for the role, thinking they could use them in their wicked schemes; those who received this highest honor without any merit were compelled to comply with those who had given it to them. They also turned the prominent figures against each other through various schemes and tricks, enabling them to do whatever they wanted while the conflicts among those who could have stopped them distracted them. Eventually, once they were done with their unjust actions towards people, they directed their contempt towards God as well and entered the sanctuary with defiled feet.
7. And now the multitude were going to rise against them already; for Ananus, the ancientest of the high priests, persuaded them to it. He was a very prudent man, and had perhaps saved the city if he could but have escaped the hands of those that plotted against him. These men made the temple of God a strong hold for them, and a place whither they might resort, in order to avoid the troubles they feared from the people; the sanctuary was now become a refuge, and a shop of tyranny. They also mixed jesting among the miseries they introduced, which was more intolerable than what they did; for in order to try what surprise the people would be under, and how far their own power extended, they undertook to dispose of the high priesthood by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said already, it was to descend by succession in a family. The pretense they made for this strange attempt was an ancient practice, while they said that of old it was determined by lot; but in truth, it was no better than a dissolution of an undeniable law, and a cunning contrivance to seize upon the government, derived from those that presumed to appoint governors as they themselves pleased.
7. And now the crowd was about to rise up against them; Ananus, the oldest high priest, convinced them to do so. He was a wise man and might have saved the city if he could have escaped those plotting against him. These men made the temple of God their stronghold and a place to retreat to in order to avoid the troubles they feared from the people; the sanctuary had become a refuge and a site of tyranny. They also mixed jokes with the suffering they caused, which was more unbearable than their actions; to test how shocked the people would be and how far their own power reached, they decided to allocate the high priesthood by casting lots for it, even though, as we have mentioned before, it was meant to be passed down through a family line. They claimed this strange action was based on an ancient practice, saying that in the past it was decided by lot; but in reality, it was nothing more than a violation of a clear law and a clever scheme to take control of the government, stemming from those who thought they could appoint leaders as they wished.
8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pontifical tribes, which is called Eniachim, 5 and cast lots which of it should be the high priest. By fortune the lot so fell as to demonstrate their iniquity after the plainest manner, for it fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the son of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He was a man not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but that did not well know what the high priesthood was, such a mere rustic was he! yet did they hail this man, without his own consent, out of the country, as if they were acting a play upon the stage, and adorned him with a counterfeit tree; they also put upon him the sacred garments, and upon every occasion instructed him what he was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness was sport and pastime with them, but occasioned the other priests, who at a distance saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears, and sorely lament the dissolution of such a sacred dignity.
8. Then they called for one of the pontifical tribes, which is called Eniachim, 5 and drew lots to see who would be the high priest. By chance, the lot fell in a way that clearly showed their wrongdoing, landing on a man named Phannias, the son of Samuel, from the village of Aphtha. He was not only unworthy of the high priesthood, but he also didn’t even understand what being a high priest entailed; he was such a simple countryman! Yet they brought this man, against his will, from the countryside as if they were performing a play, and dressed him in fake ornaments; they also put the sacred garments on him and instructed him on what to do at every turn. This dreadful act was nothing but a joke and entertainment to them, causing the other priests, who watched from a distance as their sacred laws were mocked, to weep and mourn the loss of such a holy position.
9. And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this procedure, but did all together run zealously, in order to overthrow that tyranny; and indeed they were Gorion the son of Josephus, and Symeon the son of Gamaliel, 6 who encouraged them, by going up and down when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus when they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited them against the zealots; for that was the name they went by, as if they were zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather zealous in the worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example of others.
9. The people could no longer tolerate the arrogance of this situation, and they all rushed together with enthusiasm to put an end to that tyranny. In fact, it was Gorion the son of Josephus and Symeon the son of Gamaliel, 6 who motivated them by moving among the crowds and encouraging them to no longer stand by but to punish those who were ruining their freedom and to cleanse the temple of those who were desecrating it. The most respected of the high priests, Jesus the son of Gamalas and Ananus the son of Ananus, reproached the people for their laziness during their gatherings and stirred them up against the zealots. That was the name they were known by, as if they were committed to good causes, but instead, they were deeply involved in the worst deeds, going beyond what others had done.
10. And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly, and every one was in indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon them, [the reason of which was this, that they imagined it to be a difficult thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was,] Ananus stood in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at the temple, and having a flood of tears in his eyes, he said, "Certainly it had been good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full of so many abominations, or these sacred places, that ought not to be trodden upon at random, filled with the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet do I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name [of high priest], still live, and am but too fond of living, and cannot endure to undergo a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the only person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I would give up my life, and that alone for God's sake; for to what purpose is it to live among a people insensible of their calamities, and where there is no notion remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them? for when you are seized upon, you bear it! and when you are beaten, you are silent! and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them, that have nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those that first of all got together, for they were then but a few, and by your silence made them grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they took arms, in effect armed them against yourselves? You ought to have then prevented their first attempts, when they fell a reproaching your relations; but by neglecting that care in time, you have encouraged these wretches to plunder men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said a word, which was the occasion why they carried off the owners of those houses; and when they were drawn through the midst of the city, nobody came to their assistance. They then proceeded to put those whom you have betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not say how many and of what characters those men were whom they thus served; but certainly they were such as were accused by none, and condemned by none; and since nobody succored them when they were put into bonds, the consequence was, that you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been still led to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand for their preservation. Will you bear, therefore, will you bear to see your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for these profane wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees of insolence? Will not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even by this time they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been able to overthrow any thing greater than the sanctuary. They have seized upon the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you have tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over your heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to support your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they may protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass? and are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves are expected to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not you rise up and turn upon those that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts themselves, that they will avenge themselves on those that strike them. Will you not call to mind, every one of you, the calamities you yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes what afflictions you yourselves have undergone? and will not such things sharpen your souls to revenge? Is therefore that most honorable and most natural of our passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly we are in love with slavery, and in love with those that lord it over us, as if we had received that principle of subjection from our ancestors; yet did they undergo many and great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they so far overcome by the power of the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that still they did what they thought fit, notwithstanding their commands to the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a war with the Romans? [I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous and profitable war or not.] What pretense is there for it? Is it not that we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own country? Although I must say that submission to foreigners may be borne, because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked people of our own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own consent. However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and affects me considerably; it is this, that though we should be taken by them, [God forbid the event should be so!] yet can we undergo nothing that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought upon us. How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the Roman donations in our temple, while we withal see those of our own nation taking our spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis, and slaughtering our men, from which enormities those Romans themselves would have abstained? to see those Romans never going beyond the bounds allotted to profane persons, nor venturing to break in upon any of our sacred customs; nay, having a horror on their minds when they view at a distance those sacred walls; while some that have been born in this very country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk about in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their hands are still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides, can any one be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For truly, if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is probable one may hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters of our laws, and those within ourselves the subverters of them. And now I am persuaded that every one of you here comes satisfied before I speak that these overthrowers of our liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that nobody can so much as devise a punishment that they have not deserved by what they have done, and that you are all provoked against them by those their wicked actions, whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps many of you are affrighted at the multitude of those zealots, and at their audaciousness, as well as at the advantage they have over us in their being higher in place than we are; for these circumstances, as they have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they become still greater by being still longer neglected; for their multitude is every day augmented, by every ill man's running away to those that are like to themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because they meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for their higher place, they will make use of it for engines also, if we give them time to do so; but be assured of this, that if we go up to fight them, they will be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they have in the height of their situation they will lose by the opposition of their reason; perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them, will make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these impious wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our appearance before them, and they will come to nothing. However, it is a right thing, if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before these holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of our children and wives, yet for God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary. I will assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you see that I will be sparing of my body neither."
10. And now, when the crowd gathered for a meeting, everyone was outraged at these men taking over the temple, at their looting and murders, but had not yet started their attack on them. [The reason for this is that they believed it would be difficult to defeat these extremists, which it indeed was.] Ananus stood among them, frequently casting his gaze at the temple, tears filling his eyes, and said, "It would have been better for me to die than to see the house of God filled with such abominations, or these sacred places, which should not be trampled upon carelessly, filled with the feet of these bloodthirsty villains. Yet I, who wear the high priest's garments and am called by that most respected title [of high priest], still live, and I am all too fond of living, unable to face a death that would be the glory of my old age. If I were the only one affected, as if in a desert, I would give up my life solely for God's sake; for what is the point of living among a people who are oblivious to their suffering, where no thought of remedy remains for the miseries they endure? When you are attacked, you tolerate it! When you are beaten, you remain silent! When the people are murdered, no one dares to even let out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I complain about the tyrants? Was it not you, and your tolerance of them, that nurtured them? Was it not you who ignored those who first gathered, for they were only a few back then, and by your silence allowed them to grow in number; by turning a blind eye when they took up arms, you effectively armed them against yourselves? You should have stopped their initial attempts when they began to insult your kin; but by neglecting that responsibility in time, you have encouraged these scoundrels to plunder. When homes were ransacked, no one said a word, which led to them taking the owners from their houses; and when they were dragged through the streets, no one came to their aid. They then proceeded to bind those whom you have betrayed. I won't detail how many and what kinds of people they served; but surely they were individuals who were neither accused nor condemned by anyone; and since no one helped them when they were bound, the result was that you saw the same people killed. We have witnessed this as well; thus, the best of our people have been led to slaughter, while no one said a word or lifted a finger to save them. Will you therefore endure seeing your sanctuary trampled upon? Will you create pathways for these disrespectful wretches, letting them ascend to even greater levels of insolence? Will you not pull them down from their high positions? For by now, they have already committed even greater atrocities, if they could have destroyed anything greater than the sanctuary. They have seized the strongest part of the entire city; you can call it the temple if you wish, though it resembles a fortress. Now, while you have tyranny confined to such a great extent, and see your enemies towering over you, what is the purpose of holding consultations? What is there to give you solace? Perhaps you are waiting for the Romans to protect our holy places: have we sunk so low, that we expect our enemies to show us pity? O wretched beings! Will you not rise up and fight back against those who strike you? Even wild animals will avenge themselves on their attackers. Will you not remember the calamities you have suffered? Will you not consider the afflictions you have endured? Will not such experiences ignite your spirits for revenge? Has that most honorable and natural desire, the longing for freedom, completely vanished? Truly, we seem to have fallen in love with slavery and with those who dominate us, as if we inherited this principle of submission from our ancestors. Yet they fought many great wars for the sake of liberty, and were not so utterly overcome by the Egyptians or the Medes that they did not continue to act on their own terms despite contrary commands. What need is there now for war with the Romans? [I don't intend to say whether this war would be beneficial or not.] What justification is there for it? Isn't it simply so we can enjoy our freedom? Besides, are we to allow the rulers of the entire earth to command us, yet submit to tyrants from our own land? While I must say, tolerating foreign rulers might be bearable since fate has already condemned us to that, but submitting to wicked people from our own nation is too disgraceful and brought upon us by our own consent. However, since I've mentioned the Romans, I must also share something that has come to my mind while speaking, and troubles me greatly: if we should be taken by them, [God forbid that should happen!] can we endure anything harder than what these men have already imposed upon us? How then can we avoid shedding tears when we see the Roman offerings in our temple, while also witnessing our own kind robbing us and slaughtering our people, acts from which the Romans themselves would have refrained? To see those Romans never overstepping the bounds set for the unclean, nor daring to breach any of our sacred traditions; indeed, they hold a dread in their hearts when viewing those sacred walls from afar, while some born in this land, raised in our customs, and called Jews, walk among the holy places at the very moment their hands are still warm with the blood of their own countrymen. Moreover, can anyone fear a war abroad, especially with those who will act with much greater restraint than our own people? For truly, if we match our words to the actions they represent, it is likely that in the future, we may find the Romans to be the protectors of our laws, while those among us become their destroyers. And now I am convinced that all of you here already agree with me that these destroyers of our freedom deserve punishment and that there is no punishment devised that they have not earned by their deeds, and that all of you are enraged by their wicked actions that have brought you so much suffering. But perhaps many of you are frightened by the sheer number of these zealots, their boldness, as well as their advantage over us due to their higher positions; these circumstances, which arise from your negligence, will only worsen with continued neglect, for their numbers grow each day as every villain runs to join them, and their audacity swells because they face no opposition to their schemes. As for their elevated status, they will wield it as a weapon as well, given the chance; but rest assured, if we rise to fight them, their own consciences will humble them, and the advantages they possess from their height will be lost to the logic of our resistance; perhaps God himself, who has been offended by them, will make what they hurl at us turn back on themselves, and these impious wretches will fall by their own hands. Let us just show ourselves before them, and they will crumble. Nonetheless, it is fitting, should there be any danger in this attempt, to die before these holy gates, to sacrifice our lives, if not for our children and wives, then for God's sake and for the sanctuary. I will support you with both my counsel and my strength; no cleverness will be lacking for your benefit; and I will not shy away from offering my own body as well."
11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them, because of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their souls; but chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done, since they would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the last for those their enormities. However, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever sufferings might come upon him, rather than overlook things, now they were in such great confusion. So the multitude cried out to him, to lead them on against those whom he had described in his exhortation to them, and every one of them was most readily disposed to run any hazard whatsoever on that account.
11. With these reasons, Ananus motivated the crowd to take action against the zealots, even though he understood how hard it would be to break them up due to their numbers, youth, and bravery; but mainly because they were fully aware of their actions and were unwilling to give in, as they had no hope of forgiveness for their wrongdoings. Nonetheless, Ananus decided to face whatever hardships might come his way rather than ignore the situation now that it was so chaotic. So the crowd shouted for him to lead them against those he had called out in his speech, and each of them was more than willing to face any danger for that cause.
12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the zealots got information of his undertaking, [for there were some who went to them, and told them all that the people were doing,] and were irritated at it, and leaping out of the temple in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom they met with. Upon this Ananus got the populace together on the sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior to them in arms, because they had not been regularly put into array for fighting; but the alacrity that every body showed supplied all their defects on both sides, the citizens taking up so great a passion as was stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of courage from the temple more forcible than any multitude whatsoever; and indeed these citizens thought it was not possible for them to dwell in the city, unless they could cut off the robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so bad but it would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted by their passions; and at the first they only cast stones at each other in the city, and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a distance; but when either of them were too hard for the other, they made use of their swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations carried them out to their own houses; but when any of the zealots were wounded, he went up into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor with his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now in these conflicts the robbers always sallied out of the temple, and were too hard for their enemies; but the populace grew very angry, and became more and more numerous, and reproached those that gave back, and those behind would not afford room to those that were going off, but forced them on again, till at length they made their whole body to turn against their adversaries, and the robbers could no longer oppose them, but were forced gradually to retire into the temple; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the same time together with them. 7 This horribly affrighted the robbers, because it deprived them of the first court; so they fled into the inner court immediately, and shut the gates. Now Ananus did not think fit to make any attack against the holy gates, although the other threw their stones and darts at them from above. He also deemed it unlawful to introduce the multitude into that court before they were purified; he therefore chose out of them all by lot six thousand armed men, and placed them as guards in the cloisters; so there was a succession of such guards one after another, and every one was forced to attend in his course; although many of the chief of the city were dismissed by those that then took on them the government, upon their hiring some of the poorer sort, and sending them to keep the guard in their stead.
12. While Ananus was selecting his men and arranging those suitable for battle, the zealots learned about his plans through informants who reported everything the people were doing. They were angered and rushed out of the temple in groups, attacking everyone they encountered. In response, Ananus quickly gathered the crowd, which outnumbered the zealots, although they were less equipped for combat since they hadn’t been organized for fighting. However, the enthusiasm shown by the citizens made up for their shortcomings. They were driven by a passion stronger than any weapon and found courage from the temple that surpassed any numbers. The citizens believed they couldn’t stay in the city unless they got rid of the robbers within it. The zealots, on the other hand, feared that if they didn’t succeed, they would face severe punishment. Thus, their clashes were fueled by their emotions; initially, they only hurled stones at each other throughout the city and in front of the temple, and threw javelins from a distance. But when one side gained the upper hand, they resorted to swords, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides, with many wounded. Families took their dead home, while wounded zealots went into the temple, staining the sacred space with their blood, to the point where one could say their blood alone desecrated our sanctuary. During these battles, the robbers continually burst forth from the temple, proving too strong for their opponents. However, the crowd grew increasingly angry, swelling in numbers, and criticized those who retreated. The people behind wouldn’t let those retreating escape but pushed them back toward the confrontation, until they forced their entire group to turn against their enemies. The robbers could no longer resist and were eventually pushed back into the temple, where Ananus and his group entered at the same time. This terrified the robbers, as it deprived them of the outer court, causing them to flee into the inner court and shut the gates. Ananus didn’t believe it was right to attack the holy gates, even though the others were throwing stones and darts at them from above. He also thought it was improper to bring the crowd into that court before they were purified, so he randomly selected six thousand armed men to serve as guards in the cloisters. This led to a rotation of guards, with each person required to take their turn, although many of the city’s leaders were dismissed by those in power at the time, who hired some of the poorer citizens to keep watch in their place.
13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and was the occasion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft, and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a distance was the adviser in these actions; and indeed at this time he pretended to be of the people's opinion, and went all about with Ananus when he consulted the great men every day, and in the night time also when he went round the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the zealots, and every thing that the people deliberated about was by his means known to their enemies, even before it had been well agreed upon by themselves. And by way of contrivance how he might not be brought into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest friendship possible with Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet did this overdoing of his turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly, that he was but the more suspected; and his constant attendance every where, even when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected of betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they plainly perceived that they understood all the resolutions taken against them at their consultations. Nor was there any one whom they had so much reason to suspect of that discovery as this John; yet was it not easy to get quit of him, so potent was he grown by his wicked practices. He was also supported by many of those eminent men, who were to be consulted upon all considerable affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable to oblige him to give them assurance of his good-will upon oath; accordingly John took such an oath readily, that he would be on the people's side, and would not betray any of their counsels or practices to their enemies, and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them, and that both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus and his party believed his oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without further suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him as their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of accommodation; for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the temple as much as they possibly could, and that no one of their nation should be slain therein.
13. It was John who, as we mentioned, ran away from Gischala and caused all this destruction. He was a crafty man, filled with a strong desire for power, and acted as a distant adviser in these actions. At that time, he pretended to support the people's views and went everywhere with Ananus when he consulted the influential leaders daily, even at night when he checked on the guards. However, he leaked their secrets to the zealots, and everything the people discussed was known to their enemies through him, often before they even reached a consensus. To avoid suspicion, he sought a close friendship with Ananus and the community leaders, but his excessive flattery made him even more suspect. His constant presence, even when he wasn’t invited, raised strong suspicions that he was betraying their secrets to the enemy, as it became clear they were aware of all decisions made against them in their meetings. There was no one they had more reason to suspect of these betrayals than John; yet it wasn't easy to get rid of him due to his growing influence from his deceitful actions. He was also backed by many prominent figures who were called upon for important matters. So, it was decided to make him swear an oath of loyalty. John took the oath willingly, promising to side with the people, not to betray any of their plans or discussions to their enemies, and to help them fight against those who attacked them, both with his actions and advice. Ananus and his allies trusted his oath and began including him in their discussions without further suspicion. They believed him so much that they even sent him as their representative to the temple to negotiate with the zealots, hoping to avoid any desecration of the temple and prevent anyone from their nation from being killed there.
14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots, and for confirmation of his good-will to them, and not against them, went into the temple, and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows: That he had run many hazards on their accounts, and in order to let them know of every thing that was secretly contrived against them by Ananus and his party; but that both he and they should be cast into the most imminent danger, unless some providential assistance were afforded them; for that Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and take the city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there; that he did not see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight against so many enemies. He added further, that it was by the providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an accommodation; for that Artanus did therefore offer them such proposals, that he might come upon them when they were unarmed; that they ought to choose one of these two methods, either to intercede with those that guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance for themselves; that if they fostered themselves with the hopes of pardon, in case they were subdued, they had forgotten what desperate things they had done, or could suppose, that as soon as the actors repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently reconciled to them; while those that have done injuries, though they pretend to repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors; that the friends and kindred of those that had been destroyed would always be laying plots against them; and that a large body of people were very angry on account of their gross breaches of their laws, and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch that although some part might commiserate them, those would be quite overborne by the majority.
14. But now this John, as if his oath was made to the zealots to show his support for them and not against them, went into the temple, stood among them, and said: He had faced many dangers for their sake and wanted to inform them about everything secretly plotted against them by Ananus and his group; however, both he and they would be in serious danger unless they received some divine help; because Ananus was no longer delaying and had convinced the people to send envoys to Vespasian, inviting him to come right away and take the city; and that he had set a fast for the next day against them, either to enter the temple on religious grounds or to attack them there by force; he couldn’t see how long they could withstand a siege, nor how they could fight against so many enemies. He added that it was by God's providence he was sent as an envoy to them for peace; that Artanus proposed such terms to catch them off guard when they were unarmed; that they had to choose between two options: either plead with their guards to spare their lives or seek some outside help for themselves; that if they were just hoping for forgiveness if they were defeated, they had forgotten the terrible things they had done, or thought that once those who harmed them regretted it, those they hurt would immediately forgive them; while those who commit wrongs, even if they pretend to repent, are often hated by others for that fake repentance; and that the victims, when they gain power, tend to be even harsher on the wrongdoers; that the friends and family of the victims would always be plotting against them; and that a large number of people were very angry about their blatant violations of the law and illegal courts, so much so that even if some might feel pity for them, they would be overwhelmed by the majority.
CHAPTER 4.
The Idumeans Being Sent For By The Zealots, Came Immediately
To Jerusalem; And When They Were Excluded Out Of The City,
They Lay All Night There. Jesus One Of The High Priests
Makes A Speech To Them; And Simon The Idumean Makes A Reply
To It.
The Idumeans were called by the Zealots and came right away to Jerusalem. When they were shut out of the city, they waited there all night. Jesus, one of the high priests, gave a speech to them; and Simon the Idumean responded to it.
1. Now, by this crafty speech, John made the zealots afraid; yet durst he not directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert way only intimated at the Idumeans. But now, that he might particularly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that he was about a piece of barbarity, and did in a special manner threaten them. These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most plausible man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done, and in the execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacharias, the son of Phalek; both of whom derived their families from the priests. Now when these two men had heard, not only the common threatenings which belonged to them all, but those peculiarly leveled against themselves; and besides, how Artanus and his party, in order to secure their own dominion, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was part of John's lie; they hesitated a great while what they should do, considering the shortness of the time by which they were straitened; because the people were prepared to attack them very soon, and because the suddenness of the plot laid against them had almost cut off all their hopes of getting any foreign assistance; for they might be under the height of their afflictions before any of their confederates could be informed of it. However, it was resolved to call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a short letter to this effect: That Ananus had imposed on the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans; that they themselves had revolted from the rest, and were in custody in the temple, on account of the preservation of their liberty; that there was but a small time left wherein they might hope for their deliverance; and that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should themselves be soon in the power of Artanus, and the city would be in the power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more circumstances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now there were two active men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very swift of foot; for they knew well enough that these would immediately comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, always on the watch upon every motion, delighting in mutations; and upon your flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if it were to a feast. There was indeed occasion for quick despatch in the carrying of this message, in which point the messengers were no way defective. Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came to the rulers of the Idumeans.
1. With his clever words, John made the zealots nervous; however, he didn’t dare to directly mention the foreign support he was hinting at, instead subtly suggesting the Idumeans. To particularly provoke the leaders of the zealots, he slandered Ananus, accusing him of plotting something brutal and explicitly threatening them. These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who appeared to be the most reasonable of the group in deciding what actions to take and in executing those plans, and Zacharias, the son of Phalek; both came from priestly families. When these two men heard not only the general threats directed at them but also those specifically aimed at themselves, along with how Artanus and his group had invited the Romans to secure their own power—another part of John’s deceit—they hesitated for a long time about what to do, considering how little time they had left. The people were getting ready to attack them soon, and the unexpected nature of the plot against them had nearly dashed all hopes of receiving foreign help; they could be suffering at the hands of their enemies before any allies could even be alerted. Nevertheless, it was decided to call in the Idumeans; so they wrote a brief letter stating that Ananus had deceived the people and was betraying their city to the Romans, that they themselves had separated from the rest and were under guard in the temple to protect their freedom, that they had little time left to hope for rescue, and that unless the Idumeans came to their aid immediately, they would soon fall under Artanus's control, and the city would be in Roman hands. They instructed the messengers to share additional details with the Idumean leaders. Two energetic men were chosen to deliver the message, both capable of speaking well and persuading the Idumeans about the situation, and importantly, they were very quick on their feet; they knew the Idumeans would respond to their urgent request, being a restless and unruly people always ready for action, eager for change. With just a little encouragement and petitions, they'd quickly grab their weapons and rush into battle as if it were a celebration. There was indeed a need for quick action in delivering this message, and the messengers were not lacking in that regard. Both of their names were Ananias, and they quickly reached the leaders of the Idumeans.
2. Now these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the people should come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together, sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and every body caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their metropolis; and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clusothus.
2. The rulers were really shocked by the letter's contents and what the messengers told them. They started running around the nation like crazed men, announcing that the people needed to prepare for war. A large crowd quickly gathered, even sooner than expected from the announcement, and everyone grabbed their weapons to defend the freedom of their city. They organized about twenty thousand fighters and marched to Jerusalem, led by four commanders: John, Jacob the son of Sosas, Simon the son of Cathlas, and Phineas the son of Clusothus.
3. Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus or to the guards, but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against them, and that the walls should be guarded. Yet did not he by any means think of fighting against them, but, before they came to blows, to try what persuasions would do. Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high priests next to Artanus, stood upon the tower that was over against them, and said thus: "Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered at her fortune as now, when you are come to assist wicked men, and this after a manner very extraordinary; for I see that you are come to support the vilest of men against us, and this with so great alacrity, as you could hardly put on the like, in case our metropolis had called you to her assistance against barbarians. And if I had perceived that your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners. But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten thousand deaths; for the very rascality and offscouring of the whole country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance, and, by way of trial beforehand, have madly plundered the neighboring villages and cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this holy city. They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves drunk in the sanctuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies. As for the multitude that is with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armor, as it would become them to be had their metropolis called them to her assistance against foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of yours but the sport of fortune, when he sees a whole nation coming to protect a sink of wicked wretches? I have for a good while been in doubt what it could possibly be that should move you to do this so suddenly; because certainly you would not take on your armor on the behalf of robbers, and against a people of kin to you, without some very great cause for your so doing. But we have an item that the Romans are pretended, and that we are supposed to be going to betray this city to them; for some of your men have lately made a clamor about those matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis free. Now we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such a lie as this against us; for they knew there was no other way to irritate against us men that were naturally desirous of liberty, and on that account the best disposed to fight against foreign enemies, but by framing a tale as if we were going to betray that most desirable thing, liberty. But you ought to consider what sort of people they are that raise this calumny, and against what sort of people that calumny is raised, and to gather the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches, but out of the actions of both parties; for what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves to the Romans, while it was in our power not to have revolted from them at the first, or when we had once revolted, to have returned under their dominion again, and this while the neighboring countries were not yet laid waste? whereas it is not an easy thing to be reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud and insolent; and to endeavor to please them at the time when they are so near us, would bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death. As for myself, indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death, with reputation, before living in captivity under them. But further, whether do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have sent thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common suffrages of the people? If it be ourselves only that have done it, let them name those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants, to manage this treachery. Hath any one been caught as he went out on this errand, or seized upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our letters? How could we be concealed from such a vast number of our fellow citizens, among whom we are conversant every hour, while what is done privately in the country is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but few in number, and under confinement also, and are not able to come out of the temple into the city. Is this the first time that they are become sensible how they ought to be punished for their insolent actions? For while these men were free from the fear they are now under, there was no suspicion raised that any of us were traitors. But if they lay this charge against the people, this must have been done at a public consultation, and not one of the people must have dissented from the rest of the assembly; in which case the public fame of this matter would have come to you sooner than any particular indication. But how could that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to confirm the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was that was ordained for that purpose. But this is no other than a pretense of such men as are loath to die, and are laboring to escape those punishments that hang over them; for if fate had determined that this city was to be betrayed into its enemies' hands, no other than these men that accuse us falsely could have the impudence to do it, there being no wickedness wanting to complete their impudent practices but this only, that they become traitors. And now you Idumeans are come hither already with your arms, it is your duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and to join with us in cutting off those tyrants that have infringed the rules of our regular tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws, and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong; for they have seized upon men of great eminence, and under no accusation, as they stood in the midst of the market-place, and tortured them with putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear what they had to say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed them. You may, if you please, come into the city, though not in the way of war, and take a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of these profane wretches, who have proceeded to that degree of madness, as not only to have transferred their impudent robberies out of the country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also; for that is now made their receptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head whence their preparations are made against us. And this place, which is adored by the habitable world, and honored by such as only know it by report, as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts born among ourselves. They now triumph in the desperate condition they are already in, when they hear that one people is going to fight against another people, and one city against another city, and that your nation hath gotten an army together against its own bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you to join with us in cutting off these wretches, and in particular to be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon you; I mean, for having the impudence to invite you to assist them, of whom they ought to have stood in fear, as ready to punish them. But if you have some regard to these men's invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your arms, and come into the city under the notion of our kindred, and take upon you a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of enemies, and so become judges in this case. However, consider what these men will gain by being called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations laid against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain this advantage by your coming. But still, if you will neither take our part in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone, and neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters against their metropolis; for though you should have ever so great a suspicion that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your power to watch the passages into the city; and in case any thing that we have been accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your metropolis, and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty; for the enemy cannot prevent you who are so near to the city. But if, after all, none of these proposals seem acceptable and moderate, do not you wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms about you."
3. The messengers' exit was not known to Ananus or the guards, but he was aware of the Idumeans' approach; he had learned about it before they arrived, so he ordered the gates closed and the walls secured. However, he didn’t plan to fight them. Instead, he wanted to see if he could persuade them before any violence broke out. Jesus, the eldest of the high priests next to Artanus, stood on the tower opposite them and said: "This city has faced many troubles of all kinds, but never have I been as astonished at its fate as I am now, seeing you come to aid wicked men in such an extraordinary way. You are supporting the most despicable people against us with such eagerness that it seemed like you would respond the same way if our city had called for help against foreign invaders. If I had thought your army was made up of people like those who invited you, I wouldn’t find your actions so outrageous; nothing unites people more than a shared sense of right and wrong. But the men who called for your help deserve countless deaths; they are the worst scum of the country, having squandered their own resources on vice, and have madly looted surrounding villages and towns before flocking here to this holy city. They are robbers who have defiled this sacred ground and are now drinking within the sanctuary, indulging in the spoils of those they’ve killed. As for the crowd with you, they appear well-equipped, as one would expect if our city had called for help against foreigners. What can anyone say about your actions but that it’s a cruel twist of fate that a whole nation would come to defend a den of depravity? For a while, I’ve wondered what could possibly prompt you to act so hastily; surely, you wouldn’t don armor to support robbers against your kin without a major reason. And we’ve heard that some of your men claim we’re plotting to betray this city to the Romans because they’ve said they’re here to free our metropolis. It’s unbelievable that these scoundrels would create such a lie against us; they knew this was the only way to turn those yearning for freedom against us, framing us as traitors of liberty. You should question the character of those making these accusations and the kind of people they target. Gather the truth not from their misleading words but from the actions of both sides. Why would we sell ourselves to the Romans when we previously resisted their rule and could have chosen to stay under their control? Now, reconciliating with the Romans is nearly impossible since they’ve subdued Galilee and grown arrogant, and trying to appease them would bring us a dishonor worse than death. Personally, I would have preferred peace with them over death, but now that we are at war with them, I choose death with honor over living under their oppression. Moreover, are they claiming that we, the leaders, secretly contacted the Romans, or did the people agree to this? If it was just us, let them name those who supposedly were sent to enact this betrayal. Has anyone been caught going to or returning from this mission? Do they hold any letters from us? How could we keep such an act hidden from so many fellow citizens we see daily while the zealots, who are few in number and confined, seem to know all that happens? Is this the first time they’ve realized they should be punished for their insolence? When they were free from fear, no one suspected us of treachery. If they're blaming the people, it must have been a public decision with no one dissenting; if so, the news would have reached you faster than any specific evidence. But how could that be? Were there not ambassadors sent to finalize this betrayal? And who was this ambassador? This claim is just a pretext from those scared to die, trying to escape deserved punishments; for if fate dictated this city would fall to enemies, only the accusers could have the nerve to act on it, as they lack any wickedness to fulfill their brazen schemes except for treachery. Now that you Idumeans are here armed, your first duty is to aid your city and join us in taking down those tyrants who have disregarded our laws and made their swords the judges of justice; they have seized and tortured honorable men in the marketplace without hearing their pleas or allowing them a voice. You may come into the city, if you choose, to see the evidence still left from what I've said, to witness the homes devastated by their greed and the mourning families grieving their lost loved ones; you will hear the cries of grief throughout the city, for everyone has suffered at the hands of these profane men. They’ve gone to such lengths of madness that they’ve not only moved their crimes from the countryside to this central city but have also invaded the temple; it has become their hideout and the source of their plans against us. This place, revered worldwide and honored by those who know it only by reputation, is being trampled by these beasts among us. They now revel in the chaos they’ve created as they witness one group of people rising against another, one city against another, and your nation gathering an army against its own kin. Instead, it would be far more fitting and just, as I mentioned earlier, for you to unite with us to eliminate these wretches and seek revenge for their deceit against you; they have the audacity to invite your aid, though they should fear you as their rightful punisher. But if you still feel compelled to heed their call, then set down your weapons and enter the city as our kin, taking a neutral stance between allies and foes, and judge fairly in this matter. However, consider what these men stand to gain when called to answer before you for their undeniable and obvious crimes, as they wouldn’t allow anyone without accusations to speak on their behalf. Still, let them have this chance with your presence. But if you won’t support us in our rightful anger or arbitrate between us, my third proposal is to leave us both alone; don’t mock our misfortunes or side with these conspirators against their city; even if you suspect some of us have spoken with the Romans, you can monitor the city entrances. If anything we’ve been accused of comes to light, you can come to defend your city and punish those found guilty; the enemy can’t stop you since you’re so close. But if none of these suggestions appeal to you, then don’t be surprised that the gates are barred against you while you carry your arms."
4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity, to throw them away at any man's injunction whomsoever. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado quieted the tumult of his own men, and stood so that the high priests might hear him, and said as follows: "I can no longer wonder that the patrons of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are those that shut the gates of our common city 8 to their own nation, and at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans into it; nay, perhaps are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at their coming, while they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and enjoin them to throw down their arms which they have taken up for the preservation of its liberty. And while they will not intrust the guard of our metropolis to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the differences that are among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others without a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation after an ignominious manner, and have now walled up that city from their own nation, which used to be open to even all foreigners that came to worship there. We have indeed come in great haste to you, and to a war against our own countrymen; and the reason why we have made such haste is this, that we may preserve that freedom which you are so unhappy as to betray. You have probably been guilty of the like crimes against those whom you keep in custody, and have, I suppose, collected together the like plausible pretenses against them also that you make use of against us; after which you have gotten the mastery of those within the temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only taking care of the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the city in general against nations that are the most nearly related to you; and while you give such injurious commands to others, you complain that you have been tyrannized over by them, and fix the name of unjust governors upon such as are tyrannized over by yourselves. Who can bear this your abuse of words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions, unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of your metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own country? One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of their being your companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason. But if these men have been more merciful than the public necessity required, we that are Idumeans will preserve this house of God, and will fight for our common country, and will oppose by war as well those that attack them from abroad, as those that betray them from within. Here will we abide before the walls in our armor, until either the Romans grow weary in waiting for you, or you become friends to liberty, and repent of what you have done against it."
4. Jesus spoke, but the crowd of Idumeans didn’t pay any attention to him; instead, they were furious because they didn’t get a warm welcome into the city. The generals were also upset about the suggestion to lay down their arms, seeing it as a form of surrender, a way to throw them away at anyone’s command. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their leaders, managed to calm his men down after a lot of effort. He positioned himself so the high priests could hear him and said: "I can no longer be surprised that the defenders of freedom are being held in the temple, since there are those who shut the gates of our common city 8 to their own people, while at the same time preparing to let the Romans in; perhaps they’re even ready to decorate the gates for their arrival, while telling the Idumeans from their towers to disarm themselves for the sake of the city’s freedom. They won’t trust the defense of our city to their own kin, yet claim the right to judge the disputes among us; they accuse some of murder without a fair trial, while they themselves condemn an entire nation in a shameful way and have now locked out their own people from a city that used to welcome even all foreign worshippers. We have indeed come to you in haste to go to war against our fellow countrymen; the reason for our urgency is to protect the freedom that you are unfortunately betraying. You may have committed similar wrongs against those you have imprisoned and likely gathered similar convincing excuses against them that you use against us. After that, you gained power over those inside the temple and keep them detained, while they are merely taking care of public affairs. You have also closed the city's gates against nations closely related to you and, while you give such hurtful orders to others, you complain about being oppressed by them and label as unjust those who you yourself are oppressing. Who can tolerate this abuse of language while considering the contradiction of your actions, unless you mean that those Idumeans now exclude you from your own city, whom you are excluding from the sacred roles of your own land? It’s reasonable to complain about those trapped in the temple, as when they had enough courage to punish the tyrants you call your "eminent men," free of accusations due to being your partners in wrongdoing, they didn’t start with you, thus missing the chance to eliminate the most dangerous aspects of this betrayal. But if they have been more merciful than necessity required, we, the Idumeans, will protect this house of God, fight for our homeland, and resist in battle both those who attack from outside and those who betray from within. Here we will stand before the walls in our armor until either the Romans tire from waiting for you or you become friends of freedom and regret what you’ve done against it."
5. And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said; but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against all moderate counsels, and that the city was besieged on both sides. Nor indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the city; and when they thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing of theirs to support them, they were in doubt about the matter, and many of them repented that they had come thither. But the shame that would attend them in case they returned without doing any thing at all, so far overcame that their repentance, that they lay all night before the wall, though in a very bad encampment; for there broke out a prodigious storm in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with the largest showers of rain, with continued lightnings, terrible thunderings, and amazing concussions and bellowings of the earth, that was in an earthquake. These things were a manifest indication that some destruction was coming upon men, when the system of the world was put into this disorder; and any one would guess that these wonders foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming.
5. The Idumeans cheered for what Simon had said; however, Jesus walked away feeling sad, realizing that the Idumeans were completely against any reasonable advice, and that the city was under siege from both sides. The Idumeans were also restless; they were furious at being excluded from the city. When they thought the zealots would be strong but saw no support from them, they started to doubt their decision, and many regretted coming there. Yet, the shame of returning without accomplishing anything was so overwhelming that they stayed out all night in front of the wall, despite being in a terrible camp. A huge storm broke out that night, with extreme force, strong winds, heavy rain, continuous lightning, terrifying thunder, and the earth shaking as if in an earthquake. These events clearly indicated that some destruction was on the way, as the world seemed to be thrown into chaos, leading anyone to speculate that these signs predicted some significant disasters ahead.
6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their metropolis. Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without fighting, and that God acted as a general for them; but truly they proved both ill conjectures at what was to come, and made those events to be ominous to their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo the ill effects of them; for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the rain. But the zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these men were in than they were for themselves, and got together, and looked about them to see whether they could devise any means of assisting them. The hotter sort of them thought it best to force their guards with their arms, and after that to fall into the midst of the city, and publicly open the gates to those that came to their assistance; as supposing the guards would be in disorder, and give way at such an unexpected attempt of theirs, especially as the greater part of them were unarmed and unskilled in the affairs of war; and that besides the multitude of the citizens would not be easily gathered together, but confined to their houses by the storm: and that if there were any hazard in their undertaking, it became them to suffer any thing whatsoever themselves, rather than to overlook so great a multitude as were miserably perishing on their account. But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this forcible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very numerous, but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason of the Idumeans. They also supposed that Ananus would be every where, and visit the guards every hour; which indeed was done upon other nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness of Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with him; for truly, as the night was far gone, and the storm very terrible, Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to sleep; while it came into the heads of the zealots to make use of the saws belonging to the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to pieces. The noise of the wind, and that not inferior sound of the thunder, did here also conspire with their designs, that the noise of the saws was not heard by the others.
6. Now the views of the Idumeans and the citizens were the same. The Idumeans believed that God was angry with them for taking up arms and that they would face punishment for waging war against their city. Ananus and his group thought they had won without a fight, believing that God acted as their general; however, they were both wrong about what was to come, and they made those events seem threatening to their enemies, while they themselves would suffer the consequences. The Idumeans banded together, keeping each other warm, and by overlapping their shields over their heads, they were less affected by the rain. The zealots were more worried about the Idumeans' danger than their own, so they gathered together to see if they could come up with a way to help them. The more aggressive among them suggested they should force their guards with their weapons, then rush into the city and open the gates for those coming to help, thinking the guards would be disorganized and give way to such an unexpected move, especially since most of them were unarmed and inexperienced in warfare; plus, they figured the citizens wouldn't easily gather due to the storm, and if there was any risk in their plan, they should face anything themselves rather than let so many people suffer because of them. However, the more cautious members disagreed with this aggressive approach, seeing that the guards around them were numerous and the city walls were heavily guarded due to the Idumeans. They also thought Ananus would be monitoring the guards frequently, which he had done on other nights but did not that night—not out of laziness on his part, but because of a cruel twist of fate that led both him and the guards to their demise. As the night wore on and the storm raged on, Ananus allowed the guards in the cloisters to go to sleep, while the zealots decided to use the saws from the temple to cut through the bars of the gates. The noise of the wind and the loud thunder worked in their favor, drowning out the sound of the saws so that the guards couldn't hear them.
7. So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city, and made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against the Idumeans. Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves, which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his sword, in order to defend himself; but they soon came to know who they were that came to them, and were entered the city. And had the Idumeans then fallen upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from destroying the people every man of them, such was the rage they were in at that time; but as they first of all made haste to get the zealots out of custody, which those that brought them in earnestly desired them to do, and not to overlook those for whose sakes they were come, in the midst of their distresses, nor to bring them into a still greater danger; for that when they had once seized upon the guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon the city; but that if the city were once alarmed, they would not then be able to overcome those guards, because as soon as they should perceive they were there, they would put themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder their coming into the temple.
7. So they secretly left the temple and went to the city wall, using their saws to open the gate that faced the Idumeans. At first, the Idumeans were filled with fear, thinking that Ananus and his group were coming to attack them, so each one of them had their right hand on their sword to defend themselves. But soon they recognized who was approaching them and who had entered the city. If the Idumeans had then launched an attack on the city, nothing could have stopped them from destroying everyone, such was the anger they felt at that time. However, they hurried to free the zealots from custody, as those who had brought them in urgently wanted that to happen, and they didn't want to ignore those they had come for in the midst of their troubles, nor to put them in even greater danger. They realized that once they had taken control of the guards, it would be easy to strike against the city; but if the city was alerted first, they wouldn't be able to overcome the guards because as soon as the guards noticed their presence, they would organize themselves for a fight and prevent them from entering the temple.
CHAPTER V.
The Cruelty Of The Idumeans When They Were Gotten Into The
Temple During The Storm; And Of The Zealots. Concerning The
Slaughter Of Ananus, And Jesus, And Zacharias; And How The
Idumeans Retired Home.
The Cruelty Of The Idumeans When They Entered The
Temple During The Storm; And Of The Zealots. Regarding The
Killing Of Ananus, Jesus, And Zacharias; And How The
Idumeans Went Back Home.1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the city to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of their coming, and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were entering, they also came boldly out of the inner temple, and mixing themselves among the Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of those that were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as they were asleep; but as those that were now awakened made a cry, the whole multitude arose, and in the amazement they were in caught hold of their arms immediately, and betook themselves to their own defense; and so long as they thought they were only the zealots who attacked them, they went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their numbers; but when they saw others pressing in upon them also, they perceived the Idumeans were got in; and the greatest part of them laid aside their arms, together with their courage, and betook themselves to lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves with their armor, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while protected the multitude of old men. Others, indeed, gave a signal to those that were in the city of the calamities they were in; but when these were also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of them durst come to their assistance, only they returned the terrible echo of wailing, and lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the women was excited also, and every one of the guards were in danger of being killed. The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idumeans spare any body; for as they are naturally a most barbarous and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them, and acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives, and to those that fought them, insomuch that they ran through those with their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between them, and begged of them to have regard to their common temple. Now there was at present neither any place for flight, nor any hope of preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus the greater part were driven together by force, as there was now no place of retirement, and the murderers were upon them; and, having no other way, threw themselves down headlong into the city; whereby, in my opinion, they underwent a more miserable destruction than that which they avoided, because that was a voluntary one. And now the outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as it came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there.
1. This advice made the Idumeans happy, and they climbed through the city to the temple. The zealots were also eagerly waiting for them. So, when the Idumeans entered, the zealots boldly came out of the inner temple and mixed in with the Idumeans, launching an attack on the guards. Some of the guards who had fallen asleep were killed while they were still asleep; but when the awakened guards shouted for help, the whole crowd got up and, in their shock, quickly grabbed their weapons and prepared to defend themselves. As long as they thought it was just the zealots attacking them, they fought back courageously, hoping to overpower them with their numbers. But when they saw others pushing in as well, they realized the Idumeans had arrived, and most of them dropped their weapons and their courage, turning to lament. A few younger ones put on their armor, bravely confronted the Idumeans, and for a time protected the older men in the crowd. Others signaled to those inside the city about their dire situation; however, when these people understood that the Idumeans had entered, none dared to help them. Instead, they echoed the terrible wailing and mourned their misfortunes. The cries of the women added to the chaos, and every guard faced the risk of being killed. The zealots also joined in the shouts of the Idumeans, and the storm made the chaos sound even more horrific; the Idumeans showed no mercy, as they were a cruel and violent people. Distressed by the storm, they turned their weapons against those who had closed the gates against them, and they treated those begging for their lives the same way as those who fought against them, running their swords through anyone who reminded them of their connections and pleaded for them to consider their shared temple. There was no way to escape or hope of survival; they were all pushed together in heaps, leading to their slaughter. The majority were forced together, as there was nowhere to retreat, and the killers were upon them. With no other option, they threw themselves down into the city, which, in my view, led to an even more dreadful fate than the one they were trying to avoid, since that would have been a choice. By now, the outer temple was completely covered in blood, and by the end of the day, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there.
2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters; but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house, and slew every one they met; and for the other multitude, they esteemed it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them; and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall. Nay, they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. I should not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the midst of their city. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; to say all in a word, if Ananus had survived, they had certainly compounded matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people, and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. Jesus was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the comparison, he was superior to the rest; and I cannot but think that it was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city, and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their great defenders and well-wishers, while those that a little before had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship; and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine that virtue itself groaned at these men's case, and lamented that she was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the end of Ananus and Jesus.
2. But the Idumeans’ anger wasn’t satisfied by these killings; they then turned to the city, looting every house and killing everyone they encountered. As for the rest of the people, they felt it was unnecessary to continue killing them, so they focused on the high priests, going after them with great zeal. As soon as they caught them, they killed them, and then standing on their dead bodies, they mocked Ananus for his kindness towards the people, and Jesus for his speech to them from the wall. They even went so far as to disgrace themselves by leaving the dead bodies unburied, despite the fact that the Jews took great care to bury their dead, often taking down those who had been condemned and crucified to bury them before sunset. I wouldn’t be wrong in saying that Ananus’ death marked the beginning of the city’s destruction, and that this very day can be seen as the start of the downfall of its walls and the ruin of its affairs, especially since they witnessed their high priest and protector being killed in the heart of their city. He was also a respected and just man for various reasons; in addition to his noble status and dignity, he cared deeply about equality, even for the lowest members of society. He was a strong advocate for liberty and admired democratic governance, always prioritizing the public’s well-being over his own interests, and valuing peace above everything else, knowing full well that the Romans were not to be defeated. He foresaw that a war was inevitable and that unless the Jews handled things skillfully, they would face destruction. In short, if Ananus had survived, they would have certainly reached an agreement; he was skilled at speaking and persuading the people, having already won over those opposed to his plans or advocating for war. The Jews had also stalled the Romans plenty of times if they had had a general like him. Jesus was also with him; although he was not as qualified as Ananus, he was still above the rest. I can’t help but think that it was because God had destined the city for destruction, viewing it as polluted, and was determined to cleanse His sanctuary by fire, that He removed these great defenders and supporters, while those who had recently worn the sacred garments and presided over public worship, respected by people from all over, were cast out naked, becoming prey for dogs and wild beasts. I can’t help but imagine that virtue itself mourned for their situation, lamenting being so brutally overcome by wickedness. And this was ultimately the end of Ananus and Jesus.
3. Now after these were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the Idumeans fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and cut their throats; and for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in what place soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth, they first caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to their party; but not one of them would comply with their desires, but all of them preferred death before being enrolled among such wicked wretches as acted against their own country. But this refusal of theirs brought upon them terrible torments; for they were so scourged and tortured, that their bodies were not able to sustain their torments, till at length, and with difficulty, they had the favor to be slain. Those whom they caught in the day time were slain in the night, and then their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room for other prisoners; and the terror that was upon the people was so great, that no one had courage enough either to weep openly for the dead man that was related to him, or to bury him; but those that were shut up in their own houses could only shed tears in secret, and durst not even groan without great caution, lest any of their enemies should hear them; for if they did, those that mourned for others soon underwent the same death with those whom they mourned for. Only in the night time they would take up a little dust, and throw it upon their bodies; and even some that were the most ready to expose themselves to danger would do it in the day time: and there were twelve thousand of the better sort who perished in this manner.
3. After these were killed, the zealots and the crowd of Idumeans attacked the people like a herd of unholy animals, slaughtering them. The common folks were killed wherever they were caught. However, for the noblemen and the young, they first captured them, bound them, and imprisoned them, delaying their execution in hopes that some would join their side. But none of them agreed; they all chose death over being associated with such wicked people who acted against their own country. This refusal led to terrible torments for them; they were whipped and tortured to the point where their bodies couldn’t bear the pain, and finally, with great difficulty, they were granted the mercy of being killed. Those caught during the day were executed at night, and their bodies were discarded to make room for other prisoners. The fear among the people was so intense that no one had the courage to openly mourn a deceased relative or to bury them; those confined to their homes could only cry quietly and were too afraid to even groan, lest their enemies hear them. If they did, those mourning for others often faced the same fate as the ones they mourned. At night, they would take a little dust and sprinkle it on the bodies, and even some of the bravest would do this during the day. In total, twelve thousand of the upper class perished in this way.
4. And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing men, so they had the impudence of setting up fictitious tribunals and judicatures for that purpose; and as they intended to have Zacharias 9 the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain, so what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but also to get rid of a mall that had great power to destroy them. So they called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design to betray their polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to Vespasian for that purpose. Now there appeared no proof or sign of what he was accused; but they affirmed themselves that they were well persuaded that so it was, and desired that such their affirmation might be taken for sufficient evidence. Now when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no way remaining for his escape from them, as having been treacherously called before them, and then put in prison, but not with any intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty of speech in that despair of his life he was under. Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their pretended accusation, and in a few words confuted the crimes laid to his charge; after which he turned his speech to his accusers, and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the law, and made heavy lamentation upon the confusion they had brought public affairs to: in the mean time, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be mindful of what was just at their own peril. Now the seventy judges brought in their verdict that the person accused was not guilty, as choosing rather to die themselves with him, than to have his death laid at their doors; hereupon there arose a great clamor of the zealots upon his acquittal, and they all had indignation at the judges for not understanding that the authority that was given them was but in jest. So two of the boldest of them fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and slew him; and as he fell down dead, they bantered him, and said, "Thou hast also our verdict, and this will prove a more sure acquittal to thee than the other." They also threw him down from the temple immediately into the valley beneath it. Moreover, they struck the judges with the backs of their swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them out of the court of the temple, and spared their lives with no other design than that, when they were dispersed among the people in the city, they might become their messengers, to let them know they were no better than slaves.
4. Now these zealots and Idumeans were pretty tired of just killing people, so they had the audacity to set up fake courts and judges for that purpose. They were planning to kill Zacharias, the son of Baruch, one of the most respected citizens, driven by his strong opposition to evil and his passion for freedom. He was also wealthy, so by getting rid of him, they hoped not only to seize his assets but also to eliminate a man who had the power to destroy them. They publicly called together seventy of the leading citizens to pretend to be real judges, even though they had no real authority. Zacharias was accused of plotting to betray their government to the Romans and of having treacherously contacted Vespasian for that purpose. There was no evidence or indication of what he was accused of, but they insisted they were convinced it was true and wanted their belief to be accepted as sufficient proof. When Zacharias realized there was no way to escape them after being deceitfully summoned and imprisoned without a legal trial, he spoke freely out of desperation. He stood up, laughed at their fake accusation, and quickly refuted the charges against him. Then he turned to his accusers, listed all their legal violations, and lamented the chaos they had brought to public affairs. Meanwhile, the zealots became agitated and barely restrained themselves from drawing their swords, even though they wanted to maintain the appearance of a trial. They also wanted to see if the judges would stand up for what was right at their own risk. The seventy judges concluded that the accused was not guilty, preferring to die with him than have his death blamed on them. This caused a huge uproar among the zealots, who expressed anger towards the judges for not realizing they were only supposed to play a part. Two of the boldest among them attacked Zacharias in the middle of the temple and killed him, mocking him as he fell dead, saying, "You have our verdict too, and this will be a more certain acquittal for you than the other." They then threw his body down from the temple into the valley below. Additionally, they hit the judges with the backs of their swords as an insult and shoved them out of the temple courtyard, leaving their lives spared only so they could return to the city and tell everyone that they were no better than slaves.
5. But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were displeased at what had been done; and when they were assembled together by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared to them what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in conjunction with those that invited them, and gave a particular account of what mischiefs had been done against their metropolis. He said that they had taken arms, as though the high priests were betraying their metropolis to the Romans, but had found no indication of any such treachery; but that they had succored those that had pretended to believe such a thing, while they did themselves the works of war and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It had been indeed their business to have hindered them from such their proceedings at the first, but seeing they had once been partners with them in shedding the blood of their own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes, and not continue to afford any more assistance to such as are subverting the laws of their forefathers; for that if any had taken it ill that the gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to come into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been punished, and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been destroyed in one night's time. That one may perceive many of themselves now repenting for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as had saved them; that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest things, under the eyes of those that had supported them, and that their wicked actions would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would be so laid to their charge till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or separates himself from the same wicked action; that they therefore ought to retire home, since the imputation of treason appears to be a Calumny, and that there was no expectation of the coming of the Romans at this time, and that the government of the city was secured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown down; and, by avoiding any further fellowship with these bad men, to make some excuse for themselves, as to what they had been so far deluded, as to have been partners with them hitherto.
5. By this time, the Idumeans regretted their decision to come and were unhappy with what had happened. When they gathered together, one of the zealots, who had approached them privately, explained how many terrible acts they had committed alongside those who invited them and detailed the damage done to their city. He said they had taken up arms, believing the high priests were betraying their city to the Romans, yet found no evidence of such betrayal. Instead, they had supported those who accused the leaders of treachery while engaging in acts of war and oppression themselves. They should have stopped this behavior from the beginning, but now that they were accomplices in the bloodshed of their countrymen, it was crucial to put an end to these crimes and not help those undermining the laws of their ancestors. If anyone was upset that the gates had been shut against them and they weren't allowed into the city, they should know that those who excluded them had been punished; Ananus was dead, and almost all those people had been killed in one night. Many of them were now regretting their actions and could see the brutal cruelty of those who had invited them, showing no concern for those who had defended them. They were audacious enough to commit the worst acts right in front of those who had supported them, and their evil deeds would be blamed on the Idumeans until someone interfered or distanced themselves from such wrongdoing. They should go home since the accusation of treason seemed unjust, and there was no expectation of the Romans arriving anytime soon; the city was protected by walls that couldn't be easily destroyed. By avoiding any further association with these bad men, they could find a way to excuse themselves for having previously been misled into joining them.
CHAPTER 6.
How The Zealots When They Were Freed From The Idumeans, Slew
A Great Many More Of The Citizens; And How Vespasian
Dissuaded The Romans When They Were Very Earnest To March
Against The Jews From Proceeding In The War At That Time.
How the Zealots, when they were freed from the Idumeans, killed a lot more of the citizens; and how Vespasian convinced the Romans, when they were very eager to march against the Jews, to hold off on the war at that time.
1. The Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and, in the first place, they set those that were in the prisons at liberty, being about two thousand of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to Simon, one whom we shall speak of presently. After which these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem, and went home; which departure of theirs was a great surprise to both parties; for the people, not knowing of their repentance, pulled up their courage for a while, as eased of so many of their enemies, while the zealots grew more insolent not as deserted by their confederates, but as freed from such men as might hinder their designs, and plot some stop to their wickedness. Accordingly, they made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than any one could imagine. But their thirst was chiefly after the blood of valiant men, and men of good families; the one sort of which they destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their whole security lay in leaving no potent men alive; on which account they slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family also; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom of spirit as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his free speaking. Nor did Niger of Peres escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of the city, and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without permitting him to be buried]. Now when they were slaying him, he made this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the mutual slaughter of one another; all which imprecations God confirmed against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them, when not long afterward they tasted of their own madness in their mutual seditions one against another. So when this Niger was killed, their fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed there was no part of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy them; for some were therefore slain, because they had had differences with some of them; and as to those that had not opposed them in times of peace, they watched seasonable opportunities to gain some accusation against them; and if any one did not come near them at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud man; if any one came with boldness, he was esteemed a contemner of them; and if any one came as aiming to oblige them, he was supposed to have some treacherous plot against them; while the only punishment of crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest sort, was death. Nor could any one escape, unless he were very inconsiderable, either on account of the meanness of his birth, or on account of his fortune.
1. The Idumeans went along with these suggestions; first, they released those who were in prison, about two thousand people, who then immediately fled to Simon, someone we will discuss shortly. After that, the Idumeans left Jerusalem and returned home, which shocked both sides; the people, unaware of their change of heart, felt relieved for a while, thinking they were rid of many enemies, while the zealots grew even more arrogant, not seeing themselves abandoned by their allies, but believing they were free from people who might obstruct their plans and halt their wicked acts. Consequently, they wasted no time and acted swiftly on their terrible intentions, implementing their decisions faster than anyone could anticipate. Their main target was the blood of brave men and those from good families; they killed the former out of jealousy and the latter out of fear, as they believed their safety depended on leaving no powerful individuals alive. As a result, they killed Gorion, a man of high status and a prominent family; he also supported democracy and had as much courage and spirit as any Jew. His downfall, along with his other strengths, was his outspoken nature. Niger of Peres also fell victim to them; he had been a brave warrior against the Romans, but now he was dragged through the middle of the city, lamenting loudly and displaying his battle scars. When he was taken out of the gates and realized he could not save himself, he begged to be given a proper burial. However, they had already warned him not to expect any piece of ground for a grave, which was what he most desired, so they killed him without allowing him to be buried. As they were killing him, he cursed them, hoping they would suffer from both famine and disease during this conflict, and that they would eventually slaughter each other; all of which God upheld against these wicked men, as they soon experienced the consequences of their insanity in their internal conflicts with one another. After Niger was killed, their fears of being overthrown lessened; indeed, everyone found a reason to eliminate enemies among them; some were killed simply due to past disagreements, while others who hadn't opposed them during peacetime were targeted should any opportunity arise to accuse them. If someone didn't approach them at all, they were seen as arrogant; if someone approached boldly, they were considered disrespectful; and if anyone came wanting to please them, they were suspected of plotting against them. The only punishment for any crime, whether major or minor, was death. No one could escape this fate unless they were insignificant, either due to lowly birth or poor circumstances.
2. And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that "the providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance against one another; that still the change in such cases may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be tired out with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings." But Vespasian replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought fit to be done, as those that, upon the theater, love to make a show of their hands, and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard, without considering, what was for their advantage, and for their security; for that if they now go and attack the city immediately, "they shall but occasion their enemies to unite together, and shall convert their force, now it is in its height, against themselves. But if they stay a while, they shall have fewer enemies, because they will be consumed in this sedition: that God acts as a general of the Romans better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any danger; that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies are destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the greatest of misfortunes, which is that of sedition, to sit still as spectators of the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to hand with men that love murdering, and are mad one against another. But if any one imagines that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without fighting, will be more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious success, quietly obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of a battle; for we ought to esteem these that do what is agreeable to temperance and prudence no less glorious than those that have gained great reputation by their actions in war: that he shall lead on his army with greater force when their enemies are diminished, and his own army refreshed after the continual labors they had undergone. However, that this is not a proper time to propose to ourselves the glory of victory; for that the Jews are not now employed in making of armor or building of walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while the advantage will be on their side who give them such opportunity of delay; but that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil wars and dissensions, and are under greater miseries than, if they were once taken, could be inflicted on them by us. Whether therefore any one hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to destroy one another; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of the action, we ought by no means to meddle with those men, now they are afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their sedition." 10
2. Now all the other Roman commanders saw the conflict among their enemies as a huge advantage and were eager to march on the city. They urged Vespasian, their leader and general, to hurry, claiming that "God is on our side, causing our enemies to fight among themselves; however, changes can happen quickly, and the Jews might soon come together again, either because they’re worn out from their civil strife or because they regret their actions." But Vespasian responded that they were mistaken in what they thought should be done, acting like people on a stage who love to show off their weapons but do so at their own risk, without considering what would actually benefit and protect them. He pointed out that if they attack the city right away, "they will only cause their enemies to unite, directing their current strength back at us. However, if they wait a bit, they will face fewer opponents because they will be worn down by this internal conflict. God is assisting the Romans better than we could ourselves, delivering the Jews into our hands effortlessly, granting our army victory without danger. Therefore, it’s best for us to remain as onlookers while our enemies are destroying each other due to their own civil strife, rather than engaging in a deadly battle with people who are already inclined to murder and are at odds with one another. If anyone believes that the glory of victory achieved without fighting would feel less satisfying, they should understand that a glorious win gained without conflict is more valuable than the risks of battle; we should value those who act with restraint and wisdom just as highly as those who earn fame through warfare. Our army will be stronger when our enemies are weakened and our own soldiers are refreshed after their constant fatigue. Nonetheless, this is not the right time to seek glory in victory; the Jews are not currently focused on making armor, building walls, or gathering allies. The advantage lies with those who allow them this opportunity to delay, as the Jews are being torn apart daily by their civil wars and infighting, suffering more than what we could inflict on them if they were captured. Therefore, regardless of whether someone prioritizes our safety or the glory of the action, we should let the Jews destroy one another, and we should certainly not involve ourselves with them while they are suffering from internal chaos; if we were to conquer them now, it would be said that our victory was due to their own discord rather than our courage." 10
3. And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opinion he had given. And indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled away from the zealots, although their flight was very difficult, since they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the Romans; yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the rich purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were slain. Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting at length chose rather to perish within the city; for the hopes of burial made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them. But these zealots came at last to that degree of barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on those slain in the city, or on those that lay along the roads; but as if they had made an agreement to cancel both the laws of their country and the laws of nature, and, at the same time that they defiled men with their wicked actions, they would pollute the Divinity itself also, they left the dead bodies to putrefy under the sun; and the same punishment was allotted to such as buried any as to those that deserted, which was no other than death; while he that granted the favor of a grave to another would presently stand in need of a grave himself. To say all in a word, no other gentle passion was so entirely lost among them as mercy; for what were the greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their rage from the living to those that had been slain, and from the dead to the living. Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who survived called them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already; as did those that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon this comparison, those that lay unburied were the happiest. These men, therefore, trampled upon all the laws of men, and laughed at the laws of God; and for the oracles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as the tricks of jugglers; yet did these prophets foretell many things concerning [the rewards of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which when these zealots violated, they occasioned the fulfilling of those very prophecies belonging to their own country; for there was a certain ancient oracle of those men, that the city should then be taken and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade the Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of God. Now while these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions, they made themselves the instruments of their accomplishment.
3. The commanders quickly agreed with what Vespasian had said, and they soon realized how wise his opinion was. In fact, many Jews were escaping every day from the zealots, even though it was very hard since the zealots guarded every exit from the city and killed anyone they caught trying to leave, believing they were defecting to the Romans. However, those who paid money managed to escape, while those who couldn’t pay were labeled as traitors. The outcome was that the wealthy bought their way out, while only the poor were killed. Along all the roads, countless dead bodies piled up, and many who were eager to desert eventually chose to die in the city instead; the thought of being buried there made death at home seem less terrifying. But the zealots became so cruel that they didn’t provide burial for either those killed in the city or those along the roads; as if they had agreed to reject both their country’s laws and the laws of nature, they not only committed wicked acts but also desecrated the divine by leaving the dead to rot under the sun. The same punishment awaited anyone who buried the dead as those who defected—death; the person who gave someone a grave would soon need one themselves. In short, mercy was completely lost among them; the most pitiable situations only fueled the rage of these wretches, who shifted their anger from the living to the dead and back again. The fear was so immense that those who survived considered the dead fortunate to be at rest, while those suffering in prison claimed that, compared to the unburied, the dead were the happiest. These men thus disregarded all human laws and mocked divine laws; they ridiculed the prophets’ oracles as mere tricks. Yet, these prophets had foretold many things about the rewards for virtue and the punishments for vice, and when the zealots broke these laws, they brought about the fulfillment of those very prophecies regarding their own homeland. There was an ancient oracle stating that the city would be taken and the temple burned in rightful warfare when a rebellion seized the Jews and their own hands defiled the temple of God. While the zealots didn’t entirely disbelieve these predictions, they became the agents of their realization.
CHAPTER 7.
How John Tyrannized Over The Rest; And What Mischiefs The
Zealots Did At Masada. How Also Vespasian Took Gadara; And
What Actions Were Performed By Placidus.
How John Controlled Everyone Else; And What Trouble The
Zealots Caused At Masada. How Vespasian Also Captured Gadara; And
What Actions Were Taken By Placidus.1. By this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to accept of barely the same honors that others had; and joining to himself by degrees a party of the wickedest of them all, he broke off from the rest of the faction. This was brought about by his still disagreeing with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions of his own, in a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was setting up a monarchical power. Now some submitted to him out of their fear of him, and others out of their good-will to him; for he was a shrewd man to entice men to him, both by deluding them and putting cheats upon them. Nay, many there were that thought they should be safer themselves, if the causes of their past insolent actions should now be reduced to one head, and not to a great many. His activity was so great, and that both in action and in counsel, that he had not a few guards about him; yet was there a great party of his antagonists that left him; among whom envy at him weighed a great deal, while they thought it a very heavy thing to be in subjection to one that was formerly their equal. But the main reason that moved men against him was the dread of monarchy, for they could not hope easily to put an end to his power, if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would have this pretense always against them, that they had opposed him when he was first advanced; while every one chose rather to suffer any thing whatsoever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery for some time, they should afterward perish. So the sedition was divided into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over one of them: but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor did they at all, or at least very little, meddle with arms in their quarrels; but they fought earnestly against the people, and contended one with another which of them should bring home the greatest prey. But because the city had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes, war, and tyranny, and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison, that the war was the least troublesome to the populace of them all. Accordingly, they ran away from their own houses to foreigners, and obtained that preservation from the Romans which they despaired to obtain among their own people.
1. By this time, John was starting to dominate and believed it was beneath him to accept the same honors as everyone else. Gradually, he gathered a group of the most wicked individuals and separated himself from the rest of the faction. This happened because he often disagreed with everyone else's views and started issuing his own commands in a very commanding way, clearly establishing a monarchical rule. Some people followed him out of fear, while others did so willingly, as he was clever at attracting people by tricking them and deceiving them. Many believed they would be safer if their past reckless actions were united under one leader rather than being scattered across many. His energy in both action and planning was so notable that he had several guards around him; still, many of his opponents abandoned him. Among them, jealousy played a significant role, as they found it burdensome to submit to someone who had once been their equal. However, the main reason people turned against him was the fear of monarchy; they realized it would be hard to challenge his power once he had it. They were also aware he would always hold the fact that they had opposed him when he first rose to power against them. Everyone preferred to endure any hardship in war rather than risk dying after being willingly enslaved for a time. Thus, the revolt split into two factions, with John ruling over one of them in opposition to his rivals. Their leaders kept a close watch on one another and rarely engaged in armed conflicts; instead, they fiercely battled for influence over the people, competing to see who could bring home the biggest spoils. Because the city was facing three massive troubles—war, tyranny, and civil strife—it became clear that war was the least troubling compared to the others for the general public. As a result, many fled their homes to seek refuge with foreigners, hoping for safety from the Romans, which they felt they could not find among their own people.
2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to destruction. There was a fortress of very great strength not far from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, both as a repository for their effects in the hazards of war, and for the preservation of their bodies at the same time. It was called Masada. Those that were called Sicarii had taken possession of it formerly, but at this time they overran the neighboring countries, aiming only to procure to themselves necessaries; for the fear they were then in prevented their further ravages. But when once they were informed that the Roman army lay still, and that the Jews were divided between sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater matters; and at the feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were sent back into the country of their forefathers, they came down by night, without being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a certain small city called Engaddi:—in which expedition they prevented those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm themselves, and fight them. They also dispersed them, and cast them out of the city. As for such as could not run away, being women and children, they slew of them above seven hundred. Afterward, when they had carried every thing out of their houses, and had seized upon all the fruits that were in a flourishing condition, they brought them into Masada. And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to them every day, from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves. At that time all the other regions of Judea that had hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body, if the principal part be inflamed, all the members are subject to the same distemper; so, by means of the sedition and disorder that was in the metropolis,. had the wicked men that were in the country opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly, when every one of them had plundered their own villages, they then retired into the desert; yet were these men that now got together, and joined in the conspiracy by parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang of thieves: and thus did they fall upon the holy places 11 and the cities; yet did it now so happen that they were sometimes very ill treated by those upon whom they fell with such violence, and were taken by them as men are taken in war: but still they prevented any further punishment as do robbers, who, as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable condition, as well as its most eminent city also.
2. Then a fourth disaster hit, leading our nation towards destruction. There was a very strong fortress near Jerusalem, built by our ancient kings, serving as both a storage for their valuables during wars and a place to keep their bodies after death. It was called Masada. The Sicarii had once taken control of it, but they were currently raiding nearby areas, primarily to gather supplies; their fear prevented them from going further. However, once they learned that the Roman army had settled down and that the Jews were split between conflict and oppression, they boldly decided to take on bigger challenges. During the Feast of Unleavened Bread, which the Jews celebrate to remember their escape from Egyptian slavery, they came down at night, undetected by those who could have stopped them, and attacked a small city called Engaddi. In this raid, they caught the citizens off guard before they could arm themselves to defend against them. They scattered the inhabitants and forced them out of the city. They killed over seven hundred people who couldn’t escape, mostly women and children. Afterward, they looted everything from the houses and collected all the ripe fruits, bringing them back to Masada. These men devastated all the villages around the fortress, leaving the entire country desolate, while corrupt men from various regions joined them daily. At that time, all the other parts of Judea that had been peaceful were now in turmoil due to the robbers. Just as in a human body, if one part is inflamed, all parts are affected; in the same way, the sedition and chaos in the capital allowed the wicked men in the countryside to run rampant. Once each of them had plundered their own villages, they retreated into the desert; yet, the band that came together in conspiracy was too small to be a proper army but too numerous to be just a gang of thieves. They attacked holy sites 11 and towns, although they sometimes faced tough resistance from those they attacked, treated like prisoners of war; however, they managed to escape any serious repercussions, fleeing as soon as their raids were discovered. At this point, there wasn’t a part of Judea, including its most prominent city, that wasn’t in a bleak state.
3. These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the seditious watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all, whosoever they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had concealed themselves, and when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded their general to come to their city's assistance, and save the remainder of the people; informing him withal, that it was upon account of the people's good-will to the Romans that many of them were already slain, and the survivors in danger of the same treatment. Vespasian did indeed already pity the calamities these men were in, and arose, in appearance, as though he was going to besiege Jerusalem, but in reality to deliver them from a [worse] siege they were already under. However, he was obliged first to overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him that might interrupt him in that siege. Accordingly, he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of Perea, which was a place of strength, and entered that city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of power had sent an embassage to him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about a surrender; which they did out of the desire they had of peace, and for saving their effects, because many of the citizens of Gadara were rich men. This embassy the opposite party knew nothing of, but discovered it as Vespasian was approaching near the city. However, they despaired of keeping possession of the city, as being inferior in number to their enemies who were within the city, and seeing the Romans very near to the city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonorable to do it without shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the authors of this surrender; so they seized upon Dolesus, [a person not only the first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion of sending such an embassy,] and slew him, and treated his dead body after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and then ran out of the city. And as now the Roman army was just upon them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian with joyful acclamations, and received from him the security of his right hand, as also a garrison of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against the excursions of the runagates; for as to their wall, they had pulled it down before the Romans desired them so to do, that they might thereby give them assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had a mind, they could not now make war against them.
3. Vespasian was informed about these matters by defectors. Although the rebels were watching all the exits from the city and killing anyone who tried to escape, some managed to hide themselves and, once they reached the Romans, convinced their leader to come to the city's aid and save the rest of the people. They explained that it was due to the people's goodwill towards the Romans that many had already been killed, and the survivors were at risk of the same fate. Vespasian felt sympathy for the suffering of these individuals and pretended to prepare for a siege of Jerusalem, but his true intention was to rescue them from the worse siege they were already facing. However, he knew he had to first eliminate any remaining threats elsewhere and ensure nothing left in Jerusalem could interfere with that siege. So, he marched against Gadara, the capital of Perea, which was a fortified location, and entered the city on the fourth day of the month Dystrus [Adar]. The local leaders had sent a delegation to him without the rebels’ knowledge, seeking to negotiate a surrender out of a desire for peace and to protect their property, as many citizens of Gadara were wealthy. The opposing faction was unaware of this negotiation until Vespasian was close to the city. They realized they couldn’t hold the city against their enemies within and seeing the Romans approaching, they decided to flee. However, they felt it was dishonorable to do so without spilling some blood and taking revenge on those who sought to surrender. They captured Dolesus, who was not only the highest-ranking individual in the city but also believed to be behind the embassy, and killed him, treating his body brutally out of their rage, then fled the city. As the Roman army was right upon them, the people of Gadara welcomed Vespasian with cheers and accepted his protection in the form of a garrison of cavalry and infantry to defend them against raiders. As for their wall, they had torn it down before the Romans requested it, hoping to demonstrate their commitment to peace and show that they couldn't wage war against them if they wanted to.
4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, while he returned himself to Cesarea, with the rest of the army. But as soon as these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their backs, and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a certain village, which was called Bethennabris, where finding a great multitude of young men, and arming them, partly by their own consent, partly by force, they rashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops that were with him. These horsemen at the first onset gave way a little, as contriving to entice them further off the wall; and when they had drawn them into a place fit for their purpose, they made their horse encompass them round, and threw their darts at them. So the horsemen cut off the flight of the fugitives, while the foot terribly destroyed those that fought against them; for those Jews did no more than show their courage, and then were destroyed; for as they fell upon the Romans when they were joined close together, and, as it were, walled about with their entire armor, they were not able to find any place where the darts could enter, nor were they any way able to break their ranks, while they were themselves run through by the Roman darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts, rushed upon the point of others' swords; so some of them were destroyed, as cut with their enemies' swords upon their faces, and others were dispersed by the horsemen.
4. Now, Vespasian sent Placidus after those who had escaped from Gadara, with five hundred cavalry and three thousand infantry, while he returned to Caesarea with the rest of the army. As soon as these fugitives saw the horsemen closing in on them before a real fight could break out, they rushed to a nearby village called Bethennabris. There, they found a large group of young men, and by both persuasion and force, they armed them and recklessly launched a surprise attack on Placidus and his troops. Initially, the cavalry fell back a little, pretending to lure the attackers away from the wall. Once they had drawn them into a suitable area, they surrounded them with their horses and began throwing projectiles. The cavalry cut off the escape route for the fugitives, while the infantry inflicted heavy damage on those who fought back. The Jews only managed to show some bravery before facing destruction; as they charged towards the tightly packed Romans, who were protected by their full armor, they couldn't find any weak spots to attack. They were unable to break through the Roman ranks and were instead pierced by Roman projectiles, rushing at their enemies like wild animals. Some of them were killed, their faces slashed by enemy swords, while others were scattered by the cavalry.
5. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude them in their flight from getting into the village; and causing his horse to march continually on that side of them, he then turned short upon them, and at the same time his men made use of their darts, and easily took their aim at those that were the nearest to them, as they made those that were further off turn back by the terror they were in, till at last the most courageous of them brake through those horsemen and fled to the wall of the village. And now those that guarded the wall were in great doubt what to do; for they could not bear the thoughts of excluding those that came from Gadara, because of their own people that were among them; and yet, if they should admit them, they expected to perish with them, which came to pass accordingly; for as they were crowding together at the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However, the guards prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault upon them, and fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession of the wall, and of the people that were in the city, when the useless multitude were destroyed; but those that were more potent ran away, and the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire. As for those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that the whole army of the Romans were upon them, they put them into great fear on every side; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to Jericho, for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of escaping, it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his former good success, followed them, and slew all that he overtook, as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the river-side, where they were stopped by the current, [for it had been augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable,] he put his soldiers in array over against them; so the necessity the others were in provoked them to hazard a battle, because there was no place whither they could flee. They then extended themselves a very great way along the banks of the river, and sustained the darts that were thrown at them, as well as the attacks of the horsemen, who beat many of them, and pushed them into the current. At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain, while the number of those that were unwillingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodigious. There were besides two thousand and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting of asses, and sheep, and camels, and oxen.
5. Placidus was focused on preventing them from escaping into the village. He made sure his horse continued to move alongside them, then quickly turned to face them, while his men used their darts to target those closest to them, scaring off those further back. Eventually, the bravest among them broke through the horsemen and fled towards the village wall. The guards at the wall were unsure of what to do; they didn’t want to deny those coming from Gadara access because some of their own were among them. However, they feared that letting them in would lead to their own destruction, and that’s exactly what happened. As the crowd pressed against the wall, the Roman horsemen were prepared to charge in. The guards acted quickly and closed the gates just as Placidus launched his attack. They fought bravely until darkness fell, gaining control of the wall and the city, while the useless crowd was wiped out; those with power managed to escape, and the soldiers looted the houses and set the village ablaze. Those who fled the village rallied others in the surrounding area, exaggerating their misfortunes and claiming that the entire Roman army was on them, causing widespread panic. They gathered in large numbers and fled to Jericho, as it was the only place they believed could offer them safety, being a city with strong walls and many inhabitants. Placidus, confident in his cavalry and previous victories, pursued them, killing everyone he caught up to until they reached the Jordan River. The river had recently swelled from rain and was not crossable. He positioned his soldiers against them, forcing the others to risk battle since there was nowhere else to run. They spread out along the banks of the river, enduring the darts aimed at them as well as the attacks from horsemen, who pushed many into the current. In this direct combat, fifteen thousand were killed, and a staggering number were forced to jump into the Jordan. Additionally, two thousand two hundred were captured. They also secured a massive haul of donkeys, sheep, camels, and oxen.
6. Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inferior to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear greater than it really was; and this, because not only the whole country through which they fled was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed over, by reason of the dead bodies that were in it, but because the lake Asphaltites was also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into it by the river. And now Placidus, after this good success that he had, fell violently upon the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as the lake Asphaltites, and put such of the deserters into each of them as he thought proper. He then put his soldiers on board the ships, and slew such as had fled to the lake, insomuch that all Perea had either surrendered themselves, or were taken by the Romans, as far as Machaerus.
6. The destruction that struck the Jews, while not worse than what others faced, seemed more severe than it actually was. This was partly because the entire area they fled through was filled with slaughter, and the Jordan River was impassable because of the dead bodies in it. Additionally, the Lake Asphaltites was also overcrowded with corpses carried down by the river. After this success, Placidus aggressively attacked the nearby smaller towns and villages, capturing Abila, Julias, Bezemoth, and others that extended to the Lake Asphaltites, placing deserters in each as he saw fit. He then loaded his soldiers onto ships and killed those who had escaped to the lake, such that all of Perea had either surrendered or been captured by the Romans as far as Machaerus.
CHAPTER 8.
How Vespasian Upon Hearing Of Some Commotions In Gall, 12
Made Haste To Finish The Jewish War. A Description Of
Jericho, And Of The Great Plain; With An Account Besides Of
The Lake Asphaltites.
How Vespasian, Upon Hearing About Some Unrest in Gaul, 12 Rushed to Conclude the Jewish War. A Description Of Jericho, And Of The Great Plain; Along With A Summary Of The Dead Sea.
1. In the mean time, an account came that there were commotions in Gall, and that Vindex, together with the men of power in that country, had revolted from Nero; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere. This report, thus related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly with the war; for he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming upon them, nay, that the very government was in danger; and he thought, if he could first reduce the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he should make the fears for Italy the lighter; while therefore the winter was his hinderance [from going into the field], he put garrisons into the villages and smaller cities for their security; he put decurions also into the villages, and centurions into the cities: he besides this rebuilt many of the cities that had been laid waste; but at the beginning of the spring he took the greatest part of his army, and led it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying waste and burning all the neighboring villages. And when he had laid waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him, he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, where he seized upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of Bethletephon. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strong holds all about Idumea; and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of the people, and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; while he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called Neapolis, [or Sichem,] but by the people of that country Mabortha, to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Desius [Sivan]; and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already.
1. In the meantime, news came that there were uprisings in Gall, and that Vindex, along with the influential leaders in that region, had revolted against Nero; this situation is described in more detail elsewhere. This report reached Vespasian and motivated him to actively continue the war; he could already anticipate the civil wars that were approaching, and he realized that the very government was at risk; he believed that if he could first bring peace to the eastern parts of the empire, it would ease the concerns for Italy. Since winter prevented him from taking the field, he stationed garrisons in the villages and smaller towns for their protection; he also appointed decurions in the villages and centurions in the towns. Additionally, he rebuilt many of the cities that had been destroyed; but at the start of spring, he took most of his army and moved it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days organizing the affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, ravaging and burning all the nearby villages. After laying waste to all the areas around the toparchy of Thamnas, he moved on to Lydda and Jamnia; when both cities aligned with him, he settled many of his supporters from other regions there, and then proceeded to Emmaus, where he took control of the route leading to their capital, fortified his camp, and left the fifth legion there as he moved to the toparchy of Bethletephon. He then destroyed that area and the surrounding regions by fire, and strengthened at strategic points the fortifications throughout Idumea; after capturing two villages in the heart of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he killed over ten thousand people, took more than a thousand captive, and drove the remaining masses away, stationing a significant part of his forces there, who ravaged the entire mountainous region; meanwhile, he returned to Emmaus with the rest of his troops, from where he traveled through the land of Samaria, near the city known by some as Neapolis (or Sichem), but by the locals as Mabortha, to Corea, where he set up his camp on the second day of the month Desius [Sivan]; the following day, he arrived in Jericho; on that day, Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he had brought from Perea, as all the territories beyond the Jordan had already been subdued.
2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure destroyed; they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain; but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it, which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltites, southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of its barrenness: there is an opposite mountain that is situated over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far as Somorrhon, 13 which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now the region that lies in the middle between these ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltites; its length is two hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of Asphaltites, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is sweet and fruitful. This plain is much burnt up in summer time, and, by reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; it is all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful.
2. Then a large crowd stopped them from getting closer and rushed out of Jericho, fleeing to the nearby mountains facing Jerusalem, while the part they left behind was mostly destroyed; they also found the city deserted. It sits in a plain; however, a bare and long mountain looms over it, stretching to the land near Scythopolis to the north, and down to the region of Sodom and the farthest edges of the Asphaltites Lake to the south. This mountain is very uneven and uninhabited due to its barrenness. There's another mountain directly across from it on the other side of the Jordan; this one starts at Julias and the northern regions and extends south as far as Somorrhon, 13, which marks the boundary of Petra in Arabia. In this mountain range, there is one called the Iron Mountain, which stretches as far as Moab. The area between these mountain ranges is known as the Great Plain; it stretches from the village of Ginnabris to the Asphaltites Lake, measuring two hundred and thirty furlongs long and a hundred and twenty wide, divided in the middle by the Jordan River. It has two lakes, the Asphaltites and Tiberias, which have opposite qualities; the former is salty and unproductive, while Tiberias is sweet and fertile. This plain gets extremely dry in the summer, and due to the intense heat, it has very unhealthy air; it lacks water except for the Jordan River, which allows the palm trees growing near its banks to thrive and produce more fruit than those that are farther away, which are not as lush or fruitful.
3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near the old city, which Joshua, the son of Naue, the general of the Hebrews, took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war. The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women, and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah, and was his successor, who, when he once was the guest of the people at Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; for he went out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this supplication, That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of fresh water might be opened; that God also would bring into the place a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail them, while they continued to be righteous. To these prayers Elisha 14 joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. Accordingly, the power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it do but once touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do, when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. For which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it flows even in little quantities. Accordingly, it waters a larger space of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. There are in it many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other honey. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place, cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the must excellent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can well be compared to it, what is here sown comes up in such clusters; the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summer time. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to come at it; and if the water be drawn up before sun-rising, and after that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the ambient air; as in winter again it becomes warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltites lies lower indeed, though it be equally desert and barren. But so much shall suffice to have said about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation.
3. However, there is a fountain near Jericho that flows abundantly and is perfect for watering the land. It’s located close to the old city, which Joshua, the son of Naue, the leader of the Hebrews, conquered first in all the cities of Canaan through war. It’s said that this fountain initially caused not just damage to the earth and trees but also affected children born to women, making it harmful and corrupting to all things. However, the prophet Elisha made it gentle, wholesome, and productive. Elisha, who was closely associated with Elijah and succeeded him, once visited Jericho, where the locals treated him kindly. In return, he positively transformed both the people and the land. He went out of the city to the fountain, threw an earthen jar filled with salt into the water, raised his righteous hand to heaven, and poured out a mild drink-offering. He prayed that the water would be purified, that fresh springs would be opened up, that God would bring a more temperate and fertile atmosphere to the area, bless the land with plentiful fruits, and provide the people with many children, and that this life-giving water would never run dry as long as they remained righteous. Elisha then added the right actions, skillfully transforming the fountain, and the water that once caused barrenness and famine thereafter supplied a large population and abundance to the land. The power of this water is so strong that even a small amount enriches the ground more than other waters do after flowing for a long time. Therefore, the benefits of this water are significant even in small quantities, as it irrigates a larger area than any other water and covers a plain that is seventy furlongs long and twenty wide, nourishing excellent gardens filled with trees. Many types of palm trees, distinct in taste and name, thrive in this area; the best ones produce a wonderful kind of honey, almost as sweet as regular honey. Additionally, this land produces honey from bees and the most precious balsam, as well as cypress trees and myrobalanum. Thus, anyone calling this place divine wouldn’t be mistaken, as it has an abundance of rare and exceptional trees. Furthermore, if we talk about other fruits, it’s hard to find a climate anywhere on earth that compares, as the crops grow in such clusters due to the warm air and fertile waters—the warmth encourages growth and spread, while the moisture helps the roots take hold firmly and provides the necessary nutrients during summer. However, this area can also get extremely dry, making it uninviting. If the water is drawn up before sunrise and then exposed to air, it becomes very cold, contrasting sharply with the surrounding air; in winter, it warms up and feels gentle. The surrounding air is also comfortably temperate, allowing the locals to wear only linen even when snow covers the rest of Judea. This place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem and sixty from the Jordan River. The land between Jerusalem and Jericho is dry and rocky, while the area toward Jordan and the Asphaltite Lake is lower but still equally barren and desolate. That’s enough to say about Jericho and the great advantages of its location.
4. The nature of the lake Asphaltites is also worth describing. It is, as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it easy for any one to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a mind so to do. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them, and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as if a wind had forced them upwards. Moreover, the change of the color of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is variously reflected. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many parts of it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in shape and bigness headless bulls; and when the laborers that belong to the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and with urine, to which alone it yields. This bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men's bodies; accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines. The length of this lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. The country of Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes. And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of credibility which our very sight affords us.
4. The nature of Lake Asphaltites is also worth mentioning. As I’ve already said, it’s bitter and unproductive. It’s so light that it can support even the heaviest things thrown into it; it’s also difficult for anyone to sink something to the bottom if they wanted to. So, when Vespasian came to see it, he ordered that some people who couldn’t swim have their hands tied behind their backs and be thrown into the deep end, and they all floated as if a force was pushing them up. Plus, the lake changes color in a fascinating way, altering its appearance three times a day; depending on how the sunlight hits it, the light reflects differently. However, it also produces black lumps of bitumen in many areas, which float on the water's surface and look like headless bulls in both shape and size. When the workers from the lake come to collect it, they grab it as it stays together and pull it onto their boats; but when the boat is full, it's hard to cut off the remaining bitumen because it’s so sticky that the boat ends up hanging on to the clumps until they loosen it with menstrual blood from women and urine, which is the only thing that works. This bitumen is not only useful for sealing ships but also for healing people, so it’s included in many medicines. The lake stretches for five hundred eighty furlongs, reaching as far as Zoar in Arabia, and it’s a hundred fifty furlongs wide. The land of Sodom borders it. It used to be a very fertile area, rich in produce and wealth from its cities, although now it's all burned. It’s said that because of the wickedness of its people, it was destroyed by lightning; as a result, remnants of that divine fire still linger, and you can still see the shadows of the five cities, as well as ash mixed with their fruits. These fruits look like they are good to eat, but if you pick them, they turn to smoke and ash. Thus, the stories about the land of Sodom have these signs of credibility that our own eyes can confirm.
CHAPTER 9.
That Vespasian, After He Had Taken Gadara Made Preparation
For The Siege Of Jerusalem; But That, Upon His Hearing Of
The Death Of Nero, He Changed His Intentions. As Also
Concerning Simon Of Geras.
That Vespasian, after he had taken Gadara, made preparations for the siege of Jerusalem; but upon hearing of Nero's death, he changed his plans. This also applies to Simon of Geras.
1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horsemen, and a considerable number of footmen. So when he had taken the city, which he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those young men who had not prevented him by flying away; but he took their families captive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder them of their effects; after which he set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoining villages, while the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed, and what was remaining was all burnt down. And now the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the plain country also, those that were at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city; for as to such as had a mind to desert, they were watched by the zealots; and as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encompassing the city round about on all sides.
1. Vespasian had strengthened all the areas around Jerusalem, building fortresses at Jericho and Adida, and placing troops in both locations, consisting of some of his own Romans and some from his auxiliary forces. He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, providing him with a group of horsemen and a significant number of infantry. When he captured the city, which he did on the first attempt, he killed a thousand young men who didn’t escape; he took their families captive and allowed his soldiers to loot their belongings. After that, he set their houses on fire and moved on to the nearby villages, while the powerful fled and the weaker ones were destroyed, leaving everything else burned down. Now, as the war spread throughout the mountainous and flat areas, those in Jerusalem lost the freedom to leave the city; anyone wanting to defect was watched by the zealots, and those who were not yet aligned with the Romans were trapped inside, as the army surrounded the city on all sides.
2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was getting ready with all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. But as to any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government, and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy freed-men; and how he had a plot laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four of his most trusty freed-men, and slew himself in the suburbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned his death were in no long time brought themselves to punishment; how also the war in Gall ended; and how Galba was made emperor 16 and returned out of Spain to Rome; and how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the market-place at Rome, and Otho was made emperor; with his expedition against the commanders of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol; as also how Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war; I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake of the connexion of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about the war: however, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his commands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus to Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was winter time, they heard that Galba was slain, before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook the management of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any terror; on account of the change in the government; but Titus, by a Divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense about the public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of the solicitude they were in for their own country.
2. As Vespasian returned to Cesarea and prepared his entire army to march straight to Jerusalem, he learned that Nero was dead after reigning for thirteen years and eight days. However, I won't recount how he abused his power while in office and entrusted the management of affairs to those unscrupulous people, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy freedmen; nor will I detail the plot they hatched against him, how he was abandoned by all his guards, fled with four of his most trusted freedmen, and took his own life in the suburbs of Rome. I won't discuss how those responsible for his death soon faced punishment, how the war in Gaul ended, how Galba became emperor 16, returned from Spain to Rome, and was accused by the soldiers of being cowardly before being treacherously killed in the middle of the marketplace in Rome; then Otho rose to power, embarked on campaigns against the commanders of Vitellius, and faced his own downfall. Nor will I cover the troubles under Vitellius, the conflict around the Capitol, how Antonius Primus and Mucianus killed Vitellius and his German legions, effectively ending that civil war. I've decided not to provide a detailed account of these events because they are well-known and described by many Greek and Roman authors; however, to maintain the flow of my narrative and ensure my history remains coherent, I've briefly mentioned everything. Consequently, Vespasian initially postponed his campaign against Jerusalem to see where the empire would shift following Nero’s death. When he learned that Galba had become emperor, he made no moves until he received instructions from him regarding the war; nonetheless, he sent his son Titus to greet Galba and get his orders about the Jews. King Agrippa sailed alongside Titus to meet Galba for the same purpose, but while they were sailing along the coast of Achaia in their ships during the winter, they heard that Galba had been killed before they could reach him, after just seven months and seven days of his reign. After that, Otho took control and handled public affairs. Agrippa resolved to continue to Rome without fear due to the change in government; however, Titus, compelled by a divine urge, turned back from Greece to Syria and hurried to Cesarea to join his father. Now they both found themselves uncertain about public affairs, as the Roman Empire was in a state of upheaval, and they decided not to proceed with their campaign against the Jews, believing that attacking foreign enemies was inappropriate given their concerns for their own country.
3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John [of Gisehala], who had already seized upon the city, but superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by Ananus the high priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Masada. At the first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Masada; yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was their hiding-place; but he affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of greatness, when he had heard of the death of Ananus, he left them, and went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters.
3. Then another war broke out in Jerusalem. A man named Simon, the son of Giora, was from Gerasa. He was a young man, not as clever as John of Gisehala, who had already taken control of the city, but he was stronger and braver. Because of this, when Ananus the high priest drove him out of the Acrabattene area he once controlled, he joined the bandits who had captured Masada. Initially, they were suspicious of him, allowing him to bring the women he had with him only to the lower part of the fortress, while they stayed in the upper part. However, Simon's behavior aligned well with theirs, and he seemed trustworthy enough that he joined them in raiding and plundering the region around Masada. Yet when he tried to convince them to take on bigger ventures, he couldn't get them to agree; they were used to staying in the citadel and were afraid to stray far from their hiding place. Desiring power and aiming to dominate, after hearing of Ananus's death, he left them and ventured into the mountainous areas of the region. He declared freedom for the enslaved and offered rewards to the already free, gathering a gang of outlaws from all around.
4. And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king. He then overran the Acrabattene toparchy, and the places that reached as far as the Great Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for his own party's security; and at the valley called Paran, he enlarged many of the caves, and many others he found ready for his purpose; these he made use of as repositories for his treasures, and receptacles for his prey, and therein he laid up the fruits that he had got by rapine; and many of his partizans had their dwelling in them; and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making preparations for the assault of Jerusalem.
4. With a strong group of followers around him, he seized the villages in the mountainous region. As more people continued to join him, he took the risk of moving down into the lower areas. Since he had become a serious threat to the cities, many powerful individuals were swayed by him; his army was no longer just made up of slaves and thieves but included many common people who obeyed him as their king. He then conquered the Acrabattene region and territories extending to Great Idumea; he built a wall at a village called Nain, using it as a fortress for his group's safety. In a valley known as Paran, he expanded several caves and found many others suitable for his needs, using them to store his treasures and spoils. Many of his supporters lived in those caves. He was open about training his men and preparing for an attack on Jerusalem.
5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining battle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before him into the city, but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make an assault upon the walls; but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched to the borders of their country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their borders, where they fought him, and continued the battle all that day; and the dispute lay whether they had conquered him, or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country; when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath; so he died immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon's power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before they hazarded a battle with them.
5. The zealots, terrified of his attack and eager to eliminate a rising opponent, confronted him with their weapons. Simon engaged them in battle, killing a significant number of them and driving the rest back into the city. However, he didn’t feel confident enough in his forces to assault the walls directly. Instead, he decided to first conquer Idumea, and with twenty thousand armed men at his side, he marched to their border. In response, the leaders of the Idumeans quickly gathered the most battle-ready members of their group, about twenty-five thousand strong, leaving the rest to guard their homeland due to threats from the Sicarii at Masada. They met Simon at the border, engaging him in battle that lasted all day, leaving it unclear whether they had defeated him or had been defeated themselves. Simon then returned to Nain, as did the Idumeans to their home. It wasn’t long before Simon attacked their territory again, setting up camp at a village called Thecoe. He sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those stationed at Herodium, trying to persuade them to surrender the fortress. The garrison welcomed Eleazar, unaware of his true intent, but when he mentioned surrendering the fortress, they attacked him with drawn swords. Realizing he had no escape, he jumped from the wall into the valley below, dying instantly. Meanwhile, the Idumeans, already frightened by Simon's strength, decided they should scout the enemy's forces before risking a battle.
6. Now there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him; upon which account he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty promises; and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him without fighting. And as he was doing this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed also; for as soon as their army was nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, together with those whom he had corrupted; hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multitude; and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks, and every one retired to his own home.
6. There was a commander named Jacob who offered to help them during this time, but he was secretly planning to betray them. He left the village of Alurus, where the Idumean army had gathered, and went to Simon. Right away, he agreed to betray his country and got Simon to swear that he would always hold him in high regard. He then promised to help Simon conquer all of Idumea. Because of this, Simon treated him well at a feast and made him many grand promises. When Jacob returned to his own men, he initially lied about Simon's army, claiming it was much larger than it really was. He then skillfully convinced the other commanders and eventually the entire crowd to accept Simon and give up all power to him without a fight. While doing this, he sent messengers to invite Simon and promised to scatter the Idumeans, which he did. As soon as their army got near, he got on his horse and fled with those he had bribed. This caused panic among the crowd, and before a battle could begin, they broke ranks and everyone went back home.
7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it; wherein he got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity of fruit. Now the people of the country say that it is an ancienter city, not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred years. They also relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia; and they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to this very time showed in that small city; the fabric of which monuments are of the most excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner. There is also there showed, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine tree 17 and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world. Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumea, and did not only ravage the cities and villages, but lay waste the whole country; for, besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men that followed him, insomuch that he had not provisions enough to suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; and as one may see all the woods behind despoiled of their leaves by locusts, after they have been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's army but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it down or fed upon it, and by their marches they made the ground that was cultivated harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they had had a being.
7. So Simon unexpectedly marched into Idumea, without any fighting, and launched a surprise attack on the city of Hebron, capturing it. He seized a lot of treasure and plundered it for a huge amount of fruit. The locals say it is an older city, not just compared to others in that region, but even older than Memphis in Egypt, and its age is said to be two thousand three hundred years. They also claim it was the home of Abram, the ancestor of the Jews, after he left Mesopotamia; they say his descendants later moved to Egypt, where monuments from that time can still be seen in this small city. These monuments are made of the finest marble and are crafted in a very elegant style. There is also a large turpentine tree shown six furlongs from the city, and it is said that this tree has existed since the creation of the world. From there, Simon moved throughout all of Idumea, not only destroying cities and villages but also laying waste to the entire countryside. In addition to those who were fully armed, he had forty thousand men following him, which meant he didn’t have enough supplies for such a large crowd. Besides this lack of supplies, he was ruthless and had great anger toward this nation, resulting in Idumea being significantly depopulated. Just as you might see trees stripped of their leaves by locusts after a swarm passes through, nothing was left behind by Simon's army but a wasteland. Some places were burned, some completely torn down, and anything that grew in the area was either trampled or eaten. Their marches made the cultivated land harder and less fruitful than the barren land. In short, there were no traces left of the places that had been destroyed; it was as if they had never existed.
8. This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh; and though they were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of her attendants; whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expectation that he would lay down his arms, and make supplication to them for his wife; but instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife; so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and, like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly, he caught all those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them to tell the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing any age, and without making any distinction between the guilty and the innocent. These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him; when he became a little milder, and left off his perpetual blood-shedding.
8. Simon's success sparked the zealots' determination again; even though they were afraid to confront him in an open fight, they set traps in the passes and captured his wife along with several of her attendants. They returned to the city celebrating as if they had captured Simon himself, expecting that he would surrender and plead with them for his wife's release. Instead of showing any mercy, Simon became furious that they had taken his beloved wife. He approached the walls of Jerusalem and, like wounded wild animals unable to catch their attackers, he unleashed his anger on everyone he encountered. He seized those who had come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs or firewood, who were unarmed and defenseless; he brutally tortured and killed them in his overwhelming rage and nearly succumbed to the desire to consume their flesh. He also mutilated many by cutting off their hands and sent them into the city to terrify his enemies and incite a revolt against those responsible for his wife's capture. He instructed them to inform the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees everything, that unless they returned his wife, he would destroy their walls and punish all the citizens without sparing anyone or distinguishing between the guilty and innocent. This threatenings so terrified not just the people but even the zealots themselves that they returned his wife to him. Simon then calmed down a bit and stopped his constant killing.
9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman market-place; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him. But when he gave battle to Valens and Cecinna, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum, in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage on the first day, but on the second day Vitellius's soldiers had the victory; and after much slaughter Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs three months and two days. 18 Otho's army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to Rome with his army. But in the mean time Vespasian removed from Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Desius, [Sivan,] and marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown. So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives; but Cerealis, one of his commanders, took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste that part of Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Caphatabira, and laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall; and when he expected to spend a long time in that siege, those that were within opened their gates on the sudden, and came to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him. When Cerealis had conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have told you already that this city is situated in a mountainous country not far off Jerusalem; and when he had broken into the city by force, what multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt down the city; so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodlum, and Masada, and Machaerus, which were in the possession of the robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at.
9. But now rebellion and civil war were rampant, not just in Judea but also in Italy; Galba had been killed in the middle of the Roman marketplace. Then Otho became emperor and fought against Vitellius, who was also declaring himself emperor, having been chosen by the legions in Germany. When Otho faced off against Valens and Cecinna, who were generals for Vitellius, at Betriacum in Gaul, he had the upper hand on the first day, but on the second day, the soldiers loyal to Vitellius won. After much bloodshed, Otho took his own life after hearing of this loss at Brixia, having managed public affairs for three months and two days. 18 Otho's army also switched sides to join Vitellius's generals, and he himself marched down to Rome with his troops. Meanwhile, Vespasian left Cesarea on the fifth day of the month Desius [Sivan] and advanced against the parts of Judea that had not yet fallen. He headed to the mountainous region and captured the two toparchies called Gophnitick and Acrabattene. After that, he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities, and after placing garrisons in them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, capturing many prisoners and captives along the way. Cerealis, one of his commanders, sent out horsemen and foot soldiers to ravage the area of Idumea known as Upper Idumea, successfully attacking the small city of Caphethra and burning it to the ground on the first attempt. He also besieged Caphatabira, which had a very strong wall; just when he expected a lengthy siege, those inside suddenly opened the gates, pleaded for mercy, and surrendered. After conquering them, Cerealis moved on to Hebron, another very ancient city. As I have mentioned, this city is located in a mountainous region not far from Jerusalem. When he forcibly entered the city, he killed the remaining multitude, especially the young men, and burned the city down. Now, with all the places captured except for Herodlum, Masada, and Machaerus, which were held by bandits, Jerusalem was the target the Romans aimed for.
10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a great number of them to retire to Jerusalem; he followed them himself also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again; and when he lighted upon any laborers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt the body of the Galileans; for these Galileans had advanced this John, and made him very potent, who made them suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means; for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do, while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was sport to them. They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness, without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith; while they decked their hair, and put on women's garments, and were besmeared over with ointments; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints under their eyes, and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness, that they invented unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and down the city, as in a brothel-house, and defiled it entirely with their impure actions; nay, while their faces looked like the faces of women, they killed with their right hands; and when their gait was effeminate, they presently attacked men, and became warriors, and drew their swords from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran every body through whom they alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and was the more bloody of the two; and he who had escaped the tyrant within the wall was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates, so that all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut off, as to those that had a mind so to do.
10. And now, as soon as Simon had freed his wife and rescued her from the zealots, he returned to the remains of Idumea. He drove the people from all sides and forced many of them to retreat to Jerusalem. He followed them to the city, surrounding the walls once again. Whenever he caught any workers trying to come in from the countryside, he killed them. Simon, who was outside the walls, terrified the people more than the Romans did, just as the zealots inside the walls were a heavier burden on them than the others. During this time, John’s mischievous plots and boldness corrupted the Galilean community. They had backed John and made him powerful, and he rewarded them with the authority he gained through their support. He allowed them to act on all their desires, and their hunger for plunder was endless, just as their zeal for searching the homes of the wealthy. Murdering men and abusing women was like a game to them. They devoured their spoils along with their blood and indulged in reckless pleasures until they were satisfied. They styled their hair, wore women’s clothes, and smeared themselves with ointments. To look attractive, they painted their eyes, copying not just the adornments but also the desires of women, engaging in such outrageous filth that they invented immoral pleasures of that nature. They roamed the city like they were in a brothel, completely defiling it with their impure acts; indeed, while their faces resembled women’s, they killed with their right hands. And even with their effeminate walk, they suddenly attacked men, turning into warriors, drawing their swords from under their brightly colored cloaks, and stabbing everyone they encountered. Simon, however, was waiting for those who fled from John and was even more vicious. Those who escaped the tyrant inside the wall were met by the other one lying in wait at the gates, cutting off all chances of escaping or deserting to the Romans for anyone who wanted to do so.
11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him, and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of his cruelty; so they got together, and slew many of the zealots, and drove the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king of Adiabene; the Idumeans fell in with them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and betook themselves to plunder John's effects; for both he himself was in that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny. In the mean time, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, who were not so much afraid of being attacked by them [because they were themselves better soldiers than they] as at their madness, lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also. So they assembled themselves together, and the high priests with them, and took counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault. Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free as was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second tyrant into the city; which resolution they brought to perfection, and sent Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Simon to come in to them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire they had of preserving their houses and their effects. Accordingly he, in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly protection, and came into the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made joyful acclamations to him, as their savior and their preserver; but when he was come in, with his army, he took care to secure his own authority, and looked upon those that had invited him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom the invitation was intended.
11. However, the army under John rebelled against him, and all the Idumeans distanced themselves from the tyrant, trying to take him down because of their jealousy of his power and disdain for his cruelty. They gathered together, killed many of the zealots, and drove the others into the royal palace built by Grapte, a relative of Izates, the king of Adiabene. The Idumeans joined them and forced the zealots out into the temple and set about looting John's possessions, for he was in that palace, where he had stored the spoils he gained through his tyranny. Meanwhile, the multitude of zealots scattered throughout the city rushed to the temple to join those who had fled there. John planned to send them against the people and the Idumeans, who weren't so much afraid of a direct attack from them—since they were better soldiers—but rather of their craziness, fearing they might rush out of the temple and attack them, potentially destroying them and setting the city on fire. So they gathered together, along with the high priests, to decide how to avoid their assault. It was God who led their thoughts to the worst possible advice, and they came up with a solution that was worse than the problem itself. To overthrow John, they decided to let Simon in, willingly inviting a second tyrant into the city. They followed through with this plan and sent Matthias, the high priest, to ask Simon to come to them, a man they had often feared. Those who had fled from the zealots in Jerusalem also joined in this plea, hoping to protect their homes and belongings. Simon arrogantly agreed to provide his lordly protection and entered the city to save it from the zealots. The people welcomed him with joyful cheers, calling him their savior and protector. But once he arrived with his army, he focused on securing his own power and viewed those who had invited him in as no less his enemies than those he was meant to confront.
12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city, [for Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had,] were in despair of deliverance. Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and the battlements, and defended themselves from their assaults. However, a considerable number of Simon's party fell, and many were carried off wounded; for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies; but having the advantage of situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand, that their darts might come from higher places, one at the north-east corner of the court, one above the Xystus, the third at another corner over against the lower city, and the last was erected above the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course, and gave a signal beforehand, with a trumpet 19 at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when that day was finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave off work, and when they were to go to work again. These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault upon the temple more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of that work; yet did he not leave off his opposition, because his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for him.
12. So, Simon took control of Jerusalem in the third year of the war, in the month of Nisan. Meanwhile, John and his group of zealots, unable to leave the temple and having lost their influence in the city because Simon and his faction had stripped them of their resources, fell into despair. Simon also attacked the temple with the help of the people, while the others defended themselves from the cloisters and battlements. However, many of Simon's men were killed, and many were wounded, as the zealots easily threw their darts from above and rarely missed their targets. With the advantage of their higher ground and having built four large towers beforehand for better aim, they positioned one at the northeast corner of the court, one above the Xystus, a third at another corner facing the lower city, and the last towering over the Pastophoria, where a priest stood ready to signal with a trumpet at the beginning of every seventh day during twilight, as well as at the end of that day, to let the people know when to stop working and when to start again. These men also set up engines to launch darts and stones from those towers, along with their archers and slingers. Now, Simon's assault on the temple weakened, as most of his men grew tired of the task, but he didn't stop opposing them since his army outnumbered the others, even though the projectiles from the engines traveled far and killed many of his fighters.
CHAPTER 10.
How The Soldiers, Both In Judea And Egypt, Proclaimed
Vespasian Emperor; And How Vespasian Released Josephus From
His Bonds.
How The Soldiers, Both In Judea And Egypt, Declared
Vespasian Emperor; And How Vespasian Freed Josephus From
His Chains.1. Now about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about Rome on all sides; for Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery, and drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men; which men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such riches before, and found themselves shone round about on all sides with silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous desires, and were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was the state of affairs in Italy at that time.
1. Around this time, serious disasters hit Rome from all directions; Vitellius had arrived from Germany with his soldiers and brought a huge crowd of other men with him. When the areas designated for soldiers couldn’t hold them all, he turned all of Rome into his camp and filled every house with his armed men. These men, seeing the wealth of Rome with eyes that had never witnessed such riches before, were dazzled by the silver and gold surrounding them. They struggled to control their greedy impulses and were ready to start looting and to attack anyone who got in their way. This was the situation in Italy at that time.
2. But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor. This produced indignation in him, although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern, and could not, with any satisfaction, own him for his lord who acted so madly, and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a governor. And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars, when his native country was laid waste; but then, as much as his passion excited him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his distance therefrom; because fortune might prevent him, and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; so he restrained his anger, how vehement soever it was at this time.
2. But when Vespasian had defeated all the areas around Jerusalem, he returned to Caesarea and learned about the troubles in Rome, including that Vitellius was the emperor. This made him angry, even though he knew how to rule just as well as he knew how to be ruled, and he couldn't accept someone so reckless as his leader, who seized control as if there was absolutely no one in charge. His frustration weighed heavily on him, and he couldn't bear the pain he felt, nor focus on other wars while his homeland was being destroyed. Although his desire to avenge his country burned within him, he was held back by the thought of how far away he was. Fortune might act against him, causing more damage before he could even cross the sea to Italy, especially since it was still winter. So, despite his intense anger, he managed to contain it.
3. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and consulted openly about changing the public affairs; and, out of their indignation, cried out, how "at Rome there are soldiers that live delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of gain make them emperors; while you, who have gone through so many labors, and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up. Now what juster opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their generals, if they do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much juster reasons for Vespasian's being emperor than for Vitellius; as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors; for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come from Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labors than they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child 20 to preside over them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement of men's own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for themselves. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian, or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus; for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages, for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors, they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the neighboring kings, and will have further all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe, so they as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's brother, 21 and his other son [Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be such, that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviors of the empire, will have in contempt."
3. But now his commanders and soldiers gathered in small groups and openly discussed changing the government; out of their anger, they shouted that “in Rome, there are soldiers living in luxury, who, having never even heard the call of battle, appoint whoever they want as our leaders and make them emperors out of greed; while you, who have endured so many hardships and have grown old under your helmets, let others wield such power, when you have among yourselves someone far more deserving to lead than those they’ve installed. What better opportunity will they ever have to repay their generals if they don’t seize this moment? There are much more justifiable reasons for Vespasian to be emperor than for Vitellius; they themselves deserve it more than those who selected the previous emperors, having fought in wars just as fierce as the troops from Germany; they are no weaker in battle than those who brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they endured less hardship; for neither the Roman Senate nor the people will tolerate an indulgent emperor like Vitellius, especially when compared to their virtuous Vespasian; nor will they accept a brutal tyrant instead of a good leader, nor choose someone without children to lead them over a father figure; because securing positions for one’s own children is certainly the best assurance kings can have for their own safety. Therefore, whether we judge the ability to govern by the wisdom of an older person, we should have Vespasian, or whether by the vigor of a younger man, we should have Titus; by this strategy, we’d benefit from both their strengths, as they will provide strength to those declared emperors. They already have three legions, along with additional help from the neighboring kings, and will have all the armies in the east backing them, as well as those in Europe, so long as they remain out of the reach and fear of Vitellius, alongside any support they may find within Italy itself; that is, Vespasian’s brother, 20 and his other son [Domitian]; one of whom will bring in a lot of young men of worth, while the other is responsible for governing the city, a role that will greatly aid Vespasian in gaining power. Overall, the situation could be such that if we delay any longer, the Senate might choose an emperor whom the soldiers, the true saviors of the empire, will despise.”
4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies; after which they got together in a great body, and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor, 22 and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. Now Vespasian's concern had been for a considerable time about the public, yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity; but when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance; and the soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor.
4. These were the conversations the soldiers had in their groups; after that, they gathered together in a large crowd, encouraging each other, and declared Vespasian emperor, 22 urging him to save the government, which was now in jeopardy. Vespasian had been worried about the public for a long time, yet he didn't intend to take on the role of governor himself, even though his actions showed he deserved it. He preferred the safety of a private life over the risks that came with such a high position. But when he rejected the empire, the commanders insisted even more that he accept it. The soldiers surrounded him with their swords drawn, threatening to kill him unless he agreed to embrace his destiny. After showing reluctance for quite a while and trying to push this power away from him, he eventually, unable to dissuade them, gave in to their demands to be hailed as emperor.
5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus, and the other commanders, that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying of corn [to Rome]; which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force [for he would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food]; and because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him. He also considered with himself, that he should then have that country for a defense to himself against the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypt 23 is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Siene, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea extended as far as Coptus; and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Siene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther, The haven also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty, even in times of peace; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of rocks that lie under the water, which oblige the mariners to turn from a straight direction: its left side is blocked up by works made by men's hands on both sides; on its right side lies the island called Pharus, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in the night time, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against which, when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against those boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous; yet is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in largeness; into which is brought what the country wants in order to its happiness, as also what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself is hence distributed into all the habitable earth.
5. So, following the encouragement from Mucianus and the other commanders, who urged him to accept the empire, along with the rest of the army shouting that they were ready to fight against any opponents, he first focused on taking control of Alexandria. He knew that Egypt was crucial for gaining full power, primarily due to its grain supply to Rome. If he could control that grain, he hoped to overthrow Vitellius, thinking he could hold onto the empire by force (since he wouldn’t be able to maintain power if the people in Rome ever ran out of food). He also wanted to unite the two legions stationed in Alexandria with the other legions under his command. He reasoned that having Egypt would provide him with a defense against the unpredictable nature of fortune, as Egypt 23 is difficult to access by land and lacks good ports by sea. To the west, it’s bordered by the dry deserts of Libya; to the south, the Siene river separates it from Ethiopia, along with the cataracts of the Nile, which ships cannot navigate; to the east lies the Red Sea, extending to Coptus; and to the north, it’s reinforced by the land leading to Syria, as well as the Egyptian Sea, which has no ports for ships. Thus, Egypt is surrounded on all sides. Its length from Pelusium to Siene is two thousand furlongs, and the sea route from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs. The river Nile is navigable up to a city called Elephantine, where the aforementioned cataracts prevent ships from going further. The port at Alexandria is also challenging for sailors to enter, even during peacetime, because the entrance is narrow and filled with underwater rocks that force them to navigate away from a straight path. On the left side, man-made structures block the way, while on the right lies Pharus Island, situated right at the entrance, supporting a massive tower that provides a fire signal to ships sailing within three hundred furlongs, allowing them to anchor far away at night due to the difficulty of getting closer. Around this island, substantial piers built by humans help manage the waves; when the sea crashes against them, navigation becomes very tricky, and the narrow entrance is hazardous. However, once inside, the harbor itself is quite safe and spans thirty furlongs. It is here that the country receives what it needs for prosperity, as well as where the surplus it produces is distributed across the entire habitable world.
6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government, in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood. Accordingly Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire. Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to Berytus, where many embassages came to him from Syria, and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns, and the congratulations of the people. Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity the people [received the news of his advancement], and how the people of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him.
6. Therefore, Vespasian rightly wanted to take on that leadership role to support his ambitions for the entire empire. He quickly reached out to Tiberius Alexander, who was the governor of Egypt and Alexandria at the time, informing him about the army's actions and how he was compelled to accept the responsibility of leadership, seeking Alexander's alliance and support. As soon as Alexander read this letter, he promptly had the legions and the public swear loyalty to Vespasian, both of which complied willingly, already familiar with the man's bravery due to his previous actions in their area. Consequently, Vespasian, believing he was already entrusted with leadership, prepared for his journey to Rome. News of his rise to power spread faster than anyone anticipated, leading every city to hold celebrations and offer sacrifices in gratitude for the good news. The legions in Mysia and Pannonia, who had recently been stirred up by Vitellius's bold actions, were also eager to pledge their loyalty to Vespasian upon his ascent. Vespasian then moved from Caesarea to Berytus, where many envoys came to him from Syria and other provinces, bringing crowns and words of congratulations from every city. Mucianus, the provincial president, also arrived and told him how enthusiastically the people received the news of his rise and how citizens in every city had sworn allegiance to him.
7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes every where, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands; upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power; for as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many every where, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends, and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his 24 which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. "It is a shameful thing [said he] that this man, who hath foretold my coming to the empire beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner." So he called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty; whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, from this requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father, and said, "O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain. For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all." For that is the usual method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also.
7. Vespasian’s good fortune fulfilled his wishes everywhere, and most public affairs were already in his control. He believed he had reached power through Divine Providence, convinced that a just fate had placed the empire in his hands. As he recalled the many signs that had indicated he would gain power, he remembered what Josephus had predicted when he dared to announce that Vespasian would rise to the empire while Nero was still alive. He felt troubled that Josephus was still imprisoned with him. He then called for Mucianus, along with his other commanders and friends, and first informed them of Josephus's bravery and the hardships he endured during the siege of Jotapata. After that, he shared the predictions Josephus had made, which he had previously dismissed as mere fabrications born from fear, but which time had shown to be divinely inspired. "It is shameful," he said, "that this man, who foretold my rise to power and delivered a divine message to me, should still be held as a captive." He then summoned Josephus and ordered that he be set free; the commanders anticipated glory from this act of kindness towards a stranger. Titus, who was present with his father, said, "Father, it's only fair that we remove the disgrace of Josephus being a prisoner, along with his chains. If we don't just release him but completely sever his bonds, he'll be like a man who has never been imprisoned at all." This was the usual way of treating those who had been wrongfully bound. Vespasian agreed to this advice; a man came in and cut the chains apart, while Josephus received this act as a recognition of his integrity and was also regarded as a credible figure regarding future events.
CHAPTER 11.
That Upon The Conquest And Slaughter Of Vitellius Vespasian
Hastened His Journey To Rome; But Titus His Son Returned To
Jerusalem.
That Upon The Conquest And Slaughter Of Vitellius Vespasian
Hastened His Journey To Rome; But Titus His Son Returned To
Jerusalem.1. And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had disposed of the places of power justly, 25 and according to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him; yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.
1. Once Vespasian had responded to the ambassadors and assigned positions of power fairly, 25 based on everyone's merits, he arrived in Antioch. Considering his options, he decided to head to Rome instead of marching to Alexandria, as he recognized that Alexandria was already secure for him, but the situation in Rome was chaotic due to Vitellius. Therefore, he sent Mucianus to Italy and entrusted him with a significant army of both cavalry and infantry. However, Mucianus was reluctant to travel by sea because it was the middle of winter, so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.
2. In the mean time, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy; but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was the power of it; and that it was better for them to prevent necessity, and gain favor, and, while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted without their assistance, while Vitellius could not preserve what he had already with it.
2. In the meantime, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mysia, since he was in charge of that province, and rushed to fight Vitellius. In response, Vitellius sent Cecinna away with a large army, having great confidence in him because he had defeated Otho. Cecinna hurried out of Rome and found Antonius near Cremona in Gaul, a city on the borders of Italy. However, when he realized that the enemy was numerous and well-organized, he didn’t dare to fight them. Thinking a retreat would be dangerous, he started to consider betraying his army to Antonius. So, he gathered the centurions and tribunes under his command and convinced them to join forces with Antonius by downplaying Vitellius's reputation and exaggerating Vespasian's power. He told them that with the former there was only the title of dominion, while the latter had real power; it was better for them to act before they were forced into a situation, gain favor, and, while they were likely to be defeated in battle, to avoid the danger by willingly switching sides to Antonius. He argued that Vespasian could conquer those who had not yet surrendered without their help, while Vitellius couldn't even hold onto what he already had.
3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them to comply with him; and both he and his army deserted; but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the better; and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it; so the soldiers did not kill him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately, and made them put on their armor, and led them against those that had revolted; hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitellius's whole army, being thirty thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred: he then loosed Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.
3. Cecinna said this and much more to convince them, and he managed to persuade them to follow him; both he and his army deserted. But that very night, the soldiers regretted their choice, gripped by fear that Vitellius, who had sent them, might win. Drawing their swords, they attacked Cecinna to kill him; they would have succeeded if the tribunes hadn't knelt down and begged them not to do it. So, the soldiers didn’t kill him but instead bound him as a traitor, planning to send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard about this, he quickly rallied his troops, had them gear up, and led them against the rebels. They formed a battle line and managed to hold their ground for a bit, but were soon defeated and fled to Cremona. Primus then took his cavalry, blocked their entry into the city, and surrounded and wiped out a large number of them before the city. He entered the city with the rest and allowed his soldiers to loot it. It was here that many outsiders, both merchants and locals, perished, including Vitellius's entire army of thirty thousand two hundred, while Antonius only lost about four thousand five hundred of his men who came with him from Mysia. He then released Cecinna and sent him to Vespasian to deliver the good news. Cecinna arrived and was welcomed by him, covering up the shame of his betrayal with the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.
4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night time seized upon the capitol; and, as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian, his brother's son, whose encouragement was of very great weight for the compassing the government. Now Vitellius was not much concerned at this Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus; and thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capitol; and many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where Domitian, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius, and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days 26 and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself; so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.
4. And now, when word got out that Antonius was on his way, Sabinus got confident in Rome, pulled together the night watch soldiers, and took the Capitol at night. By morning, many influential people joined him, including Domitian, the son of his brother, whose support was crucial in securing control of the government. Vitellius wasn't particularly worried about Primus but was furious with those who had sided with Sabinus. Driven by his inherent barbarism and craving for noble blood, he sent part of the army that had come with him to fight against the Capitol. Many daring actions took place on both sides, defending the temple. Eventually, the soldiers from Germany, being more numerous, took the hill. Domitian, along with several key Romans, managed to escape by chance while the rest of the crowd was completely slaughtered. Sabinus was captured and brought to Vitellius, where he was killed; the soldiers also looted the temple's treasures and set it ablaze. But within a day, Antonius arrived with his army and encountered Vitellius and his forces; after battling in three different locations, Vitellius's army was entirely destroyed. Vitellius then came out of the palace, drunk and stuffed from a lavish meal, as if at the end of his rope. As he was dragged through the crowd and subjected to various torments, his head was chopped off in the middle of Rome, after holding power for eight months and five days 26. Had he lived longer, I can't help but think the empire would not have been enough to satisfy his desires. More than fifty thousand others were also killed. This battle occurred on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; the following day, Mucianus entered the city with his army and ordered Antonius and his men to stop the killing, as they were still searching houses, murdering many of Vitellius’s soldiers and innocent civilians, mistaking them for his supporters, and their rage made it impossible to tell who was who. He then presented Domitian to the crowd, endorsing him until his father arrived; with their fears lifted, the people cheered for Vespasian as their emperor and celebrated with festival days for his confirmation and the downfall of Vitellius.
5. And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it. So upon this confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus, as far as the city Tumuis; there he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter, 27 and on the next day at Ostracine. This station had no water, but the people of the country make use of water brought from other places. After this he rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to Ascalon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place.
5. Now that Vespasian had arrived in Alexandria, he received good news from Rome, along with congratulations from envoys across the empire on his rise to power. Although Alexandria was the largest city after Rome, it was too small to accommodate the huge number of people who came to celebrate him. With Vespasian’s complete control now confirmed and the Roman public affairs unexpectedly saved from disaster, he shifted his focus to the remaining unconquered territories in Judea. However, he hurried back to Rome as winter was nearly over, quickly organized things in Alexandria, and sent his son Titus, along with a chosen part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. Titus marched on foot to Nicopolis, which is about twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he boarded his army onto long ships and sailed along the river to the Mendesian Nomus, reaching the city of Tumuis. He disembarked, walked on foot, and spent the night in a small city called Tanis. His second stop was Heracleopolis, and his third was Pelusium; he rested his army there for two days, and on the third day crossed the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium. He then traveled one station through the desert, setting up camp at the temple of Casian Jupiter, 27, and the next day at Ostracine. This stop had no water, so the locals brought in water from elsewhere. After that, he rested at Rhinocolura, and then moved on to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city marks the start of Syria. For his fifth station, he camped at Gaza; then he went to Ascalon, followed by Jamnia, and finally Joppa, making plans to gather all his other forces at Caesarea.
1 (return)
[ Here we have the exact
situation of Jeroboam's "at the exit of Little Jordan into Great
Jordan, near the place called Daphne," but of old Dan. See the note in
Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 4. But Reland suspects flint here we should
read Dan instead of there being no where else mention of a place called
Daphne.]
1 (return)
[Here we have the exact situation of Jeroboam's "at the exit of Little Jordan into Great Jordan, near the location known as Daphne," but in ancient Dan. See the note in Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 4. However, Reland suspects that we should read Dan here instead of mentioning a place called Daphne, as there's no other reference to that location.]
2 (return)
[ These numbers in Josephus
of thirty furlongs' ascent to the top of Mount Tabor, whether we estimate
it by winding and gradual, or by the perpendicular altitude, and of
twenty-six furlongs' circumference upon the top, as also fifteen furlongs
for this ascent in Polybius, with Geminus's perpendicular altitude of
almost fourteen furlongs, here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none of' them agree
with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrell, an eye-witness, p. 112, who
says he was not an hour in getting up to the top of this Mount Tabor, and
that the area of the top is an oval of about two furlongs in length, and
one in breadth. So I rather suppose Josephus wrote three furlongs for the
ascent or altitude, instead of thirty; and six furlongs for the
circumference at the top, instead of twenty-six,—since a mountain of
only three furlongs perpendicular altitude may easily require near an
hour's ascent, and the circumference of an oval of the foregoing quantity
is near six furlongs. Nor certainly could such a vast circumference as
twenty-six furlongs, or three miles and a quarter, at that height be
encompassed with a wall, including a trench and other fortifications,
[perhaps those still remaining, ibid.] in the small interval of forty
days, as Josephus here says they were by himself.]
2 (return)
[ The numbers in Josephus regarding the thirty furlong climb to the top of Mount Tabor don't match up, whether we look at it as a winding path or straight up. He mentions a top circumference of twenty-six furlongs and fifteen furlongs for this climb according to Polybius, along with Geminus's near fourteen furlong height noted by Dr. Hudson. However, none of these agree with the reliable account from Mr. Maundrell, who witnessed it himself and reported on page 112 that it took him less than an hour to reach the summit. He described the top as an oval roughly two furlongs long and one furlong wide. Therefore, I think Josephus probably meant to write three furlongs for the height instead of thirty, and six furlongs for the circumference at the top instead of twenty-six—since a mountain with only three furlongs of vertical height could feasibly take about an hour to climb, and the circumference of an oval that size would be around six furlongs. It's also hard to believe that a circumference as large as twenty-six furlongs, or over three miles, could be surrounded by a wall, ditches, and other defenses in just the short span of forty days, as Josephus claims.]
3 (return)
[ This name Dorcas in Greek,
was Tabitha in Hebrew or Syriac, as Acts 9:36. Accordingly, some of the
manuscripts set it down here Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can the context in
Josephus be made out by supposing the reading to have been this: "The son
of Tabitha; which, in the language of our country, denotes Dorcas" [or a
doe].]
3 (return)
[The name Dorcas in Greek was Tabitha in Hebrew or Syriac, as mentioned in Acts 9:36. As a result, some manuscripts record it here as Tabetha or Tabeta. The context in Josephus cannot be understood by assuming the reading was: "The son of Tabitha; which, in our language, means Dorcas" [or a doe].]
4 (return)
[ Here we may discover the
utter disgrace and ruin of the high priesthood among the Jews, when
undeserving, ignoble, and vile persons were advanced to that holy office
by the seditious; which sort of high priests, as Josephus well remarks
here, were thereupon obliged to comply with and assist those that advanced
them in their impious practices. The names of these high priests, or
rather ridiculous and profane persons, were Jesus the son of Damneus,
Jesus the son of Gamaliel, Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that
prodigious ignoramus Phannias, the son of Samuel; all whom we shall meet
with in Josephus's future history of this war; nor do we meet with any
other so much as pretended high priest after Phannias, till Jerusalem was
taken and destroyed.]
4 (return)
[ Here we can see the complete disgrace and downfall of the high priesthood among the Jews, as unworthy, dishonorable, and despicable individuals were promoted to that sacred position by those causing unrest. As Josephus notes, these high priests were then forced to go along with and support those who elevated them in their immoral actions. The names of these high priests—or rather, laughable and irreverent individuals—were Jesus the son of Damneus, Jesus the son of Gamaliel, Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that enormous fool Phannias, the son of Samuel; all of whom we will encounter in Josephus's later account of this war; nor do we find any other person even pretending to be a high priest after Phannias until Jerusalem was captured and destroyed.]
5 (return)
[ This tribe or course of
the high priests, or priests, here called Eniachim, seems to the learned
Mr. Lowth, one well versed in Josephus, to be that 1 Chronicles 24:12,
"the course of Jakim," where some copies have "the course of Eliakim;" and
I think this to be by no means an improbable conjecture.]
5 (return)
[This group of high priests, referred to as Eniachim, appears to the knowledgeable Mr. Lowth, who is well acquainted with Josephus, to be the same as the "course of Jakim" mentioned in 1 Chronicles 24:12, where some versions list it as "the course of Eliakim;" I believe this is a reasonable guess.]
6 (return)
[ This Symeon, the son of
Gamaliel, is mentioned as the president of the Jewish sanhedrim, and one
that perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish Rabbins, as
Reland observes on this place. He also tells us that those Rabbins mention
one Jesus the son of Gamala, as once a high priest, but this long before
the destruction of Jerusalem; so that if he were the same person with this
Jesus the son of Gamala, Josephus, he must have lived to be very old, or
they have been very bad chronologers.]
6 (return)
[ This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is noted as the head of the Jewish Sanhedrin and is said to have died during the destruction of Jerusalem, as observed by the Jewish Rabbis, according to Reland. He also mentions that these Rabbis reference one Jesus, the son of Gamala, who served as a high priest long before the destruction of Jerusalem; therefore, if this Jesus is the same person as Jesus the son of Gamala referenced by Josephus, then he must have lived to an old age, or the Rabbis were poor at keeping timelines.]
7 (return)
[ It is worth noting here,
that this Ananus, the best of the Jews at this time, and the high priest,
who was so very uneasy at the profanation of the Jewish courts of the
temple by the zealots, did not however scruple the profanation of the
"court of the Gentiles;" as in our Savior's days it was very much profaned
by the Jews; and made a market-place, nay, a "den of thieves," without
scruple, Matthew 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15-17. Accordingly Josephus himself,
when he speaks of the two inner courts, calls them both hagia or holy
places; but, so far as I remember, never gives that character of the court
of the Gentiles. See B. V. ch. 9. sect. 2.]
7 (return)
[ It's important to point out that Ananus, who was the best among the Jews at that time and the high priest, was very troubled by the way zealots disrespected the Jewish courts of the temple. However, he didn't seem bothered by the disrespect shown to the "court of the Gentiles," which was greatly disrespected by the Jews during Jesus' time and turned into a marketplace, even a "den of thieves," without any hesitation, as noted in Matthew 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15-17. Josephus himself, when referring to the two inner courts, calls them both hagia or holy places, but as far as I can recall, he never refers to the court of the Gentiles in that way. See B. V. ch. 9. sect. 2.]
8 (return)
[ This appellation of
Jerusalem given it here by Simon, the general of the Idumeans, "the common
city" of the Idumeans, who were proselytes of justice, as well as of the
original native Jews, greatly confirms that maxim of the Rabbins, here set
down by Reland, that "Jerusalem was not assigned, or appropriated, to the
tribe of Benjamin or Judah, but every tribe had equal right to it [at
their coming to worship there at the several festivals]." See a little
before, ch. 3. sect. 3, or "worldly worship," as the author to the Hebrews
calls the sanctuary, "a worldly sanctuary."]
8 (return)
[ The name given to Jerusalem by Simon, the leader of the Idumeans, "the common city" of the Idumeans, who were converts to Judaism, as well as the original native Jews, strongly supports the Rabbis' principle mentioned here by Reland, that "Jerusalem was not designated or reserved for the tribe of Benjamin or Judah, but every tribe had an equal right to it [when they came to worship there during the various festivals]." See earlier, ch. 3. sect. 3, or "worldly worship," as the author of Hebrews refers to the sanctuary, "a worldly sanctuary."]
9 (return)
[ Some commentators are
ready to suppose that this "Zacharias, the son of Baruch," here most
unjustly slain by the Jews in the temple, was the very same person with
"Zacharias, the son of Barachias," whom our Savior says the Jews "slew
between the temple and the altar," Matthew 23:35. This is a somewhat
strange exposition; since Zechariah the prophet was really "the son of
Barachiah," and "grandson of Iddo, Zechariah 1:1; and how he died, we have
no other account than that before us in St. Matthew: while this
"Zacharias" was "the son of Baruch." Since the slaughter was past when our
Savior spake these words, the Jews had then already slain him; whereas
this slaughter of "Zacharias, the son of Baruch," in Josephus, was then
about thirty-four years future. And since the slaughter was "between the
temple and the altar," in the court of the priests, one of the most sacred
and remote parts of the whole temple; while this was, in Josephus's own
words, in the middle of the temple, and much the most probably in the
court of Israel only [for we have had no intimation that the zealots had
at this time profaned the court of the priests. See B. V. ch. 1. sect. 2].
Nor do I believe that our Josephus, who always insists on the peculiar
sacredness of the inmost court, and of the holy house that was in it,
would have omitted so material an aggravation of this barbarous murder, as
perpetrated in. a place so very holy, had that been the true place of it.
See Antiq. B. XI. ch. 7. sect. 1, and the note here on B. V. ch. 1. sect.
2.]
9 (return)
[ Some commentators are ready to assume that this "Zacharias, the son of Baruch," who was unjustly killed by the Jews in the temple, is the same person as "Zacharias, the son of Barachias," whom our Savior says the Jews "killed between the temple and the altar," Matthew 23:35. This interpretation is somewhat strange; Zechariah the prophet was actually "the son of Barachiah" and "the grandson of Iddo," as mentioned in Zechariah 1:1. We know of no other account of his death than the one in St. Matthew: whereas this "Zacharias" was "the son of Baruch." Since the murder had already occurred when our Savior spoke these words, the Jews had already killed him; however, this slaughter of "Zacharias, the son of Baruch," according to Josephus, was about thirty-four years in the future. Additionally, the murder was "between the temple and the altar," in the court of the priests, one of the most sacred and distant areas of the entire temple; while this incident, in Josephus's own words, took place in the middle of the temple, and most likely in the court of Israel only [since we have no indication that the zealots had defiled the court of the priests at that time. See B. V. ch. 1. sect. 2]. I also don’t believe that our Josephus, who always emphasizes the unique sanctity of the innermost court and the holy house within it, would have overlooked such a significant detail about this brutal murder occurring in such a holy place, if that were indeed where it happened. See Antiq. B. XI. ch. 7. sect. 1, and the note here on B. V. ch. 1. sect. 2.]
10 (return)
[ This prediction, that
the city [Jerusalem] should then "be taken, and the sanctuary burnt, by
right of war, when a sedition should invade Jews, and their own hands
should pollute that temple;" or, as it is B. VI. ch. 2. sect. 1, "when any
one should begin to slay his countrymen in the city;" is wanting in our
present copies of the Old Testament. See Essay on the Old Test. p. 104—112.
But this prediction, as Josephus well remarks here, though, with the other
predictions of the prophets, it was now laughed at by the seditious, was
by their very means soon exactly fulfilled. However, I cannot but here
take notice of Grotius's positive assertion upon Matthew 26:9, here quoted
by Dr. Hudson, that "it ought to be taken for granted, as a certain truth,
that many predictions of the Jewish prophets were preserved, not in
writing, but by memory." Whereas, it seems to me so far from certain, that
I think it has no evidence nor probability at all.]
10 (return)
[ This prediction that the city [Jerusalem] would then "be taken, and the sanctuary burned, by right of war, when a rebellion would arise among the Jews, and their own hands would defile that temple;" or, as stated in B. VI. ch. 2. sect. 1, "when anyone should start killing his fellow countrymen in the city;" is missing from our current copies of the Old Testament. See Essay on the Old Test. p. 104—112. But this prediction, as Josephus notes here, although ridiculed by the rebels along with the other predictions of the prophets, was soon accurately fulfilled through their very actions. However, I must point out Grotius's strong claim regarding Matthew 26:9, cited here by Dr. Hudson, that "it should be assumed as a certain truth that many predictions of the Jewish prophets were kept alive, not in writing, but in memory." I find this assertion to be far from certain, lacking any evidence or probability at all.]
11 (return)
[ By these hiera, or "holy
places," as distinct from cities, must be meant "proseuchae," or "houses
of prayer," out of cities; of which we find mention made in the New
Testament and other authors. See Luke 6:12; Acts 16:13, 16; Antiq. B. XIV.
ch. 10. sect. 23; his Life, sect. 51. "In qua te quero proseucha?" Juvenal
Sat. III. yet. 296. They were situated sometimes by the sides of rivers,
Acts 16:13, or by the sea-side, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23. So did
the seventy-two interpreters go to pray every morning by the sea-side
before they went to their work, B. XII. ch. 2. sect. 12.]
11 (return)
[By these holy places, distinct from cities, we must mean "proseuchae," or "houses of prayer," located outside of cities; they are mentioned in the New Testament and by other authors. See Luke 6:12; Acts 16:13, 16; Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23; his Life, sect. 51. "In which place do I seek you, proseucha?" Juvenal Sat. III. yet. 296. They were sometimes located by rivers, Acts 16:13, or by the seaside, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23. The seventy-two interpreters would go to pray every morning by the seaside before they started their work, B. XII. ch. 2. sect. 12.]
13 (return)
[ Whether this Somorrhon,
or Somorrha, ought not to be here written Gomorrha, as some MSS. in a
manner have it, [for the place meant by Josephus seems to be near Segor,
or Zoar, at the very south of the Dead Sea, hard by which stood Sodom and
Gomorrha,] cannot now be certainly determined, but seems by no means
improbable.]
13 (return)
[ Whether this Somorrhon,
or Somorrha, should actually be written as Gomorrha, as some manuscripts suggest, [because the location referred to by Josephus appears to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of the Dead Sea, next to which stood Sodom and Gomorrha,] is unclear, but it seems quite possible.]
14 (return)
[ This excellent prayer of
Elisha is wanting in our copies, 2 Kings 2:21, 22, though it be referred
to also in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 37., and the success
of it is mentioned in them all.]
14 (return)
[ This great prayer of Elisha is missing from our copies, 2 Kings 2:21, 22, although it is also referenced in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 37., and its successful outcome is mentioned in all of them.]
16 (return)
[ Of these Roman affairs
and tumults under Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, here only touched upon by
Josephus, see Tacitus, Suelonius, and Dio, more largely. However, we may
observe with Ottius, that Josephus writes the name of the second of them
not Otto, with many others, but Otho, with the coins. See also the note on
ch. 11. sect. 4.]
16 (return)
[ For more details on these Roman events and upheavals during the times of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, refer to Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dio for a more comprehensive account. However, we can note, as Ottius points out, that Josephus refers to the second individual not as Otto, as many others do, but as Otho, which aligns with the coins. See also the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.]
17 (return)
[ Some of the ancients
call this famous tree, or grove, an oak others, a turpentine tree, or
grove. It has been very famous in all the past ages, and is so, I suppose,
at this day; and that particularly for an eminent mart or meeting of
merchants there every year, as the travelers inform us.]
17 (return)
[ Some ancient people refer to this well-known tree, or grove, as an oak, while others call it a turpentine tree, or grove. It has been highly regarded throughout history, and I assume it still is today, especially because of a notable marketplace or gathering of merchants that takes place there every year, according to travelers.]
18 (return)
[ Puetonius differs hardly
three days from Josephus, and says Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day
of his reign. In Anthon. See the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.]
18 (return)
[ Puetonius is only off by about three days from Josephus, stating that Otho died on the ninety-fifth day of his reign. In Anthon. See the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.]
19 (return)
[ This beginning and
ending the observation of the Jewish seventh day, or sabbath, with a
priest's blowing of a trumpet, is remarkable, and no where else mentioned,
that I know of. Nor is Reland's conjecture here improbable, that this was
the very place that has puzzled our commentators so long, called "Musach
Sabbati," the "Covert of the Sabbath," if that be the true reading, 2
Kings 16:18, because here the proper priest stood dry, under a "covering,"
to proclaim the beginning and ending of every Jewish sabbath.]
19 (return)
[ This practice of starting and ending the observation of the Jewish seventh day, or sabbath, with a priest blowing a trumpet is noteworthy and isn't mentioned anywhere else that I'm aware of. Reland's suggestion here isn't unlikely, that this could be the same place that has puzzled our commentators for so long, referred to as "Musach Sabbati," the "Covert of the Sabbath," if that is indeed the correct interpretation, 2 Kings 16:18, because here the designated priest stood dry, under a "covering," to announce the beginning and end of each Jewish sabbath.]
20 (return)
[ The Roman authors that
now remain say Vitellius had children, whereas Josephus introduces here
the Roman soldiers in Judea saying he had none. Which of these assertions
was the truth I know not. Spanheim thinks he hath given a peculiar reason
for calling Vitellius "childless," though he really had children, Diss. de
Num. p. 649, 650; to which it appears very difficult to give our assent.]
20 (return)
[The Roman writers that we still have mention that Vitellius had children, while Josephus presents Roman soldiers in Judea claiming he had none. I'm not sure which of these statements is true. Spanheim believes he has provided a specific reason for calling Vitellius "childless," even though he actually had children, Diss. de Num. p. 649, 650; and it seems quite challenging to agree with him.]
21 (return)
[ This brother of
Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as Suetonius informs us, in Vitell. sect.
15, and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is also named by Josephus presently ch. 11.
sect; 4.]
21 (return)
[ This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as Suetonius tells us in Vitell. sect. 15, and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is also mentioned by Josephus in ch. 11. sect; 4.]
22 (return)
[ It is plain by the
nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian
was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, and not till some time
afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's present copies must
be correct text, when they both say that he was first proclaimed in Egypt,
and that on the calends of July, while they still say it was the fifth of
the Nones or Ides of the same July before he was proclaimed in Judea. I
suppose the month they there intended was June, and not July, as the
copies now have it; nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. See Essay on
the Revelation, p. 136.]
22 (return)
[ It's clear from the circumstances, as well as from Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian was first recognized as emperor in Judea, and only later in Egypt. Therefore, Tacitus's and Suetonius's current versions must be accurate when they both state that he was first announced in Egypt, specifically on the first of July, while also indicating that it was on the fifth of the Nones or the Ides of the same July before he was acknowledged in Judea. I believe the month they intended to mention was June, not July, as the current copies suggest; nor does Tacitus's narrative imply otherwise. See Essay on the Revelation, p. 136.]
23 (return)
[ Here we have an
authentic description of the bounds and circumstances of Egypt, in the
days of Vespasian and Titus.]
23 (return)
[ Here we have a true account of the limits and conditions of Egypt during the times of Vespasian and Titus.]
24 (return)
[ As Daniel was preferred
by Darius and Cyrus, on account of his having foretold the destruction of
the Babylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent exaltation of
the Medes and Persians, Daniel 5:6 or rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a
prisoner, was set at liberty, and honorably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the
command of Nebuchadnezzar, on account of his having foretold the
destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jeremiah 40:1-7; so was our
Josephus set at liberty, and honorably treated, on account of his having
foretold the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire. All
these are most eminent instances of the interposition of Divine
Providence, and of the certainty of Divine predictions in the great
revolutions of the four monarchies. Several such-like examples there are,
both in the sacred and other histories, as in the case of Joseph in Egypt.
and of Jaddua the high priest, in the days of Alexander the Great, etc.]
24 (return)
[ Since Darius and Cyrus favored Daniel because he predicted the fall of the Babylonian empire through their actions and the rise of the Medes and Persians, Daniel 5:6; and similarly to how Jeremiah was freed and treated honorably by Nebuzaradan at Nebuchadnezzar's order because he foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jeremiah 40:1-7; our Josephus was also freed and honored for predicting the rise of Vespasian and Titus to power in the Roman empire. All these are clear examples of Divine Providence at work and the reliability of Divine predictions amidst the major changes in the four empires. There are many similar instances in both sacred and secular histories, such as the stories of Joseph in Egypt and Jaddua the high priest during the time of Alexander the Great, etc.]
25 (return)
[ This is well observed by
Josephus, that Vespasian, in order to secure his success, and establish
his government at first, distributed his offices and places upon the foot
of justice, and bestowed them on such as best deserved them, and were best
fit for them. Which wise conduct in a mere heathen ought to put those
rulers and ministers of state to shame, who, professing Christianity, act
otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and their kingdoms to vice and
destruction.]
25 (return)
[ Josephus notes that Vespasian, to ensure his success and establish his government, first distributed his positions and responsibilities fairly, giving them to those who truly deserved and were most qualified for them. This wise approach from a non-Christian should shame leaders and government officials who claim to follow Christianity yet behave differently, putting themselves and their nations at risk of corruption and ruin.]
26 (return)
[ The numbers in Josephus,
ch. 9. sect. 2, 9, for Galba seven months seven days, for Otho three
months two days, and here for Vitellius eight months five days, do not
agree with any Roman historians, who also disagree among themselves. And,
indeed, Sealiger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes on ch. 9. sect.
2, that this period is very confused and uncertain in the ancient authors.
They were probably some of them contemporary together for some time; one
of the best evidences we have, I mean Ptolemy's Canon, omits them all, as
if they did not all together reign one whole year, nor had a single Thoth,
or new-year's day, [which then fell upon August 6,] in their entire
reigns. Dio also, who says that Vitellius reigned a year within ten days,
does yet estimate all their reigns together at no more than one year, one
month, and two days.]
26 (return)
[ The figures in Josephus, ch. 9. sect. 2, 9, state that Galba ruled for seven months and seven days, Otho for three months and two days, and Vitellius for eight months and five days, but these don’t match up with any Roman historians, who also contradict each other. Indeed, Sealiger rightly points out, as Dr. Hudson notes in ch. 9. sect. 2, that this timeframe is very unclear and uncertain in the ancient texts. It’s likely that some of them were contemporaries for a while; one of the strongest pieces of evidence we have, namely Ptolemy's Canon, doesn’t mention any of them, implying that they didn’t reign together for an entire year or have a single Thoth, or new year's day, [which then occurred on August 6,] during their whole reigns. Dio likewise states that Vitellius reigned for a year plus ten days but still estimates their total reigns combined at no more than one year, one month, and two days.]
27 (return)
[ There are coins of this
Casian Jupiter still extant.]
27 (return)
[ There are still coins of this Casian Jupiter.]
BOOK V.
Containing The Interval Of Near Six Months.
Containing A Period Of Almost Six Months.
From The Coming Of Titus To Besiege Jerusalem, To The Great
Extremity To Which The Jews Were Reduced.
From The Coming Of Titus To Besiege Jerusalem, To The Great
Extremity To Which The Jews Were Reduced.CHAPTER 1.
Concerning The Seditions At Jerusalem And What Terrible
Miseries Afflicted The City By Their Means.
Regarding the Unrest in Jerusalem and the Horrific
Sufferings That Afflicted the City Because of It.1. When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Cesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of Divine justice. Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased. But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.
1. So, when Titus had crossed the desert between Egypt and Syria as previously mentioned, he arrived at Cesarea, planning to organize his forces there before starting the war. In fact, while he was helping his father in Alexandria establish the government that had just been granted to them by God, the unrest in Jerusalem flared up again and split into three factions, with each one fighting the others. In such dire situations, this division could be viewed as a positive development and a result of Divine justice. Regarding the attack by the zealots on the people, which I consider the start of the city's destruction, I've already detailed that thoroughly, including its origins and the extent of the resulting damage. As for the current unrest, it wouldn’t be wrong to call it a conflict spawned by another conflict, akin to a wild animal driven mad, which, lacking outside food, has turned to consuming its own flesh.
2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared very angry at John's insolent attempts, which he made everyday upon the people; for this man never left off murdering; but the truth was, that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him. So he being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of Chelcias, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah, the son of Chobar, a person of eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots; these seized upon the inner court of the temple 1 and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court. And because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of their small number; and when they had laid up their arms there, they did not stir from the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his head; and as he could not make any assault upon them without some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest; nay, although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he could inflict upon them, yet would he not leave off assaulting them, insomuch that there were continual sallies made one against another, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled every where with murders.
2. Eleazar, the son of Simon, who was the first to separate the zealots from the people and made them retreat into the temple, was really angry at John's arrogant attacks on the people, which he made every day. This guy never stopped killing; the truth was, he couldn’t stand to let a tyrant take control after him. Wanting to gain all the power for himself, he turned against John and joined forces with Judas, the son of Chelcias, and Simon, the son of Ezron, who were among the most influential men. Hezekiah, the son of Chobar, a prominent figure, was also with him. Each of them was followed by many zealots; they seized the inner court of the temple 1 and placed their weapons at the holy gates and across the sacred areas of that court. With plenty of provisions, they were confident, as there was a large supply of what was designated for sacred purposes, and they didn’t hesitate to use it; however, they were afraid due to their small numbers, and after placing their weapons there, they didn’t move from their position. As for John, although he had more followers than Eleazar, he was at a disadvantage because his enemies were right above him. He could not launch an attack without fear, yet his anger was too great to let him leave them alone. Even though he suffered more damage from Eleazar and his group than he could cause them, he wouldn’t stop attacking, leading to constant skirmishes and exchanges of projectiles, and the temple was stained everywhere with bloodshed.
3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John and his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he beneath their situation when he attacked them, as they were beneath the attacks of the others above them. Whereby it came to pass that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from their hands only; but was obliged to repel those that threw their darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war; for he had such engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about their sacred ministrations. For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition; for those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the buildings, and reached as far as the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests, and those 2 that were about the sacred offices; insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcasses stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves. And now, "O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine hatred! 'For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulcher for the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God who is the author of thy destruction." But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestical lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition. 3
3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had invited in, hoping he would help them in their great troubles, controlled the upper city and much of the lower city. He now launched more intense attacks on John and his group, as they were also being attacked from above. However, Simon was at a lower position when he struck them, just as John was lower when he faced the attacks from those above. Consequently, John both suffered and inflicted considerable damage easily, as he was being attacked from both sides. He had the same advantage over Simon, due to his higher position, that Eleazar and his group had over him, since he was below them. For this reason, he easily fended off the attacks from below with the weapons thrown by hand but had to counter those throwing darts from the temple above him using his war machines; he had machines that hurled darts, javelins, and stones in large numbers, which not only defended him from those fighting against him but also killed many priests while they were performing their sacred duties. Although these men were engulfed in all kinds of impiety, they still allowed those who wished to offer sacrifices, carefully checking their fellow countrymen beforehand, suspecting and watching them closely. They weren't as worried about strangers who, even though they had permission to enter that court, often faced destruction in this turmoil; for the darts thrown by the machines came with such force that they flew over all the buildings, reaching the altar and the temple itself, landing upon the priests and others involved in sacred duties; so much so that many who traveled from far and wide with great zeal to offer sacrifices at this revered site, honored by people everywhere, fell before their own sacrifices and stained that altar, esteemed by all, both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; until the corpses of strangers mingled with those of their compatriots, and the bodies of impious individuals with those of the priests, and blood from all kinds of dead bodies formed pools in the holy courts themselves. And now, "O most wretched city, what greater misery did you endure from the Romans when they came to cleanse you from your internal strife! For you could no longer be a place worthy of God, nor could you survive long after becoming a graveyard for the bodies of your own people, turning the holy house itself into a burial ground in this civil war of yours. Yet, you may still improve if you perhaps can appease the wrath of the God who brought about your ruin." But I must hold back my emotions for the sake of history, as this is not the proper moment for personal laments, but for historical accounts; I therefore return to the events that followed in this conflict. 3
4. And now there were three treacherous factions in the city, the one parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred first-fruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the seditious. When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war. And if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which happened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party; and this he did always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions. 4 The same thing was done by Simon, when, upon the other's retreat, he attacked the city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans, by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly, it so came to pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both sides of it; and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years. So they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been, unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.
4. Now there were three treacherous factions in the city, each separate from the others. Eleazar and his group, who kept the sacred first-fruits, confronted John while they were drunk. John's followers robbed the populace and aggressively went after Simon. Simon obtained his supplies from the city, countering the insurgents. When John was attacked from both sides, he had his men turn around, throwing their projectiles at the citizens approaching him from the cloisters he controlled, while he fought back against those attacking him from the temple using his war machines. Whenever he managed to break free from those above him, which happened often due to their drunkenness and fatigue, he would charge out in large numbers against Simon and his group. He did this in various parts of the city until he set fire to the houses filled with grain and other supplies. 4 Simon did the same thing after John withdrew, launching his own attacks on the city as if they had intentionally acted to benefit the Romans by destroying the city’s supplies for the siege, effectively crippling their own power. As a result, all the areas around the temple were burned down, creating a barren space ready for battle between the two sides, and almost all the grain that could have sustained a lengthy siege was gone. Thus, they fell victim to famine, a fate that could have been avoided had they not prepared for it in this way.
5. And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, between them, were like a great body torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their delivery from their domestical miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hopes of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a mind flee away; for guards were set at all places, and the heads of the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in other respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert them, as their common enemies. They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded the other; nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon another, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open their lips in groans. Nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive, by their relations; nor was there any care taken of burial for those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that every one despaired of himself; for those that were not among the seditious had no great desires of any thing, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed; but for the seditious themselves, they fought against each other, while they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves; and when they had resolved upon any thing, they executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay, John abused the sacred materials, 5 and employed them in the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for their straightness and their largeness; but the war coming on, and interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that thought him from the temple that was above him. He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the west end of the cloisters, where alone he could erect them; whereas the other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters.
5. And now, as the city was surrounded by war on all sides, the people were like a huge body torn apart by the treacherous crowds of evil men. The older men and women were in such despair due to their internal struggles that they longed for the Romans and desperately hoped for an outside conflict to free them from their domestic suffering. The citizens were filled with terrible fear and anxiety; they had no chance to discuss their options or change their actions; there was no hope of reaching an agreement with their enemies, and those who wanted to flee couldn’t because guards were everywhere. The leaders of the robbers, while they fought among themselves, united in their desire to kill anyone who wanted peace with the Romans or was suspected of wanting to defect, as they considered them common enemies. They had no agreement except to kill the innocent. The sounds of battle were unending, both day and night, but the cries of those who mourned were even louder; they had no chance to stop lamenting because their misfortunes kept piling up on them, although the deep panic they felt kept them from expressing their sorrow outwardly. They were forced by their fear to hide their feelings inside, suffering in silence without daring to let out a groan. No one cared for the living, and there was no effort to bury the dead; the reason for this was that everyone had lost hope for themselves. Those not involved in the conflicts had little desire for anything, knowing they would soon be destroyed; but the rebels fought against each other, trampling over the dead bodies piled all around them, becoming even more furious from the sight of the corpses beneath their feet. They constantly thought of new ways to harm themselves, and when they made plans, they carried them out without mercy, leaving no cruel method untried. John even misused sacred materials and used them to build his war machines; the people and priests had previously decided to support the temple and raise the holy structure twenty cubits higher. King Agrippa had invested a great deal of money and effort to bring suitable materials for that work, such as impressive timber due to its straightness and size. But with the war interrupting the project, John had the wood cut and repurposed to construct towers, finding them high enough to defend against his enemies from the temple above him. He also had them transported and erected behind the inner court across from the west end of the cloisters, where he could build them, since the other sides of that court had so many steps that they couldn’t get close enough to the cloisters.
6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove of no use to him, by bringing the Romans upon him, before he had reared any of his towers; for Titus, when he had gotten together part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea. He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father when he laid Judea waste, together with that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valor, so did it march on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as remembering what they had formerly suffered from them. Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth to go up by Jericho; he also moved himself, together with the rest; besides whom, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that came to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus; who were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river Euphrates; as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his good-will to him, and for his prudence. He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs.
6. John wanted to be too tough for his enemies with the engines he created through his wrongdoing; however, God showed that his efforts would be pointless by bringing the Romans against him before he finished building any of his towers. Titus, after gathering part of his forces and ordering the rest to meet him in Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea. He had with him the three legions that accompanied his father when he devastated Judea, along with the twelfth legion that had previously been defeated by Cestius. This legion, known for its bravery, marched with even more enthusiasm now to seek revenge on the Jews, recalling what they had endured from them. He ordered the fifth legion to approach him via Emmaus and the tenth to go through Jericho. He also moved along with the rest, joined by auxiliary troops from the kings, who were now more numerous than before, along with a significant contingent from Syria. Those who had been selected from these four legions and sent with Mucianus to Italy were replaced by soldiers who had come with Titus from Egypt; they numbered two thousand men chosen from the forces in Alexandria. Three thousand more followed him from the guards along the Euphrates River. Tiberius Alexander, a valued friend known for his goodwill and wisdom, also joined. He had previously been the governor of Alexandria but was now seen as worthy of leading the army under Titus. This was because he had been the first to encourage Vespasian to accept his new rule and had aligned himself with Vespasian with great loyalty during uncertain times. He also served as a valuable advisor to Titus in the war due to his experience and expertise.
CHAPTER 2.
How Titus Marched To Jerusalem, And How He Was In Danger As
He Was Taking A View Of The City Of The Place Also Where He
Pitched His Camp
How Titus Marches to Jerusalem, and How He Was in Danger While
He Was Observing the City and the Area Where He Set Up Camp1. Now, as Titus was upon his march into the enemy's country, the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings marched first, having all the other auxiliaries with them; after whom followed those that were to prepare the roads and measure out the camp; then came the commander's baggage, and after that the other soldiers, who were completely armed to support them; then came Titus himself, having with him another select body; and then came the pikemen; after whom came the horse belonging to that legion. All these came before the engines; and after these engines came the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts, with their select bodies; after these came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before those ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them; next these came the main body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep; the servants belonging to every legion came after these; and before these last their baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought up the rear. Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the front of the army after a decent manner, and marched through Samaria to Gophna, a city that had been formerly taken by his father, and was then garrisoned by Roman soldiers; and when he had lodged there one night, he marched on in the morning; and when he had gone as far as a day's march, he pitched his camp at that valley which the Jews, in their own tongue, call "the Valley of Thorns," near a certain village called Gabaothsath, which signifies "the Hill of Saul," being distant from Jerusalem about thirty furlongs. 6 There it was that he chose out six hundred select horsemen, and went to take a view of the city, to observe what strength it was of, and how courageous the Jews were; whether, when they saw him, and before they came to a direct battle, they would be affrighted and submit; for he had been informed what was really true, that the people who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers were greatly desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise up against the rest, they lay still.
1. As Titus marched into enemy territory, the auxiliaries sent by the kings led the way, accompanied by all the other auxiliaries. Next came those responsible for preparing the roads and setting up the camp, followed by the commander's supplies, and then the other fully armed soldiers to support them. Titus himself followed with a select group, then the pikemen, and after them the cavalry from the legion. All of these moved ahead of the siege engines, followed by the tribunes and cohort leaders with their chosen units. After them came the standards, along with the eagle, and in front of those standards were the trumpeters. Then came the main body of the army, forming ranks six deep, followed by the servants of each legion, with their baggage in front of them. The mercenaries brought up the rear, guarded by those assigned to watch over them. Following Roman custom, Titus marched at the front of the army in an orderly fashion, passing through Samaria to Gophna, a city his father had taken and was currently garrisoned by Roman soldiers. After staying there for one night, he moved on in the morning and, after a day’s march, set up camp in a valley that the Jews called "the Valley of Thorns," near a village called Gabaothsath, meaning "the Hill of Saul," about thirty furlongs from Jerusalem. 6 There, he selected six hundred elite cavalry to scout the city and assess its strength and the morale of the Jews. He wondered if they would be intimidated and surrender upon seeing him, before actual combat began. He had been informed of the truth: those who had fallen under the control of the insurgents and thieves were eager for peace, but too weak to rise against the others, so they remained passive.
2. Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which led to the wall of the city, nobody appeared out of the gates; but when he went out of that road, and declined towards the tower Psephinus, and led the band of horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at the towers called the "Women's Towers," through that gate which was over against the monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted his horse; and standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road, hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They intercepted Titus also, with a few other. Now it was here impossible for him to go forward, because all the places had trenches dug in them from the wall, to preserve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens obliquely situated, and of many hedges; and to return back to his own men, he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the enemies that lay between them; many of whom did not so much as know that the king was in any danger, but supposed him still among them. So he perceived that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage, and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies, in order to force his way through them to his own men. And hence we may principally learn, that both the success of wars, and the dangers that kings 7 are in, are under the providence of God; for while such a number of darts were thrown at Titus, when he had neither his head-piece on, nor his breastplate, [for, as I told you, he went out not to fight, but to view the city,] none of them touched his body, but went aside without hurting him; as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a noise as they passed by him. So he diverted those perpetually with his sword that came on his side, and overturned many of those that directly met him, and made his horse ride over those that were overthrown. The enemy indeed made a shout at the boldness of Caesar, and exhorted one another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly away, and go off from him in great numbers; while those that were in the same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both on their backs and on their sides; for they had each of them but this one hope of escaping, if they could assist Titus in opening himself a way, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got away from them. Now there were two of those that were with him, but at some distance; the one of which the enemy compassed round, and slew him with their darts, and his horse also; but the other they slew as he leaped down from his horse, and carried off his horse with them. But Titus escaped with the rest, and came safe to the camp. So this success of the Jews' first attack raised their minds, and gave them an ill-grounded hope; and this short inclination of fortune, on their side, made them very courageous for the future.
2. As long as he rode along the straight road leading to the city wall, no one came out of the gates. But when he left that road, turning towards the tower Psephinus, and led the group of horsemen at an angle, a huge number of Jews suddenly emerged from the towers known as the "Women's Towers," through the gate opposite Queen Helena's monuments, blocking his horse's path. They stood directly in front of those who were still on the road, preventing them from joining the ones who had veered off. They also intercepted Titus along with a few others. At this point, he couldn't move forward because there were trenches dug around the wall to protect the gardens, filled with sloped gardens and many hedges. It was equally impossible for him to retreat to his men due to the large number of enemies between them; many didn't even realize the king was in danger, thinking he was still with them. He understood that his survival depended solely on his own bravery, so he turned his horse around, shouted loudly for those around him to follow, and charged fiercely into the midst of his enemies to break through to his men. From this, we can learn that both the outcomes of wars and the dangers that kings face are under God's providence; while numerous darts were thrown at Titus—who wasn’t wearing his helmet or breastplate because he had gone out not to fight, but to survey the city—not one hit him, as if they all missed him on purpose, merely creating noise as they flew by. He continually fended off those who came at him with his sword, knocking many of those who confronted him to the ground and causing his horse to trample over them. The enemy indeed shouted at Caesar's audacity, urging each other to attack him. Yet, those he advanced toward fled in large numbers, while those who shared his danger stayed close, even though they were wounded in their backs and sides, each of them holding onto the hope that if they could help Titus carve a path, he wouldn’t be surrounded by his enemies before escaping. There were two among his companions, but at some distance; one was encircled by the enemy and killed by their darts, along with his horse, while the other was slain as he jumped down from his horse, and they took his horse with them. However, Titus and the others managed to escape and reached the camp safely. This initial success of the Jews' attack lifted their spirits and gave them a misguided sense of hope; this brief turn of fortune on their side made them quite bold for the future.
3. But now, as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to Caesar at night, he removed thence, when it was day, and came to a place called Seopus; from whence the city began already to be seen, and a plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter of the city, and joining thereto, was a plain, and very properly named Scopus, [the prospect,] and was no more than seven furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions that were to be together; but ordered another camp to be fortified, at three furlongs farther distance behind them, for the fifth legion; for he thought that, by marching in the night, they might be tired, and might deserve to be covered from the enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves; and as these were now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho, was already come to the place, where a certain party of armed men had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken before by Vespasian. These legions had orders to encamp at the distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the mount called the Mount of Olives 8 which lies over against the city on the east side, and is parted from it by a deep valley, interposed between them, which is named Cedron.
3. But now, as soon as the legion that had been at Emmaus joined Caesar at night, he left there in the morning and arrived at a place called Seopus; from there, the city was already visible, and you could get a clear view of the grand temple. This location, on the northern side of the city and adjacent to it, was a plain and aptly named Scopus, meaning "the view," and it was just seven furlongs away. Here, Titus ordered a camp to be set up for two legions that were coming together; he also instructed that another camp be established three furlongs behind them for the fifth legion, as he believed that marching through the night might wear them out, and they would be better off protected from the enemy, allowing them to fortify themselves with less fear. As they began to build, the tenth legion, which had come through Jericho, already arrived at the spot where a group of armed men had previously been stationed to guard the entry into the city, a position previously held by Vespasian. These legions were instructed to set up camp six furlongs from Jerusalem, on the mount known as the Mount of Olives 8, which is situated across from the city on the east side, separated from it by a deep valley called Cedron.
4. Now when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing one against another perpetually, this foreign war, now suddenly come upon them after a violent manner, put the first stop to their contentions one against another; and as the seditious now saw with astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another, "What do we here, and what do we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be able to breathe freely? while the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and while we sit still within our own walls, and become spectators only of what they are doing, with our hands idle, and our armor laid by, as if they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage. We are, it seems, [so did they cry out,] only courageous against ourselves, while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our sedition." Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten together, and took their armor immediately, and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness, and with a prodigious shout, as they were fortifying their camp. These Romans were caught in different parties, and this in order to perform their several works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms; for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon them; and had they been disposed so to do, they supposed their sedition would have distracted them. So they were put into disorder unexpectedly; when some of them left their works they were about, and immediately marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain before they could turn back upon the enemy. The Jews became still more and more in number, as encouraged by the good success of those that first made the attack; and while they had such good fortune, they seemed both to themselves and to the enemy to be many more than they really were. The disorderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also to a stand, who had been constantly used to fight skillfully in good order, and with keeping their ranks, and obeying the orders that were given them; for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly, and were obliged to give way to the assaults that were made upon them. Now when these Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon the Jews, they put a stop to their career; yet when they did not take care enough of themselves through the vehemency of their pursuit, they were wounded by them; but as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city, the Romans were at length brought into confusion, and put to flight, and ran away from their camp. Nay, things looked as though the entire legion would have been in danger, unless Titus had been informed of the case they were in, and had sent them succors immediately. So he reproached them for their cowardice, and brought those back that were running away, and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank, with those select troops that were with him, and slew a considerable number, and wounded more of them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down the valley. Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley, so when they were gotten over it, they turned about, and stood over against the Romans, having the valley between them, and there fought with them. Thus did they continue the fight till noon; but when it was already a little after noon, Titus set those that came to the assistance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify their camp.
4. After the various groups in the city had been constantly clashing with each other, this unexpected foreign war suddenly put an end to their conflicts. Seeing the Romans setting up three camps, the troublemakers began to question their situation and said to one another, "What are we doing? Why are we allowing three fortified walls to be built around us, trapping us so we can’t breathe? While the enemy is building a city right in front of us, we’re just sitting here within our own walls, merely watching what they’re doing, with our hands idle and our armor put away, as if their actions are beneficial to us. It seems we’re only brave against ourselves while the Romans might take the city without fighting because of our own infighting." Encouraging each other, they quickly grabbed their armor and charged out against the tenth legion, attacking the Romans while they were busy fortifying their camp. The Romans were caught off guard as they had divided into smaller groups to work on their tasks and had largely set aside their weapons, believing the Jews wouldn’t dare to attack them. But they were unexpectedly thrown into chaos; some of them abandoned their work and retreated, while others scrambled for their arms, only to be struck down before they could regroup against the enemy. The Jews continued to grow in number, motivated by the success of the initial attackers. With their good fortune, they appeared to be more formidable to both themselves and the enemy than they actually were. Their disorganized fighting style initially threw the Romans off, as they were used to battling skillfully, maintaining order, and following commands. As a result, the Romans were caught off guard and forced to retreat from the attacks. When the Romans finally regrouped and faced the Jews again, they managed to halt the Jewish advance; however, in their fervor to pursue, they neglected their own safety, resulting in injuries from the Jews. As more Jews continued to pour out of the city, the Romans fell into disarray and fled from their camp. It seemed that the entire legion might have faced disaster if Titus hadn't been alerted to their plight and sent immediate reinforcements. He reprimanded them for their cowardice, rallied those who were retreating, and attacked the Jews on their side with his elite troops, killing many, wounding more, and driving them back hastily down the valley. As the Jews suffered on the slope, once they crossed over, they regrouped and faced the Romans with the valley separating them, engaging in battle once again. They continued fighting until noon, but a little after noon, Titus positioned the reinforcements and the cohorts to stop further Jewish assaults and then sent the rest of the legion to the higher ground to strengthen their camp.
5. This march of the Romans seemed to the Jews to be a flight; and as the watchman who was placed upon the wall gave a signal by shaking his garment, there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such mighty violence, that one might compare it to the running of the most terrible wild beasts. To say the truth, none of those that opposed them could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks; but, as if they had been cast out of an engine, they brake the enemies' ranks to pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain; none but Titus himself, and a few others with him, being left in the midst of the acclivity. Now these others, who were his friends, despised the danger they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general, earnestly exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him; to consider what his fortune was, and not, by supplying the place of a common soldier, to venture to turn back upon the enemy so suddenly; and this because he was general in the war, and lord of the habitable earth, on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend. These persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that ran upon him, and smote them on the face; and when he had forced them to go back, he slew them: he also fell upon great numbers as they marched down the hill, and thrust them forward; while those men were so amazed at his courage and his strength, that they could not fly directly to the city, but declined from him on both sides, and pressed after those that fled up the hill; yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put a stop to their fury. In the mean time, a disorder and a terror fell again upon those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill, upon their seeing those beneath them running away; insomuch that the whole legion was dispersed, while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight; because they took it for granted, that, if he had staid, the rest would never have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and some dispersed themselves one way, and some another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an action, and being under great concern for him, they loudly proclaimed the danger he was in to the entire legion; and now shame made them turn back, and they reproached one another that they did worse than run away, by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews, and declining from the straight declivity, they drove them on heaps into the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them; but as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had the advantage of the ground, and were above the Jews, they drove them all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon those that were near him, and sent the legion again to fortify their camp; while he, and those that were with him before, opposed the enemy, and kept them from doing further mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allowed neither to add any thing out of flattery, nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but to speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when it was in jeopardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying their camp.
5. The Romans' march looked like a retreat to the Jews; when the watchman on the wall signaled by shaking his garment, a new wave of Jews rushed out with such ferocity that it resembled a pack of angry wild beasts. Honestly, none of those who stood against them could withstand their fierce attacks; it was as if they had been launched from a catapult, shattering the enemy's formation. The Romans fled to the mountain, leaving only Titus and a few others on the slope. His friends, disregarding their own danger, were too embarrassed to abandon their leader, urging him to let the dying-obsessed Jews take their chance rather than risk himself against foes who should have been in front of him. They advised him to consider his fate and not act like a common soldier, suddenly turning back on the enemy, especially since he was the general and had the fate of the world resting on his shoulders. Titus seemed to ignore their pleas, confronting those who charged at him and striking them in the face; when he forced them back, he killed them. He also attacked large groups as they made their way down the hill, pushing them forward, and his courage and strength left them so stunned that they couldn't make it straight to the city but veered off to both sides, chasing after those who were fleeing uphill. Yet he still struck at their flanks, halting their frenzy. Meanwhile, chaos and fear seized those fortifying their camp at the hilltop when they saw those below fleeing; the entire legion fell into disarray, convinced the Jewish attacks were overwhelming and that Titus himself was retreating. They assumed that if he had stayed put, the rest would never have fled. Surrounded by panic, some scattered in different directions until a few spotted their general in the midst of battle; deeply concerned for him, they loudly warned the entire legion about his danger. Embarrassment spurred them to turn back, criticizing each other for doing worse than fleeing by deserting Caesar. They then put all their strength against the Jews, moving down the slope to push them into the valley. The Jews turned to fight back, but as they retreated and with the Romans positioned above them, they were pushed into the valley. Titus also pressed those near him and sent the legion to fortify their camp again while he and those with him held off the enemy, preventing further damage. To speak plainly without flattery or jealousy, Caesar saved that entire legion twice when it was in danger and gave them a chance to secure their camp.
CHAPTER 3.
How The Sedition Was Again Revived Within Jerusalem And Yet
The Jews Contrived Snares For The Romans. How Titus Also
Threatened His Soldiers For Their Ungovernable Rashness.
How the Sedition Was Again Revived Within Jerusalem and Yet
The Jews Set Traps for the Romans. How Titus Also
Threatened His Soldiers for Their Uncontrollable Recklessness.1. As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was now come, it being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when it is believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates of this [inmost court of the] temple, and admitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it. 9 But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous designs, and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their garments, and sent them with great zeal into the temple, in order to seize upon it; which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their garments away, and presently appeared in their armor. Upon which there was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house; while the people, who had no concern in the sedition, supposed that this assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought it was made against themselves only. So these left off guarding the gates any longer, and leaped down from their battlements before they came to an engagement, and fled away into the subterranean caverns of the temple; while the people that stood trembling at the altar, and about the holy house, were rolled on heaps together, and trampled upon, and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy. Such also as had differences with others slew many persons that were quiet, out of their own private enmity and hatred, as if they were opposite to the seditious; and all those that had formerly offended any of these plotters were now known, and were now led away to the slaughter; and when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty, and let those go off that came out of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon this inner temple, and upon all the warlike engines therein, and then ventured to oppose Simon. And thus that sedition, which had been divided into three factions, was now reduced to two.
1. Now that the war abroad had paused for a while, the internal conflict flared up again; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which had arrived, the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan], when it’s believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and his group opened the gates of this [innermost court of the] temple and allowed anyone who wanted to worship God to enter. 9 But John used this festival as a cover for his treacherous plans, arming the least significant members of his group—most of whom were not purified—with weapons hidden under their clothes, and sent them into the temple with great enthusiasm to take control. Once inside, these armed men discarded their garments and immediately revealed their armor. This caused a huge chaos around the holy house; the people, who had no part in the conflict, thought this attack was against everyone indiscriminately, while the zealots believed it was targeting them. As a result, the guards abandoned their posts and jumped down from the walls before any engagement occurred, fleeing into the underground chambers of the temple. Meanwhile, the people standing, terrified at the altar and around the holy house, were piled together, trampled, and mercilessly beaten with both wooden and iron weapons. Those who had personal grudges against others killed many innocent people out of their own private hatred, as if they were enemies of the rebels. Anyone who had previously wronged any of these conspirators was recognized and taken away to be slaughtered; after committing numerous horrific acts against the innocent, they offered a truce to the guilty and allowed those who emerged from the caves to go free. These followers of John then seized control of this inner temple and all the weaponry within, and they dared to confront Simon. Thus, the faction, which had been split into three groups, was now reduced to two.
2. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many of his choice horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient opposite to the Jews, to prevent their sallying out upon them, while he gave orders for the whole army to level the distance, as far as the wall of the city. So they threw down all the hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees, and cut down all the fruit trees that lay between them and the wall of the city, and filled up all the hollow places and the chasms, and demolished the rocky precipices with iron instruments; and thereby made all the place level from Scopus to Herod's monuments, which adjoined to the pool called the Serpent's Pool.
2. But Titus, planning to set up his camp closer to the city than Scopus, stationed as many of his best horsemen and foot soldiers as he thought necessary in front of the Jews to stop them from coming out against them. He ordered the entire army to flatten the area up to the city wall. They destroyed all the fences and walls that the locals had built around their gardens and orchards, cut down all the fruit trees that were in the way of the city wall, filled in all the low spots and gaps, and leveled the rocky cliffs with iron tools; thus, they made the ground flat from Scopus to Herod's monuments, next to the pool called the Serpent's Pool.
3. Now at this very time the Jews contrived the following stratagem against the Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the towers, called the Women's Towers, as if they had been ejected out of the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they were afraid of being assaulted by the Romans, and were in fear of one another; while those that stood upon the wall, and seemed to be of the people's side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreated they might have security for their lives given them, and called for the Romans, promising to open the gates to them; and as they cried out after that manner, they threw stones at their own people, as though they would drive them away from the gates. These also pretended that they were excluded by force, and that they petitioned those that were within to let them in; and rushing upon the Romans perpetually, with violence, they then came back, and seemed to be in great disorder. Now the Roman soldiers thought this cunning stratagem of theirs was to be believed real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, and could punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly. But for Titus himself, he had this surprising conduct of the Jews in suspicion; for whereas he had invited them to come to terms of accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive no civil answer from them; so he ordered the soldiers to stay where they were. However, some of them that were set in the front of the works prevented him, and catching up their arms ran to the gates; whereupon those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired; but as soon as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed them round, and fell upon them behind, while that multitude which stood upon the wall threw a heap of stones and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a considerable number, and wounded many more; for it was not easy for the Romans to escape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward; besides which, the shame they were under for being mistaken, and the fear they were in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake; wherefore they fought with their spears a great while, and received many blows from the Jews, though indeed they gave them as many blows again, and at last repelled those that had encompassed them about, while the Jews pursued them as they retired, and followed them, and threw darts at them as far as the monuments of queen Helena.
3. At this very moment, the Jews devised a plan against the Romans. The more aggressive members of the rebellion went out to the towers, known as the Women's Towers, pretending they had been forced out of the city by those who favored peace. They wandered around as if they were afraid of being attacked by the Romans and were suspicious of each other. Meanwhile, those on the wall, appearing to support the people, loudly called for peace, pleading for guarantees of safety for their lives, and asked for the Romans to come, promising they would open the gates for them. As they shouted this, they threw stones at their own people, as if trying to drive them away from the gates. They also pretended they had been forcibly excluded and were begging those inside to let them back in; then they constantly rushed at the Romans with aggression only to retreat, appearing very disorganized. The Roman soldiers thought this clever ruse was genuine and believed they had one group under control, thinking they could punish them as they wished, while hoping the other group would open the gates to them, so they proceeded with their plans. However, Titus himself was suspicious of this surprising behavior from the Jews. Just one day earlier, he had sent Josephus to invite them to negotiate, but now he received no sensible response from them; so he ordered his soldiers to remain where they were. Still, some of those at the front jumped the gun, grabbed their weapons, and rushed to the gates. As a result, those who had seemed to be forced out at first stepped back. But as soon as the soldiers were trapped between the towers on either side of the gate, the Jews charged out, surrounded them, and attacked from behind, while the crowd on the wall hurled stones and various projectiles at them. This resulted in many Roman soldiers being killed and even more wounded, as it was difficult for them to escape due to those pressing behind them. Additionally, the embarrassment they felt from their mistake and their fear of their leaders made them stick to their error. Thus, they fought with their spears for a while, taking many hits from the Jews, though they managed to inflict as many blows in return. Eventually, they drove back those who had surrounded them, but the Jews continued to chase them as they withdrew, throwing darts at them until they reached the monuments of Queen Helena.
4. After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent upon their good fortune, and jested upon the Romans for being deluded by the trick they had put upon them, and making a noise with beating their shields, leaped for gladness, and made joyful exclamations; while these soldiers were received with threatenings by their officers, and with indignation by Caesar himself, [who spake to them thus]: These Jews, who are only conducted by their madness, do every thing with care and circumspection; they contrive stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune gives success to their stratagems, because they are obedient, and preserve their goodwill and fidelity to one another; while the Romans, to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good order, and ready submission to their commanders, have now had ill success by their contrary behavior, and by not being able to restrain their hands from action, they have been caught; and that which is the most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders, in the very presence of Caesar. "Truly," says Titus, "the laws of war cannot but groan heavily, as will my father also himself, when he shall be informed of this wound that hath been given us, since he who is grown old in wars did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also ever inflict capital punishment on those that in the least break into good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into disorder. However, those that have been so insolent shall be made immediately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans without orders for fighting are to be under disgrace." When Titus had enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned; so these soldiers' minds sunk down in despair, as expecting to be put to death, and that justly and quickly. However, the other legions came round about Titus, and entreated his favor to these their fellow soldiers, and made supplication to him, that he would pardon the rashness of a few, on account of the better obedience of all the rest; and promised for them that they should make amends for their present fault, by their more virtuous behavior for the time to come.
4. After this, the Jews, without any sense of decorum, became arrogant about their good fortune and mocked the Romans for being fooled by the trick they had played on them. They made noise by banging their shields, jumped for joy, and shouted with excitement. Meanwhile, the soldiers were met with threats from their officers and anger from Caesar himself, who spoke to them like this: “These Jews, driven only by their madness, do everything with careful planning and caution; they devise strategies and set traps, and luck favors their plans because they are disciplined and loyal to one another. In contrast, the Romans, who usually rely on fortune due to their organization and obedience to their commanders, have now experienced failure because of their reckless behavior and their inability to hold back their actions—they have been caught. What’s worse, they acted without their commanders, right in front of Caesar. Truly,” says Titus, “the laws of war must be suffering, as will my father when he hears about this blow we’ve taken, since he, a veteran of war, has never made such a significant error. Our laws of war always impose the death penalty on those who disrupt order in the slightest, and yet now they have seen an entire army thrown into chaos. However, those who acted so arrogantly will quickly learn that even those who win among the Romans without orders to fight will face disgrace.” After Titus elaborated on this matter to the commanders, it was clear he intended to enforce the law against all those involved. The soldiers' spirits fell into despair, expecting to be justly and swiftly executed. However, the other legions surrounded Titus and begged for clemency for their fellow soldiers, pleading with him to forgive the folly of a few, considering the better obedience of the rest. They promised that these men would make up for their current failure with better conduct in the future.
5. So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence dictated to him also; for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should proceed no further than reproofs; so he was reconciled to the soldiers, but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future; and he considered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their stratagem. And now when the space between the Romans and the wall had been leveled, which was done in four days, and as he was desirous to bring the baggage of the army, with the rest of the multitude that followed him, safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army over against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and over against the western part of it, and made his army seven deep, with the foot-men placed before them, and the horsemen behind them, each of the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven ranks. And now as the Jews were prohibited, by so great a body of men, from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bare the burdens, and belonged to the three legions, and the rest of the multitude, marched on without any fear. But as for Titus himself, he was but about two furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of it where was the corner 10 and over against that tower which was called Psephinus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north bended, and extended itself over against the west; but the other part of the army fortified itself at the tower called Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner, by two furlongs from the city. However, the tenth legion continued in its own place, upon the Mount of Olives.
5. So Caesar agreed to their wishes, using his judgment as well; he believed it was right to punish individuals with actual executions, but that punishing large groups should only go as far as giving them verbal reprimands. He managed to reconcile with the soldiers but instructed them to act more wisely going forward. He also thought about how he could get back at the Jews for their tactics. Now, after leveling the ground between the Romans and the wall in four days, and wanting to safely bring the army's supplies and the rest of the crowd to the camp, he positioned the strongest part of his army against the northern wall of the city and the western side as well. He formed his army seven ranks deep, with foot soldiers in front and cavalry behind them, arranged in three ranks, while archers took their position in the middle in seven ranks. With such a large force, the Jews were prevented from making any attacks on the Romans, allowing the pack animals from the three legions and the rest of the crowd to move forward without fear. As for Titus, he was about two furlongs away from the wall, near the corner 10 and across from the tower called Psephinus, where the northern section of the wall curved and extended toward the west. The rest of the army set up defenses at the tower named Hippicus, also two furlongs away from the city. Meanwhile, the tenth legion stayed in its position on the Mount of Olives.
CHAPTER 4.
The Description Of Jerusalem.
The Description of Jerusalem.
1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills, which are opposite to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length more direct. Accordingly, it was called the "Citadel," by king David; he was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first; but it is by us called the "Upper Market-place." But the other hill, which was called "Acra," and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a moon when she is horned; over against this there was a third hill, but naturally lower than Acra, and parted formerly from the other by a broad valley. However, in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be superior to it. Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in great plenty also. But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by deep valleys, and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both sides they are every where unpassable.
1. The city of Jerusalem was protected by three walls, except in areas where there were impassable valleys; in those places, there was only one wall. The city was built on two opposite hills, separated by a valley where the rows of houses on both hills end. The hill that holds the upper city is much higher and straighter in length. It was called the "Citadel" by King David, who was the father of Solomon, the one who originally built the temple; however, we refer to it as the "Upper Marketplace." The other hill, known as "Acra," supports the lower city and is shaped like a crescent moon. There was a third hill opposite Acra, but it was lower and had been separated from the other by a wide valley. During the time of the Hasmoneans, they filled that valley with earth, intending to connect the city to the temple. They then reduced the height of Acra so that it would be lower than the temple. The Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called, which we previously mentioned as the dividing line between the upper city and the lower, stretched as far as Siloam; this name refers to a spring with sweet water, which is plentiful. Surrounding these hills are deep valleys, and due to the steep cliffs on both sides, they are completely impassable.
2. Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which was above them. But besides that great advantage, as to the place where they were situated, it was also built very strong; because David and Solomon, and the following kings, were very zealous about this work. Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called "Hippicus," and extended as far as the "Xistus," a place so called, and then, joining to the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple. But if we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended through a place called "Bethso," to the gate of the Essens; and after that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam, where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon's pool, and reaches as far as a certain place which they called "Ophlas," where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they called "Gennath," which belonged to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city, and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the "Monument of the Fuller," and joined to the old wall at the valley called the "Valley of Cedron." It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before; for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple, and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called "Bezetha," to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia, but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose, and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation; for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the city was called "Bezetha," in our language, which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called "the New City." Since, therefore, its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king, and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs; for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun; as its parts were connected together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could never have been either easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would probably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself. After this, it was erected with great diligence by the Jews, as high as twenty cubits, above which it had battlements of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits.
2. The old wall was difficult to take because of the valleys and the hill it was built on, which was higher than the surrounding area. Besides this significant advantage of its location, it was also built very strong because David, Solomon, and the following kings were very invested in the construction. The wall began in the north at the tower called "Hippicus" and extended to a place called "Xistus," and then connected to the council house and ended at the western cloister of the temple. If you head west from the same spot, it started there and went through a place called "Bethso" to the Essenes' gate; after that, it turned south, bending above the Siloam fountain, where it bent again toward the east at Solomon's pool, reaching a place called "Ophlas," where it connected to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall started at the gate known as "Gennath," part of the first wall; it only surrounded the northern part of the city and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The third wall began at the tower Hippicus and extended to the city's northern quarter and the tower Psephinus, then continued on until it reached the memorials of Helena, the queen of Adiabene, daughter of Izates; it then stretched further and passed by the burial caves of the kings, bending again at the corner tower, near the structure called the "Monument of the Fuller," and connected to the old wall at the valley known as the "Valley of Cedron." Agrippa enclosed the newly added parts of the old city with this wall, which had previously been unprotected; as the city grew more populated, it expanded beyond its old boundaries, and the areas to the north of the temple that connected that hill to the city made it significantly larger, also resulting in the inhabitation of the fourth hill, known as "Bezetha." This hill lies opposite the tower Antonia but is separated by a deep valley that was dug intentionally to prevent the foundations of the tower of Antonia from connecting to this hill, which would have made it easier to access and compromised the security provided by its higher elevation. This depth of the ditch also made the height of the towers appear more impressive. This newly built part of the city was called "Bezetha" in our language, which could be translated into Greek as "the New City." Since its residents needed protection, the father of the current king, also named Agrippa, began the wall we mentioned, but he stopped construction after only laying the foundations due to his fear of Claudius Caesar, worried that such a strong wall might suggest plans for public upheaval; the city could not have been captured if that wall had been completed as planned, since its sections were connected by stones that were twenty cubits long and ten cubits wide, which would have been very difficult to undermine or shake with any tools. The wall was ten cubits wide, and it likely would have been even taller if the one who started it hadn't been prevented from finishing it. Afterward, it was constructed with great care by the Jews, reaching a height of twenty cubits, with battlements of two cubits and turrets of three cubits high, making the total height reach twenty-five cubits.
3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth, and twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of the joints, and the beauty of the stones, were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you ascended up to them were every one broad: of these towers then the third wall had ninety, and the spaces between them were each two hundred cubits; but in the middle wall were forty towers, and the old wall was parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west corner, and there Titus pitched his own tent; for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sun-rising, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon, and over against it was the tower Hipplicus, and hard by two others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable earth; for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his magnificence towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and jealousy], as we have already related; the other two he lost in war, as they were courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named from his friend, was square; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building, which was composed of great stones united together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several parts; over which were battlements of two cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to fourscore cubits. The second tower, which he named from his brother Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits; over which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks. There was also built over that cloister another tower, parted into magnificent rooms, and a place for bathing; so that this tower wanted nothing that might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was also adorned with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria, but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a house, wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority. The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen's name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other; its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had greater variety, than the other towers had; for the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this that bore his wife's name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits.
3. The towers on it were twenty cubits wide and twenty cubits tall; they were square and solid, just like the wall itself, where the precision of the joints and the beauty of the stones matched those of the holy house. Above this sturdy height of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were grand rooms, upper floors, and cisterns to collect rainwater. There were many of these, and the steps leading up to them were all wide: the third wall had ninety towers, with two hundred cubits between each; the middle wall had forty towers, and the old wall was divided into sixty, while the total perimeter of the city was thirty-three furlongs. The third wall was remarkable overall; however, the tower Psephinus stood taller at the northwest corner, where Titus set up his camp; it soared seventy cubits high, offering views of Arabia at sunrise and the farthest reaches of Hebrew territory to the west. It was octagonal, and opposite it was the tower Hipplicus, alongside two others built by King Herod in the old wall. These were larger, more beautiful, and stronger than any in the known world; Herod, with his grand nature and generosity towards the city, built them in such a unique way to express his personal feelings and dedicated these towers to the memory of the three people he cherished most, naming them after them. These were his brother, his friend, and his wife. He had killed this wife out of love and jealousy, as previously mentioned; the other two he lost in battle while they bravely fought. Hippicus, named after his friend, was square; it measured twenty-five cubits in length and width, and thirty cubits tall, without any emptiness inside. Above this solid structure made of large stones fitted together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, topped with a two-story house rising twenty-five cubits high, divided into several sections; it had two-cubit battlements and three-cubit turrets all around, bringing the total height to eighty cubits. The second tower, named after his brother Phasaelus, had equal width and height, each forty cubits; it stood solidly at forty cubits high, and around it was a cloister ten cubits tall, protected from enemies by walls and fortifications. Above that cloister was another tower, divided into magnificent rooms and a bathing area, making it resemble a royal palace. It was adorned with more battlements and turrets than the first, with a total height of about ninety cubits; its appearance was similar to the Tower of Pharus, which signaled ships sailing to Alexandria, but it was much larger overall. This tower was now converted into a residence where Simon exercised his tyrannical rule. The third tower was named Mariamne, after his queen; it was solid up to twenty cubits high, with equal width and length of twenty cubits. Its upper levels were more splendid and varied than those of the other towers; the king believed it appropriate to enhance the tower named after his wife more than those named after men, as the others were built more robustly than this one bearing his wife's name. The total height of this tower was fifty cubits.
4. Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by the place on which they stood; for that very old wall wherein they were was built on a high hill, and was itself a kind of elevation that was still thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and thereby were made much higher to appearance. The largeness also of the stones was wonderful; for they were not made of common small stones, nor of such large ones only as men could carry, but they were of white marble, cut out of the rock; each stone was twenty cubits in length, and ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so exactly united to one another, that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so growing naturally, and afterward cut by the hand of the artificers into their present shape and corners; so little, or not at all, did their joints or connexion appear low as these towers were themselves on the north side of the wall, the king had a palace inwardly thereto adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to describe it; for it was so very curious as to want no cost nor skill in its construction, but was entirely walled about to the height of thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers at equal distances, and with large bed-chambers, that would contain beds for a hundred guests a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams, and the splendor of their ornaments. The number of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodigious; their furniture was complete, and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all the courts that were exposed to the air every where green. There were, moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many dove-courts 11 of tame pigeons about the canals. But indeed it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers hath consumed; for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went on to the palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves.
4. The towers were incredibly tall, and they appeared even taller because of the high ground they were built on. The old wall they stood on was constructed on a steep hill, making it an elevation that was still about thirty cubits higher; the towers sat atop this, making them seem much more towering. The size of the stones was remarkable; they weren’t made of regular small stones or even the larger ones that people could carry, but rather they were crafted from white marble, quarried directly from the rock. Each stone measured twenty cubits in length, ten in width, and five in depth. They fit together so perfectly that each tower looked like a single massive rock, as if it had formed naturally and then been shaped by skilled hands. The joints were scarcely noticeable. At the north side of the wall, the king had a palace attached that’s beyond my ability to describe; it was so exquisitely built that there was no expense or expertise spared in its construction. It was completely surrounded by walls thirty cubits high, adorned with towers spaced at even intervals, and included large bedrooms that could accommodate beds for a hundred guests each, showcasing an impressive variety of rare stones that had been gathered together. The roofs were impressive too, with long beams and splendid decorations. The number of rooms was vast, and the variety of designs was astonishing; the furnishings were complete, with most of the items made of silver and gold. There were multiple porticoes in succession, each decorated with intricate pillars, while all the open courtyards were lush and green. Additionally, there were several groves of trees and long paths winding through them, with deep canals and cisterns filled with bronze statues through which water flowed. Many dove-courts for tame pigeons surrounded the canals. However, it's impossible to provide a thorough description of these palaces, and just thinking about them is painful, reminding one of the immense wealth lost when the fire set by the robbers destroyed them; these weren’t burned by the Romans, but by those internal conspirators, as we already detailed at the start of their rebellion. The fire began at the tower of Antonia and spread to the palaces, consuming the upper parts of the three towers themselves.
CHAPTER 5.
A Description Of The Temple.
A Description of the Temple.
1. Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like a precipice; but when king Solomon, who was the person that built the temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts the holy house stood naked. But in future ages the people added new banks, 12 and the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for the compass of the entire temple. And when they had built walls on three sides of the temple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for, [in which work long ages were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasures were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which were sent to God from the whole habitable earth,] they then encompassed their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest part of this was erected to the height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and filled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with the narrow streets of the city; wherein they made use of stones of forty cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever to be accomplished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to perfection.
1. The temple, as I already mentioned, was built on a strong hill. At first, the flat area at the top was barely big enough for the holy house and the altar because the ground around it was very uneven and steep. However, when King Solomon, who built the temple, added a wall on the east side, they created a cloister on a raised area. The other sides of the holy house remained exposed. In later years, the people added new terraces, 12, and the hill became a larger flat area. They then tore down the wall on the north side and expanded the space to accommodate the whole temple. After building walls on three sides of the temple from the bottom of the hill, they achieved something greater than they ever expected, [a project that took them many years and drained all their sacred treasures, which were replenished by offerings sent to God from around the world.] They then surrounded the upper courts with cloisters, just like they did for the lower court of the temple. The lowest part was built to a height of three hundred cubits, and in some areas, even taller; yet the full depth of the foundations wasn’t visible because they filled the valleys with earth to level them with the narrow streets of the city, using stones that were forty cubits long. Their abundance of money and the generosity of the people made this project incredibly successful, and what seemed impossible to achieve was ultimately realized through determination and time.
2. Now for the works that were above these foundations, these were not unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of them, and that stone was white marble; and the roofs were adorned with cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish, and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any work of the painter or engraver. The cloisters [of the outmost court] were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it was by measure six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts. When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height was three cubits: its construction was very elegant; upon it stood pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that "no foreigner should go within that sanctuary" for that second [court of the] temple was called "the Sanctuary," and was ascended to by fourteen steps from the first court. This court was four-square, and had a wall about it peculiar to itself; the height of its buildings, although it were on the outside forty cubits, 13 was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. Beyond these thirteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits; this was all plain; whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a-piece, that led to the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first gate. There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them; nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that equally. The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of the lower court.
2. Now, regarding the structures above these foundations, they were quite worthy of such a base. All the cloisters were double, and the pillars supporting them were twenty-five cubits tall. Each pillar was made from a single piece of white marble and held up the cloisters. The roofs were beautifully crafted from cedar. The natural grandeur, excellent polish, and the seamless connections in these cloisters created a striking view; no outer decorations from painters or engravers adorned them. The cloisters [of the outer court] measured thirty cubits in width, and the total area around it measured six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; all the open courts were paved with various kinds of stone. As you pass through these [first] cloisters to the second [court of the] temple, there was a stone partition all around, three cubits high, constructed very elegantly. On this stood pillars spaced equally apart, inscribed with the law of purity, some in Greek and some in Roman letters, warning that "no foreigner should go within that sanctuary," for the second [court of the] temple was known as "the Sanctuary," and you had to climb fourteen steps from the first court to reach it. This court was square and had its own special wall; even though the buildings on the outside were forty cubits high, 13 it was concealed by the steps, making the inner height only twenty-five cubits. Being built against the higher part of the hill with steps, it couldn't be fully seen from inside, as it was covered by the hill itself. Beyond these thirteen steps, there was a flat area of ten cubits; from there, other steps of five cubits each led to the gates, with eight gates on the north and south sides, four on each side, and necessarily two on the east. Since a wall was built on that side for the women to worship, a second gate for them was needed: this gate was cut from the wall directly across from the first gate. There were also gates on the northern and southern sides that provided access to the women’s court; women were not allowed to use the other gates, and even when entering through their own gate, they couldn’t go beyond their designated area. This space was reserved for the women of our nation and others, provided they were of the same descent and treated equally. The western part of this court had no gate, only a solid wall on that side. The cloisters between the gates extended from the wall inward, in front of the chambers, and were supported by large, fine pillars. These cloisters were single, and apart from their size, were not inferior to those of the lower court.
3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there was one gate that was without the [inward court of the] holy house, which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only covered over with silver and gold. Each gate had two doors, whose height was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. However, they had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms, and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms, and were in circumference twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the other gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate, which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself, was much larger; for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. Now there were fifteen steps, which led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate; whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps shorter.
3. Nine of these gates on each side were covered in gold and silver, as were the door frames and lintels; but there was one gate outside the [inward court of the] holy house, made of Corinthian brass, which greatly surpassed those only covered in silver and gold. Each gate had two doors, standing at thirty cubits tall and fifteen cubits wide. They also featured large spaces inside, measuring thirty cubits, with rooms on each side built like towers, rising more than forty cubits high. Two pillars supported these rooms, with a circumference of twelve cubits. The dimensions of the other gates were similar, but the one over the Corinthian gate, opening eastward toward the gate of the holy house, was significantly larger; its height was fifty cubits, and its doors were forty cubits wide, adorned in an exceptionally lavish style with thicker plates of silver and gold than the rest. These nine gates were covered in silver and gold by Alexander, the father of Tiberius. There were fifteen steps leading from the wall of the women's court to this larger gate, while those leading from the other gates were five steps shorter.
4. As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for on its front it had what may be styled shoulders on each side, that passed twenty cubits further. Its first gate was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; but then, as the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and its breadth twenty. But that gate which was at this end of the first part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man's height. But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; but before these doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind of image of the universe; for by the scarlet there seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and the sea the other. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs, representing living creatures.
4. The holy house itself, located in the center of the innermost court, the most sacred area of the temple, was accessed by twelve steps. Its height and width were equal at one hundred cubits each, but it was forty cubits narrower in the back. At the front, it featured extensions on either side, which extended an additional twenty cubits. The first gate was seventy cubits tall and twenty-five cubits wide; however, this gate had no doors because it symbolized the universal openness of heaven, which cannot be shut out from any place. The front was entirely covered in gold, allowing the inner part of the house to be visible; this area was large and appeared to shine brilliantly to those who looked at it. Although the entire house was divided into two sections, only the first part was visible to us. Its total height reached ninety cubits, with a length of fifty cubits and a width of twenty. The gate at this end of the first part was, as mentioned earlier, fully covered in gold, along with its surrounding walls. Above it were golden vines adorned with clusters of grapes that hung as tall as a man. The house was divided into two sections, with the inner part lower than the outer. It had golden doors that were fifty-five cubits high and sixteen cubits wide, and in front of these doors hung a veil of the same size. This veil was a Babylonian curtain, intricately embroidered with blue, fine linen, scarlet, and purple in a truly remarkable design. This blend of colors had a mystical significance, representing the universe; scarlet symbolized fire, fine linen represented the earth, blue stood for air, and purple indicated the sea, with the first two colors serving as the basis for this imagery. The fine linen and purple had their origins respectively in the earth and the sea. This curtain also featured intricate embroidery depicting all the mystical aspects of the heavens, excluding the twelve signs, which represented living creatures.
5. When any persons entered into the temple, its floor received them. This part of the temple therefore was in height sixty cubits, and its length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits: but still that sixty cubits in length was divided again, and the first part of it was cut off at forty cubits, and had in it three things that were very wonderful and famous among all mankind, the candlestick, the table [of shew-bread], and the altar of incense. Now the seven lamps signified the seven planets; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick. Now the twelve loaves that were upon the table signified the circle of the zodiac and the year; but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it, signified that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to be dedicated to his use. But the inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In this there was nothing at all. It was inaccessible and inviolable, and not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the sides of the lower part of the temple, there were little houses, with passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and they were of three stories high; there were also entrances on each side into them from the gate of the temple. But the superior part of the temple had no such little houses any further, because the temple was there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, including the sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits.
5. When anyone entered the temple, the floor welcomed them. This part of the temple was sixty cubits high and the same in length, while its width was just twenty cubits. However, that sixty cubits in length was further divided, with the first section cut off at forty cubits, containing three remarkable and famous items known to all: the candlestick, the table of showbread, and the altar of incense. The seven lamps represented the seven planets, as there were that many coming out of the candlestick. The twelve loaves on the table symbolized the zodiac circle and the year. The altar of incense, filled with thirteen types of sweet-smelling spices, indicated that God owns everything in both uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that all these things are to be dedicated to Him. The innermost part of the temple was twenty cubits. This part was separated from the outer area by a veil. Nothing was in it; it was inaccessible, inviolable, and not meant to be seen by anyone, and it was called the Holy of Holies. Around the lower part of the temple, there were small houses connected by passages, numerous and three stories high. There were also entrances on each side leading into them from the temple gate. However, the upper part of the temple did not have any small houses, as it was narrower there, forty cubits higher, and had a smaller structure than the lower sections. Thus, we conclude that the total height, including the sixty cubits from the floor, reached a hundred cubits.
6. Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that was likely to surprise either men's minds or their eyes; for it was covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendor, and made those who forced themselves to look upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they would have done at the sun's own rays. But this temple appeared to strangers, when they were coming to it at a distance, like a mountain covered with snow; for as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they were exceeding white. On its top it had spikes with sharp points, to prevent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon it. Of its stones, some of them were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six in breadth. Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like horns; and the passage up to it was by an insensible acclivity. It was formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as touch it at any time. There was also a wall of partition, about a cubit in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight; this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that were on the outside off from the priests. Moreover, those that had the gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple; nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple; nay, the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into it also.
6. The exterior of the temple was designed to impress both the minds and the eyes of onlookers; it was entirely covered with heavy gold plates that reflected a brilliant light at sunrise, causing anyone who tried to gaze at it to look away, just as they would from the sun. To outsiders approaching from a distance, the temple resembled a snow-covered mountain; areas that weren’t gilded were extremely white. Sharp spikes adorned the top to prevent birds from landing and defiling it. The stones used in construction were massive, with some measuring forty-five cubits long, five cubits high, and six cubits wide. In front of the temple stood an altar that was fifteen cubits high and measured fifty cubits in both length and width, forming a square with corners like horns; the way up to it was a gentle slope. It was built without any iron tools; no iron tool ever touched it. There was also a low wall, about a cubit high, made of fine stones that was visually appealing; this wall surrounded the holy house and the altar, keeping the onlookers separate from the priests. Additionally, those suffering from gonorrhea or leprosy were completely excluded from the city; women were also barred from the temple during their menstruation and were not allowed to approach until they were free from that condition. Men who were not completely pure were forbidden from entering the inner court of the temple, and even the priests themselves had to be pure to enter.
7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition, together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his sacred garments; but then those priests that were without any blemish upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should transgress some rules of their ministration. The high priest did also go up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons, and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every year, happened. When he officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and had on an inner garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam, with fringe work, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning. But that girdle that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple were embroidered also. The like embroidery was upon the ephod; but the quantity of gold therein was greater. Its figure was that of a stomacher for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment; in these buttons were enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names of the tribes of that nation engraved upon them: on the other part there hung twelve stones, three in a row one way, and four in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite; upon every one of which was again engraved one of the forementioned names of the tribes. A mitre also of fine linen encompassed his head, which was tied by a blue ribbon, about which there was another golden crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of God]: it consists of four vowels. However, the high priest did not wear these garments at other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year, on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God. And thus much concerning the city and the temple; but for the customs and laws hereto relating, we shall speak more accurately another time; for there remain a great many things thereto relating which have not been here touched upon.
7. Now, all the priests from the lineage who couldn’t serve because of physical defects entered the area along with those who had no imperfections and received their share due to their lineage, but they only wore their own personal garments; only the one officiating wore the sacred garments. The priests without any flaws would go up to the altar dressed in fine linen. They mainly avoided wine out of fear that it might lead them to break some of the rules for their service. The high priest also joined them, though not always, but on the seventh days, new moons, and during any festivals celebrated each year. When he served, he wore a pair of pants that extended from his waist to his thighs, along with a linen inner garment, and a seamless blue outer garment with fringes that reached down to his feet. There were also golden bells attached to the fringes, interspersed with pomegranates. The bells symbolized thunder while the pomegranates represented lightning. The belt that held the garment at his chest was woven with five rows in various colors, including gold, purple, scarlet, fine linen, and blue, which were the same colors used in the temple veils. The same kind of embroidery appeared on the ephod, but it contained more gold. Its shape was like a breastplate. There were two golden buttons resembling small shields that fastened the ephod to the garment; within these buttons were two large, exceptional sardonyx stones engraved with the names of the tribes of the nation: on the other side hung twelve stones arranged three in one direction and four in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite; each engraved with one of the aforementioned tribe names. A linen mitre encircled his head tied with a blue ribbon, with another golden crown displaying the sacred name [of God]: it consists of four vowels. However, the high priest didn’t wear these garments all the time but dressed more plainly; he only wore them when entering the most sacred part of the temple, which he did once a year on the day we customarily fast to God. And that’s about the city and the temple; for the customs and laws related to them, we’ll discuss more accurately another time, as there are many more aspects that we haven’t covered here.
8. Now as to the tower of Antonia, it was situated at the corner of two cloisters of the court of the temple; of that on the west, and that on the north; it was erected upon a rock of fifty cubits in height, and was on a great precipice; it was the work of king Herod, wherein he demonstrated his natural magnanimity. In the first place, the rock itself was covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from its foundation, both for ornament, and that any one who would either try to get up or to go down it might not be able to hold his feet upon it. Next to this, and before you come to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a wall three cubits high; but within that wall all the space of the tower of Antonia itself was built upon, to the height of forty cubits. The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having all conveniences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of several cities, but by its magnificence it seemed a palace. And as the entire structure resembled that of a tower, it contained also four other distinct towers at its four corners; whereof the others were but fifty cubits high; whereas that which lay upon the southeast corner was seventy cubits high, that from thence the whole temple might be viewed; but on the corner where it joined to the two cloisters of the temple, it had passages down to them both, through which the guard [for there always lay in this tower a Roman legion] went several ways among the cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in order to watch the people, that they might not there attempt to make any innovations; for the temple was a fortress that guarded the city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to the temple; and in that tower were the guards of those three 14. There was also a peculiar fortress belonging to the upper city, which was Herod's palace; but for the hill Bezetha, it was divided from the tower Antonia, as we have already told you; and as that hill on which the tower of Antonia stood was the highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the new city, and was the only place that hindered the sight of the temple on the north. And this shall suffice at present to have spoken about the city and the walls about it, because I have proposed to myself to make a more accurate description of it elsewhere.
8. The Tower of Antonia was located at the corner of two cloisters in the temple courtyard, on the western and northern sides. It was built on a rock that was fifty cubits high and perched on a steep cliff. This was the work of King Herod, who showcased his natural generosity through its construction. First, the rock was covered with smooth stone blocks from the base up, both for decoration and to prevent anyone trying to climb up or down from gaining a foothold. Before reaching the tower itself, there was a three-cubit high wall. Inside this wall, the Tower of Antonia rose to a height of forty cubits. The inside was spacious and palace-like, divided into various rooms and amenities, including courtyards, bathing areas, and large open spaces for gatherings. It had all the features that cities needed, making it feel like several cities combined, but its grandeur gave it the appearance of a palace. The entire structure looked like a tower and included four additional towers at each corner; three of them were fifty cubits high, while the one on the southeast corner stood seventy cubits tall, allowing a full view of the temple. At the corner connecting to the two temple cloisters, there were pathways leading down to them, which the guards used—there was always a Roman legion stationed in this tower—especially during Jewish festivals, to monitor the crowds and prevent any disturbances. The temple served as a fortress protecting the city, just as the Tower of Antonia acted as a guard for the temple. In that tower were the guards of those three 14. There was also a separate fortress for the upper city, which was Herod’s palace. As for Mount Bezetha, it was separate from the Tower of Antonia, as mentioned earlier; since the hill where the Tower of Antonia stood was the highest of the three, it adjoined the new city and was the only structure obstructing the view of the temple from the north. For now, this is enough about the city and its walls, as I intend to provide a more detailed description elsewhere.
CHAPTER 6.
Concerning The Tyrants Simon And John. How Also As Titus Was
Going Round The Wall Of This City Nicanor Was Wounded By A
Dart; Which Accident Provoked Titus To Press On The Siege.
About the Tyrants Simon and John. How, while Titus was circling the wall of this city, Nicanor was injured by a dart. This incident motivated Titus to intensify the siege.
1. Now the warlike men that were in the city, and the multitude of the seditious that were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had fifty commanders, over whom this Simon was supreme. The Idumeans that paid him homage were five thousand, and had eight commanders, among whom those of greatest fame were Jacob the son of Sosas, and Simon the son of Cathlas. Jotre, who had seized upon the temple, had six thousand armed men under twenty commanders; the zealots also that had come over to him, and left off their opposition, were two thousand four hundred, and had the same commander that they had formerly, Eleazar, together with Simon the son of Arinus. Now, while these factions fought one against another, the people were their prey on both sides, as we have said already; and that part of the people who would not join with them in their wicked practices were plundered by both factions. Simon held the upper city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam to the east, and which went down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held that fountain, and the Acra, which was no other than the lower city; he also held all that reached to the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus. But John held the temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a great way, as also Ophla, and the valley called "the Valley of Cedron;" and when the parts that were interposed between their possessions were burnt by them, they left a space wherein they might fight with each other; for this internal sedition did not cease even when the Romans were encamped near their very wall. But although they had grown wiser at the first onset the Romans made upon them, this lasted but a while; for they returned to their former madness, and separated one from another, and fought it out, and did everything that the besiegers could desire them to do; for they never suffered any thing that was worse from the Romans than they made each other suffer; nor was there any misery endured by the city after these men's actions that could be esteemed new. But it was most of all unhappy before it was overthrown, while those that took it did it a greater kindness for I venture to affirm that the sedition destroyed the city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder thing to do than to destroy the walls; so that we may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to the Romans; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on both sides.
1. The warring men in the city and the large number of rebels with Simon totaled ten thousand, not counting the Idumeans. These ten thousand had fifty leaders, with Simon in charge. The Idumeans who recognized his authority numbered five thousand and had eight leaders, the most notable being Jacob, the son of Sosas, and Simon, the son of Cathlas. Jotre, who had taken control of the temple, commanded six thousand armed men under twenty leaders; the zealots who had joined him and abandoned their opposition numbered two thousand four hundred, led by the same commander they had before, Eleazar, along with Simon, the son of Arinus. While these groups fought against each other, the people became victims on both sides, as previously mentioned; those who refused to participate in their wicked actions were plundered by both factions. Simon controlled the upper city and the great wall up to Cedron, along with as much of the old wall that curved from Siloam to the east, which extended to the palace of Monobazus, the king of the Adiabeni, beyond the Euphrates. He also held the fountain and the Acra, which was essentially the lower city, as well as all the territory leading to Queen Helena's palace, Monobazus's mother. Meanwhile, John controlled the temple and the areas surrounding it for quite a distance, including Ophla and the valley known as "the Valley of Cedron." When the sections of land between their territories were burned, they left a space in which to fight each other; this internal conflict did not stop even when the Romans were camped right by their wall. Although they initially seemed to become more sensible when the Romans first attacked, that was short-lived; they reverted to their old chaos, fought amongst themselves, and acted in ways that only pleased their besiegers. They never experienced anything worse from the Romans than what they inflicted on each other; nor was there any suffering endured by the city after these events that could be considered new. The city was most unfortunate before it fell, and those who took it did it a favor; I dare say that the internal strife destroyed the city, while the Romans eradicated the strife, which was much harder to achieve than tearing down walls. Thus, we can rightly attribute our troubles to our own people, and the just retribution taken against them to the Romans; let everyone form their own opinions based on the actions of both sides.
2. Now when affairs within the city were in this posture, Titus went round the city on the outside with some chosen horsemen, and looked about for a proper place where he might make an impression upon the walls; but as he was in doubt where he could possibly make an attack on any side, [for the place was no way accessible where the valleys were, and on the other side the first wall appeared too strong to be shaken by the engines,] he thereupon thought it best to make his assault upon the monument of John the high priest; for there it was that the first fortification was lower, and the second was not joined to it, the builders neglecting to build strong where the new city was not much inhabited; here also was an easy passage to the third wall, through which he thought to take the upper city, and, through the tower of Antonia, the temple itself But at this time, as he was going round about the city, one of his friends, whose name was Nicanor, was wounded with a dart on his left shoulder, as he approached, together with Josephus, too near the wall, and attempted to discourse to those that were upon the wall, about terms of peace; for he was a person known by them. On this account it was that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehemence, that they would not hear even such as approached them to persuade them to what tended to their own preservation, was provoked to press on the siege. He also at the same time gave his soldiers leave to set the suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should bring timber together, and raise banks against the city; and when he had parted his army into three parts, in order to set about those works, he placed those that shot darts and the archers in the midst of the banks that were then raising; before whom he placed those engines that threw javelins, and darts, and stones, that he might prevent the enemy from sallying out upon their works, and might hinder those that were upon the wall from being able to obstruct them. So the trees were now cut down immediately, and the suburbs left naked. But now while the timber was carrying to raise the banks, and the whole army was earnestly engaged in their works, the Jews were not, however, quiet; and it happened that the people of Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered and murdered, were now of good courage, and supposed they should have a breathing time, while the others were very busy in opposing their enemies without the city, and that they should now be avenged on those that had been the authors of their miseries, in case the Romans did but get the victory.
2. At that point, when things in the city were in this state, Titus rode around the city’s perimeter with some selected horsemen, looking for a suitable spot to attack the walls. However, he was unsure where to launch an attack, as the valleys made the area hard to reach, and on the other side, the first wall appeared too strong for their engines to shake. He then decided it would be best to assault the monument of John the high priest because that area had the first fortification that was lower, and the second wall wasn’t connected to it. The builders had neglected to reinforce this section since the new city wasn’t very populated. Additionally, there was an easy route to the third wall, through which he aimed to take the upper city and then, through the tower of Antonia, reach the temple itself. However, while he was circling the city, one of his friends named Nicanor was injured by a dart on his left shoulder as he and Josephus got too close to the wall while trying to talk to those on top about peace negotiations, as he was known to them. Because of this, Caesar, upon realizing their hostility and that they wouldn’t listen even to those trying to persuade them for their own safety, was motivated to intensify the siege. At the same time, he allowed his soldiers to set fire to the suburbs and ordered them to gather timber and build ramps against the city. After dividing his army into three groups to begin these tasks, he positioned those who shot darts and archers in the middle of the newly constructed ramps. He placed engines that hurled javelins, darts, and stones in front of them to prevent the enemy from launching attacks on their works and to stop those on the wall from disrupting them. Trees were quickly cut down, leaving the suburbs exposed. Meanwhile, as the timber was being transported to build the ramps and the entire army was deeply engaged in their work, the Jews were not idle; the people of Jerusalem, who had previously been plundered and killed, now felt emboldened and thought they might have a moment to breathe, believing that while the Romans were busy dealing with their enemies outside the city, they could finally take revenge on those responsible for their suffering, should the Romans succeed.
3. However, John staid behind, out of his fear of Simon, even while his own men were earnest in making a sally upon their enemies without. Yet did not Simon lie still, for he lay near the place of the siege; he brought his engines of war, and disposed of them at due distances upon the wall, both those which they took from Cestius formerly, and those which they got when they seized the garrison that lay in the tower Antonia. But though they had these engines in their possession, they had so little skill in using them, that they were in great measure useless to them; but a few there were who had been taught by deserters how to use them, which they did use, though after an awkward manner. So they cast stones and arrows at those that were making the banks; they also ran out upon them by companies, and fought with them. Now those that were at work covered themselves with hurdles spread over their banks, and their engines were opposed to them when they made their excursions. The engines, that all the legions had ready prepared for them, were admirably contrived; but still more extraordinary ones belonged to the tenth legion: those that threw darts and those that threw stones were more forcible and larger than the rest, by which they not only repelled the excursions of the Jews, but drove those away that were upon the walls also. Now the stones that were cast were of the weight of a talent, and were carried two furlongs and further. The blow they gave was no way to be sustained, not only by those that stood first in the way, but by those that were beyond them for a great space. As for the Jews, they at first watched the coming of the stone, for it was of a white color, and could therefore not only be perceived by the great noise it made, but could be seen also before it came by its brightness; accordingly the watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them notice when the engine was let go, and the stone came from it, and cried out aloud, in their own country language, The Stone Cometh 15 so those that were in its way stood off, and threw themselves down upon the ground; by which means, and by their thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down and did them no harm. But the Romans contrived how to prevent that by blacking the stone, who then could aim at them with success, when the stone was not discerned beforehand, as it had been till then; and so they destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet did not the Jews, under all this distress, permit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet; but they shrewdly and boldly exerted themselves, and repelled them both by night and by day.
3. However, John stayed behind out of fear of Simon, even while his men were eager to launch an attack against their enemies outside. But Simon wasn’t idle; he was positioned near the siege site and brought his war machines, setting them up at appropriate intervals along the wall. These included the ones they had taken from Cestius earlier and those they captured when seizing the garrison at the Antonia tower. Despite having these machines, their lack of skill in operating them rendered them largely useless, though a few individuals had learned from deserters how to use them, albeit clumsily. They hurled stones and arrows at those constructing the banks, and they even charged out in groups to fight. The workers protected themselves with hurdles laid over their banks, and their machines countered the assaults during these forays. The engines that were prepared by all the legions were well-designed; however, the tenth legion had even more impressive ones. Those that launched darts and stones were stronger and larger than the rest, effectively repelling the Jewish attacks and driving away those on the walls as well. The stones hurled weighed a talent and could travel two furlongs or more. The impact was devastating, not just to those in the direct line of fire but also to those further back. The Jews initially watched for the approach of the stone, as it was white and could be heard loudly before it arrived due to its brightness; accordingly, the watchmen on the towers alerted them when the engine was released, shouting in their native language, "The Stone is Coming 15," so those in its path could take cover and throw themselves to the ground, thereby avoiding injury. However, the Romans devised a way to counter this by blackening the stones, allowing them to aim more accurately when the stones were no longer easily spotted ahead of time, resulting in many casualties in a single strike. Yet, despite this pressure, the Jews didn’t let the Romans construct their banks in peace; they fiercely and boldly fought back, both day and night.
4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman works, the workmen measured the distance there was from the wall, and this by lead and a line, which they threw to it from their banks; for they could not measure it any otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at them, if they came to measure it themselves; and when they found that the engines could reach the wall, they brought them thither. Then did Titus set his engines at proper distances, so much nearer to the wall, that the Jews might not be able to repel them, and gave orders they should go to work; and when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed round about from three places, and that on the sudden there was a great noise made by the citizens that were within the city, and no less a terror fell upon the seditious themselves; whereupon both sorts, seeing the common danger they were in, contrived to make a like defense. So those of different factions cried out one to another, that they acted entirely as in concert with their enemies; whereas they ought however, notwithstanding God did not grant them a lasting concord, in their present circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one against another, and to unite together against the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those that came from the temple leave, by proclamation, to go upon the wall; John also himself, though he could not believe Simon was in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on both sides they laid aside their hatred and their peculiar quarrels, and formed themselves into one body; they then ran round the walls, and having a vast number of torches with them, they threw them at the machines, and shot darts perpetually upon those that impelled those engines which battered the wall; nay, the bolder sort leaped out by troops upon the hurdles that covered the machines, and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those that belonged to them, and beat them, not so much by any skill they had, as principally by the boldness of their attacks. However, Titus himself still sent assistance to those that were the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and archers on the several sides of the engines, and thereby beat off those that brought the fire to them; he also thereby repelled those that shot stones or darts from the towers, and then set the engines to work in good earnest; yet did not the wall yield to these blows, excepting where the battering ram of the fifteenth legion moved the corner of a tower, while the wall itself continued unhurt; for the wall was not presently in the same danger with the tower, which was extant far above it; nor could the fall of that part of the tower easily break down any part of the wall itself together with it.
4. Now, after finishing the Roman construction, the workers measured the distance to the wall using a lead line they threw from their positions; they couldn't measure it directly because the Jews would shoot at them if they got too close. When they determined that their siege engines could reach the wall, they brought them in. Titus positioned his engines at a safe distance, much closer to the wall, making it harder for the Jews to fend them off, and ordered them to start working. A huge noise echoed around from three places, and suddenly, there was a great commotion from the citizens within the city, causing fear even among the rebels. Recognizing the common danger they faced, both sides decided to work together in defense. Members from different factions called out to each other, feeling they were united against a common enemy, even though God hadn’t granted them lasting peace. In their current situation, they should have set aside their animosities and united against the Romans. Accordingly, Simon announced that those from the temple could go on the wall, and John, though skeptical about Simon's sincerity, granted the same permission. So, both sides put aside their hatred and disputes and came together as one. They ran along the walls, equipped with a large number of torches, which they threw at the machines and continuously shot arrows at those operating the engines attacking the wall. The bolder ones even jumped out in groups onto the platforms covering the engines, pulling them apart and attacking the operators, relying more on their daring than on any skill. Meanwhile, Titus sent support to those under heavy attack, positioning cavalry and archers on the sides of the engines to drive off those bringing fire to them. He also repelled attackers shooting stones or arrows from the towers before putting the engines to serious use; however, the wall didn't budge except where the battering ram from the fifteenth legion struck the corner of a tower. The wall itself remained intact since it wasn’t as exposed to danger as the tower above it, and the collapse of that part of the tower couldn’t easily damage the wall.
5. And now the Jews intermitted their sallies for a while; but when they observed the Romans dispersed all abroad at their works, and in their several camps, [for they thought the Jews had retired out of weariness and fear,] they all at once made a sally at the tower Hippicus, through an obscure gate, and at the same time brought fire to burn the works, and went boldly up to the Romans, and to their very fortifications themselves, where, at the cry they made, those that were near them came presently to their assistance, and those farther off came running after them; and here the boldness of the Jews was too hard for the good order of the Romans; and as they beat those whom they first fell upon, so they pressed upon those that were now gotten together. So this fight about the machines was very hot, while the one side tried hard to set them on fire, and the other side to prevent it; on both sides there was a confused cry made, and many of those in the forefront of the battle were slain. However, the Jews were now too hard for the Romans, by the furious assaults they made like madmen; and the fire caught hold of the works, and both all those works, and the engines themselves, had been in danger of being burnt, had not many of these select soldiers that came from Alexandria opposed themselves to prevent it, and had they not behaved themselves with greater courage than they themselves supposed they could have done; for they outdid those in this fight that had greater reputation than themselves before. This was the state of things till Caesar took the stoutest of his horsemen, and attacked the enemy, while he himself slew twelve of those that were in the forefront of the Jews; which death of these men, when the rest of the multitude saw, they gave way, and he pursued them, and drove them all into the city, and saved the works from the fire. Now it happened at this fight that a certain Jew was taken alive, who, by Titus's order, was crucified before the wall, to see whether the rest of them would be affrighted, and abate of their obstinacy. But after the Jews were retired, John, who was commander of the Idumeans, and was talking to a certain soldier of his acquaintance before the wall, was wounded by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and died immediately, leaving the greatest lamentation to the Jews, and sorrow to the seditious. For he was a man of great eminence, both for his actions and his conduct also.
5. The Jews paused their attacks for a bit; but when they noticed the Romans spread out at their tasks and in their various camps, [because they believed the Jews had backed off out of exhaustion and fear,] they suddenly launched a surprise attack at the tower Hippicus through a hidden gate. At the same time, they set fire to the Romans' equipment and boldly approached the Romans, even getting close to their fortifications. At their loud call, nearby soldiers quickly rushed to help, and those farther away ran to join them; the audacity of the Jews overwhelmed the Romans' orderly formation. They took down the first group they encountered and pressed on against those who had gathered. The battle around the machinery was intense, with one side desperately trying to ignite it while the other fought to stop them. There were chaotic shouts from both sides, and many of the fighters at the front were killed. Still, the Jews managed to overpower the Romans with their furious, reckless assaults, and flames began to consume the works. Both the equipment and the machines were at risk of burning down, if not for the brave soldiers from Alexandria who stepped in to defend them, showing more courage than they expected and outshining their more renowned counterparts in this fight. This was the situation until Caesar sent his toughest cavalry to confront the enemy, personally taking down twelve of the Jews at the front. When the rest of them saw this, they retreated, and he pursued them, driving them back into the city and saving the equipment from destruction. During this skirmish, a certain Jew was captured and, by Titus's command, was crucified before the wall to see if it would scare the others and lessen their defiance. After the Jews withdrew, John, the commander of the Idumeans, was talking to a soldier friend when he was hit by a dart shot by an Arabian and died instantly, causing great mourning among the Jews and sorrow among the rebels. He was a highly regarded man, known for both his achievements and leadership.
CHAPTER 7.
How One Of The Towers Erected By The Romans Fell Down Of Its
Own Accord; And How The Romans After Great Slaughter Had
Been Made Got Possession Of The First Wall. How Also Titus
Made His Assaults Upon The Second Wall; As Also Concerning
Longinus The Roman, And Castor The Jew.
How One Of The Towers Built By The Romans Collapsed On Its
Own; And How The Romans, After Suffering Heavy Losses, Took Over The First Wall. How Also Titus Launched His Attacks On The Second Wall; As Well As Information About Longinus The Roman And Castor The Jew.1. Now, on the next night, a surprising disturbance fell upon the Romans; for whereas Titus had given orders for the erection of three towers of fifty cubits high, that by setting men upon them at every bank, he might from thence drive those away who were upon the wall, it so happened that one of these towers fell down about midnight; and as its fall made a very great noise, fear fell upon the army, and they, supposing that the enemy was coming to attack them, ran all to their arms. Whereupon a disturbance and a tumult arose among the legions, and as nobody could tell what had happened, they went on after a disconsolate manner; and seeing no enemy appear, they were afraid one of another, and every one demanded of his neighbor the watchword with great earnestness, as though the Jews had invaded their camp. And now were they like people under a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what had happened, and gave orders that all should be acquainted with it; and then, though with some difficulty, they got clear of the disturbance they had been under.
1. The following night, an unexpected disturbance fell upon the Romans. Titus had ordered the construction of three towers, each fifty cubits tall, so that soldiers stationed on them could drive away anyone on the wall. However, around midnight, one of these towers collapsed, creating a loud noise that scared the army. Thinking the enemy was attacking, they all scrambled for their weapons. This led to chaos and confusion among the legions, and since nobody knew what had happened, they moved about in distress. When no enemy showed up, they became suspicious of each other, and everyone urgently asked their neighbors for the watchword, as if the Jews had invaded their camp. They were like a group in a panic until Titus found out what had occurred and ordered everyone to be informed. After some effort, they eventually calmed down from the disturbance they had experienced.
2. Now these towers were very troublesome to the Jews, who otherwise opposed the Romans very courageously; for they shot at them out of their lighter engines from those towers, as they did also by those that threw darts, and the archers, and those that flung stones. For neither could the Jews reach those that were over them, by reason of their height; and it was not practicable to take them, nor to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to set them on fire, because they were covered with plates of iron. So they retired out of the reach of the darts, and did no longer endeavor to hinder the impression of their rams, which, by continually beating upon the wall, did gradually prevail against it; so that the wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that name did the Jews themselves call the greatest of their engines, because it conquered all things. And now they were for a long while grown weary of fighting, and of keeping guards, and were retired to lodge in the night time at a distance from the wall. It was on other accounts also thought by them to be superfluous to guard the wall, there being besides that two other fortifications still remaining, and they being slothful, and their counsels having been ill concerted on all occasions; so a great many grew lazy and retired. Then the Romans mounted the breach, where Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that wall, and retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall opened the gates, and received all the army within it. And thus did the Romans get possession of this first wall, on the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] when they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern parts of the city, which had been demolished also by Cestius formerly.
2. The towers were a major problem for the Jews, who otherwise fought the Romans bravely. They were attacked from those towers with lighter weapons, darts, arrows, and thrown stones. The Jews couldn't reach those above them because of the towers' height, and it was impossible to take them down or topple them due to their weight, nor could they set them on fire since they were covered in iron plates. So, they moved out of range of the darts and stopped trying to stop the battering rams, which were steadily breaking down the wall. The wall was already giving way to the Nico, as the Jews referred to their largest siege engine because it conquered everything. They had grown tired of fighting and keeping watch, choosing instead to rest away from the wall at night. They also thought it was unnecessary to guard the wall since there were two other fortifications still intact, combined with their laziness and poor planning, which led many to slack off and retreat. Then the Romans climbed the breach made by the Nico, and all the Jews abandoned their post on that wall, falling back to the second wall. Those who got over the first wall opened the gates and let the entire army in. This is how the Romans took control of the first wall on the fifteenth day of the siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius [Jyar], when they destroyed a significant part of it, just as Cestius had previously demolished much of the northern part of the city.
3. And now Titus pitched his camp within the city, at that place which was called "the Camp of the Assyrians," having seized upon all that lay as far as Cedron, but took care to be out of the reach of the Jews' darts. He then presently began his attacks, upon which the Jews divided themselves into several bodies, and courageously defended that wall; while John and his faction did it from the tower of Antonia, and from the northern cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans before the monuments of king Alexander; and Sireoh's army also took for their share the spot of ground that was near John's monument, and fortified it as far as to that gate where water was brought in to the tower Hippicus. However, the Jews made violent sallies, and that frequently also, and in bodies together out of the gates, and there fought the Romans; and when they were pursued all together to the wall, they were beaten in those fights, as wanting the skill of the Romans. But when they fought them from the walls, they were too hard for them; the Romans being encouraged by their power, joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their boldness, which was nourished by the fear they were in, and that hardiness which is natural to our nation under calamities; they were also encouraged still by the hope of deliverance, as were the Romans by their hopes of subduing them in a little time. Nor did either side grow weary; but attacks and rightings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies out in bodies, were there all the day long; nor were there any sort of warlike engagements that were not then put in use. And the night itself had much ado to part them, when they began to fight in the morning; nay, the night itself was passed without sleep on both sides, and was more uneasy than the day to them, while the one was afraid lest the wall should be taken, and the other lest the Jews should make sallies upon their camps; both sides also lay in their armor during the night time, and thereby were ready at the first appearance of light to go to the battle. Now among the Jews the ambition was who should undergo the first dangers, and thereby gratify their commanders. Above all, they had a great veneration and dread of Simon; and to that degree was he regarded by every one of those that were under him, that at his command they were very ready to kill themselves with their own hands. What made the Romans so courageous was their usual custom of conquering and disuse of being defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their dominion; and what was now their chief encouragement—Titus who was present every where with them all; for it appeared a terrible thing to grow weary while Caesar was there, and fought bravely as well as they did, and was himself at once an eye-witness of such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he who was to reward them also. It was, besides, esteemed an advantage at present to have any one's valor known by Caesar; on which account many of them appeared to have more alacrity than strength to answer it. And now, as the Jews were about this time standing in array before the wall, and that in a strong body, and while both parties were throwing their darts at each other, Longinus, one of the equestrian order, leaped out of the army of the Romans, and leaped into the very midst of the army of the Jews; and as they dispersed themselves upon the attack, he slew two of their men of the greatest courage; one of them he struck in his mouth as he was coming to meet him, the other was slain by him by that very dart which he drew out of the body of the other, with which he ran this man through his side as he was running away from him; and when he had done this, he first of all ran out of the midst of his enemies to his own side. So this man signalized himself for his valor, and many there were who were ambitious of gaining the like reputation. And now the Jews were unconcerned at what they suffered themselves from the Romans, and were only solicitous about what mischief they could do them; and death itself seemed a small matter to them, if at the same time they could but kill any one of their enemies. But Titus took care to secure his own soldiers from harm, as well as to have them overcome their enemies. He also said that inconsiderate violence was madness, and that this alone was the true courage that was joined with good conduct. He therefore commanded his men to take care, when they fought their enemies, that they received no harm from them at the same time, and thereby show themselves to be truly valiant men.
3. Now Titus set up his camp within the city, at a place called "the Camp of the Assyrians," having taken control of everything as far as Cedron, while being careful to stay out of the Jews' reach. He quickly began his attacks, prompting the Jews to split into several groups to bravely defend the wall. John and his faction fought from the Tower of Antonia and the northern colonnade of the temple, facing the Romans near the monuments of King Alexander. Sireoh's army took the ground near John's monument and fortified it up to the gate where water was brought to the Tower Hippicus. The Jews made frequent and fierce sallies from the gates, battling the Romans; when they were pushed back to the wall, they often lost those encounters due to lacking the Romans' skill. However, when they defended from the walls, they had the advantage, as the Romans were boosted by their power combined with their skill, while the Jews drew strength from their bravery, fueled by fear and their natural resilience in tough times; they also held onto the hope of rescue, just as the Romans believed they would soon conquer them. Neither side became weary; all day long, there were attacks and fighting on the wall, and ongoing sallying by groups. Every kind of military engagement was utilized. Even at night, it was hard to separate the two sides after they had started fighting at dawn; both sides endured sleepless nights, finding the night even more restless than the day, as the Jews feared the wall would fall and the Romans worried about the Jews launching attacks on their camps. Both sides remained in their armor overnight, ready to engage as soon as daylight broke. Among the Jews, there was strong ambition to take on the first dangers to please their leaders. They held Simon in great esteem, to the point where those under him seemed willing to take their own lives at his command. What made the Romans bold was their habit of victory and lack of experience with defeat, their constant warfare, and the honor of their great empire. Their main encouragement came from Titus, who was present with them everywhere; it felt terrible to tire out while Caesar was watching, fighting bravely alongside them, as he was also an eyewitness to those who distinguished themselves and someone who would reward their bravery. It was seen as an advantage to have one’s valor recognized by Caesar, which motivated many to show more enthusiasm than strength. Just then, while the Jews were formed up strongly in front of the wall and both sides were exchanging darts, Longinus, one of the equestrian order, leaped out of the Roman army and charged straight into the midst of the Jews. As the Jews scattered to retaliate, he killed two of their bravest men; he struck one in the face as he advanced and killed the other with the very dart he had just pulled from the first victim, fatally wounding this man as he tried to escape. After this, Longinus made his way back to his own side. This act distinguished him for his bravery, inspiring many others to seek similar recognition. The Jews seemed unconcerned about the pain they endured from the Romans, focusing instead on what harm they could inflict on them; death appeared trivial if they could take down an enemy. However, Titus made sure to protect his soldiers while defeating their foes. He stated that reckless violence was foolishness, and true courage involved clever strategy. Therefore, he commanded his men to fight in a way that minimized the harm they received, proving themselves as truly brave warriors.
4. And now Titus brought one of his engines to the middle tower of the north part of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew, whose name was Castor, lay in ambush, with ten others like himself, the rest being fled away by reason of the archers. These men lay still for a while, as in great fear, under their breastplates; but when the tower was shaken, they arose, and Castor did then stretch out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for Caesar, and by his voice moved his compassion, and begged of him to have mercy upon them; and Titus, in the innocency of his heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hoping that the Jews did now repent, stopped the working of the battering ram, and forbade them to shoot at the petitioners, and bid Castor say what he had a mind to say to him. He said that he would come down, if he would give him his right hand for his security. To which Titus replied, that he was well pleased with such his agreeable conduct, and would be well pleased if all the Jews would be of his mind, and that he was ready to give the like security to the city. Now five of the ten dissembled with him, and pretended to beg for mercy, while the rest cried out aloud that they would never be slaves to the Romans, while it was in their power to die in a state of freedom. Now while these men were quarrelling for a long while, the attack was delayed; Castor also sent to Simon, and told him that they might take some time for consultation about what was to be done, because he would elude the power of the Romans for a considerable time. And at the same time that he sent thus to him, he appeared openly to exhort those that were obstinate to accept of Titus's hand for their security; but they seemed very angry at it, and brandished their naked swords upon the breast-works, and struck themselves upon their breast, and fell down as if they had been slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with him, were amazed at the courage of the men; and as they were not able to see exactly what was done, they admired at their great fortitude, and pitied their calamity. During this interval, a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and wounded him in his nose; whereupon he presently pulled out the dart, and showed it to Titus, and complained that this was unfair treatment; so Caesar reproved him that shot the dart, and sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to give his right hand to Castor. But Josephus said that he would not go to him, because these pretended petitioners meant nothing that was good; he also restrained those friends of his who were zealous to go to him. But still there was one Eneas, a deserter, who said he would go to him. Castor also called to them, that somebody should come and receive the money which he had with him; this made Eneas the more earnestly to run to him with his bosom open. Then did Castor take up a great stone, and threw it at him, which missed him, because he guarded himself against it; but still it wounded another soldier that was coming to him. When Caesar understood that this was a delusion, he perceived that mercy in war is a pernicious thing, because such cunning tricks have less place under the exercise of greater severity. So he caused the engine to work more strongly than before, on account of his anger at the deceit put upon him. But Castor and his companions set the tower on fire when it began to give way, and leaped through the flame into a hidden vault that was under it, which made the Romans further suppose that they were men of great courage, as having cast themselves into the fire.
4. Now Titus brought one of his siege engines to the middle tower of the northern part of the wall, where a clever Jew named Castor was lying in wait, along with ten others like him, while the rest had fled because of the archers. These men stayed silent for a while, hiding in fear under their armor; but when the tower shook, they got up, and Castor stretched out his hand as if pleading and called for Caesar, using his voice to appeal to his compassion, asking him to be merciful. Titus, innocently believing he was sincere and hoping that the Jews were beginning to regret their actions, stopped the battering ram and ordered that they not shoot at the petitioners. He told Castor to say whatever he wanted to say. Castor said he would come down if Titus would give him his right hand for safety. Titus replied that he was glad about this agreeable proposal and wished that all the Jews would think the same way, stating he was ready to offer similar security to the city. Five of the ten pretended to seek mercy, while the others loudly proclaimed that they would never be slaves to the Romans as long as they could die free. As these men argued for a long time, the attack was postponed; Castor also sent a message to Simon, telling him they could take some time to discuss their options because he would be able to delay the Romans for a while. Simultaneously, he openly encouraged those who were stubborn to accept Titus's hand for security; however, they seemed very angry and waved their swords on the battlements, striking their chests and falling down as if they were dead. This amazed Titus and his men, as they could not clearly see what was happening; they admired their bravery and felt pity for their misfortune. During this pause, someone shot a dart at Castor, hitting him in the nose; he immediately pulled it out, showed it to Titus, and complained about the unfair treatment. So Caesar rebuked the one who shot the dart and sent Josephus, who was standing with him, to extend his right hand to Castor. However, Josephus refused, saying he would not approach him because these fake petitioners had no good intentions; he also held back his eager friends who wanted to go to Castor. Still, one deserter named Eneas said he would go. Castor then called out for someone to come and collect the money he had with him, prompting Eneas to rush over eagerly with his arms wide open. Then Castor picked up a large stone and threw it at him, but it missed because Eneas protected himself; however, it ended up injuring another soldier approaching him. When Caesar realized this was a trick, he understood that showing mercy in war can be dangerous, as such deceitful tactics have less chance of success under stricter conditions. So, he ordered the engine to be used more forcefully out of anger for the deception. Meanwhile, Castor and his companions set the tower on fire as it began to collapse and jumped through the flames into a hidden vault underneath, leading the Romans to further believe they were incredibly brave for throwing themselves into the fire.
CHAPTER 8.
How The Romans Took The Second Wall Twice, And Got All Ready
For Taking The Third Wall.
How The Romans Conquered The Second Wall Twice And Prepared To Take The Third Wall.
1. Now Caesar took this wall there on the fifth day after he had taken the first; and when the Jews had fled from him, he entered into it with a thousand armed men, and those of his choice troops, and this at a place where were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and the market for cloth, and where the narrow streets led obliquely to the wall. Wherefore, if Titus had either demolished a larger part of the wall immediately, or had come in, and, according to the law of war, had laid waste what was left, his victory would not, I suppose, have been mixed with any loss to himself. But now, out of the hope he had that he should make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by not being willing, when he was able, to afflict them more than he needed to do, he did not widen the breach of the wall, in order to make a safer retreat upon occasion; for he did not think they would lay snares for him that did them such a kindness. When therefore he came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kill any of those they caught, nor to set fire to their houses neither; nay, he gave leave to the seditious, if they had a mind, to fight without any harm to the people, and promised to restore the people's effects to them; for he was very desirous to preserve the city for his own sake, and the temple for the sake of the city. As to the people, he had them of a long time ready to comply with his proposals; but as to the fighting men, this humanity of his seemed a mark of his weakness, and they imagined that he made these proposals because he was not able to take the rest of the city. They also threatened death to the people, if they should any one of them say a word about a surrender. They moreover cut the throats of such as talked of a peace, and then attacked those Romans that were come within the wall. Some of them they met in the narrow streets, and some they fought against from their houses, while they made a sudden sally out at the upper gates, and assaulted such Romans as were beyond the wall, till those that guarded the wall were so affrighted, that they leaped down from their towers, and retired to their several camps: upon which a great noise was made by the Romans that were within, because they were encompassed round on every side by their enemies; as also by them that were without, because they were in fear for those that were left in the city. Thus did the Jews grow more numerous perpetually, and had great advantages over the Romans, by their full knowledge of those narrow lanes; and they wounded a great many of them, and fell upon them, and drove them out of the city. Now these Romans were at present forced to make the best resistance they could; for they were not able, in great numbers, to get out at the breach in the wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable that all those that were gotten within had been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them succors; for he ordered the archers to stand at the upper ends of these narrow lanes, and he stood himself where was the greatest multitude of his enemies, and with his darts he put a stop to them; as with him did Domitius Sabinus also, a valiant man, and one that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus did Caesar continue to shoot darts at the Jews continually, and to hinder them from coming upon his men, and this until all his soldiers had retreated out of the city.
1. Now Caesar took this wall on the fifth day after he had captured the first, and when the Jews fled from him, he entered it with a thousand armed men, including his best troops, at a place where the wool merchants, metalworkers, and cloth market were located, and the narrow streets led at angles to the wall. If Titus had either destroyed a larger section of the wall right away or had entered and, according to the rules of war, wrecked what remained, his victory wouldn't have, I believe, involved any loss for him. But now, hoping to make the Jews regret their stubbornness by not wanting to hurt them more than necessary when he had the chance, he didn’t make the breach in the wall wider for a safer retreat if needed, as he didn't think they would lay traps for him when he was showing them such kindness. Therefore, when he entered, he didn’t allow his soldiers to kill anyone they captured or to burn down their homes; in fact, he allowed the rebels, if they wanted, to fight without harming the people and promised to return the people's belongings to them, because he was very eager to save the city for his own sake and the temple for the city’s sake. As for the people, he had had them ready for a long time to accept his offers; but regarding the fighters, his kindness seemed like a sign of weakness to them, and they thought he made these offers because he was unable to take the rest of the city. They also threatened to kill anyone who mentioned surrender and even slashed the throats of those who talked about peace, then attacked the Romans who had entered the wall. Some they encountered in the narrow streets, and some they fought against from their houses, while they suddenly charged out through the upper gates, attacking those Romans who were outside the wall, causing the guards on the wall to panic and leap down from their towers, retreating to their camps. This caused a huge uproar among the Romans inside, as they were surrounded by enemies, and those outside were worried for their comrades left in the city. Thus, the Jews continually grew in number and gained significant advantages over the Romans due to their familiarity with the narrow alleys; they wounded many of them, attacked fiercely, and drove them out of the city. The Romans were forced to put up the best defense they could, as they couldn’t get through the breach in large numbers because it was too narrow. It's likely that all those inside would have been slaughtered if Titus hadn't sent help; he ordered the archers to stand at the ends of those narrow streets, and he positioned himself where his enemies were most numerous, using his darts to hold them back, alongside Domitius Sabinus, a brave man who also showed great valor in this battle. So, Caesar kept firing darts at the Jews continually to prevent them from attacking his men until all his soldiers had retreated from the city.
2. And thus were the Romans driven out, after they had possessed themselves of the second wall. Whereupon the fighting men that were in the city were lifted up in their minds, and were elevated upon this their good success, and began to think that the Romans would never venture to come into the city any more; and that if they kept within it themselves, they should not be any more conquered. For God had blinded their minds for the transgressions they had been guilty of, nor could they see how much greater forces the Romans had than those that were now expelled, no more than they could discern how a famine was creeping upon them; for hitherto they had fed themselves out of the public miseries, and drank the blood of the city. But now poverty had for a long time seized upon the better part, and a great many had died already for want of necessaries; although the seditious indeed supposed the destruction of the people to be an easement to themselves; for they desired that none others might be preserved but such as were against a peace with the Romans, and were resolved to live in opposition to them, and they were pleased when the multitude of those of a contrary opinion were consumed, as being then freed from a heavy burden. And this was their disposition of mind with regard to those that were within the city, while they covered themselves with their armor, and prevented the Romans, when they were trying to get into the city again, and made a wall of their own bodies over against that part of the wall that was cast down. Thus did they valiantly defend themselves for three days; but on the fourth day they could not support themselves against the vehement assaults of Titus but were compelled by force to fly whither they had fled before; so he quietly possessed himself again of that wall, and demolished it entirely. And when he had put a garrison into the towers that were on the south parts of the city, he contrived how he might assault the third wall.
2. And so, the Romans were driven out after they had taken the second wall. The fighters in the city felt a rush of confidence from this success and started to believe that the Romans would never try to enter the city again; they thought that as long as they stayed within, they wouldn’t be defeated again. God had blinded their minds because of their wrongdoings, and they didn’t realize how much stronger the Roman forces were compared to those they had just expelled, just as they couldn’t see the famine slowly creeping up on them. Until then, they had sustained themselves on the public’s suffering and taken from the city. But now, poverty had long taken hold of the better part of the population, and many had already died from lack of essentials; even though the troublemakers thought that the destruction of the people would benefit them, wanting only those who opposed making peace with the Romans to survive, and they were pleased when those with opposing views dwindled, as it lightened their burden. This was their mindset regarding those inside the city, while they armored themselves and blocked the Romans from trying to reenter, even forming a wall with their own bodies against the portion of the wall that had been knocked down. They bravely defended themselves for three days, but on the fourth day, they couldn’t withstand the intense attacks from Titus and were forced to retreat to the place they had fled before. He then calmly took control of that wall again and completely destroyed it. After placing a garrison in the towers on the south side of the city, he devised a plan to attack the third wall.
CHAPTER 9.
Titus When The Jews Were Not At All Mollified By His Leaving
Off The Siege For A While, Set Himself Again To Prosecute
The Same; But Soon Sent Josephus To Discourse With His Own
Countrymen About Peace.
Titus, when the Jews were not at all appeased by his pausing the siege for a bit, focused once more on pursuing it. However, he quickly sent Josephus to talk to his fellow countrymen about peace.
1. A Resolution was now taken by Titus to relax the siege for a little while, and to afford the seditious an interval for consideration, and to see whether the demolishing of their second wall would not make them a little more compliant, or whether they were not somewhat afraid of a famine, because the spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be sufficient for them long; so he made use of this relaxation in order to compass his own designs. Accordingly, as the usual appointed time when he must distribute subsistence money to the soldiers was now come, he gave orders that the commanders should put the army into battle-array, in the face of the enemy, and then give every one of the soldiers their pay. So the soldiers, according to custom, opened the cases wherein their arms before lay covered, and marched with their breastplates on, as did the horsemen lead their horses in their fine trappings. Then did the places that were before the city shine very splendidly for a great way; nor was there any thing so grateful to Titus's own men, or so terrible to the enemy, as that sight. For the whole old wall, and the north side of the temple, were full of spectators, and one might see the houses full of such as looked at them; nor was there any part of the city which was not covered over with their multitudes; nay, a very great consternation seized upon the hardiest of the Jews themselves, when they saw all the army in the same place, together with the fineness of their arms, and the good order of their men. And I cannot but think that the seditious would have changed their minds at that sight, unless the crimes they had committed against the people had been so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness from the Romans; but as they believed death with torments must be their punishment, if they did not go on in the defense of the city, they thought it much better to die in war. Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the innocent were to perish with the guilty, and the city was to be destroyed with the seditious that were in it.
1. Titus decided to ease the siege for a bit, giving the rebels some time to think and see if the destruction of their second wall would make them more willing to negotiate, or if they would become worried about starvation, since the loot they had taken wouldn't last them long. He used this pause to further his own plans. When the usual time came to distribute pay to the soldiers, he ordered the commanders to get the army ready for battle right in front of the enemy, and then give each soldier their payment. As was customary, the soldiers opened the cases where their weapons were stored and marched out wearing their breastplates, while the cavalry led their horses adorned in fine gear. The area in front of the city looked brilliantly impressive from a distance; nothing pleased Titus's men or terrified the enemy more than that sight. The entire old wall and the north side of the temple were filled with onlookers, and houses were packed with spectators; no part of the city was without crowds. Even the bravest of the Jews felt a great panic seeing the whole army assembled, along with their impressive weapons and the disciplined formation of their troops. I can't help but think that the rebels might have changed their minds at that sight, if not for the terrible crimes they had committed against their people that made them feel they could never be forgiven by the Romans; believing that a fate of painful death awaited them if they didn’t continue defending the city, they thought it better to die in battle. Fate was also such that the innocent would perish alongside the guilty, leading to the city's destruction along with the rebels within it.
2. Thus did the Romans spend four days in bringing this subsistence-money to the several legions. But on the fifth day, when no signs of peace appeared to come from the Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and at John's monument. Now his designs were to take the upper city at that monument, and the temple at the tower of Antonia; for if the temple were not taken, it would be dangerous to keep the city itself; so at each of these parts he raised him banks, each legion raising one. As for those that wrought at John's monument, the Idumeans, and those that were in arms with Simon, made sallies upon them, and put some stop to them; while John's party, and the multitude of zealots with them, did the like to those that were before the tower of Antonia. These Jews were now too hard for the Romans, not only in direct fighting, because they stood upon the higher ground, but because they had now learned to use their own engines; for their continual use of them one day after another did by degrees improve their skill about them; for of one sort of engines for darts they had three hundred, and forty for stones; by the means of which they made it more tedious for the Romans to raise their banks. But then Titus, knowing that the city would be either saved or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have the Jews exhorted to repentance; so he mixed good counsel with his works for the siege. And being sensible that exhortations are frequently more effectual than arms, he persuaded them to surrender the city, now in a manner already taken, and thereby to save themselves, and sent Josephus to speak to them in their own language; for he imagined they might yield to the persuasion of a countryman of their own.
2. The Romans spent four days delivering supplies to the various legions. But on the fifth day, when there were still no signs of peace from the Jews, Titus divided his legions and started building siege works at the Tower of Antonia and at John's monument. His plan was to capture the upper city at that monument and the temple at the Tower of Antonia; if the temple wasn’t taken, it would be risky to hold the city itself. Each legion constructed siege works at these locations. Meanwhile, the Idumeans and those allied with Simon launched attacks on those working at John's monument, slowing their progress. Similarly, John's faction and the large group of zealots attacked those in front of the Tower of Antonia. The Jews were now proving tougher for the Romans, not only because they held the higher ground but also because they had learned to use their own siege engines effectively. Their repeated practice over several days had improved their skills; they had three hundred engines for darts and forty for stones, which made it more difficult for the Romans to build their siege works. However, Titus, knowing that the fate of the city rested on his actions, not only pressed on with the siege but also made efforts to encourage the Jews to repent. He mixed good advice with his siege efforts. Recognizing that persuasion is often more effective than force, he urged them to surrender the city, which was essentially already taken, to save themselves, and sent Josephus to speak to them in their own language, hoping they might be swayed by someone from their own community.
3. So Josephus went round about the wall, and tried to find a place that was out of the reach of their darts, and yet within their hearing, and besought them, in many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more obdurate in these cases than foreigners themselves; for that the Romans, who had no relation to those things, had a reverence for their sacred rites and places, although they belonged to their enemies, and had till now kept their hands off from meddling with them; while such as were brought up under them, and, if they be preserved, will be the only people that will reap the benefit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed. That certainly they have seen their strongest walls demolished, and that the wall still remaining was weaker than those that were already taken. That they must know the Roman power was invincible, and that they had been used to serve them; for, that in case it be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty, that ought to have been done at first; but for them that have once fallen under the power of the Romans, and have now submitted to them for so many long years, to pretend to shake off that yoke afterward, was the work of such as had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were lovers of liberty. Besides, men may well enough grudge at the dishonor of owning ignoble masters over them, but ought not to do so to those who have all things under their command; for what part of the world is there that hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as are of no use for violent heat, or for violent cold? And evident it is that fortune is on all hands gone over to them; and that God, when he had gone round the nations with this dominion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover, it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those that are too strong for them; and to suffer those to have the dominion who are too hard for the rest in war; for which reason it was that their forefathers, who were far superior to them, both in their souls and bodies, and other advantages, did yet submit to the Romans, which they would not have suffered, had they not known that God was with them. As for themselves, what can they depend on in this their opposition, when the greatest part of their city is already taken? and when those that are within it are under greater miseries than if they were taken, although their walls be still standing? For that the Romans are not unacquainted with that famine which is in the city, whereby the people are already consumed, and the fighting men will in a little time be so too; for although the Romans should leave off the siege, and not fall upon the city with their swords in their hands, yet was there an insuperable war that beset them within, and was augmented every hour, unless they were able to wage war with famine, and fight against it, or could alone conquer their natural appetites. He added this further, how right a thing it was to change their conduct before their calamities were become incurable, and to have recourse to such advice as might preserve them, while opportunity was offered them for so doing; for that the Romans would not be mindful of their past actions to their disadvantage, unless they persevered in their insolent behavior to the end; because they were naturally mild in their conquests, and preferred what was profitable, before what their passions dictated to them; which profit of theirs lay not in leaving the city empty of inhabitants, nor the country a desert; on which account Caesar did now offer them his right hand for their security. Whereas, if he took the city by force, he would not save any of them, and this especially, if they rejected his offers in these their utmost distresses; for the walls that were already taken could not but assure them that the third wall would quickly be taken also. And though their fortifications should prove too strong for the Romans to break through them, yet would the famine fight for the Romans against them.
3. So Josephus walked around the wall, trying to find a spot that was safe from their arrows but still within earshot, and he pleaded with them, using many words, to spare themselves, to spare their country and their temple, and not to be more stubborn than the foreigners; because the Romans, who had no ties to these matters, respected their sacred customs and places, even though they belonged to their enemies, and so far had kept their hands off them. Meanwhile, those who grew up under them, and if saved, would be the only ones to benefit from them, rushed to have them destroyed. They must have seen their strongest walls fall, and the wall that remains is weaker than those that have already been taken. They must understand that Roman power is unstoppable and that they have been used to serving them; if it were right to fight for freedom, it should have been done from the start. But for those who have already fallen under Roman power and have submitted for so many years to pretend to shake off that yoke now is the plan of those who want to die miserably, not those who love freedom. Besides, people can resent the dishonor of having unworthy masters, but they shouldn’t do so toward those who have everything under their control; because what part of the world has escaped the Romans, except those that are useless in extreme heat or extreme cold? It’s clear that fortune has shifted entirely to them, and that God, after having gone throughout the nations with this power, is now established in Italy. Furthermore, it’s a strong and fixed law, among both animals and humans, to yield to those who are stronger; to let those who are better in war have dominion over the rest. That’s why their ancestors, who were far better than them in spirit and body, yielded to the Romans, which they would not have done had they not known that God was with them. As for them, what can they hope for in this resistance when most of their city is already taken? And when those still inside are suffering more than if they were captured, even if their walls remain standing? Because the Romans are well aware of the famine in the city, which has already depleted the people, and soon the fighting men will be too; for even if the Romans stopped the siege and did not attack the city with swords, an insurmountable war besieges them from within, growing worse by the hour, unless they can wage war against hunger and fight it off, or can conquer their basic needs alone. He also added that it was wise to change their actions before their suffering became unfixable, and to take advice that might save them while they still had the chance; for the Romans would not hold past actions against them unless they continued their reckless behavior until the end; because they were naturally gentle in their conquests, preferring what was beneficial over what their emotions pushed them to do; and their benefit did not lie in leaving the city empty or the countryside barren; for this reason, Caesar was now offering them his right hand for their safety. If he took the city by force, he would not save any of them, especially if they rejected his offers in their greatest distress; because the walls that had already fallen should assure them that the third wall would soon be taken too. And even if their defenses were too strong for the Romans to break through, hunger would fight on the Romans' side against them.
4. While Josephus was making this exhortation to the Jews, many of them jested upon him from the wall, and many reproached him; nay, some threw their darts at him: but when he could not himself persuade them by such open good advice, he betook himself to the histories belonging to their own nation, and cried out aloud, "O miserable creatures! are you so unmindful of those that used to assist you, that you will fight by your weapons and by your hands against the Romans? When did we ever conquer any other nation by such means? and when was it that God, who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did not avenge them when they had been injured? Will not you turn again, and look back, and consider whence it is that you fight with such violence, and how great a Supporter you have profanely abused? Will not you recall to mind the prodigious things done for your forefathers and this holy place, and how great enemies of yours were by him subdued under you? I even tremble myself in declaring the works of God before your ears, that are unworthy to hear them; however, hearken to me, that you may be informed how you fight not only against the Romans, but against God himself. In old times there was one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also called Pharaoh; he came with a prodigious army of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. What did Abraham our progenitor then do? Did he defend himself from this injurious person by war, although he had three hundred and eighteen captains under him, and an immense army under each of them? Indeed he deemed them to be no number at all without God's assistance, and only spread out his hands towards this holy place, 16 which you have now polluted, and reckoned upon him as upon his invincible supporter, instead of his own army. Was not our queen sent back, without any defilement, to her husband, the very next evening?—while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring this place which you have defiled by shedding thereon the blood of your own countrymen; and he also trembled at those visions which he saw in the night season, and bestowed both silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a people beloved by God. Shall I say nothing, or shall I mention the removal of our fathers into Egypt, who, when they were used tyrannically, and were fallen under the power of foreign kings for four hundred years together, and might have defended themselves by war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but commit themselves to God! Who is there that does not know that Egypt was overrun with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed by all sorts of distempers? how their land did not bring forth its fruit? how the Nile failed of water? how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one upon another? and how by those means our fathers were sent away under a guard, without any bloodshed, and without running any dangers, because God conducted them as his peculiar servants? Moreover, did not Palestine groan 17 under the ravage the Assyrians made, when they carried away our sacred ark? as did their idol Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of those that carried it away, how they were smitten with a loathsome distemper in the secret parts of their bodies, when their very bowels came down together with what they had eaten, till those hands that stole it away were obliged to bring it back again, and that with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and other oblations, in order to appease the anger of God for their violation of his holy ark. It was God who then became our General, and accomplished these great things for our fathers, and this because they did not meddle with war and fighting, but committed it to him to judge about their affairs. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with him all Asia, and encompassed this city round with his army, did he fall by the hands of men? were not those hands lifted up to God in prayers, without meddling with their arms, when an angel of God destroyed that prodigious army in one night? when the Assyrian king, as he rose the next day, found a hundred fourscore and five thousand dead bodies, and when he, with the remainder of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, though they were unarmed, and did not pursue them. You are also acquainted with the slavery we were under at Babylon, where the people were captives for seventy years; yet were they not delivered into freedom again before God made Cyrus his gracious instrument in bringing it about; accordingly they were set free by him, and did again restore the worship of their Deliverer at his temple. And, to speak in general, we can produce no example wherein our fathers got any success by war, or failed of success when without war they committed themselves to God. When they staid at home, they conquered, as pleased their Judge; but when they went out to fight, they were always disappointed: for example, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, contrary to what predictions were made to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the temple demolished. Yet how much greater was the moderation of that king, than is that of your present governors, and that of the people then under him, than is that of you at this time! for when Jeremiah cried out aloud, how very angry God was at them, because of their transgressions, and told them they should be taken prisoners, unless they would surrender up their city, neither did the king nor the people put him to death; but for you, [to pass over what you have done within the city, which I am not able to describe as your wickedness deserves,] you abuse me, and throw darts at me, who only exhort you to save yourselves, as being provoked when you are put in mind of your sins, and cannot bear the very mention of those crimes which you every day perpetrate. For another example, when Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, lay before this city, and had been guilty of many indignities against God, and our forefathers met him in arms, they then were slain in the battle, this city was plundered by our enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for three years and six months. And what need I bring any more examples? Indeed what can it be that hath stirred up an army of the Romans against our nation? Is it not the impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our servitude commence? Was it not derived from the seditions that were among our forefathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought Pompey upon this city, and when God reduced those under subjection to the Romans who were unworthy of the liberty they had enjoyed? After a siege, therefore, of three months, they were forced to surrender themselves, although they had not been guilty of such offenses, with regard to our sanctuary and our laws, as you have; and this while they had much greater advantages to go to war than you have. Do not we know what end Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, came to, under whose reign God provided that this city should be taken again upon account of the people's offenses? When Herod, the son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and Sosius brought upon us the Roman army, they were then encompassed and besieged for six months, till, as a punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. Thus it appears that arms were never given to our nation, but that we are always given up to be fought against, and to be taken; for I suppose that such as inhabit this holy place ought to commit the disposal of all things to God, and then only to disregard the assistance of men when they resign themselves up to their Arbitrator, who is above. As for you, what have you done of those things that are recommended by our legislator? and what have you not done of those things that he hath condemned? How much more impious are you than those who were so quickly taken! You have not avoided so much as those sins that are usually done in secret; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots against men, and adulteries. You are quarrelling about rapines and murders, and invent strange ways of wickedness. Nay, the temple itself is become the receptacle of all, and this Divine place is polluted by the hands of those of our own country; which place hath yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was at a distance from them, when they have suffered many of their own customs to give place to our law. And, after all this, do you expect Him whom you have so impiously abused to be your supporter? To be sure then you have a right to be petitioners, and to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are your hands! Did your king [Hezekiah] lift up such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria, when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit such wickedness as did the king of Assyria, that you may have reason to hope for the like vengeance upon them? Did not that king accept of money from our king on this condition, that he should not destroy the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had taken, he came down to burn the temple? while the Romans do demand no more than that accustomed tribute which our fathers paid to their fathers; and if they may but once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy this city, nor to touch this sanctuary; nay, they will grant you besides, that your posterity shall be free, and your possessions secured to you, and will preserve our holy laws inviolate to you. And it is plain madness to expect that God should appear as well disposed towards the wicked as towards the righteous, since he knows when it is proper to punish men for their sins immediately; accordingly he brake the power of the Assyrians the very first night that they pitched their camp. Wherefore, had he judged that our nation was worthy of freedom, or the Romans of punishment, he had immediately inflicted punishment upon those Romans, as he did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey began to meddle with our nation, or when after him Sosius came up against us, or when Vespasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when Titus came first of all near to this city; although Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but took the city by force; as did Vespasian go from the war he made against you to receive the empire; and as for Titus, those springs that were formerly almost dried up when they were under your power 18 since he is come, run more plentifully than they did before; accordingly, you know that Siloam, as well as all the other springs that were without the city, did so far fail, that water was sold by distinct measures; whereas they now have such a great quantity of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not only for drink both for themselves and their cattle, but for watering their gardens also. The same wonderful sign you had also experience of formerly, when the forementioned king of Babylon made war against us, and when he took the city, and burnt the temple; while yet I believe the Jews of that age were not so impious as you are. Wherefore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of those against whom you fight. Now even a man, if he be but a good man, will fly from an impure house, and will hate those that are in it; and do you persuade yourselves that God will abide with you in your iniquities, who sees all secret things, and hears what is kept most private? Now what crime is there, I pray you, that is so much as kept secret among you, or is concealed by you? nay, what is there that is not open to your very enemies? for you show your transgressions after a pompous manner, and contend one with another which of you shall be more wicked than another; and you make a public demonstration of your injustice, as if it were virtue. However, there is a place left for your preservation, if you be willing to accept of it; and God is easily reconciled to those that confess their faults, and repent of them. O hard-hearted wretches as you are! cast away all your arms, and take pity of your country already going to ruin; return from your wicked ways, and have regard to the excellency of that city which you are going to betray, to that excellent temple with the donations of so many countries in it. Who could bear to be the first that should set that temple on fire? who could be willing that these things should be no more? and what is there that can better deserve to be preserved? O insensible creatures, and more stupid than are the stones themselves! And if you cannot look at these things with discerning eyes, yet, however, have pity upon your families, and set before every one of your eyes your children, and wives, and parents, who will be gradually consumed either by famine or by war. I am sensible that this danger will extend to my mother, and wife, and to that family of mine who have been by no means ignoble, and indeed to one that hath been very eminent in old time; and perhaps you may imagine that it is on their account only that I give you this advice; if that be all, kill them; nay, take my own blood as a reward, if it may but procure your preservation; for I am ready to die, in case you will but return to a sound mind after my death."
4. While Josephus was trying to persuade the Jews, many of them mocked him from the wall, and others criticized him; indeed, some even hurled their darts at him. But when he couldn’t get through to them with straightforward good advice, he turned to their own history and shouted, "Oh miserable people! Are you so forgetful of those who helped you that you’re willing to fight against the Romans with your weapons and your hands? When did we ever conquer another nation by such methods? When did God, the Creator of the Jewish people, ever fail to avenge you when you were wronged? Will you not take a moment to reflect on why you fight so fiercely and how greatly you misuse such a powerful Supporter? Will you not remember the amazing things done for your ancestors and this holy place, and how mighty enemies were subdued by Him? I tremble to tell of God’s works to those of you unworthy to hear them; nonetheless, listen to me, so you can understand that you’re fighting not just against the Romans, but against God himself. In ancient times, there was a king of Egypt named Necao, also known as Pharaoh; he came with a massive army and seized queen Sarah, the mother of our nation. What did Abraham, our ancestor, do then? Did he defend himself against this aggressor with war, even though he had three hundred and eighteen captains and a huge army? He considered them insignificant without God’s help and simply lifted his hands toward this holy place, 16 which you have now defiled, relying on God as his invincible ally instead of his own forces. Wasn’t our queen returned untouched to her husband the very next evening? Meanwhile, the king of Egypt fled, worshiping this place that you have defiled by shedding the blood of your fellow countrymen, trembling from the visions he experienced at night, offering both silver and gold to the Hebrews as a people beloved by God. Should I say nothing more, or mention how our ancestors were taken to Egypt? They endured tyranny and lived under foreign kings for four hundred years. Despite having the ability to fight back, they did nothing but commit themselves to God! Who doesn’t know that Egypt was overrun by wild beasts and plagued with all sorts of diseases? How their land stopped producing crops, how the Nile ran dry, how the ten plagues of Egypt followed one after the other? And how, by those means, our ancestors were allowed to leave safely, without bloodshed or danger, because God led them as his chosen people? Moreover, didn’t Palestine groan 17 under the devastation caused by the Assyrians when they took our sacred ark? Did not their idol Dagon and the entire nation that captured it suffer from a horrible disease, with their very insides falling out? Those who stole it had to return it with sounds of cymbals and tambourines, among other offerings, to appease God’s anger for violating His holy ark. It was God who became our General at that time, achieving great things for our ancestors, because they did not engage in war but trusted Him to handle their affairs. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, came with all of Asia and surrounded this city with his army, did he fall to men’s hands? Were not those hands raised to God in prayer, without resorting to arms, when an angel of God wiped out that massive army in one night? The next day, when the Assyrian king woke up, he found one hundred eighty-five thousand dead bodies and, with the rest of his army, fled from the Hebrews despite them being unarmed and not pursuing them. You know about the captivity we suffered in Babylon, where the people were held for seventy years; yet they were not freed until God made Cyrus His kind instrument for that purpose, and they were freed by him and restored the worship of their Deliverer at His temple. Generally speaking, we can find no example where our ancestors succeeded through war, nor where they failed when they committed themselves to God without fighting. When they stayed home, they conquered as their Judge pleased; but when they went out to battle, they were always disappointed. For instance, when the king of Babylon besieged this very city, and our king Zedekiah fought against him, going against the warnings given by the prophet Jeremiah, he was immediately captured and witnessed the city's and temple's destruction. Yet how much more moderate was that king in comparison to your current leaders, and how much more restrained was the people then compared to you now! For when Jeremiah openly cried out about God’s anger at them due to their sins, warning them they would be taken captive unless they surrendered the city, neither the king nor the people put him to death; but you, [leaving aside what you’ve done within the city, which I cannot describe as your wickedness deserves], abuse me and throw darts at me, while I only urge you to save yourselves. You become provoked when I remind you of your sins and can’t bear even the mention of the crimes you commit daily. Another example: when Antiochus, known as Epiphanes, besieged this city and committed many offenses against God, our ancestors confronted him in battle, were slain, and this city was plundered by our enemies, resulting in our sanctuary being left desolate for three years and six months. Why should I bring up any more examples? What has stirred up the Roman army against our nation? Isn’t it the wrongdoing of the people? Where did our servitude begin? Was it not due to the conflicts among our ancestors when the madness of Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, and our mutual disputes, invited Pompey into this city, leading God to place those unworthy of freedom under Roman rule? After a three-month siege, they had no choice but to surrender, even though they hadn’t committed offenses against our sanctuary and laws as you have, while they had far more advantage to go to war than you do. Don’t we know the end of Antigonus, son of Aristobulus? Under his reign, God ensured that this city was taken again because of the people’s sins. When Herod, son of Antipater, brought Sosius against us, and Sosius brought the Roman army, they besieged the city for six months, until, as punishment for their sins, they were taken, and the city was plundered by the enemy. Thus it is evident that arms were never granted to our nation; instead, we are always surrendered to be fought against and taken. I believe that those who dwell in this holy place should entrust everything to God and only disregard human assistance when they surrender to their Higher Judge. As for you, what have you done that aligns with our laws? And what have you done that goes against them? How much more wicked are you than those who were quickly taken? You haven’t even avoided the sins done in secret; I’m talking about thefts, treacherous plots against others, and adultery. You’re arguing about robberies and murders, inventing strange new ways of wickedness. Even the temple has become a place for all these evils, and this Divine area is polluted by the hands of our own people; yet the Romans once respected this place when it was distant from them, allowing many of their customs to yield to our laws. After all this, do you expect Him, whom you have so outrageously wronged, to support you? You must feel entitled to ask for His help, with such pure hands, right? Did your king [Hezekiah] raise such hands in prayer to God against the king of Assyria when he destroyed that great army in one night? And do the Romans commit wickedness comparable to what the king of Assyria did, giving you reason to hope for similar vengeance against them? Didn’t that king accept money from our king on the condition he wouldn’t destroy the city, and yet, contrary to his sworn oath, he came down to burn the temple? Meanwhile, the Romans only demand the usual tribute that our ancestors paid to their ancestors; and if they can secure that, they have no intention of destroying this city or touching this sanctuary; in fact, they offer that your descendants will be free, your possessions secure, and they will uphold our holy laws for you. It’s pure madness to expect God to treat the wicked as He does the righteous, as He knows when to punish for sins immediately; hence He destroyed the Assyrians the very night they pitched camp. Therefore, had He deemed our nation worthy of freedom or the Romans deserving of punishment, He would have instantly punished those Romans as He did the Assyrians when Pompey began to interfere with our nation, or when Sosius came against us later, or when Vespasian devastated Galilee, or finally when Titus first approached this city; even though Magnus and Sosius did not only suffer nothing, but seized the city by force; as did Vespasian when he left the war against you to take the empire; and as for Titus, the springs that had almost dried up during your reign 18 since his arrival now flow even more abundantly than before. You know that Siloam and all the other springs outside the city ran so low that water was sold in measured amounts; yet now they have such an abundance of water for your enemies that it’s enough not only for drinking for themselves and their livestock but also for watering their gardens. You also experienced this same miraculous sign when the aforementioned Babylonian king went to war against us, took the city, and burned the temple; and yet, I believe the Jews of that time were not as impious as you are. Thus, I cannot help but think that God has left His sanctuary and stands with those against whom you fight. Even a good person will flee from a dirty home and detest those inside it; do you really believe God will remain with you in your wrongdoings, knowing all the secrets and hearing what is kept most private? What crime is there, I ask, that you even keep hidden from one another, or that you manage to conceal? What is not exposed to your very enemies? You showcase your transgressions flamboyantly and compete with each other to see who can be more wicked; you publicly demonstrate your injustices as if they were virtues. Nevertheless, there is still an opportunity for your preservation if you are willing to accept it; and God is easily reconciled with those who confess and repent. Oh hard-hearted wretches! Lay down your weapons and take pity on your country, which is already in ruins; turn away from your sinful ways and value the greatness of that city you are about to betray, that magnificent temple filled with offerings from so many lands. Who could bear to be the first to set that temple on fire? Who would want such things to cease to exist? What is more deserving of protection? Oh, insensitive ones, and more foolish than stones themselves! If you cannot recognize these things with clear eyes, at least show compassion for your families and envision your children, wives, and parents who will gradually perish from either famine or war. I feel this danger extends even to my mother, wife, and my family, who are far from ignoble, and indeed belonged to one of great renown in the past; and perhaps you think I give you this advice only for their sake; if that’s the case, kill them; no, take my own blood as a reward if it will ensure your safety; for I am prepared to die if only you will come to your senses after my death."
CHAPTER 10.
How A Great Many Of The People Earnestly Endeavored To
Desert To The Romans; As Also What Intolerable Things Those
That Staid Behind Suffered By Famine, And The Sad
Consequences Thereof.
How Many People Seriously Tried To
Join The Romans; As Well As The Horrible Things Those
Who Stayed Behind Experienced Due To Famine, And The Sad
Results Of That.1. As Josephus was speaking thus with a loud voice, the seditious would neither yield to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for them to alter their conduct; but as for the people, they had a great inclination to desert to the Romans; accordingly, some of them sold what they had, and even the most precious things that had been laid up as treasures by them, for every small matter, and swallowed down pieces of gold, that they might not be found out by the robbers; and when they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool, and had wherewithal to provide plentifully for themselves; for Titus let a great number of them go away into the country, whither they pleased. And the main reasons why they were so ready to desert were these: That now they should be freed from those miseries which they had endured in that city, and yet should not be in slavery to the Romans: however, John and Simon, with their factions, did more carefully watch these men's going out than they did the coming in of the Romans; and if any one did but afford the least shadow of suspicion of such an intention, his throat was cut immediately.
1. While Josephus was speaking loudly, the rebels refused to listen to him and didn’t think it was safe to change their behavior. However, the people were eager to defect to the Romans. Some of them sold their belongings, even their most treasured items, for very little, and swallowed down pieces of gold to avoid being discovered by thieves. Once they escaped to the Romans, they found relief and enough resources to take care of themselves, as Titus allowed many of them to head into the countryside wherever they wanted. The main reasons they were so willing to desert were that they hoped to escape the suffering they had endured in the city without becoming enslaved by the Romans. Meanwhile, John and Simon, along with their followers, were more vigilant about watching for these people leaving than they were about the Romans entering. If anyone showed even the slightest hint of wanting to leave, they were quickly dealt with, often fatally.
2. But as for the richer sort, it proved all one to them whether they staid in the city, or attempted to get out of it; for they were equally destroyed in both cases; for every such person was put to death under this pretense, that they were going to desert, but in reality that the robbers might get what they had. The madness of the seditious did also increase together with their famine, and both those miseries were every day inflamed more and more; for there was no corn which any where appeared publicly, but the robbers came running into, and searched men's private houses; and then, if they found any, they tormented them, because they had denied they had any; and if they found none, they tormented them worse, because they supposed they had more carefully concealed it. The indication they made use of whether they had any or not was taken from the bodies of these miserable wretches; which, if they were in good case, they supposed they were in no want at all of food; but if they were wasted away, they walked off without searching any further; nor did they think it proper to kill such as these, because they saw they would very soon die of themselves for want of food. Many there were indeed who sold what they had for one measure; it was of wheat, if they were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they were poorer. When these had so done, they shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten; some did it without grinding it, by reason of the extremity of the want they were in, and others baked bread of it, according as necessity and fear dictated to them: a table was no where laid for a distinct meal, but they snatched the bread out of the fire, half-baked, and ate it very hastily.
2. But for the wealthier people, it didn't really matter whether they stayed in the city or tried to leave; they faced destruction in either case. Each of these individuals was executed under the pretense that they were planning to escape, but in reality, it was so the robbers could seize their belongings. The madness of the rebels grew alongside their hunger, and both of these miseries escalated every day. There was no grain visible anywhere, so the robbers would rush in and search people's homes. If they found any food, they tortured the owners for denying they had it; if they found nothing, they tormented them even more, assuming they were just hiding it away. The robbers judged whether people had food based on their physical condition: if someone looked healthy, they thought they must have enough to eat, but if they appeared emaciated, they left without further searching, as they figured those individuals would die soon enough from lack of food. Many did sell what little they had for just one measure of grain; wealthy ones would trade for wheat, while poorer ones settled for barley. After selling, they would lock themselves in the deepest parts of their homes to eat the food they had obtained. Some consumed it raw due to extreme hunger, while others baked it into bread based on what necessity and fear dictated to them. There was nowhere set up for a proper meal; they took the bread straight from the fire, half-baked, and ate it quickly.
3. It was now a miserable case, and a sight that would justly bring tears into our eyes, how men stood as to their food, while the more powerful had more than enough, and the weaker were lamenting [for want of it.] But the famine was too hard for all other passions, and it is destructive to nothing so much as to modesty; for what was otherwise worthy of reverence was in this case despised; insomuch that children pulled the very morsels that their fathers were eating out of their very mouths, and what was still more to be pitied, so did the mothers do as to their infants; and when those that were most dear were perishing under their hands, they were not ashamed to take from them the very last drops that might preserve their lives: and while they ate after this manner, yet were they not concealed in so doing; but the seditious every where came upon them immediately, and snatched away from them what they had gotten from others; for when they saw any house shut up, this was to them a signal that the people within had gotten some food; whereupon they broke open the doors, and ran in, and took pieces of what they were eating almost up out of their very throats, and this by force: the old men, who held their food fast, were beaten; and if the women hid what they had within their hands, their hair was torn for so doing; nor was there any commiseration shown either to the aged or to the infants, but they lifted up children from the ground as they hung upon the morsels they had gotten, and shook them down upon the floor. But still they were more barbarously cruel to those that had prevented their coming in, and had actually swallowed down what they were going to seize upon, as if they had been unjustly defrauded of their right. They also invented terrible methods of torments to discover where any food was, and they were these to stop up the passages of the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments; and a man was forced to bear what it is terrible even to hear, in order to make him confess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that he might discover a handful of barley-meal that was concealed; and this was done when these tormentors were not themselves hungry; for the thing had been less barbarous had necessity forced them to it; but this was done to keep their madness in exercise, and as making preparation of provisions for themselves for the following days. These men went also to meet those that had crept out of the city by night, as far as the Roman guards, to gather some plants and herbs that grew wild; and when those people thought they had got clear of the enemy, they snatched from them what they had brought with them, even while they had frequently entreated them, and that by calling upon the tremendous name of God, to give them back some part of what they had brought; though these would not give them the least crumb, and they were to be well contented that they were only spoiled, and not slain at the same time.
3. It was truly a sad situation, one that would bring tears to anyone's eyes, as men struggled over food while the stronger had more than they needed, and the weaker were crying out for it. The famine overwhelmed all other feelings, particularly destroying modesty; what should have been respected was treated with disdain. Children took the very bites from their fathers’ mouths, and even more tragically, mothers did the same to their infants. When those they loved were dying right in front of them, they were not ashamed to snatch away the last bits that might save their lives. And while they ate in this desperate manner, they were not discreet; troublemakers surrounded them immediately, stealing what little they had managed to get from others. When these men saw a house shut tight, it was a signal that the people inside had food, prompting them to break down the doors and forcefully take what they were eating, sometimes almost choking them. Old men who tried to hold on to their food were beaten, and if women attempted to hide what they were holding, their hair was roughly pulled. No compassion was shown to the elderly or infants; they would even pick children off the ground as they clung to whatever morsels they had and throw them down. They were particularly cruel to those who had swallowed their food before they could take it, as if they were unjustly robbed. They devised horrific methods of torture to find out if anyone had food, blocking the private parts of the unfortunate and driving sharp stakes into them. A person was made to endure unimaginable pain just to confess having a single loaf of bread or reveal a hidden handful of barley-meal. This was done even when the tormentors themselves weren't hungry; if necessity had driven them, it might have seemed less brutal. However, this was all to satisfy their madness and prepare for their own needs in the days to come. These men also went after those who had sneaked out of the city at night, all the way to the Roman guards, to gather wild plants and herbs. When those people thought they had escaped the enemy, they were robbed of what they had brought back, despite pleading and calling on God's name to return at least a part of it; these robbers wouldn’t even give them a tiny crumb, and they had to be grateful that they were only robbed and not killed as well.
4. These were the afflictions which the lower sort of people suffered from these tyrants' guards; but for the men that were in dignity, and withal were rich, they were carried before the tyrants themselves; some of whom were falsely accused of laying treacherous plots, and so were destroyed; others of them were charged with designs of betraying the city to the Romans; but the readiest way of all was this, to suborn somebody to affirm that they were resolved to desert to the enemy. And he who was utterly despoiled of what he had by Simon was sent back again to John, as of those who had been already plundered by Jotre, Simon got what remained; insomuch that they drank the blood of the populace to one another, and divided the dead bodies of the poor creatures between them; so that although, on account of their ambition after dominion, they contended with each other, yet did they very well agree in their wicked practices; for he that did not communicate what he got by the miseries of others to the other tyrant seemed to be too little guilty, and in one respect only; and he that did not partake of what was so communicated to him grieved at this, as at the loss of what was a valuable thing, that he had no share in such barbarity.
4. These were the hardships that the common people endured because of the tyrants' guards; but for those in power and wealthy, they were taken directly to the tyrants themselves. Some were falsely accused of plotting treachery and were wiped out; others faced charges of planning to betray the city to the Romans. The easiest way to do this was to bribe someone to claim that they intended to defect to the enemy. Those who had been completely stripped of their possessions by Simon were returned to John, while Simon took whatever was left from those already looted by Jotre. They capitalized on the suffering of the populace, dividing the bodies of the unfortunate among themselves. Although they battled each other for power, they got along well in their evil deeds; for someone who didn't share what he gained from others' misery with the other tyrant seemed guilty in only one way. Meanwhile, anyone who didn't receive a share of what was passed on to him felt sorrow, as if he had lost something valuable by missing out on such cruelty.
5. It is therefore impossible to go distinctly over every instance of these men's iniquity. I shall therefore speak my mind here at once briefly:—That neither did any other city ever suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever breed a generation more fruitful in wickedness than this was, from the beginning of the world. Finally, they brought the Hebrew nation into contempt, that they might themselves appear comparatively less impious with regard to strangers. They confessed what was true, that they were the slaves, the scum, and the spurious and abortive offspring of our nation, while they overthrew the city themselves, and forced the Romans, whether they would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation, by acting gloriously against them, and did almost draw that fire upon the temple, which they seemed to think came too slowly; and indeed when they saw that temple burning from the upper city, they were neither troubled at it, nor did they shed any tears on that account, while yet these passions were discovered among the Romans themselves; which circumstances we shall speak of hereafter in their proper place, when we come to treat of such matters.
5. It’s impossible to go through every single instance of these men's wrongdoing. So, I'll be straightforward: no other city has ever experienced such suffering, and no time in history has produced a generation as wicked as this one since the beginning of the world. In the end, they brought shame upon the Hebrew nation to make themselves look less immoral in comparison to outsiders. They admitted that they were the slaves, the dregs, and the illegitimate offspring of our nation, while they themselves were destroying the city and forcing the Romans, whether they wanted to or not, to gain a grim reputation by fighting valiantly against them. They nearly set the temple on fire themselves because they thought it was taking too long; and when they saw that temple burning from the upper city, they weren’t upset by it and didn’t shed any tears, even though those emotions were evident among the Romans. We will discuss these details later in their proper context when the time comes.
CHAPTER 11.
How The Jews Were Crucified Before The Walls Of The City
Concerning Antiochus Epiphanes; And How The Jews Overthrew
The Banks That Had Been Raised By The Romans.
How The Jews Were Crucified Before The Walls Of The City
About Antiochus Epiphanes; And How The Jews Dismantled
The Barriers That Had Been Erected By The Romans.1. So now Titus's banks were advanced a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had been very much distressed from the wall. He then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered they should lay ambushes for those that went out into the valleys to gather food. Some of these were indeed fighting men, who were not contented with what they got by rapine; but the greater part of them were poor people, who were deterred from deserting by the concern they were under for their own relations; for they could not hope to escape away, together with their wives and children, without the knowledge of the seditious; nor could they think of leaving these relations to be slain by the robbers on their account; nay, the severity of the famine made them bold in thus going out; so nothing remained but that, when they were concealed from the robbers, they should be taken by the enemy; and when they were going to be taken, they were forced to defend themselves for fear of being punished; as after they had fought, they thought it too late to make any supplications for mercy; so they were first whipped, and then tormented with all sorts of tortures, before they died, and were then crucified before the wall of the city. This miserable procedure made Titus greatly to pity them, while they caught every day five hundred Jews; nay, some days they caught more: yet it did not appear to be safe for him to let those that were taken by force go their way, and to set a guard over so many he saw would be to make such as great deal them useless to him. The main reason why he did not forbid that cruelty was this, that he hoped the Jews might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear lest they might themselves afterwards be liable to the same cruel treatment. So the soldiers, out of the wrath and hatred they bore the Jews, nailed those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to the crosses, by way of jest, when their multitude was so great, that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses wanting for the bodies. 19
1. At this point, Titus's forces had moved forward significantly, even though his soldiers were struggling against the wall. He sent out a group of horsemen and instructed them to set traps for anyone who went into the valleys to collect food. Some of these individuals were fighters who weren’t satisfied with what they could steal, but most were just poor people who didn’t want to abandon their families. They felt they couldn't leave without the seditious being aware, and they couldn’t imagine leaving their loved ones to be killed by robbers because of them. The severity of the famine pushed them to take risks and go out, so once they were hidden from the robbers, they would be captured by the enemy. When faced with capture, they had to defend themselves, fearing punishment; they thought it was too late to ask for mercy after fighting back. As a result, they were first whipped, then tortured in various ways before dying, and ultimately crucified outside the city walls. This cruel situation deeply moved Titus, even as they captured about five hundred Jews a day, sometimes even more. However, it didn’t seem safe for him to let the forcibly captured go, and he realized that keeping a watch over so many would make them less useful to him. The primary reason he didn’t stop the brutality was his hope that the Jews might surrender out of fear of facing the same horrific treatment. Thus, the soldiers, fueled by their anger and hatred for the Jews, nailed those they captured to crosses one after another as a twisted form of amusement when the number of bodies became so great that there wasn’t enough space for all the crosses. 19
2. But so far were the seditious from repenting at this sad sight, that, on the contrary, they made the rest of the multitude believe otherwise; for they brought the relations of those that had deserted upon the wall, with such of the populace as were very eager to go over upon the security offered them, and showed them what miseries those underwent who fled to the Romans; and told them that those who were caught were supplicants to them, and not such as were taken prisoners. This sight kept many of those within the city who were so eager to desert, till the truth was known; yet did some of them run away immediately as unto certain punishment, esteeming death from their enemies to be a quiet departure, if compared with that by famine. So Titus commanded that the hands of many of those that were caught should be cut off, that they might not be thought deserters, and might be credited on account of the calamity they were under, and sent them in to John and Simon, with this exhortation, that they would now at length leave off [their madness], and not force him to destroy the city, whereby they would have those advantages of repentance, even in their utmost distress, that they would preserve their own lives, and so find a city of their own, and that temple which was their peculiar. He then went round about the banks that were cast up, and hastened them, in order to show that his words should in no long time be followed by his deeds. In answer to which the seditious cast reproaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his father also, and cried out, with a loud voice, that they contemned death, and did well in preferring it before slavery; that they would do all the mischief to the Romans they could while they had breath in them; and that for their own city, since they were, as he said, to be destroyed, they had no concern about it, and that the world itself was a better temple to God than this. That yet this temple would be preserved by him that inhabited therein, whom they still had for their assistant in this war, and did therefore laugh at all his threatenings, which would come to nothing, because the conclusion of the whole depended upon God only. These words were mixed with reproaches, and with them they made a mighty clamor.
2. But the rebels were so far from feeling remorse at this tragic sight that, instead, they convinced the rest of the crowd of the opposite; they brought out those who had deserted and placed them on the wall, along with some eager members of the populace wanting to switch sides for the protection promised to them. They showed everyone the suffering of those who had fled to the Romans and stated that those who were captured were begging for mercy, not just taken as prisoners. This scene held back many in the city who were desperate to defect until the truth came out; still, some of them immediately ran away, feeling certain they would face punishment, thinking death at the hands of their enemies was a peaceful escape compared to dying of starvation. So, Titus ordered that the hands of many of those caught be chopped off, so they wouldn't be seen as deserters but rather recognized for the hardship they were enduring. He sent them to John and Simon with a reminder that they should finally cease their madness and not compel him to destroy the city, which would give them a chance to repent even in their darkest moments, allowing them to save their own lives, find a new city, and reclaim the temple that was uniquely theirs. He then inspected the raised banks, pushing for action to demonstrate that his words would soon be followed by deeds. In response, the rebels insulted Caesar and his father, loudly declaring that they scorned death and were right to prefer it over slavery; they vowed to inflict as much harm as they could on the Romans while they still had breath. Regarding their own city, which they claimed was destined for destruction, they showed no concern, insisting that the world itself was a better temple for God than their own. Yet, they believed this temple would be protected by the one who dwelled within it, whom they still saw as their ally in this war, and thus they laughed off all his threats, believing they would come to nothing because the ultimate outcome was in God's hands. Their words were filled with insults, and they created a loud uproar.
3. In the mean time Antiochus Epiphanes came to the city, having with him a considerable number of other armed men, and a band called the Macedonian band about him, all of the same age, tall, and just past their childhood, armed, and instructed after the Macedonian manner, whence it was that they took that name. Yet were many of them unworthy of so famous a nation; for it had so happened, that the king of Commagene had flourished more than any other kings that were under the power of the Romans, till a change happened in his condition; and when he was become an old man, he declared plainly that we ought not to call any man happy before he is dead. But this son of his, who was then come thither before his father was decaying, said that he could not but wonder what made the Romans so tardy in making their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a warlike man, and naturally bold in exposing himself to dangers; he was also so strong a man, that his boldness seldom failed of having success. Upon this Titus smiled, and said he would share the pains of an attack with him. However, Antiochus went as he then was, and with his Macedonians made a sudden assault upon the wall; and, indeed, for his own part, his strength and skill were so great, that he guarded himself from the Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them, while yet the young men with him were almost all sorely galled; for they had so great a regard to the promises that had been made of their courage, that they would needs persevere in their fighting, and at length many of them retired, but not till they were wounded; and then they perceived that true Macedonians, if they were to be conquerors, must have Alexander's good fortune also.
3. In the meantime, Antiochus Epiphanes arrived in the city with a significant number of armed men, including a group known as the Macedonian band. They were all around the same age, tall, and just beyond their childhood, equipped and trained in the Macedonian style, which is how they got their name. However, many of them didn’t live up to the reputation of such a renowned nation. The king of Commagene had been more prosperous than any other kings under Roman rule until his situation changed. When he became an old man, he made it clear that no one should be called happy until they were dead. But his son, who had come there before his father's decline, expressed his surprise at how slow the Romans were to launch their attack on the wall. This son was a warrior, naturally bold in facing danger, and he was so physically strong that his bravery often led to success. Upon hearing this, Titus smiled and said he would share the burden of the attack with him. Nevertheless, Antiochus, as he was, and his Macedonians launched a sudden assault on the wall. Indeed, his strength and skill were so great that he was able to shield himself from the Jewish arrows while returning fire. Meanwhile, most of the young men with him were badly injured; they felt such pressure to live up to the promises about their bravery that they insisted on continuing to fight. Eventually, many of them withdrew, but not before being wounded, and they realized that true Macedonians, to be victorious, must also have Alexander's fortune.
4. Now as the Romans began to raise their banks on the twelfth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] so had they much ado to finish them by the twenty-ninth day of the same month, after they had labored hard for seventeen days continually. For there were now four great banks raised, one of which was at the tower Antonia; this was raised by the fifth legion, over against the middle of that pool which was called Struthius. Another was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the distance of about twenty cubits from the other. But the labors of the tenth legion, which lay a great way off these, were on the north quarter, and at the pool called Amygdalon; as was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty cubits from it, and at the high priest's monument. And now, when the engines were brought, John had from within undermined the space that was over against the tower of Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, and had supported the ground over the mine with beams laid across one another, whereby the Roman works stood upon an uncertain foundation. Then did he order such materials to be brought in as were daubed over with pitch and bitumen, and set them on fire; and as the cross beams that supported the banks were burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden, and the banks were shaken down, and fell into the ditch with a prodigious noise. Now at the first there arose a very thick smoke and dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of the bank; but as the suffocated materials were now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake out; on which sudden appearance of the flame a consternation fell upon the Romans, and the shrewdness of the contrivance discouraged them; and indeed this accident coming upon them at a time when they thought they had already gained their point, cooled their hopes for the time to come. They also thought it would be to no purpose to take the pains to extinguish the fire, since if it were extinguished, the banks were swallowed up already [and become useless to them].
4. As the Romans started building their banks on the twelfth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] they struggled to finish them by the twenty-ninth day of the same month after working hard for seventeen straight days. Four large banks were constructed, one of which was near the Antonia tower; this was built by the fifth legion, facing the middle of a pool called Struthius. Another was created by the twelfth legion, about twenty cubits away from the first. The tenth legion worked on a site much farther away to the north, at a pool called Amygdalon, while the fifteenth legion's site was about thirty cubits away from it, near the high priest's monument. When the engines were brought in, John had tunnelled out the ground directly under the Antonia tower, right up to the banks, and supported the ground above the tunnel with crisscrossed beams, making the Roman structures rest on an unstable foundation. He then ordered materials covered in pitch and bitumen to be brought in and set on fire; as the cross beams supporting the banks burned, the ditch suddenly gave way, causing the banks to collapse into the ditch with a tremendous noise. At first, a thick cloud of smoke and dust rose as the fire was smothered by the falling bank, but as the trapped materials slowly burned away, a clear flame erupted. This sudden burst of fire startled the Romans, and the cleverness of the plan discouraged them; in fact, this incident struck them at a moment when they thought they had already succeeded, dampening their hopes for the future. They also believed it would be pointless to try to put out the fire since the banks had already crumbled and become useless to them.
5. Two days after this, Simon and his party made an attempt to destroy the other banks; for the Romans had brought their engines to bear there, and began already to make the wall shake. And here one Tephtheus, of Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus, one who was derived from some of queen Mariamne's servants, and with them one from Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill fortune he had, the word signifying "a lame man," snatched some torches, and ran suddenly upon the engines. Nor were there during this war any men that ever sallied out of the city who were their superiors, either in their boldness, or in the terror they struck into their enemies. For they ran out upon the Romans, not as if they were enemies, but friends, without fear or delay; nor did they leave their enemies till they had rushed violently through the midst of them, and set their machines on fire. And though they had darts thrown at them on every side, and were on every side assaulted with their enemies' swords, yet did they not withdraw themselves out of the dangers they were in, till the fire had caught hold of the instruments; but when the flame went up, the Romans came running from their camp to save their engines. Then did the Jews hinder their succors from the wall, and fought with those that endeavored to quench the fire, without any regard to the danger their bodies were in. So the Romans pulled the engines out of the fire, while the hurdles that covered them were on fire; but the Jews caught hold of the battering rams through the flame itself, and held them fast, although the iron upon them was become red hot; and now the fire spread itself from the engines to the banks, and prevented those that came to defend them; and all this while the Romans were encompassed round about with the flame; and, despairing of saving their works from it, they retired to their camp. Then did the Jews become still more and more in number by the coming of those that were within the city to their assistance; and as they were very bold upon the good success they had had, their violent assaults were almost irresistible; nay, they proceeded as far as the fortifications of the enemies' camp, and fought with their guards. Now there stood a body of soldiers in array before that camp, which succeeded one another by turns in their armor; and as to those, the law of the Romans was terrible, that he who left his post there, let the occasion be whatsoever it might be, he was to die for it; so that body of soldiers, preferring rather to die in fighting courageously, than as a punishment for their cowardice, stood firm; and at the necessity these men were in of standing to it, many of the others that had run away, out of shame, turned back again; and when they had set the engines against the wall, they put the multitude from coming more of them out of the city, [which they could the more easily do] because they had made no provision for preserving or guarding their bodies at this time; for the Jews fought now hand to hand with all that came in their way, and, without any caution, fell against the points of their enemies' spears, and attacked them bodies against bodies; for they were now too hard for the Romans, not so much by their other warlike actions, as by these courageous assaults they made upon them; and the Romans gave way more to their boldness than they did to the sense of the harm they had received from them.
5. Two days later, Simon and his group tried to destroy the other banks because the Romans had brought their siege engines there and were starting to shake the wall. At this point, Tephtheus from Garsis, a city in Galilee, along with Megassarus, who was connected to some of Queen Mariamne's servants, and a man from Adiabene named Chagiras, who was the son of Nabateus and known for his misfortune (his name means "lame man"), grabbed some torches and charged at the engines. During this war, no one who emerged from the city showed more courage or instilled more fear in their enemies. They attacked the Romans not like foes but as if they were allies, without hesitation or fear; they didn't stop until they had dashed through the Romans' ranks and set the machines on fire. Even though they faced darts and swords from all sides, they didn't back off from the dangers until the fire took hold of the engines. When the flames rose, the Romans rushed from their camp to save their engines. The Jews blocked their reinforcements from the wall and fought against those trying to extinguish the fire, showing no concern for their own safety. The Romans pulled the engines from the flames while the covers were burning, but the Jews grabbed the battering rams right through the fire and held on, even though the iron was turning red hot. As the fire spread from the engines to the banks, it prevented those coming to defend them, and meanwhile, the Romans were surrounded by flames; realizing they couldn't save their equipment, they retreated to their camp. The Jews grew bolder as more people from the city came to help, and buoyed by their earlier success, their fierce attacks became nearly unstoppable. They advanced as far as the enemy camp's fortifications and clashed with the guards. In front of that camp stood a group of soldiers who took turns in their armor, and for them, the Roman law was harsh: anyone who left their post, no matter the reason, would face death. Thus, these soldiers, preferring to die fighting bravely rather than suffer punishment for cowardice, remained steadfast. Faced with the necessity of standing firm, many of those who had fled returned out of shame. When they placed the engines against the wall, they prevented more from the city coming out, [which was easier for them] because they hadn’t made provisions to protect themselves at that moment. The Jews fought close quarters with everyone who came their way, recklessly charging into the points of their enemies’ spears, engaging them in brutal hand-to-hand combat; they had the upper hand over the Romans, not so much through other military tactics but through these daring assaults. The Romans yielded more to the Jews' boldness than to the pain they suffered from them.
6. And now Titus was come from the tower of Antonia, whither he was gone to look out for a place for raising other banks, and reproached the soldiers greatly for permitting their own walls to be in danger, when they had taken the wails of their enemies, and sustained the fortune of men besieged, while the Jews were allowed to sally out against them, though they were already in a sort of prison. He then went round about the enemy with some chosen troops, and fell upon their flank himself; so the Jews, who had been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled about to Titus, and continued the fight. The armies also were now mixed one among another, and the dust that was raised so far hindered them from seeing one another, and the noise that was made so far hindered them from hearing one another, that neither side could discern an enemy from a friend. However, the Jews did not flinch, though not so much from their real strength, as from their despair of deliverance. The Romans also would not yield, by reason of the regard they had to glory, and to their reputation in war, and because Caesar himself went into the danger before them; insomuch that I cannot but think the Romans would in the conclusion have now taken even the whole multitude of the Jews, so very angry were they at them, had these not prevented the upshot of the battle, and retired into the city. However, seeing the banks of the Romans were demolished, these Romans were very much cast down upon the loss of what had cost them so long pains, and this in one hour's time. And many indeed despaired of taking the city with their usual engines of war only.
6. Now Titus had come back from the Tower of Antonia, where he had gone to find a spot for building new siege ramps. He angrily criticized the soldiers for allowing their own walls to be at risk while they had taken down those of their enemies and endured the hardships of those under siege. Meanwhile, the Jews were allowed to charge at them, even though they were practically trapped. He then moved around the enemy with some selected troops and attacked their flank himself; the Jews, who had been previously confronted head-on, turned to confront Titus and kept fighting. The two armies became mixed together, and the rising dust made it hard for them to see each other, while the noise made it difficult to hear one another, so neither side could tell friend from foe. Still, the Jews did not back down, not so much out of strength, but out of hopelessness for salvation. The Romans, for their part, refused to give in, driven by their desire for glory and their military reputation, especially since Caesar himself was risking his safety in front of them. I can’t help but think that if the outcome of the battle hadn’t changed, the Romans would have taken all the Jews, who were infuriating them. However, the Jews managed to end the battle by retreating into the city. Regardless, seeing that the Roman siege ramps had been destroyed brought the Romans down, as they were upset about losing something that had taken them so long to build, all in just an hour. Many of them lost hope of capturing the city using only their regular siege engines.
CHAPTER 12.
Titus Thought Fit To Encompass The City Round With A Wall;
After Which The Famine Consumed The People By Whole Houses
And Families Together.
Titus decided to surround the city with a wall; after that, the famine devastated the people, taking whole households and families at once.
1. And now did Titus consult with his commanders what was to be done. Those that were of the warmest tempers thought he should bring the whole army against the city and storm the wall; for that hitherto no more than a part of their army had fought with the Jews; but that in case the entire army was to come at once, they would not be able to sustain their attacks, but would be overwhelmed by their darts. But of those that were for a more cautious management, some were for raising their banks again; and others advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still before the city, to guard against the coming out of the Jews, and against their carrying provisions into the city, and so to leave the enemy to the famine, and this without direct fighting with them; for that despair was not to be conquered, especially as to those who are desirous to die by the sword, while a more terrible misery than that is reserved for them. However, Titus did not think it fit for so great an army to lie entirely idle, and that yet it was in vain to fight with those that would be destroyed one by another; he also showed them how impracticable it was to cast up any more banks, for want of materials, and to guard against the Jews coming out still more impracticable; as also, that to encompass the whole city round with his army was not very easy, by reason of its magnitude, and the difficulty of the situation, and on other accounts dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might make out of the city. For although they might guard the known passages out of the place, yet would they, when they found themselves under the greatest distress, contrive secret passages out, as being well acquainted with all such places; and if any provisions were carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby be longer delayed. He also owned that he was afraid that the length of time thus to be spent would diminish the glory of his success; for though it be true that length of time will perfect every thing, yet that to do what we do in a little time is still necessary to the gaining reputation. That therefore his opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness joined with security, they must build a wall round about the whole city; which was, he thought, the only way to prevent the Jews from coming out any way, and that then they would either entirely despair of saving the city, and so would surrender it up to him, or be still the more easily conquered when the famine had further weakened them; for that besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at rest afterward, but would take care then to have banks raised again, when those that would oppose them were become weaker. But that if any one should think such a work to be too great, and not to be finished without much difficulty, he ought to consider that it is not fit for Romans to undertake any small work, and that none but God himself could with ease accomplish any great thing whatsoever.
1. Now, Titus talked with his commanders about what to do next. Those who were more aggressive believed he should bring the entire army against the city and storm the walls, arguing that only a part of their forces had fought the Jews so far. They thought that if the whole army attacked at once, the Jews wouldn't be able to withstand it and would be overwhelmed by their projectiles. However, those advocating for a more cautious approach suggested either rebuilding their siege works or simply staying put outside the city to prevent the Jews from coming out or receiving supplies, allowing the enemy to starve without direct confrontation. They believed that despair could not be easily overcome, especially for those willing to die fighting, as a worse fate awaited them. Still, Titus felt it wasn't wise for such a large army to remain completely idle, nor did he think it was practical to engage an enemy that would destroy itself. He pointed out the difficulties of constructing new siege works due to a lack of materials and the challenge of preventing the Jews from launching counterattacks. Encircling the entire city with his army would also be tough due to its size, the complexity of the terrain, and the risks posed by any sudden Jewish sorties. Although they could guard the known escape routes, the Jews would likely find secret passages during a crisis, as they were well-acquainted with the area. If supplies were stealthily brought in, the siege would drag on. He admitted that he feared the prolonged siege would lessen the glory of his success; while it's true that time can achieve anything, quick accomplishments are essential for reputation. Therefore, he believed that if they wanted speed along with safety, they needed to build a wall around the entire city, which he thought was the only way to stop the Jews from escaping. This would either lead them to despair and surrender or make them easier to defeat as hunger weakened them further. Besides this wall, he would not be idle afterward but would ensure that siege works were raised again when their resistance was weaker. He cautioned that if anyone thought this task was too monumental and difficult to complete, they should remember that it’s not in a Roman’s nature to undertake trivial projects, and only God is capable of achieving great things effortlessly.
2. These arguments prevailed with the commanders. So Titus gave orders that the army should be distributed to their several shares of this work; and indeed there now came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury, so that they did not only part the whole wall that was to be built among them, nor did only one legion strive with another, but the lesser divisions of the army did the same; insomuch that each soldier was ambitious to please his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune, and the ambition of the tribunes was to please their superior commanders, while Caesar himself took notice of and rewarded the like contention in those commanders; for he went round about the works many times every day, and took a view of what was done. Titus began the wall from the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was pitched, and drew it down to the lower parts of Cenopolis; thence it went along the valley of Cedron, to the Mount of Olives; it then bent towards the south, and encompassed the mountain as far as the rock called Peristereon, and that other hill which lies next it, and is over the valley which reaches to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west, and went down to the valley of the Fountain, beyond which it went up again at the monument of Ananus the high priest, and encompassing that mountain where Pompey had formerly pitched his camp, it returned back to the north side of the city, and was carried on as far as a certain village called "The House of the Erebinthi;" after which it encompassed Herod's monument, and there, on the east, was joined to Titus's own camp, where it began. Now the length of this wall was forty furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall without were erected thirteen places to keep garrison in, whose circumferences, put together, amounted to ten furlongs; the whole was completed in three days; so that what would naturally have required some months was done in so short an interval as is incredible. When Titus had therefore encompassed the city with this wall, and put garrisons into proper places, he went round the wall, at the first watch of the night, and observed how the guard was kept; the second watch he allotted to Alexander; the commanders of legions took the third watch. They also cast lots among themselves who should be upon the watch in the night time, and who should go all night long round the spaces that were interposed between the garrisons.
2. These arguments convinced the commanders. So Titus ordered that the army be divided into their respective tasks for this project; and indeed, a certain divine determination came over the soldiers, so that they not only worked on the entire wall together, but even smaller units of the army competed with one another; each soldier was eager to impress his decurion, each decurion his centurion, each centurion his tribune, and the tribunes aimed to impress their higher commanders, while Caesar himself noticed and rewarded this rivalry among the commanders; he inspected the work multiple times a day to see the progress. Titus started building the wall from the camp of the Assyrians, where his own camp was set up, and extended it down to the lower areas of Cenopolis; from there, it went along the Cedron Valley to the Mount of Olives; it then turned south and encircled the mountain up to the rock known as Peristereon, and the nearby hill that overlooks the valley stretching down to Siloam; it then turned west again and descended to the Fountain Valley, beyond which it rose again by the monument of Ananus the high priest, encircling the mountain where Pompey had once camped, and returned to the north side of the city, reaching a village called "The House of the Erebinthi;" after this, it encircled Herod's monument, and on the east side, connected back to Titus's own camp, where it began. The length of this wall was forty furlongs, minus one. Outside this wall, thirteen garrison posts were established, with a combined perimeter of ten furlongs; the entire construction was completed in three days, achieving what would normally take months in an incredibly short time. Once Titus had enclosed the city with this wall and stationed garrisons in suitable locations, he walked along the wall during the first watch of the night to check on the guards; he assigned the second watch to Alexander; the legion commanders took the third watch. They also drew lots to decide who would stand guard at night and who would patrol the areas between the garrisons throughout the night.
3. So all hope of escaping was now cut off from the Jews, together with their liberty of going out of the city. Then did the famine widen its progress, and devoured the people by whole houses and families; the upper rooms were full of women and children that were dying by famine, and the lanes of the city were full of the dead bodies of the aged; the children also and the young men wandered about the market-places like shadows, all swelled with the famine, and fell down dead, wheresoever their misery seized them. As for burying them, those that were sick themselves were not able to do it; and those that were hearty and well were deterred from doing it by the great multitude of those dead bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how soon they should die themselves; for many died as they were burying others, and many went to their coffins before that fatal hour was come. Nor was there any lamentations made under these calamities, nor were heard any mournful complaints; but the famine confounded all natural passions; for those who were just going to die looked upon those that were gone to rest before them with dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence also, and a kind of deadly night, had seized upon the city; while yet the robbers were still more terrible than these miseries were themselves; for they brake open those houses which were no other than graves of dead bodies, and plundered them of what they had; and carrying off the coverings of their bodies, went out laughing, and tried the points of their swords in their dead bodies; and, in order to prove what metal they were made of they thrust some of those through that still lay alive upon the ground; but for those that entreated them to lend them their right hand and their sword to despatch them, they were too proud to grant their requests, and left them to be consumed by the famine. Now every one of these died with their eyes fixed upon the temple, and left the seditious alive behind them. Now the seditious at first gave orders that the dead should be buried out of the public treasury, as not enduring the stench of their dead bodies. But afterwards, when they could not do that, they had them cast down from the walls into the valleys beneath.
3. So all hope of escape was cut off for the Jews, along with their freedom to leave the city. The famine then spread further, consuming people by whole families and households; the upper rooms were filled with women and children dying from hunger, and the streets of the city were lined with the corpses of the elderly. The children and young men wandered around the marketplaces like shadows, bloated from starvation, collapsing dead wherever their suffering took hold. As for burying the dead, those who were sick couldn’t do it, and the healthy were discouraged by the overwhelming number of bodies and the uncertainty of when they might die themselves; many died while trying to bury others, and many reached their coffins before their time. There were no cries of grief or mourning in the face of these calamities; the famine numbed all natural feelings, as those on the verge of death looked at those who had already passed with dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence, like a deadly night, had fallen over the city, while the robbers were even more terrifying than the miseries themselves. They broke open what had become mere tombs, looting whatever they could find; laughing, they took the coverings from the corpses and tested their swords on the dead bodies. To check the quality of their metal, they even stabbed some who were still alive on the ground; but when those who begged for a hand or a sword to end their suffering asked for help, the robbers were too arrogant to comply, leaving them to starve. Each one of these people died with their eyes fixed on the temple, leaving the rebellious still alive behind them. Initially, the rebels ordered that the dead be buried from the public treasury, unable to withstand the smell of the bodies. But later, when that became impossible, they had the bodies thrown off the walls into the valleys below.
4. However, when Titus, in going his rounds along those valleys, saw them full of dead bodies, and the thick putrefaction running about them, he gave a groan; and, spreading out his hands to heaven, called God to witness that this was not his doing; and such was the sad case of the city itself. But the Romans were very joyful, since none of the seditious could now make sallies out of the city, because they were themselves disconsolate, and the famine already touched them also. These Romans besides had great plenty of corn and other necessaries out of Syria, and out of the neighboring provinces; many of whom would stand near to the wall of the city, and show the people what great quantities of provisions they had, and so make the enemy more sensible of their famine, by the great plenty, even to satiety, which they had themselves. However, when the seditious still showed no inclinations of yielding, Titus, out of his commiseration of the people that remained, and out of his earnest desire of rescuing what was still left out of these miseries, began to raise his banks again, although materials for them were hard to be come at; for all the trees that were about the city had been already cut down for the making of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers bring with them other materials from the distance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised banks in four parts, much greater than the former, though this was done only at the tower of Antonia. So Caesar went his rounds through the legions, and hastened on the works, and showed the robbers that they were now in his hands. But these men, and these only, were incapable of repenting of the wickednesses they had been guilty of; and separating their souls from their bodies, they used them both as if they belonged to other folks, and not to themselves. For no gentle affection could touch their souls, nor could any pain affect their bodies, since they could still tear the dead bodies of the people as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those that were sick.
4. However, when Titus was patrolling the valleys and saw them filled with dead bodies and the thick decay all around, he groaned. He raised his hands to heaven, calling God as his witness that this was not his fault; this was the tragic state of the city itself. Meanwhile, the Romans were very pleased since none of the rebels could venture out of the city; they were hopeless, and the famine was affecting them as well. The Romans, on the other hand, had plenty of grain and other essentials from Syria and nearby provinces; many would stand near the city wall, showing the people the large quantities of supplies they had, highlighting the enemy’s suffering with their own abundance. However, when the rebels still did not show any signs of surrender, Titus, out of compassion for the remaining people and his strong desire to save what was left from the suffering, began to build his siege works again, even though it was difficult to find materials; all the trees around the city had already been cut down for the previous constructions. Still, the soldiers brought other materials from as far as ninety furlongs away, creating larger banks than before, although this was only done at the tower of Antonia. So, Caesar went among the legions, urged them to work faster, and made it clear to the rebels that they were now at his mercy. Yet, these men alone were incapable of regretting the wrongs they had committed; they detached their souls from their bodies, treating both as if they belonged to others, not themselves. No tender feeling could reach their souls, and no pain could impact their bodies, as they continued to tear apart the corpses like dogs and fill the jails with the sick.
CHAPTER 13.
The Great Slaughters And Sacrilege That Were In Jerusalem.
The Great Slaughters And Sacrilege That Happened In Jerusalem.
1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer Matthias, by whose means he got possession of the city, to go off without torment. This Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was one of the high priests, one that had been very faithful to the people, and in great esteem with them; he, when the multitude were distressed by the zealots, among whom John was numbered, persuaded the people to admit this Simon to come in to assist them, while he had made no terms with him, nor expected any thing that was evil from him. But when Simon was come in, and had gotten the city under his power, he esteemed him that had advised them to admit him as his enemy equally with the rest, as looking upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity only; so he had him then brought before him, and condemned to die for being on the side of the Romans, without giving him leave to make his defense. He condemned also his three sons to die with him; for as to the fourth, he prevented him by running away to Titus before. And when he begged for this, that he might be slain before his sons, and that as a favor, on account that he had procured the gates of the city to be opened to him, he gave order that he should be slain the last of them all; so he was not slain till he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and that by being produced over against the Romans; for such a charge had Simon given to Artanus, the son of Bamadus, who was the most barbarous of all his guards. He also jested upon him, and told him that he might now see whether those to whom he intended to go over would send him any succors or not; but still he forbade their dead bodies should be buried. After the slaughter of these, a certain priest, Ananias, the son of Masambalus, a person of eminency, as also Aristens, the scribe of the sanhedrim, and born at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of figure among the people, were slain. They also kept Josephus's father in prison, and made public proclamation, that no citizen whosoever should either speak to him himself, or go into his company among others, for fear he should betray them. They also slew such as joined in lamenting these men, without any further examination.
1. So, Simon wouldn’t let Matthias, who helped him take over the city, leave without punishment. Matthias was the son of Boethus and a high priest who had been loyal to the people and held in high regard. When the crowds were troubled by the zealots, including John, he convinced them to let Simon come in to help, even though he hadn’t made any deals with him and didn’t expect anything bad to happen. But when Simon arrived and took control of the city, he saw Matthias, who had advised them to let him in, as just another enemy, thinking the advice was foolish. He had Matthias brought before him and condemned him to death for siding with the Romans, without allowing him a chance to defend himself. He also sentenced Matthias’s three sons to die with him; the fourth had already escaped to Titus. When Matthias asked to be killed before his sons, claiming it was a favor because he had opened the city gates for Simon, Simon ordered that he be the last to die. This meant he had to watch his sons be killed in front of him, at the hands of Artanus, the son of Bamadus, who was the cruelest of Simon’s guards. Simon mocked him, saying he could now see if those he tried to join would send him any help. He also forbade the burial of their corpses. After these killings, a priest named Ananias, the son of Masambalus, a notable figure, along with Aristens, the scribe of the sanhedrin from Emmaus, and fifteen other prominent men, were also executed. They imprisoned Josephus’s father and publicly declared that no citizen should speak to him or associate with him, fearing he might betray them. They also killed anyone who mourned those men, without any further investigation.
2. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who was one of Simon's under officers, and a person intrusted by him to keep one of the towers, saw this procedure of Simon, he called together ten of those under him, that were most faithful to him, [perhaps this was done partly out of pity to those that had so barbarously been put to death, but principally in order to provide for his own safety,] and spoke thus to them: "How long shall we bear these miseries? or what hopes have we of deliverance by thus continuing faithful to such wicked wretches? Is not the famine already come against us? Are not the Romans in a manner gotten within the city? Is not Simon become unfaithful to his benefactors? and is there not reason to fear he will very soon bring us to the like punishment, while the security the Romans offer us is sure? Come on, let us surrender up this wall, and save ourselves and the city. Nor will Simon be very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliverance, he be brought to justice a little sooner than he thinks on." Now these ten were prevailed upon by those arguments; so he sent the rest of those that were under him, some one way, and some another, that no discovery might be made of what they had resolved upon. Accordingly, he called to the Romans from the tower about the third hour; but they, some of them out of pride, despised what he said, and others of them did not believe him to be in earnest, though the greatest number delayed the matter, as believing they should get possession of the city in a little time, without any hazard. But when Titus was just coming thither with his armed men, Simon was acquainted with the matter before he came, and presently took the tower into his own custody, before it was surrendered, and seized upon these men, and put them to death in the sight of the Romans themselves; and when he had mangled their dead bodies, he threw them down before the wall of the city.
2. When Judas, the son of Judas, one of Simon's underlings and trusted to guard a tower, saw what Simon was doing, he gathered ten of his most loyal followers. [This was likely partly out of sympathy for those who had been brutally killed, but mainly to ensure his own safety.] He said to them: "How long are we going to endure these hardships? What hope do we have for rescue by staying loyal to such evil people? Isn’t the famine already upon us? Aren't the Romans practically inside the city? Hasn’t Simon betrayed his supporters? Don’t we have reason to fear that he will soon put us in the same position, while the Romans offer us safety? Let’s surrender this wall and save ourselves and the city. Simon won’t be too harmed if he’s brought to justice a bit sooner than he expects, especially now that he’s lost hope for deliverance." The ten were persuaded by his arguments, so he sent the rest of his group in different directions to keep their plans secret. He then called out to the Romans from the tower around the third hour, but some dismissed him out of arrogance and others didn’t think he was serious. The majority hesitated, believing they could take the city soon without risking anything. However, when Titus was about to arrive with his troops, Simon learned of the plan before he arrived, quickly took control of the tower before it was surrendered, captured these men, executed them in front of the Romans, and after mutilating their bodies, threw them down before the city wall.
3. In the mean time, Josephus, as he was going round the city, had his head wounded by a stone that was thrown at him; upon which he fell down as giddy. Upon which fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had been hurried away into the city, if Caesar had not sent men to protect him immediately; and as these men were fighting, Josephus was taken up, though he heard little of what was done. So the seditious supposed they had now slain that man whom they were the most desirous of killing, and made thereupon a great noise, in way of rejoicing. This accident was told in the city, and the multitude that remained became very disconsolate at the news, as being persuaded that he was really dead, on whose account alone they could venture to desert to the Romans. But when Josephus's mother heard in prison that her son was dead, she said to those that watched about her, That she had always been of opinion, since the siege of Jotapata, [that he would be slain,] and she should never enjoy him alive any more. She also made great lamentation privately to the maid-servants that were about her, and said, That this was all the advantage she had of bringing so extraordinary a person as this son into the world; that she should not be able even to bury that son of hers, by whom she expected to have been buried herself. However, this false report did not put his mother to pain, nor afford merriment to the robbers, long; for Josephus soon recovered of his wound, and came out, and cried out aloud, That it would not be long ere they should be punished for this wound they had given him. He also made a fresh exhortation to the people to come out upon the security that would be given them. This sight of Josephus encouraged the people greatly, and brought a great consternation upon the seditious.
3. In the meantime, while Josephus was walking around the city, he got hit on the head by a stone that someone threw at him, making him fall, dizzy. When he fell, the Jews rushed out, and he would have been taken into the city if Caesar hadn't sent men to protect him right away. As these men fought, Josephus was carried away, although he barely heard what was happening. The rebels thought they had finally killed the one person they wanted to eliminate the most, and they celebrated loudly. This news spread throughout the city, and those who remained felt very despondent, believing that he was truly dead, the only reason they could have risked defecting to the Romans. When Josephus's mother, who was in prison, heard the news of her son's death, she told those keeping watch over her that she had always thought since the siege of Jotapata that he would be killed, and she would never see him alive again. She also privately mourned to the maidservants around her, stating that this was all she gained from bringing such an extraordinary person into the world: she wouldn’t even be able to bury her son, by whom she had hoped to be buried herself. However, this false report didn’t cause her long-lasting pain nor bring joy to the robbers, as Josephus quickly recovered from his wound, emerged, and loudly declared that it wouldn’t be long before they faced punishment for the injury they had inflicted on him. He also gave a new speech to the people, assuring them about the safety that would be provided. Seeing Josephus rallied the people greatly and instilled significant fear in the rebels.
4. Hereupon some of the deserters, having no other way, leaped down from the wall immediately, while others of them went out of the city with stones, as if they would fight them; but thereupon they fled away to the Romans. But here a worse fate accompanied these than what they had found within the city; and they met with a quicker despatch from the too great abundance they had among the Romans, than they could have done from the famine among the Jews; for when they came first to the Romans, they were puffed up by the famine, and swelled like men in a dropsy; after which they all on the sudden overfilled those bodies that were before empty, and so burst asunder, excepting such only as were skillful enough to restrain their appetites, and by degrees took in their food into bodies unaccustomed thereto. Yet did another plague seize upon those that were thus preserved; for there was found among the Syrian deserters a certain person who was caught gathering pieces of gold out of the excrements of the Jews' bellies; for the deserters used to swallow such pieces of gold, as we told you before, when they came out, and for these did the seditious search them all; for there was a great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch that as much was now sold [in the Roman camp] for twelve Attic [drams], as was sold before for twenty-five. But when this contrivance was discovered in one instance, the fame of it filled their several camps, that the deserters came to them full of gold. So the multitude of the Arabians, with the Syrians, cut up those that came as supplicants, and searched their bellies. Nor does it seem to me that any misery befell the Jews that was more terrible than this, since in one night's time about two thousand of these deserters were thus dissected.
4. After that, some of the deserters, having no other choice, jumped down from the wall right away, while others left the city with stones, as if they were ready to fight; but then they fled to the Romans. However, these deserters faced a worse fate than they had found inside the city, and they suffered a quicker demise from the excess they encountered among the Romans than they would have from starvation among the Jews. When they first reached the Romans, they were weakened by hunger and bloated like people with dropsy; soon after, they overdid it with food, which their bodies were unaccustomed to, and they burst, except for those who were skilled enough to control their appetites and gradually consumed food. Yet, another disaster struck those who survived; among the Syrian deserters, someone was caught collecting pieces of gold from the corpses of Jews. The deserters used to swallow these gold pieces, as mentioned earlier, when they left, and the rebels searched them all for this gold, as there was a large amount of it in the city. So much gold was now sold [in the Roman camp] for twelve Attic [drams] that used to go for twenty-five. Once this method was discovered in one case, word spread through the camps that the deserters came to them with gold. The crowd of Arabians and Syrians then cut open those who approached as petitioners and searched their insides. It doesn't seem to me that any calamity befell the Jews that was more horrifying than this, as about two thousand of these deserters were dissected in just one night.
5. When Titus came to the knowledge of this wicked practice, he had like to have surrounded those that had been guilty of it with his horse, and have shot them dead; and he had done it, had not their number been so very great, and those that were liable to this punishment would have been manifold more than those whom they had slain. However, he called together the commanders of the auxiliary troops he had with him, as well as the commanders of the Roman legions, [for some of his own soldiers had been also guilty herein, as he had been informed,] and had great indignation against both sorts of them, and said to them, "What! have any of my own soldiers done such things as this out of the uncertain hope of gain, without regarding their own weapons, which are made of silver and gold? Moreover, do the Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to govern themselves as they please, and to indulge their appetites in a foreign war, and then, out of their barbarity in murdering men, and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it ascribed to the Romans?" for this infamous practice was said to be spread among some of his own soldiers also. Titus then threatened that he would put such men to death, if any of them were discovered to be so insolent as to do so again; moreover, he gave it in charge to the legions, that they should make a search after such as were suspected, and should bring them to him. But it appeared that the love of money was too hard for all their dread of punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is natural to men, and no passion is so venturesome as covetousness; otherwise such passions have certain bounds, and are subordinate to fear. But in reality it was God who condemned the whole nation, and turned every course that was taken for their preservation to their destruction. This, therefore, which was forbidden by Caesar under such a threatening, was ventured upon privately against the deserters, and these barbarians would go out still, and meet those that ran away before any saw them, and looking about them to see that no Roman spied them, they dissected them, and pulled this polluted money out of their bowels; which money was still found in a few of them, while yet a great many were destroyed by the bare hope there was of thus getting by them, which miserable treatment made many that were deserting to return back again into the city.
5. When Titus found out about this terrible behavior, he almost surrounded those responsible with his horse and killed them. He would have done it if their numbers hadn't been so large, as the ones who deserved punishment would have been many more than those they had killed. However, he called together the leaders of the auxiliary troops with him, as well as the leaders of the Roman legions (since some of his own soldiers were also reported to be involved), and was furious with both groups. He said to them, "What? Have any of my own soldiers done such things for the uncertain hope of profit, without caring about their own weapons made of silver and gold? Plus, are the Arabians and Syrians really just starting to act freely and indulge in foreign wars, and then take their brutality in murdering men and blame it on the Romans?" This shameful behavior was said to be happening among some of his own soldiers too. Titus threatened to execute any men who were discovered to be so audacious as to do this again. He also instructed the legions to look for those who were suspected and bring them to him. But it seemed that the love of money was stronger than their fear of punishment, and a strong desire for profit is natural for people, with no passion being as reckless as greed. Otherwise, such passions have certain limits and are controlled by fear. But in reality, it was God who condemned the whole nation and turned every effort made for their safety into their destruction. Therefore, what Caesar had forbidden under such a serious threat was quietly ignored when it came to the deserters. The barbarians continued to go out and confront those who fled before anyone noticed, looking around to ensure no Romans were watching. They would cut them open and pull the stolen money from their insides, which was still found in a few of them. Many were killed just by the hope of getting that money, and this cruel treatment caused many deserters to return to the city.
6. But as for John, when he could no longer plunder the people, he betook himself to sacrilege, and melted down many of the sacred utensils, which had been given to the temple; as also many of those vessels which were necessary for such as ministered about holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the tables; nay, he did not abstain from those pouring vessels that were sent them by Augustus and his wife; for the Roman emperors did ever both honor and adorn this temple; whereas this man, who was a Jew, seized upon what were the donations of foreigners, and said to those that were with him, that it was proper for them to use Divine things, while they were fighting for the Divinity, without fear, and that such whose warfare is for the temple should live of the temple; on which account he emptied the vessels of that sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept to be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which lay in the inner court of the temple, and distributed it among the multitude, who, in their anointing themselves and drinking, used [each of them] above an hin of them. And here I cannot but speak my mind, and what the concern I am under dictates to me, and it is this: I suppose, that had the Romans made any longer delay in coming against these villains, that the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening upon them, or been overflowed by water, or else been destroyed by such thunder as the country of Sodom 20 perished by, for it had brought forth a generation of men much more atheistical than were those that suffered such punishments; for by their madness it was that all the people came to be destroyed.
6. But as for John, when he could no longer rob the people, he turned to sacrilege and melted down many of the sacred utensils that had been given to the temple, along with many of the vessels needed for those who served in holy matters—the cauldrons, dishes, and tables. In fact, he didn’t hesitate to take even the pouring vessels that had been sent by Augustus and his wife, as the Roman emperors had always honored and adorned this temple. This man, who was a Jew, seized what were the gifts of foreigners and told those with him that it was right for them to use Divine things while they fought for the Divinity, without fear, and that those who wage war for the temple should benefit from it. As a result, he emptied the vessels of the sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept for the burnt offerings stored in the inner court of the temple, and distributed it among the crowd, who, in anointing themselves and drinking, consumed over an hin each. Here, I must express my thoughts and the concerns weighing on me: I believe that had the Romans delayed any longer in coming against these villains, the city would either have been swallowed up by the ground opening beneath them, flooded with water, or destroyed by the kind of thunder that obliterated the land of Sodom. For it had produced a generation of people far more atheistical than those who faced such punishments; their madness led to the destruction of everyone.
7. And, indeed, why do I relate these particular calamities? while Manneus, the son of Lazarus, came running to Titus at this very time, and told him that there had been carried out through that one gate, which was intrusted to his care, no fewer than a hundred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and eighty dead bodies, in the interval between the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when the Romans pitched their camp by the city, and the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. This was itself a prodigious multitude; and though this man was not himself set as a governor at that gate, yet was he appointed to pay the public stipend for carrying these bodies out, and so was obliged of necessity to number them, while the rest were buried by their relations; though all their burial was but this, to bring them away, and cast them out of the city. After this man there ran away to Titus many of the eminent citizens, and told him the entire number of the poor that were dead, and that no fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown out at the gates, though still the number of the rest could not be discovered; and they told him further, that when they were no longer able to carry out the dead bodies of the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in very large houses, and shut them up therein; as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold for a talent; and that when, a while afterward, it was not possible to gather herbs, by reason the city was all walled about, some persons were driven to that terrible distress as to search the common sewers and old dunghills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they got there; and what they of old could not endure so much as to see they now used for food. When the Romans barely heard all this, they commiserated their case; while the seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, but suffered the same distress to come upon themselves; for they were blinded by that fate which was already coming upon the city, and upon themselves also.
7. And really, why am I sharing these specific tragedies? At that very moment, Manneus, the son of Lazarus, ran to Titus and told him that through that one gate, which was under his supervision, no fewer than 115,880 dead bodies had been taken out, between the 14th day of the month Xanthicus (Nisan) when the Romans set up camp by the city, and the first of the month Panemus (Tamuz). This was an enormous number; and although this man wasn’t the governor of that gate, he had been assigned to oversee the public payment for removing these bodies, which meant he had to count them, while the families took care of burying their loved ones. But all that meant was dragging them away and throwing them out of the city. After him, many prominent citizens ran to Titus and reported the total number of dead among the poor; they claimed that at least 600,000 were thrown out at the gates, while the actual total could not be determined. They also informed him that when they could no longer carry out the bodies of the poor, they piled the corpses in large houses and locked them inside. Additionally, they said that a medimnus of wheat was being sold for a talent. Later on, when it became impossible to gather herbs because the city was completely surrounded, some people were forced to dig through common sewers and old cattle dung heaps, even resorting to eating the waste they found there. What they had once found unbearable to even look at, they now consumed as food. When the Romans heard this, they felt pity for them; however, the rebels witnessing it did not regret their actions but allowed the same suffering to inflict themselves, as they were blinded by the impending doom that was descending upon the city and themselves.
1 (return)
[ This appears to be the
first time that the zealots ventured to pollute this most sacred court of
the temple, which was the court of the priests, wherein the temple itself
and the altar stood. So that the conjecture of those that would interpret
that Zacharias, who was slain "between the temple and the altar" several
months before, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4, as if he were slain there by these
zealots, is groundless, as I have noted on that place already.]
1 (return)
[ This seems to be the first time that the zealots dared to defile this most sacred area of the temple, which was the priests' court, where both the temple and the altar were located. Therefore, the assumption of those who interpret the death of Zacharias, who was killed "between the temple and the altar" several months earlier, B. IV. ch. 5. sect. 4, as if he were killed by these zealots, is unfounded, as I have already pointed out in that section.]
2 (return)
[ The Levites.]
2 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ The Levites.]
3 (return)
[ This is an excellent
reflection of Josephus, including his hopes of the restoration of the Jews
upon their repentance, See Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 46, which is the
grand "Hope of Israel," as Manasseh-ben-Israel, the famous Jewish Rabbi,
styles it, in his small but remarkable treatise on that subject, of which
the Jewish prophets are every where full. See the principal of those
prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on the Revelation,
p. 822, etc.]
3 (return)
[ This is a great reflection of Josephus, highlighting his hopes for the restoration of the Jews through their repentance. See Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 46, which embodies the "Hope of Israel," as Manasseh-ben-Israel, the well-known Jewish Rabbi, refers to it in his brief yet significant treatise on the topic, which is thoroughly covered by the Jewish prophets. Check out the main prophecies gathered at the end of the Essay on the Revelation, p. 822, etc.]
4 (return)
[ This destruction of such a
vast quantity of corn and other provisions, as was sufficient for many
years was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, which consumed
incredible numbers of Jews in Jerusalem during its siege. Nor probably
could the Romans have taken this city, after all, had not these seditious
Jews been so infatuated as thus madly to destroy, what Josephus here
justly styles, "The nerves of their power."]
4 (return)
[ The destruction of such a huge amount of corn and other supplies, enough to last for many years, directly led to the terrible famine that killed countless Jews in Jerusalem during the siege. It's likely that the Romans wouldn't have been able to capture this city if the rebellious Jews hadn't been so foolish as to destroy what Josephus accurately calls, "The nerves of their power."]
5 (return)
[ This timber, we see, was
designed for the rebuilding those twenty additional cubits of the holy
house above the hundred, which had fallen down some years before. See the
note on Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3.]
5 (return)
[ This timber, as we can observe, was meant for reconstructing the additional twenty cubits of the holy house above the original hundred, which had collapsed a few years earlier. Refer to the note in Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3.]
6 (return)
[ There being no gate on the
west, and only on the west, side of the court of the priests, and so no
steps there, this was the only side that the seditious, under this John of
Gischala, could bring their engines close to the cloisters of that court
end-ways, though upon the floor of the court of Israel. See the scheme of
that temple, in the description of the temples hereto belonging.]
6 (return)
[Since there was no gate on the west side of the court of the priests, and therefore no steps, this was the only side where the rebellious, led by John of Gischala, could position their siege engines near the cloisters of that court, even though they were on the floor of the court of Israel. Refer to the layout of that temple in the descriptions of the related temples.]
7 (return)
[ We may here note, that
Titus is here called "a king," and "Caesar," by Josephus, even while he
was no more than the emperor's son, and general of the Roman army, and his
father Vespasian was still alive; just as the New Testament says
"Archelaus reigned," or "was king," Matthew 2:22, though he was properly
no more than ethnarch, as Josephus assures us, Antiq. B. XVII. ch. 11.
sect. 4; Of the War, B. II. ch. 6. sect. 3. Thus also the Jews called the
Roman emperors "kings," though they never took that title to themselves:
"We have no king but Caesar," John 19:15. "Submit to the king as supreme,"
1 Peter 2:13, 17; which is also the language of the Apostolical
Constitutions, II. II, 31; IV. 13; V. 19; VI. 2, 25; VII. 16; VIII. 2, 13;
and elsewhere in the New Testament, Matthew 10:18; 17:25; 1 Timothy 2:2;
and in Josephus also; though I suspect Josephus particularly esteemed
Titus as joint king with his father ever since his divine dreams that
declared them both such, B. III. ch. 8. sect. 9.]
7 (return)
[ It's worth noting that Josephus refers to Titus as "a king" and "Caesar," even though he was only the emperor's son and the general of the Roman army, with his father Vespasian still alive. This is similar to how the New Testament states that "Archelaus reigned" or "was king" in Matthew 2:22, even though he was really just an ethnarch, as Josephus confirms in Antiquities, Book XVII, chapter 11, section 4; and The War, Book II, chapter 6, section 3. The Jews also referred to the Roman emperors as "kings," even though they never took that title themselves: "We have no king but Caesar," John 19:15. "Submit to the king as supreme," 1 Peter 2:13, 17; which aligns with the language of the Apostolic Constitutions, II. II, 31; IV. 13; V. 19; VI. 2, 25; VII. 16; VIII. 2, 13; and elsewhere in the New Testament, Matthew 10:18; 17:25; 1 Timothy 2:2; and also in Josephus. However, I think Josephus particularly viewed Titus as a co-king with his father ever since his divine dreams proclaimed them both as such, Book III, chapter 8, section 9.]
8 (return)
[ This situation of the
Mount of Olives, on the east of Jerusalem, at about the distance of five
or six furlongs, with the valley of Cedron interposed between that
mountain and the city, are things well known both in the Old and New
Testament, in Josephus elsewhere, and in all the descriptions of
Palestine.]
8 (return)
[ This situation of the Mount of Olives, to the east of Jerusalem, is about five or six furlongs away, with the valley of Kidron in between that mountain and the city. These details are well-known from both the Old and New Testaments, as well as works by Josephus and in all descriptions of Palestine.]
9 (return)
[ Here we see the true
occasion of those vast numbers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this
siege by Titus, and perished therein; that the siege began at the feast of
the passover, when such prodigious multitudes of Jews and proselytes of
the gate were come from all parts of Judea, and from other countries, in
order to celebrate that great festival. See the note B. VI. ch. 9. sect.
3. Tacitus himself informs us, that the number of men, women, and children
in Jerusalem, when it was besieged by the Romans, as he had been informed.
This information must have been taken from the Romans: for Josephus never
recounts the numbers of those that were besieged, only he lets us know,
that of the vulgar, carried dead out of the gates, and buried at the
public charges, was the like number of 600,000, ch. viii. sect. 7.
However, when Cestius Gallus came first to the siege, that sum in Tacitus
is no way disagreeable to Josephus's history, though they were become much
more numerous when Titus encompassed the city at the passover. As to the
number that perished during this siege, Josephus assures us, as we shall
see hereafter, they were 1,100,000, besides 97,000 captives. But Tacitus's
history of the last part of this siege is not now extant; so we cannot
compare his parallel numbers with those of Josephus.]
9 (return)
[ Here we see the real reason for the large number of Jews in Jerusalem during the siege by Titus, who died there; the siege started at the Passover festival when massive crowds of Jews and proselytes arrived from all over Judea and other regions to celebrate this important holiday. See note B. VI. ch. 9. sect. 3. Tacitus tells us the number of men, women, and children in Jerusalem during the Roman siege, according to what he had been told. This information likely came from the Romans, as Josephus never gives the exact number of those who were besieged; he only mentions that about 600,000 of the common people were carried out dead from the gates and buried at public expense, ch. viii. sect. 7. However, when Cestius Gallus first laid siege to the city, that number in Tacitus aligns with Josephus's account, even though the population had grown significantly by the time Titus surrounded the city at Passover. Regarding the number who died during this siege, Josephus tells us, as we will see later, that there were 1,100,000 dead, in addition to 97,000 captives. But Tacitus's account of the final part of this siege is no longer available, so we can't compare his figures with those of Josephus.]
10 (return)
[ Perhaps, says Dr.
Hudson, here was that gate, called the "Gate of the Corner," in 2
Chronicles 26:9. See ch. 4. sect. 2]
10 (return)
[Maybe, says Dr. Hudson, this was the gate known as the "Gate of the Corner," mentioned in 2 Chronicles 26:9. See ch. 4. sect. 2]
11 (return)
[ These dove-courts in
Josephus, built by Herod the Great, are, in the opinion of Reland, the
very same that are mentioned by the Talmudists, and named by them "Herod's
dove courts." Nor is there any reason to suppose otherwise, since in both
accounts they were expressly tame pigeons which were kept in them.]
11 (return)
[These dove-courts mentioned by Josephus, built by Herod the Great, are, according to Reland, the same ones referred to by the Talmudists, who called them "Herod's dove courts." There’s no reason to think otherwise, as both accounts specifically describe the pigeons kept there as tame.]
12 (return)
[ See the description of
the temples hereto belonging, ch. 15. But note, that what Josephus here
says of the original scantiness of this Mount Moriah, that it was quite
too little for the temple, and that at first it held only one cloister or
court of Solomon's building, and that the foundations were forced to be
added long afterwards by degrees, to render it capable of the cloisters
for the other courts, etc., is without all foundation in the Scriptures,
and not at all confirmed by his exacter account in the Antiquities. All
that is or can be true here is this, that when the court of the Gentiles
was long afterward to be encompassed with cloisters, the southern
foundation for these cloisters was found not to be large or firm enough,
and was raised, and that additional foundation supported by great pillars
and arches under ground, which Josephus speaks of elsewhere, Antiq. B. XV.
ch. 11. sect. 3, and which Mr. Maundrel saw, and describes, p. 100, as
extant under ground at this day.]
12 (return)
[ See the description of the temples related to this in ch. 15. But keep in mind that what Josephus claims about the original size of Mount Moriah—that it was too small for the temple and initially only had one courtyard from Solomon’s building, and that the foundations were gradually added later to accommodate the other courtyards—is not supported by the Scriptures and is not confirmed by his more detailed account in the Antiquities. The only true part here is that when the court of the Gentiles was later surrounded by colonnades, the southern foundation for these colonnades was found to be insufficient and was raised, and that additional foundation was supported by large pillars and arches underground, which Josephus mentions elsewhere, Antiq. B. XV. ch. 11. sect. 3, and which Mr. Maundrel observed and describes, p. 100, as still existing underground today.]
13 (return)
[ What Josephus seems here
to mean is this: that these pillars, supporting the cloisters in the
second court, had their foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor
of the first or lowest court; but that so far of those lowest parts as
were equal to the elevation of the upper floor above the lowest were, and
must be, hidden on the inside by the ground or rock itself, on which that
upper court was built; so that forty cubits visible below were reduced to
twenty-five visible above, and implies the difference of their heights to
be fifteen cubits. The main difficulty lies here, how fourteen or fifteen
steps should give an ascent of fifteen cubits, half a cubit seeming
sufficient for a single step. Possibly there were fourteen or fifteen
steps at the partition wall, and fourteen or fifteen more thence into the
court itself, which would bring the whole near to the just proportion. See
sect. 3, infra. But I determine nothing.]
13 (return)
[What Josephus seems to be saying is this: the pillars that support the cloisters in the second court had their foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor of the first or lowest court. However, the portion of those lowest parts that was equal to the height of the upper floor above the lowest was hidden inside by the ground or rock on which the upper court was built. This means that while forty cubits were visible below, only twenty-five were visible above, indicating a height difference of fifteen cubits. The main issue is how fourteen or fifteen steps could create a fifteen-cubit ascent, since half a cubit seems enough for a single step. It’s possible there were fourteen or fifteen steps at the partition wall, and another fourteen or fifteen going into the court itself, which would make the proportions align better. See sect. 3, infra. But I’m not making any definitive claims.]
14 (return)
[ These three guards that
lay in the tower of Antonia must be those that guarded the city, the
temple, and the tower of Antonia.]
14 (return)
[These three guards who were in the Tower of Antonia must be the ones who protected the city, the temple, and the Tower of Antonia.]
15 (return)
[ What should be the
meaning of this signal or watchword, when the watchmen saw a stone coming
from the engine, "The Stone Cometh," or what mistake there is in the
reading, I cannot tell. The MSS., both Greek and Latin, all agree in this
reading; and I cannot approve of any groundless conjectural alteration of
the text from ro to lop, that not the son or a stone, but that the arrow
or dart cometh; as hath been made by Dr. Hudson, and not corrected by
Havercamp. Had Josephus written even his first edition of these books of
the war in pure Hebrew, or had the Jews then used the pure Hebrew at
Jerusalem, the Hebrew word for a son is so like that for a stone, ben and
eben, that such a correction might have been more easily admitted. But
Josephus wrote his former edition for the use of the Jews beyond
Euphrates, and so in the Chaldee language, as he did this second edition
in the Greek language; and bar was the Chaldee word for son, instead of
the Hebrew ben, and was used not only in Chaldea, etc. but in Judea also,
as the New Testament informs us. Dio lets us know that the very Romans at
Rome pronounced the name of Simon the son of Giora, Bar Poras for Bar
Gioras, as we learn from Xiphiline, p. 217. Reland takes notice, "that
many will here look for a mystery, as though the meaning were, that the
Son of God came now to take vengeance on the sins of the Jewish nation;"
which is indeed the truth of the fact, but hardly what the Jews could now
mean; unless possibly by way of derision of Christ's threatening so often
made, that he would come at the head of the Roman army for their
destruction. But even this interpretation has but a very small degree of
probability. If I were to make an emendation by mere conjecture, I would
read instead of, though the likeness be not so great as in lo; because
that is the word used by Josephus just before, as has been already noted
on this very occasion, while, an arrow or dart, is only a poetical word,
and never used by Josephus elsewhere, and is indeed no way suitable to the
occasion, this engine not throwing arrows or darts, but great stones, at
this time.]
15 (return)
[ What should we understand by this signal or watchword when the watchmen saw a stone coming from the engine, saying, "The Stone Cometh," or what error exists in the interpretation, I cannot say. The manuscripts, both Greek and Latin, all agree on this reading; and I can’t support any unfounded conjectural change of the text from “ro” to “lop,” suggesting that it’s not the son or a stone, but that an arrow or dart is coming, as Dr. Hudson has proposed, and Havercamp did not correct. If Josephus had written even his first edition of these war books in pure Hebrew, or if the Jews had then used pure Hebrew in Jerusalem, the Hebrew word for son is so similar to that for stone—“ben” and “eben”—that such a correction might have been more easily accepted. However, Josephus wrote his earlier edition for the Jews beyond the Euphrates in the Chaldee language, just as he did this second edition in Greek; and “bar” was the Chaldee word for son, unlike the Hebrew “ben,” and was used not only in Chaldea, but also in Judea, as the New Testament shows us. Dio informs us that even the Romans in Rome pronounced the name of Simon the son of Giora as Bar Poras instead of Bar Gioras, as noted by Xiphiline, p. 217. Reland remarks that many people will look for a mystery here, as if the meaning were that the Son of God is coming to take vengeance on the sins of the Jewish nation; which is indeed the case, but is hardly what the Jews could mean now—unless possibly in mockery of Christ's frequent threats that he would come leading the Roman army for their destruction. Yet even this interpretation has very little likelihood. If I were to make a change based on mere speculation, I would read differently, though the similarity isn’t as strong as in “lo;” because that’s the word used by Josephus just before, as noted already for this situation, while “an arrow or dart” is only a poetic term, never used by Josephus elsewhere, and indeed doesn’t fit the context, as this engine was not throwing arrows or darts, but large stones at this time.]
16 (return)
[ Josephus supposes, in
this his admirable speech to the Jews, that not Abraham only, but Pharaoh
king of Egypt, prayed towards a temple at Jerusalem, or towards Jerusalem
itself, in which were Mount Sion and Mount Moriah, on which the tabernacle
and temple did afterwards stand; and this long before either the Jewish
tabernacle or temple were built. Nor is the famous command given by God to
Abraham, to go two or three days' journey, on purpose to offer up his son
Isaac there, unfavorable to such a notion.]
16 (return)
[Josephus suggests, in this impressive speech to the Jews, that not only Abraham but also Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, prayed towards a temple in Jerusalem or towards Jerusalem itself, where Mount Zion and Mount Moriah are located, and where the tabernacle and temple would later stand; and this was long before either the Jewish tabernacle or temple was built. Additionally, the well-known command from God to Abraham to travel two or three days' journey to offer his son Isaac there does not contradict this idea.]
17 (return)
[ Note here, that
Josephus, in this his same admirable speech, calls the Syrians, nay, even
the Philistines, on the most south part of Syria, Assyrians; which Reland
observes as what was common among the ancient writers. Note also, that
Josephus might well put the Jews in mind, as he does here more than once,
of their wonderful and truly miraculous deliverance from Sennacherib, king
of Assyria, while the Roman army, and himself with them, were now encamped
upon and beyond that very spot of ground where the Assyrian army lay seven
hundred and eighty years before, and which retained the very name of the
Camp of the Assyrians to that very day. See chap. 7. sect. 3, and chap.
12. sect. 2.]
17 (return)
[ Note that Josephus, in this remarkable speech, refers to the Syrians, and even the Philistines in the southern part of Syria, as Assyrians; Reland notes that this was common among ancient writers. Also, Josephus likely reminded the Jews, as he does here multiple times, of their incredible and truly miraculous rescue from Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, while the Roman army, including him, was currently camped on and beyond the very spot where the Assyrian army had been seven hundred and eighty years earlier, a place that continued to be known as the Camp of the Assyrians to that day. See chap. 7. sect. 3, and chap. 12. sect. 2.]
18 (return)
[ This drying up of the
Jerusalem fountain of Siloam when the Jews wanted it, and its flowing
abundantly when the enemies of the Jews wanted it, and these both in the
days of Zedekiah and of Titus, [and this last as a certain event well
known by the Jews at that time, as Josephus here tells them openly to
their faces,] are very remarkable instances of a Divine Providence for the
punishment of the Jewish nation, when they were grown very wicked, at both
those times of the destruction of Jerusalem.]
18 (return)
[ The drying up of the Siloam fountain in Jerusalem when the Jews needed it, and its abundant flow when their enemies needed it, both during the times of Zedekiah and Titus, [the latter being a well-known event among the Jews at that time, as Josephus openly points out to them,] are striking examples of Divine Providence punishing the Jewish nation for their wickedness during both periods of Jerusalem's destruction.]
19 (return)
[ Reland very properly
takes notice here, how justly this judgment came upon the Jews, when they
were crucified in such multitudes together, that the Romans wanted room
for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies of these Jews, since they had
brought this judgment on themselves by the crucifixion of their Messiah.]
19 (return)
[ Reland rightly points out that this judgment came upon the Jews when they were crucified in such large numbers that the Romans ran out of space for the crosses and crosses for the bodies of these Jews, as they had brought this judgment on themselves by crucifying their Messiah.]
20 (return)
[ Josephus, both here and
before, B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 4, esteems the land of Sodom, not as part of
the lake Asphaltites, or under its waters, but near it only, as Tacitus
also took the same notion from him, Hist. V. ch. 6. 7, which the great
Reland takes to be the very truth, both in his note on this place, and in
his Palestina, tom. I. p. 254-258; though I rather suppose part of that
region of Pentapolis to be now under the waters of the south part of that
sea, but perhaps not the whole country.]
20 (return)
[ Josephus, both here and earlier, in B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 4, considers the land of Sodom not as part of the lake Asphaltites, or beneath its waters, but merely near it. Tacitus also shared this view, as noted in Hist. V. ch. 6. 7. The esteemed Reland supports this idea as being accurate, both in his commentary on this passage and in his Palestina, tom. I. p. 254-258; however, I believe that part of the Pentapolis region is currently submerged in the southern part of that sea, but perhaps not the entire area.]
BOOK VI.
Containing The Interval Of About One Month.
From The Great Extremity To Which The Jews Were Reduced To
The Taking Of Jerusalem By Titus.
Containing The Interval Of About One Month.
From The Great Extremity To Which The Jews Were Reduced To
The Taking Of Jerusalem By Titus.CHAPTER 1.
That The Miseries Still Grew Worse; And How The Romans Made
An Assault Upon The Tower Of Antonia.
That The Miseries Still Grew Worse; And How The Romans Launched An Attack On The Tower Of Antonia.
1. Thus did the miseries of Jerusalem grow worse and worse every day, and the seditious were still more irritated by the calamities they were under, even while the famine preyed upon themselves, after it had preyed upon the people. And indeed the multitude of carcasses that lay in heaps one upon another was a horrible sight, and produced a pestilential stench, which was a hinderance to those that would make sallies out of the city, and fight the enemy: but as those were to go in battle-array, who had been already used to ten thousand murders, and must tread upon those dead bodies as they marched along, so were not they terrified, nor did they pity men as they marched over them; nor did they deem this affront offered to the deceased to be any ill omen to themselves; but as they had their right hands already polluted with the murders of their own countrymen, and in that condition ran out to fight with foreigners, they seem to me to have cast a reproach upon God himself, as if he were too slow in punishing them; for the war was not now gone on with as if they had any hope of victory; for they gloried after a brutish manner in that despair of deliverance they were already in. And now the Romans, although they were greatly distressed in getting together their materials, raised their banks in one and twenty days, after they had cut down all the trees that were in the country that adjoined to the city, and that for ninety furlongs round about, as I have already related. And truly the very view itself of the country was a melancholy thing; for those places which were before adorned with trees and pleasant gardens were now become a desolate country every way, and its trees were all cut down: nor could any foreigner that had formerly seen Judea and the most beautiful suburbs of the city, and now saw it as a desert, but lament and mourn sadly at so great a change: for the war had laid all the signs of beauty quite waste: nor if any one that had known the place before, had come on a sudden to it now, would he have known it again; but though he were at the city itself, yet would he have inquired for it notwithstanding.
1. The suffering in Jerusalem continued to grow worse each day, and those causing unrest were even more frustrated by the disasters affecting them, even as the famine took its toll on them after already impacting the people. The sight of the multitude of dead bodies piled up was horrific and created a foul smell, making it difficult for those who wanted to venture out of the city to fight the enemy. As they prepared for battle, these individuals, who were already accustomed to countless murders, had to step over the corpses as they marched forward. Yet, they were neither scared nor did they feel pity for the dead, nor did they see this disrespect towards the deceased as a bad omen for themselves. With their hands already tainted by the blood of their fellow countrymen, they charged out to fight foreign foes, which seemed like a reproach to God, as if He was slow to punish them. They were no longer engaging in war with any hope of victory; rather, they took a perverse pride in their hopeless situation. Meanwhile, the Romans, though struggling to gather materials, built their siege works in just twenty-one days after cutting down all the trees in the surrounding countryside for ninety furlongs, as I previously mentioned. The view of the land was truly disheartening; areas that were once filled with trees and beautiful gardens had become barren wasteland, with all trees felled. Any outsider who had previously visited Judea and admired the city’s lovely suburbs would mourn deeply at such a dramatic change. The war had destroyed all signs of beauty, and someone who had known the place before would hardly recognize it now; even if they were at the city itself, they would still be searching for it.
2. And now the banks were finished, they afforded a foundation for fear both to the Romans and to the Jews; for the Jews expected that the city would be taken, unless they could burn those banks, as did the Romans expect that, if these were once burnt down, they should never be able to take it; for there was a mighty scarcity of materials, and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail with such hard labors, as did their souls faint with so many instances of ill success; nay, the very calamities themselves that were in the city proved a greater discouragement to the Romans than those within the city; for they found the fighting men of the Jews to be not at all mollified among such their sore afflictions, while they had themselves perpetually less and less hopes of success, and their banks were forced to yield to the stratagems of the enemy, their engines to the firmness of their wall, and their closest fights to the boldness of their attack; and, what was their greatest discouragement of all, they found the Jews' courageous souls to be superior to the multitude of the miseries they were under, by their sedition, their famine, and the war itself; insomuch that they were ready to imagine that the violence of their attacks was invincible, and that the alacrity they showed would not be discouraged by their calamities; for what would not those be able to bear if they should be fortunate, who turned their very misfortunes to the improvement of their valor! These considerations made the Romans to keep a stronger guard about their banks than they formerly had done.
2. Now that the banks were complete, they created a source of fear for both the Romans and the Jews. The Jews feared that the city would be captured unless they could set fire to those banks, while the Romans believed that if the banks were burned down, they would never be able to take the city. There was a severe shortage of materials, and the soldiers were physically exhausted from their hard labor, just as their spirits were sinking from their repeated failures. In fact, the hardships being endured in the city served as a greater discouragement to the Romans than those they faced themselves. They found the Jewish fighters to be undeterred by their own suffering, while the Romans continuously lost hope for success. Their banks were forced to yield to the enemy's tactics, their siege engines were unable to break through the strength of the city walls, and their closest battles faltered against the Jews' boldness. The greatest source of discouragement for the Romans was realizing that the Jews’ courageous spirits were stronger than the many miseries they were enduring, such as infighting, famine, and war. They began to believe that the intensity of the Jews' attacks was unstoppable and that their determination would not wane in the face of adversity. After all, what could they not endure if they could turn their misfortunes into a source of strength? These thoughts led the Romans to maintain a tighter guard around their banks than they had before.
3. But now John and his party took care for securing themselves afterward, even in case this wall should be thrown down, and fell to their work before the battering rams were brought against them. Yet did they not compass what they endeavored to do, but as they were gone out with their torches, they came back under great discouragement before they came near to the banks; and the reasons were these: that, in the first place, their conduct did not seem to be unanimous, but they went out in distinct parties, and at distinct intervals, and after a slow manner, and timorously, and, to say all in a word, without a Jewish courage; for they were now defective in what is peculiar to our nation, that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and in running upon the enemy all together, and in persevering in what they go about, though they do not at first succeed in it; but they now went out in a more languid manner than usual, and at the same time found the Romans set in array, and more courageous than ordinary, and that they guarded their banks both with their bodies and their entire armor, and this to such a degree on all sides, that they left no room for the fire to get among them, and that every one of their souls was in such good courage, that they would sooner die than desert their ranks; for besides their notion that all their hopes were cut off, in case these their works were once burnt, the soldiers were greatly ashamed that subtlety should quite be too hard for courage, madness for armor, multitude for skill, and Jews for Romans. The Romans had now also another advantage, in that their engines for sieges co-operated with them in throwing darts and stones as far as the Jews, when they were coming out of the city; whereby the man that fell became an impediment to him that was next to him, as did the danger of going farther make them less zealous in their attempts; and for those that had run under the darts, some of them were terrified by the good order and closeness of the enemies' ranks before they came to a close fight, and others were pricked with their spears, and turned back again; at length they reproached one another for their cowardice, and retired without doing any thing. This attack was made upon the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz.] So when the Jews were retreated, the Romans brought their engines, although they had all the while stones thrown at them from the tower of Antonia, and were assaulted by fire and sword, and by all sorts of darts, which necessity afforded the Jews to make use of; for although these had great dependence on their own wall, and a contempt of the Roman engines, yet did they endeavor to hinder the Romans from bringing them. Now these Romans struggled hard, on the contrary, to bring them, as deeming that this zeal of the Jews was in order to avoid any impression to be made on the tower of Antonia, because its wall was but weak, and its foundations rotten. However, that tower did not yield to the blows given it from the engines; yet did the Romans bear the impressions made by the enemies' darts which were perpetually cast at them, and did not give way to any of those dangers that came upon them from above, and so they brought their engines to bear. But then, as they were beneath the other, and were sadly wounded by the stones thrown down upon them, some of them threw their shields over their bodies, and partly with their hands, and partly with their bodies, and partly with crows, they undermined its foundations, and with great pains they removed four of its stones. Then night came upon both sides, and put an end to this struggle for the present; however, that night the wall was so shaken by the battering rams in that place where John had used his stratagem before, and had undermined their banks, that the ground then gave way, and the wall fell down suddenly.
3. But now John and his group took precautions to secure themselves later, even if this wall were to be knocked down, and started their work before the battering rams were brought against them. However, they did not achieve what they set out to do; as they left with their torches, they returned very discouraged before getting close to the banks. The reasons for this were as follows: first, their actions did not seem united; they went out in separate groups, at different times, and did so slowly and fearfully, lacking the typical Jewish courage. They were now missing the characteristics unique to their nation, such as boldness, aggressive assault, and rushing the enemy all together, as well as persevering in their efforts, even if they did not succeed right away. Instead, they went out in a weaker manner than usual, only to find the Romans organized and braver than normal, guarding their banks with their bodies and full armor. They covered every side so well that there was no room for fire to spread among them, and all of them were so determined that they would rather die than abandon their positions. Additionally, they thought their hopes would be completely lost if their works were set on fire, and the soldiers were greatly embarrassed that cunning could defeat courage, madness could overcome armor, numbers could outmatch skill, and Jews could be overpowered by Romans. The Romans also had another advantage, as their siege engines assisted them in throwing darts and stones as far as the Jews when they were coming out of the city. This meant that when one man fell, he became an obstacle for the next, and the threat of advancing made them less eager in their attempts. For those who tried to push through the darts, some were intimidated by the order and tight formations of the enemy before they reached close combat, while others were hit by spears and turned back. Ultimately, they blamed each other for their cowardice and withdrew without accomplishing anything. This attack occurred on the first day of the month Panemus [Tamuz]. When the Jews retreated, the Romans moved their engines in, even though they were continuously hit by stones from the tower of Antonia and attacked by fire, sword, and all kinds of darts that the Jews had at their disposal. Although the Jews relied heavily on their own wall and dismissed the Roman engines, they still tried to stop the Romans from deploying them. The Romans, on the other hand, fought hard to set them up, believing that the Jews' determination was to prevent any damage being done to the tower of Antonia, as its wall was weak and its foundations rotten. Nevertheless, that tower withstood the blows from the engines; still, the Romans endured constant attacks from the enemies' darts without backing down from the dangers coming from above, and managed to set up their engines. However, as they were underneath the other, suffering serious injuries from the stones thrown down, some shielded themselves with their shields while others used their hands, bodies, or tools to undermine its foundations, even managing to remove four of its stones with great effort. Then night fell on both sides, halting this struggle for the time being; however, that night the wall was shaken so badly by the battering rams at the spot where John had previously used his strategy and undermined their banks that the ground gave way, and the wall collapsed suddenly.
4. When this accident had unexpectedly happened, the minds of both parties were variously affected; for though one would expect that the Jews would be discouraged, because this fall of their wall was unexpected by them, and they had made no provision in that case, yet did they pull up their courage, because the tower of Antonia itself was still standing; as was the unexpected joy of the Romans at this fall of the wall soon quenched by the sight they had of another wall, which John and his party had built within it. However, the attack of this second wall appeared to be easier than that of the former, because it seemed a thing of greater facility to get up to it through the parts of the former wall that were now thrown down. This new wall appeared also to be much weaker than the tower of Antonia, and accordingly the Romans imagined that it had been erected so much on the sudden, that they should soon overthrow it: yet did not any body venture now to go up to this wall; for that such as first ventured so to do must certainly be killed.
4. When this accident happened unexpectedly, it affected both sides in different ways. While one might think the Jews would be discouraged by the sudden collapse of their wall, they found their courage boosted because the tower of Antonia was still standing. The Romans' initial excitement over the wall's collapse quickly faded when they spotted another wall that John and his group had built inside. However, attacking this second wall seemed easier than the first, as they could reach it through the parts of the old wall that had fallen. This new wall also appeared to be much weaker than the tower of Antonia, leading the Romans to believe it had been thrown up in a hurry and could be taken down quickly. Still, no one dared approach this wall, knowing that those who went first would likely be killed.
5. And now Titus, upon consideration that the alacrity of soldiers in war is chiefly excited by hopes and by good words, and that exhortations and promises do frequently make men to forget the hazards they run, nay, sometimes to despise death itself, got together the most courageous part of his army, and tried what he could do with his men by these methods. "O fellow soldiers," said he, "to make an exhortation to men to do what hath no peril in it, is on that very account inglorious to such to whom that exhortation is made; and indeed so it is in him that makes the exhortation, an argument of his own cowardice also. I therefore think that such exhortations ought then only to be made use of when affairs are in a dangerous condition, and yet are worthy of being attempted by every one themselves; accordingly, I am fully of the same opinion with you, that it is a difficult task to go up this wall; but that it is proper for those that desire reputation for their valor to struggle with difficulties in such cases as will then appear, when I have particularly shown that it is a brave thing to die with glory, and that the courage here necessary shall not go unrewarded in those that first begin the attempt. And let my first argument to move you to it be taken from what probably some would think reasonable to dissuade you, I mean the constancy and patience of these Jews, even under their ill successes; for it is unbecoming you, who are Romans and my soldiers, who have in peace been taught how to make wars, and who have also been used to conquer in those wars, to be inferior to Jews, either in action of the hand, or in courage of the soul, and this especially when you are at the conclusion of your victory, and are assisted by God himself; for as to our misfortunes, they have been owing to the madness of the Jews, while their sufferings have been owing to your valor, and to the assistance God hath afforded you; for as to the seditions they have been in, and the famine they are under, and the siege they now endure, and the fall of their walls without our engines, what can they all be but demonstrations of God's anger against them, and of his assistance afforded us? It will not therefore be proper for you, either to show yourselves inferior to those to whom you are really superior, or to betray that Divine assistance which is afforded you. And, indeed, how can it be esteemed otherwise than a base and unworthy thing, that while the Jews, who need not be much ashamed if they be deserted, because they have long learned to be slaves to others, do yet despise death, that they may be so no longer; and do make sallies into the very midst of us frequently, not in hopes of conquering us, but merely for a demonstration of their courage; we, who have gotten possession of almost all the world that belongs to either land or sea, to whom it will be a great shame if we do not conquer them, do not once undertake any attempt against our enemies wherein there is much danger, but sit still idle, with such brave arms as we have, and only wait till the famine and fortune do our business themselves, and this when we have it in our power, with some small hazard, to gain all that we desire! For if we go up to this tower of Antonia, we gain the city; for if there should be any more occasion for fighting against those within the city, which I do not suppose there will, since we shall then be upon the top of the hill 1 and be upon our enemies before they can have taken breath, these advantages promise us no less than a certain and sudden victory. As for myself, I shall at present wave any commendation of those who die in war, 2 and omit to speak of the immortality of those men who are slain in the midst of their martial bravery; yet cannot I forbear to imprecate upon those who are of a contrary disposition, that they may die in time of peace, by some distemper or other, since their souls are condemned to the grave, together with their bodies. For what man of virtue is there who does not know, that those souls which are severed from their fleshly bodies in battles by the sword are received by the ether, that purest of elements, and joined to that company which are placed among the stars; that they become good demons, and propitious heroes, and show themselves as such to their posterity afterwards? while upon those souls that wear away in and with their distempered bodies comes a subterranean night to dissolve them to nothing, and a deep oblivion to take away all the remembrance of them, and this notwithstanding they be clean from all spots and defilements of this world; so that, in this ease, the soul at the same time comes to the utmost bounds of its life, and of its body, and of its memorial also. But since he hath determined that death is to come of necessity upon all men, a sword is a better instrument for that purpose than any disease whatsoever. Why is it not then a very mean thing for us not to yield up that to the public benefit which we must yield up to fate? And this discourse have I made, upon the supposition that those who at first attempt to go upon this wall must needs be killed in the attempt, though still men of true courage have a chance to escape even in the most hazardous undertakings. For, in the first place, that part of the former wall that is thrown down is easily to be ascended; and for the new-built wall, it is easily destroyed. Do you, therefore, many of you, pull up your courage, and set about this work, and do you mutually encourage and assist one another; and this your bravery will soon break the hearts of your enemies; and perhaps such a glorious undertaking as yours is may be accomplished without bloodshed. For although it be justly to be supposed that the Jews will try to hinder you at your first beginning to go up to them; yet when you have once concealed yourselves from them, and driven them away by force, they will not be able to sustain your efforts against them any longer, though but a few of you prevent them, and get over the wall. As for that person who first mounts the wall, I should blush for shame if I did not make him to be envied of others, by those rewards I would bestow upon him. If such a one escape with his life, he shall have the command of others that are now but his equals; although it be true also that the greatest rewards will accrue to such as die in the attempt." 3
5. And now Titus, realizing that soldiers in war are mainly motivated by hope and encouraging words, and that motivation and promises often help them forget the dangers they face, even leading them to disregard death itself, gathered the most courageous part of his army and tried to rally his men using these strategies. "Oh, fellow soldiers," he said, "to encourage men to do something with no risk is, for that reason, disgraceful to those it’s directed at; and indeed, it reflects poorly on the one giving the encouragement, showing their cowardice. I believe that such encouragement should only be used when situations are perilous but still worth attempting by everyone. I wholeheartedly agree with you that climbing this wall is a difficult task; however, it is fitting for those who want to gain a reputation for their bravery to tackle challenges in situations like this where I will soon demonstrate that it is noble to die with honor, and that the courage needed here will not go unrewarded for those who first take action. Let my first point to motivate you come from what some may view as a reasonable reason to dissuade you, namely the resilience and patience of these Jews, even in the face of their failures; it does not suit you—who are Romans and my soldiers, trained in peacetime to wage war, and accustomed to winning these wars—to be outdone by Jews, either in physical prowess or mental fortitude, especially when you are on the brink of victory and have divine assistance on your side. Our setbacks have resulted from the madness of the Jews, while their suffering is due to your bravery, aided by God’s support; as for the revolts they have faced, the famine they endure, the siege they currently suffer, and the collapse of their walls without our machines, what can these be but clear signs of God’s anger towards them and of His aid to us? Therefore, it would not be appropriate for you to appear inferior to those you actually surpass or to betray the Divine support you have received. Indeed, how can it be seen as anything but disgraceful that while the Jews, who should feel little shame if abandoned since they have long been accustomed to being enslaved, disdain death to escape their fate and frequently make desperate charges into our midst—not in hopes of defeating us, but simply to prove their bravery—we, who have conquered nearly the entire world of land and sea, would feel great shame if we do not defeat them, yet sit idle with our capable arms, merely waiting for famine and luck to do the work for us, when we can securely gain everything we desire with minimal risk! For if we scale this tower of Antonia, we take the city; if there should be any further need for fighting inside the city—which I don’t believe will occur, as we will then be at the top of the hill 1 and upon our enemies before they can collect themselves—these advantages offer us nothing less than a swift and certain victory. As for me, I will refrain at this moment from praising those who die in battle, 2 and will not discuss the immortality of those who are killed in the heat of combat; yet I cannot help but wish that those of the opposite mindset die in peace due to some ailment, since their souls are condemned to the grave along with their bodies. What virtuous man does not know that souls separated from their physical bodies in battle by the sword are received by the purest ether and joined among the stars; that they become honored spirits and protective heroes, and reveal themselves in such a way to their descendants? While the souls that fade away along with their ailing bodies are met with a subterranean night that dissolves them into nothingness, along with total oblivion that erases all memory of them, even if they have stayed clean from worldly stains; in this case, the soul reaches the ultimate limits of its existence, its body, and its memory. But since it’s certain that death must come to all men, a sword is a better means to that end than any illness whatsoever. Why is it not rather shameful for us to withhold from the public good what we inevitably must surrender to fate? And this speech I have made, assuming that those who initially attempt to climb this wall must necessarily die in the process, although even the most courageous men may find a chance to escape in the most perilous situations. First of all, the section of the old wall that has fallen is easy to climb; and as for the newly built wall, it can be easily destroyed. So, I urge many of you to muster your courage and get to work, and encourage and help one another; your bravery will soon break the spirits of your enemies, and perhaps such a glorious endeavor as yours can be achieved without bloodshed. For while it is reasonable to assume that the Jews will try to stop you as you begin to ascend towards them, once you have hidden yourselves from them and driven them away by force, they will not be able to withstand your efforts for long, even if just a few of you manage to get over the wall. Regarding the person who climbs the wall first, I would feel shame if I did not make him envied by others, through the rewards I would confer on him. If such a person survives, he will be given command over those who are merely his equals; although it is also true that the greatest rewards will come to those who perish in the attempt." 3
6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of the multitude were afrighted at so great a danger. But there was one, whose name was Sabinus, a soldier that served among the cohorts, and a Syrian by birth, who appeared to be of very great fortitude, both in the actions he had done, and the courage of his soul he had shown; although any body would have thought, before he came to his work, that he was of such a weak constitution of body, that he was not fit to be a soldier; for his color was black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay close together; but there was a certain heroic soul that dwelt in this small body, which body was indeed much too narrow for that peculiar courage which was in him. Accordingly he was the first that rose up, when he thus spake: "I readily surrender up myself to thee, O Caesar; I first ascend the wall, and I heartily wish that my fortune may follow my courage and my resolution And if some ill fortune grudge me the success of my undertaking, take notice that my ill success will not be unexpected, but that I choose death voluntarily for thy sake." When he had said this, and had spread out his shield over his head with his left hand, and had, with his right hand, drawn his sword, he marched up to the wall, just about the sixth hour of the day. There followed him eleven others, and no more, that resolved to imitate his bravery; but still this was the principal person of them all, and went first, as excited by a divine fury. Now those that guarded the wall shot at them from thence, and cast innumerable darts upon them from every side; they also rolled very large stones upon them, which overthrew some of those eleven that were with him. But as for Sabinus himself, he met the darts that were cast at him and though he was overwhelmed with them, yet did he not leave off the violence of his attack before he had gotten up on the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to flight. For as the Jews were astonished at his great strength, and the bravery of his soul, and as, withal, they imagined more of them had got upon the wall than really had, they were put to flight. And now one cannot but complain here of fortune, as still envious at virtue, and always hindering the performance of glorious achievements: this was the case of the man before us, when he had just obtained his purpose; for he then stumbled at a certain large stone, and fell down upon it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon which the Jews turned back, and when they saw him to be alone, and fallen down also, they threw darts at him from every side. However, he got upon his knee, and covered himself with his shield, and at the first defended himself against them, and wounded many of those that came near him; but he was soon forced to relax his right hand, by the multitude of the wounds that had been given him, till at length he was quite covered over with darts before he gave up the ghost. He was one who deserved a better fate, by reason of his bravery; but, as might be expected, he fell under so vast an attempt. As for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed three of them to pieces with stones, and slew them as they were gotten up to the top of the wall; the other eight being wounded, were pulled down, and carried back to the camp. These things were done upon the third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
6. After Titus finished speaking, the crowd was terrified by such a huge danger. But there was one soldier named Sabinus, a Syrian by birth, who showed incredible courage and had proven himself in battle. Anyone would have thought he was too weak to be a soldier; he had dark skin, was lean and thin, and his body seemed too fragile for the bravery he possessed. Yet, a heroic spirit lived within this small frame, which was far too small for his extraordinary courage. He was the first to stand up and said, "I willingly give myself to you, O Caesar; I'll be the first to climb the wall, and I sincerely hope my luck matches my bravery and determination. If misfortune prevents my success, know that I choose to face death willingly for your sake." After saying this, he raised his shield over his head with his left hand and drew his sword with his right, marching towards the wall around noon. Eleven others followed him, inspired to show the same bravery, but he stood out as the leader, driven by a divine passion. The guards on the wall shot arrows at them and hurled countless darts from every direction; they even rolled large stones at them, hitting some of the eleven who accompanied him. However, Sabinus faced the projectiles head-on, and even though he was overwhelmed, he continued his charge until he climbed to the top of the wall and routed the enemy. The Jews were taken aback by his immense strength and courage, mistakenly believing more of their opponents were on the wall than there actually were, which caused them to retreat. One must lament fortune, always envious of virtue and thwarting noble deeds: this was true for Sabinus, who had just achieved his goal when he stumbled over a large stone and fell heavily. Seeing him alone and fallen, the Jews turned back and showered him with darts from every direction. Nevertheless, he got to his knees, shielded himself, and initially defended against the attacks, wounding many of those who drew near. But he was soon overwhelmed by the many wounds he sustained until he was completely covered in darts before he died. He was a man deserving of a better fate because of his bravery; however, he fell due to the enormity of the task he undertook. As for the others who accompanied him, the Jews crushed three of them with stones as they reached the top of the wall, killing them, while the other eight, injured, were pulled down and taken back to the camp. These events occurred on the third day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
7. Now two days afterward twelve of those men that were on the forefront, and kept watch upon the banks, got together, and called to them the standard-bearer of the fifth legion, and two others of a troop of horsemen, and one trumpeter; these went without noise, about the ninth hour of the night, through the ruins, to the tower of Antonia; and when they had cut the throats of the first guards of the place, as they were asleep, they got possession of the wall, and ordered the trumpeter to sound his trumpet. Upon which the rest of the guard got up on the sudden, and ran away, before any body could see how many they were that were gotten up; for, partly from the fear they were in, and partly from the sound of the trumpet which they heard, they imagined a great number of the enemy were gotten up. But as soon as Caesar heard the signal, he ordered the army to put on their armor immediately, and came thither with his commanders, and first of all ascended, as did the chosen men that were with him. And as the Jews were flying away to the temple, they fell into that mine which John had dug under the Roman banks. Then did the seditious of both the bodies of the Jewish army, as well that belonging to John as that belonging to Simon, drive them away; and indeed were no way wanting as to the highest degree of force and alacrity; for they esteemed themselves entirely ruined if once the Romans got into the temple, as did the Romans look upon the same thing as the beginning of their entire conquest. So a terrible battle was fought at the entrance of the temple, while the Romans were forcing their way, in order to get possession of that temple, and the Jews were driving them back to the tower of Antonia; in which battle the darts were on both sides useless, as well as the spears, and both sides drew their swords, and fought it out hand to hand. Now during this struggle the positions of the men were undistinguished on both sides, and they fought at random, the men being intermixed one with another, and confounded, by reason of the narrowness of the place; while the noise that was made fell on the ear after an indistinct manner, because it was so very loud. Great slaughter was now made on both sides, and the combatants trod upon the bodies and the armor of those that were dead, and dashed them to pieces. Accordingly, to which side soever the battle inclined, those that had the advantage exhorted one another to go on, as did those that were beaten make great lamentation. But still there was no room for flight, nor for pursuit, but disorderly revolutions and retreats, while the armies were intermixed one with another; but those that were in the first ranks were under the necessity of killing or being killed, without any way for escaping; for those on both sides that came behind forced those before them to go on, without leaving any space between the armies. At length the Jews' violent zeal was too hard for the Romans' skill, and the battle already inclined entirely that way; for the fight had lasted from the ninth hour of the night till the seventh hour of the day, While the Jews came on in crowds, and had the danger the temple was in for their motive; the Romans having no more here than a part of their army; for those legions, on which the soldiers on that side depended, were not come up to them. So it was at present thought sufficient by the Romans to take possession of the tower of Antonia.
7. Two days later, twelve of the men who were at the front and on watch by the river gathered together and called the standard-bearer of the fifth legion, along with two other cavalrymen and a trumpeter. They quietly made their way around the ruins to the Tower of Antonia around the ninth hour of the night. When they killed the first guards who were asleep, they took control of the wall and ordered the trumpeter to sound the alarm. This sudden noise startled the rest of the guards, causing them to flee before anyone could see how many had gotten up. Partly due to their fear and partly from the sound of the trumpet, they believed a large number of enemies were attacking. Once Caesar heard the signal, he ordered the army to put on their armor immediately and went there with his commanders, first climbing up as did the select men with him. As the Jews fled to the temple, they fell into the mine that John had dug under the Roman fortifications. Then the dissident factions of the Jewish army, both John's group and Simon's, pushed them back. They were incredibly determined and energetic, believing they were entirely doomed if the Romans got into the temple, just as the Romans viewed this as the start of their total victory. A fierce battle erupted at the temple entrance, with the Romans trying to take control while the Jews pushed them back towards the Tower of Antonia. In this fierce fight, missiles and spears were useless, and both sides drew their swords to fight up close. During the struggle, the combatants became mixed together and fought randomly due to the cramped space, and the overwhelming noise was chaotic and hard to discern. A great slaughter occurred on both sides, with fighters trampling over the bodies and armor of the dead. As the tide of battle shifted, those gaining the upper hand encouraged one another to press on, while those losing cried out in despair. There was no room for escape or pursuit, just chaotic movements and retreats as the armies intertwined; those in the front ranks had to either kill or be killed, with no way to flee, as those behind them forced them forward, leaving no space between the armies. Eventually, the Jews' fierce determination overwhelmed the Romans' tactics, and the battle tilted entirely in their favor; the fight had lasted from the ninth hour of the night until the seventh hour of the day. The Jews charged in hordes, motivated by the threat to the temple, while the Romans had only part of their army present, as the legions they depended on had not yet arrived. Thus, it was deemed sufficient by the Romans to secure the Tower of Antonia.
8. But there was one Julian, a centurion, that came from Bithynia, a man he was of great reputation, whom I had formerly seen in that war, and one of the highest fame, both for his skill in war, his strength of body, and the courage of his soul. This man, seeing the Romans giving ground, and in a sad condition, [for he stood by Titus at the tower of Antonia,] leaped out, and of himself alone put the Jews to flight, when they were already conquerors, and made them retire as far as the corner of the inner court of the temple; from him the multitude fled away in crowds, as supposing that neither his strength nor his violent attacks could be those of a mere man. Accordingly, he rushed through the midst of the Jews, as they were dispersed all abroad, and killed those that he caught. Nor, indeed, was there any sight that appeared more wonderful in the eyes of Caesar, or more terrible to others, than this. However, he was himself pursued by fate, which it was not possible that he, who was but a mortal man, should escape; for as he had shoes all full of thick and sharp nails 4 as had every one of the other soldiers, so when he ran on the pavement of the temple, he slipped, and fell down upon his back with a very great noise, which was made by his armor. This made those that were running away to turn back; whereupon those Romans that were in the tower of Antonia set up a great shout, as they were in fear for the man. But the Jews got about him in crowds, and struck at him with their spears and with their swords on all sides. Now he received a great many of the strokes of these iron weapons upon his shield, and often attempted to get up again, but was thrown down by those that struck at him; yet did he, as he lay along, stab many of them with his sword. Nor was he soon killed, as being covered with his helmet and his breastplate in all those parts of his body where he might be mortally wounded; he also pulled his neck close to his body, till all his other limbs were shattered, and nobody durst come to defend him, and then he yielded to his fate. Now Caesar was deeply affected on account of this man of so great fortitude, and especially as he was killed in the sight of so many people; he was desirous himself to come to his assistance, but the place would not give him leave, while such as could have done it were too much terrified to attempt it. Thus when Julian had struggled with death a great while, and had let but few of those that had given him his mortal wound go off unhurt, he had at last his throat cut, though not without some difficulty, and left behind him a very great fame, not only among the Romans, and with Caesar himself, but among his enemies also; then did the Jews catch up his dead body, and put the Romans to flight again, and shut them up in the tower of Antonia. Now those that most signalized themselves, and fought most zealously in this battle of the Jewish side, were one Alexas and Gyphtheus, of John's party, and of Simon's party were Malachias, and Judas the son of Merto, and James the son of Sosas, the commander of the Idumeans; and of the zealots, two brethren, Simon and Judas, the sons of Jairus.
8. There was a centurion named Julian who came from Bithynia. He was a man of great reputation, someone I had seen during the war, known for his incredible skill in battle, physical strength, and courage. Watching the Romans falter and in a dire situation—he was beside Titus at the tower of Antonia—he leaped into action and single-handedly drove the Jews into retreat, even when victory seemed assured for them, forcing them back to the corner of the inner court of the temple. The masses fled from him in a panic, believing he was more than just a mortal due to his strength and ferocity. He charged through the scattered Jews, killing those he encountered. There was no sight more awe-inspiring to Caesar or more terrifying to others than this. However, fate was chasing Julian, and as just a human, he couldn't escape it. He wore shoes with thick, sharp nails like the other soldiers, and when he ran on the temple pavement, he slipped and fell hard on his back, making a loud noise with his armor. This caused those fleeing to turn back, prompting the Romans in the tower of Antonia to shout in fear for him. The Jews surrounded him in crowds, attacking him with spears and swords from all sides. He deflected many of their strikes with his shield and tried repeatedly to get back on his feet, but they kept knocking him down. Even while lying down, he managed to stab several of them with his sword. He didn't die immediately, thanks to his helmet and breastplate protecting crucial areas, and he pulled his neck close to his body until his limbs were broken. No one dared to defend him anymore, and he ultimately succumbed to his fate. Caesar was deeply moved by this man's bravery, especially since he perished before so many witnesses. He wanted to help, but the situation prevented him, and those who could have helped were too scared to try. After Julian fought against death for a long time, inflicting many injuries on those who caused his fatal wound, he finally had his throat cut, albeit with some struggle, leaving behind a significant legacy not only among the Romans and Caesar himself but also among his enemies. The Jews then seized his lifeless body, causing the Romans to flee again and trapping them in the tower of Antonia. The most notable fighters on the Jewish side during this battle were Alexas and Gyphtheus, from John's faction, and from Simon’s faction, Malachias, Judas son of Merto, and James son of Sosas, the commander of the Idumeans; among the zealots were two brothers, Simon and Judas, the sons of Jairus.
CHAPTER 2.
How Titus Gave Orders To Demolish The Tower Of Antonia And
Then Persuaded Josephus To Exhort The Jews Again [To A
Surrender].
How Titus Ordered the Demolition of the Tower of Antonia and
Then Convincingly Persuaded Josephus to Urge the Jews Once More [To Surrender].1. And now Titus gave orders to his soldiers that were with him to dig up the foundations of the tower of Antonia, and make him a ready passage for his army to come up; while he himself had Josephus brought to him, [for he had been informed that on that very day, which was the seventeenth day 5of Panemus, [Tamuz,] the sacrifice called "the Daily Sacrifice" had failed, and had not been offered to God, for want of men to offer it, and that the people were grievously troubled at it,] and commanded him to say the same things to John that he had said before, that if he had any malicious inclination for fighting, he might come out with as many of his men as he pleased, in order to fight, without the danger of destroying either his city or temple; but that he desired he would not defile the temple, nor thereby offend against God. That he might, if he pleased, offer the sacrifices which were now discontinued by any of the Jews whom he should pitch upon. Upon this Josephus stood in such a place where he might be heard, not by John only, but by many more, and then declared to them what Caesar had given him in charge, and this in the Hebrew language. 6 So he earnestly prayed them to spare their own city, and to prevent that fire which was just ready to seize upon the temple, and to offer their usual sacrifices to God therein. At these words of his a great sadness and silence were observed among the people. But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches upon Josephus, with imprecations besides; and at last added this withal, that he did never fear the taking of the city, because it was God's own city. In answer to which Josephus said thus with a loud voice: "To be sure thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for God's sake; the temple also continues entirely unpolluted! Nor hast thou been guilty of any impiety against him for whose assistance thou hopest! He still receives his accustomed sacrifices! Vile wretch that thou art! if any one should deprive thee of thy daily food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an enemy to thee; but thou hopest to have that God for thy supporter in this war whom thou hast deprived of his everlasting worship; and thou imputest those sins to the Romans, who to this very time take care to have our laws observed, and almost compel these sacrifices to be still offered to God, which have by thy means been intermitted! Who is there that can avoid groans and lamentations at the amazing change that is made in this city? since very foreigners and enemies do now correct that impiety which thou hast occasioned; while thou, who art a Jew, and wast educated in our laws, art become a greater enemy to them than the others. But still, John, it is never dishonorable to repent, and amend what hath been done amiss, even at the last extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee in Jechoniah, 7 the king of the Jews, if thou hast a mind to save the city, who, when the king of Babylon made war against him, did of his own accord go out of this city before it was taken, and did undergo a voluntary captivity with his family, that the sanctuary might not be delivered up to the enemy, and that he might not see the house of God set on fire; on which account he is celebrated among all the Jews, in their sacred memorials, and his memory is become immortal, and will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity through all ages. This, John, is an excellent example in such a time of danger, and I dare venture to promise that the Romans shall still forgive thee. And take notice that I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one of thine own nation; I, who am a Jew, do make this promise to thee. And it will become thee to consider who I am that give thee this counsel, and whence I am derived; for while I am alive I shall never be in such slavery, as to forego my own kindred, or forget the laws of our forefathers. Thou hast indignation at me again, and makest a clamor at me, and reproachest me; indeed I cannot deny but I am worthy of worse treatment than all this amounts to, because, in opposition to fate, I make this kind invitation to thee, and endeavor to force deliverance upon those whom God hath condemned. And who is there that does not know what the writings of the ancient prophets contain in them,—and particularly that oracle which is just now going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city? For they foretold that this city should be then taken when somebody shall begin the slaughter of his own countrymen. And are not both the city and the entire temple now full of the dead bodies of your countrymen? It is God, therefore, it is God himself who is bringing on this fire, to purge that city and temple by means of the Romans, 8 and is going to pluck up this city, which is full of your pollutions."
1. And now Titus ordered his soldiers with him to dig up the foundations of the tower of Antonia and create a clear path for his army to come up. He called for Josephus, who he had been informed was told that on that very day, the seventeenth day of Panemus, the daily sacrifice had not been offered to God due to a lack of people to do it, and that the people were seriously upset about this. He instructed Josephus to tell John the same things he had said before: if John had any desire to fight, he could come out with as many men as he wanted, to battle without risking the destruction of his city or temple; but he asked that John not defile the temple or offend God. He suggested that John could offer the sacrifices that were currently being neglected by any of the Jews he chose. Josephus positioned himself where he could be heard not only by John but by many others, and then communicated what Caesar had instructed him to say, doing this in Hebrew. He earnestly urged them to spare their city, to stop the fire that was about to spread to the temple, and to continue offering their usual sacrifices to God. At his words, a deep sadness and silence fell over the crowd. But John hurled many insults at Josephus, cursing him additionally, and finally added that he never feared the city's capture because it was God's own city. In response, Josephus shouted back, "Sure, you've kept this city incredibly pure for God's sake; the temple remains completely unpolluted! You haven't committed any impiety against the one you hope will support you! He still receives his regular sacrifices! You vile wretch! If someone were to take away your daily food, you'd think they were your enemy; yet you expect to have God support you in this war while denying him his eternal worship! You blame the Romans for the very sins you commit, while they are actually ensuring our laws are followed, almost forcing these sacrifices to continue, which you've allowed to stop! Who can avoid groaning and mourning over the astonishing change in this city? Now, even foreigners and enemies correct the impiety you've caused, while you, a Jew educated in our laws, have become a greater enemy to them than anyone else. But still, John, it’s never too late to repent and fix what you've done wrong, even in dire circumstances. You have an example before you in Jechoniah, the king of the Jews, if you're interested in saving the city. When the king of Babylon went to war against him, he voluntarily left this city before it was captured and accepted a voluntary captivity with his family to prevent the sanctuary from falling into enemy hands, so he wouldn't see God's house set on fire. For this, he is honored among all the Jews in their memorials, and his memory will live on, passed down to our descendants for all time. This, John, is a great example in a time of danger, and I dare to promise you that the Romans will still forgive you. And note that I, who give you this encouragement, am one of your own people; I, a Jew, make this promise to you. You should consider who I am giving you this advice and where I come from; for as long as I live, I will never be in such bondage as to deny my own kin or forget our forefathers' laws. You have anger against me again, and you shout at me and insult me; indeed, I cannot deny that I deserve worse than this, because, against all odds, I offer you this kind invitation and try to secure salvation for those who God has condemned. And who doesn’t know what the ancient prophets wrote, especially that prophecy that is about to be fulfilled on this wretched city? They foresaw that this city would be taken when someone started killing their own countrymen. And aren’t both the city and the entire temple now filled with the corpses of your kind? It is God, therefore, it is God himself who is bringing this fire, to cleanse that city and temple through the Romans, and is about to uproot this city, which is full of your impurities."
2. As Josephus spoke these words, with groans and tears in his eyes, his voice was intercepted by sobs. However, the Romans could not but pity the affliction he was under, and wonder at his conduct. But for John, and those that were with him, they were but the more exasperated against the Romans on this account, and were desirous to get Josephus also into their power: yet did that discourse influence a great many of the better sort; and truly some of them were so afraid of the guards set by the seditious, that they tarried where they were, but still were satisfied that both they and the city were doomed to destruction. Some also there were who, watching a proper opportunity when they might quietly get away, fled to the Romans, of whom were the high priests Joseph and Jesus, and of the sons of high priests three, whose father was Ishmael, who was beheaded in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, as also one son of the other Matthias, who ran away after his father's death, 9 and whose father was slain by Simon the son of Gioras, with three of his sons, as I have already related; many also of the other nobility went over to the Romans, together with the high priests. Now Caesar not only received these men very kindly in other respects, but, knowing they would not willingly live after the customs of other nations, he sent them to Gophna, and desired them to remain there for the present, and told them, that when he was gotten clear of this war, he would restore each of them to their possessions again; so they cheerfully retired to that small city which was allotted them, without fear of any danger. But as they did not appear, the seditious gave out again that these deserters were slain by the Romans, which was done in order to deter the rest from running away, by fear of the like treatment. This trick of theirs succeeded now for a while, as did the like trick before; for the rest were hereby deterred from deserting, by fear of the like treatment.
2. As Josephus said these words, with groans and tears in his eyes, his voice was interrupted by sobs. However, the Romans couldn’t help but feel pity for his suffering and be amazed by his behavior. But for John and his followers, this only made them more angry at the Romans, and they were eager to capture Josephus as well. Nonetheless, this speech influenced many among the upper class; indeed, some were so afraid of the guards set by the rebels that they stayed where they were, fully aware that both they and the city were doomed for destruction. There were also some who, waiting for the right moment to quietly escape, fled to the Romans. Among them were the high priests Joseph and Jesus, as well as three sons of high priests whose father was Ishmael, who had been beheaded in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, along with one son of another Matthias, who fled after his father's death, and whose father was killed by Simon, son of Gioras, along with three of his sons, as I mentioned before. Many others from the nobility also joined the Romans, along with the high priests. Caesar not only welcomed these men warmly in various ways, but knowing they wouldn’t want to live according to the customs of other nations, he sent them to Gophna and asked them to stay there for now, telling them that once he was free of this war, he would return their possessions to them. So they happily retreated to the small city assigned to them without fearing any danger. But since they didn’t show up, the rebels claimed again that these deserters had been killed by the Romans as a way to scare the others from leaving, instilling fear of the same fate. This tactic of theirs worked for a while, just like before, as the rest were deterred from deserting out of fear of similar treatment.
3. However, when Titus had recalled those men from Gophna, he gave orders that they should go round the wall, together with Josephus, and show themselves to the people; upon which a great many fled to the Romans. These men also got in a great number together, and stood before the Romans, and besought the seditious, with groans and tears in their eyes, in the first place to receive the Romans entirely into the city, and save that their own place of residence again; but that, if they would not agree to such a proposal, they would at least depart out of the temple, and save the holy house for their own use; for that the Romans would not venture to set the sanctuary on fire but under the most pressing necessity. Yet did the seditious still more and more contradict them; and while they cast loud and bitter reproaches upon these deserters, they also set their engines for throwing of darts, and javelins, and stones upon the sacred gates of the temple, at due distances from one another, insomuch that all the space round about within the temple might be compared to a burying-ground, so great was the number of the dead bodies therein; as might the holy house itself be compared to a citadel. Accordingly, these men rushed upon these holy places in their armor, that were otherwise unapproachable, and that while their hands were yet warm with the blood of their own people which they had shed; nay, they proceeded to such great transgressions, that the very same indignation which Jews would naturally have against Romans, had they been guilty of such abuses against them, the Romans now had against Jews, for their impiety in regard to their own religious customs. Nay, indeed, there were none of the Roman soldiers who did not look with a sacred horror upon the holy house, and adored it, and wished that the robbers would repent before their miseries became incurable.
3. However, when Titus had called those men back from Gophna, he ordered them to go around the wall with Josephus and show themselves to the people; as a result, many fled to the Romans. These men gathered together and stood before the Romans, pleading with the rebels, with tears and groans, first to let the Romans completely enter the city and save their home; but if they wouldn’t accept that deal, at least to leave the temple and protect the holy site for themselves, since the Romans wouldn’t dare to set the sanctuary on fire unless absolutely necessary. Nevertheless, the rebels continued to contradict them even more; while they hurled loud and harsh insults at these deserters, they also set up their engines for launching darts, javelins, and stones at the sacred gates of the temple, spaced evenly apart, so that the entire area inside the temple resembled a graveyard, given the sheer number of dead bodies there; and the holy house itself could be likened to a fortress. Incredibly, these men attacked these holy places in their armor, which were otherwise off-limits, while their hands were still warm with the blood of their fellow countrymen whom they had killed; indeed, they committed such great violations that the anger Jews would naturally feel against Romans for similar offenses was now directed by the Romans against the Jews, due to their disrespect for their own religious practices. In fact, none of the Roman soldiers looked upon the holy house without a sense of sacred horror; they revered it and wished that the robbers would repent before their suffering became irreversible.
4. Now Titus was deeply affected with this state of things, and reproached John and his party, and said to them, "Have not you, vile wretches that you are, by our permission, put up this partition-wall before your sanctuary? Have not you been allowed to put up the pillars thereto belonging, at due distances, and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner should go beyond that wall. 10 Have not we given you leave to kill such as go beyond it, though he were a Roman? And what do you do now, you pernicious villains? Why do you trample upon dead bodies in this temple? and why do you pollute this holy house with the blood of both foreigners and Jews themselves? I appeal to the gods of my own country, and to every god that ever had any regard to this place; [for I do not suppose it to be now regarded by any of them;] I also appeal to my own army, and to those Jews that are now with me, and even to yourselves, that I do not force you to defile this your sanctuary; and if you will but change the place whereon you will fight, no Roman shall either come near your sanctuary, or offer any affront to it; nay, I will endeavor to preserve you your holy house, whether you will or not." 11
4. Titus was greatly disturbed by the situation and confronted John and his group, saying to them, "Haven't you, despicable creatures that you are, built this wall in front of your sanctuary with our permission? Haven't you been allowed to put up the supporting pillars at appropriate distances and to engrave in Greek and in your own letters this warning that no foreigner should cross that wall? 10 Haven't we given you the authority to kill anyone who crosses it, even if they're Roman? And what are you doing now, you wicked people? Why are you trampling on dead bodies in this temple? And why are you defiling this holy place with the blood of both foreigners and your own fellow Jews? I call upon the gods of my homeland and every god that has ever cared for this place; [though I doubt any of them care now]; I also call upon my own army, and the Jews who are with me, and even you yourselves, to show that I'm not forcing you to desecrate your sanctuary; and if you would just choose a different place to fight, no Roman would come near your sanctuary or disrespect it; in fact, I will do my best to protect your holy house, whether you like it or not." 11
5. As Josephus explained these things from the mouth of Caesar, both the robbers and the tyrant thought that these exhortations proceeded from Titus's fear, and not from his good-will to them, and grew insolent upon it. But when Titus saw that these men were neither to be moved by commiseration towards themselves, nor had any concern upon them to have the holy house spared, he proceeded unwillingly to go on again with the war against them. He could not indeed bring all his army against them, the place was so narrow; but choosing thirty soldiers of the most valiant out of every hundred, and committing a thousand to each tribune, and making Cerealis their commander-in-chief, he gave orders that they should attack the guards of the temple about the ninth hour of that night. But as he was now in his armor, and preparing to go down with them, his friends would not let him go, by reason of the greatness of the danger, and what the commanders suggested to them; for they said that he would do more by sitting above in the tower of Antonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those soldiers that signalized themselves in the fight, than by coming down and hazarding his own person in the forefront of them; for that they would all fight stoutly while Caesar looked upon them. With this advice Caesar complied, and said that the only reason he had for such compliance with the soldiers was this, that he might be able to judge of their courageous actions, and that no valiant soldier might lie concealed, and miss of his reward, and no cowardly soldier might go unpunished; but that he might himself be an eye-witness, and able to give evidence of all that was done, who was to be the disposer of punishments and rewards to them. So he sent the soldiers about their work at the hour forementioned, while he went out himself to a higher place in the tower of Antonia, whence he might see what was done, and there waited with impatience to see the event.
5. As Josephus relayed these words from Caesar, both the robbers and the tyrant believed that Titus's encouragement came from fear, not from goodwill, which made them even more arrogant. But when Titus realized that these men could not be swayed by compassion for themselves, nor did they care about sparing the holy house, he reluctantly decided to resume the fight against them. He couldn't deploy his entire army because the area was too cramped, so he chose thirty of the bravest soldiers from each hundred, assigning a thousand to each tribune, and appointed Cerealis as their commander. He ordered them to attack the temple guards around the ninth hour that night. However, as he was gearing up to join them, his friends urged him not to go due to the high risk and what the commanders advised; they insisted he would be more effective by staying in the tower of Antonia as a leader rewarding the soldiers who distinguished themselves in battle, rather than risking his own safety in the frontlines. They argued that the soldiers would fight more fiercely if Caesar was watching them. Agreeing with this counsel, Caesar stated that his reason for staying was to assess their bravery, ensuring that no courageous soldier would go unnoticed and unrewarded, and that cowardly soldiers would face consequences. He wanted to be a direct witness to everything that happened so he could properly distribute punishments and rewards. So, he sent the soldiers off to their task at the designated hour, while he himself moved to a higher position in the tower of Antonia, where he could see what transpired and waited anxiously for the outcome.
6. However, the soldiers that were sent did not find the guards of the temple asleep, as they hoped to have done; but were obliged to fight with them immediately hand to hand, as they rushed with violence upon them with a great shout. Now as soon as the rest within the temple heard that shout of those that were upon the watch, they ran out in troops upon them. Then did the Romans receive the onset of those that came first upon them; but those that followed them fell upon their own troops, and many of them treated their own soldiers as if they had been enemies; for the great confused noise that was made on both sides hindered them from distinguishing one another's voices, as did the darkness of the night hinder them from the like distinction by the sight, besides that blindness which arose otherwise also from the passion and the fear they were in at the same time; for which reason it was all one to the soldiers who it was they struck at. However, this ignorance did less harm to the Romans than to the Jews, because they were joined together under their shields, and made their sallies more regularly than the others did, and each of them remembered their watch-word; while the Jews were perpetually dispersed abroad, and made their attacks and retreats at random, and so did frequently seem to one another to be enemies; for every one of them received those of their own men that came back in the dark as Romans, and made an assault upon them; so that more of them were wounded by their own men than by the enemy, till, upon the coming on of the day, the nature of the right was discerned by the eye afterward. Then did they stand in battle-array in distinct bodies, and cast their darts regularly, and regularly defended themselves; nor did either side yield or grow weary. The Romans contended with each other who should fight the most strenuously, both single men and entire regiments, as being under the eye of Titus; and every one concluded that this day would begin his promotion if he fought bravely. What were the great encouragements of the Jews to act vigorously were, their fear for themselves and for the temple, and the presence of their tyrant, who exhorted some, and beat and threatened others, to act courageously. Now, it so happened, that this fight was for the most part a stationary one, wherein the soldiers went on and came back in a short time, and suddenly; for there was no long space of ground for either of their flights or pursuits. But still there was a tumultuous noise among the Romans from the tower of Antonia, who loudly cried out upon all occasions to their own men to press on courageously, when they were too hard for the Jews, and to stay when they were retiring backward; so that here was a kind of theater of war; for what was done in this fight could not be concealed either from Titus, or from those that were about him. At length it appeared that this fight, which began at the ninth hour of the night, was not over till past the fifth hour of the day; and that, in the same place where the battle began, neither party could say they had made the other to retire; but both the armies left the victory almost in uncertainty between them; wherein those that signalized themselves on the Roman side were a great many, but on the Jewish side, and of those that were with Simon, Judas the son of Merto, and Simon the son of Josas; of the Idumeans, James and Simon, the latter of whom was the son of Cathlas, and James was the son of Sosas; of those that were with John, Gyphtheus and Alexas; and of the zealots, Simon the son of Jairus.
6. However, the soldiers who were sent did not find the temple guards asleep, as they had hoped; instead, they had to fight them immediately in close combat, as the guards charged at them with a loud shout. As soon as the others inside the temple heard the shout of those on watch, they rushed out in groups to join the fight. The Romans faced the initial attackers, but the following troops ended up attacking their own soldiers, treating them like enemies. The chaotic noise from both sides made it hard to distinguish each other's voices, and the darkness of the night compounded this confusion, as did the panic and fear they felt at that moment; as a result, the soldiers didn’t care who they were striking. This lack of awareness, however, harmed the Jews more than the Romans, because the Romans fought together under their shields and launched their attacks more systematically, remembering their watch-word. In contrast, the Jews scattered and made random attacks and retreats, often mistaking their own for enemies; they treated their returning comrades in the dark as Romans and attacked them, leading to more of their own soldiers being hurt by friendly fire than by the enemy, until daylight finally revealed the situation. Then they formed up for battle in organized groups, throwing their javelins systematically and defending themselves in an orderly manner; neither side was willing to back down or grow tired. The Romans competed among themselves to see who could fight the hardest, both individual soldiers and entire units, eager to impress Titus, believing that this day could lead to their promotion if they fought bravely. The Jews were equally motivated by fear for their own safety and for the temple, as well as by the presence of their tyrant, who encouraged some and threatened others to fight fiercely. This battle mostly involved stationary fighting, with soldiers advancing and retreating quickly because the ground didn’t allow for long flights or pursuits. Yet, there was a chaotic noise from the tower of Antonia, where the Romans shouted encouragement to their men to push forward bravely when they were gaining ground against the Jews, and to hold back when they were retreating; it was like a theater of war, as nothing happening in the battle could be hidden from Titus or those around him. Eventually, it became clear that this fight, which started at the ninth hour of the night, lasted until after the fifth hour of the day, and at the place where the battle began, neither side could claim they had forced the other to retreat; both armies left the outcome almost uncertain. Many distinguished themselves on the Roman side, but on the Jewish side, among those with Simon were Judas the son of Merto and Simon the son of Josas; from the Idumeans, James and Simon, the latter the son of Cathlas, and James the son of Sosas; and among those with John were Gyphtheus and Alexas; and from the zealots, Simon the son of Jairus.
7. In the mean time, the rest of the Roman army had, in seven days' time, overthrown [some] foundations of the tower of Antonia, and had made a ready and broad way to the temple. Then did the legions come near the first court, 12 and began to raise their banks. The one bank was over against the north-west corner of the inner temple 13 another was at that northern edifice which was between the two gates; and of the other two, one was at the western cloister of the outer court of the temple; the other against its northern cloister. However, these works were thus far advanced by the Romans, not without great pains and difficulty, and particularly by being obliged to bring their materials from the distance of a hundred furlongs. They had further difficulties also upon them; sometimes by their over-great security they were in that they should overcome the Jewish snares laid for them, and by that boldness of the Jews which their despair of escaping had inspired them withal; for some of their horsemen, when they went out to gather wood or hay, let their horses feed without having their bridles on during the time of foraging; upon which horses the Jews sallied out in whole bodies, and seized them. And when this was continually done, and Caesar believed what the truth was, that the horses were stolen more by the negligence of his own men than by the valor of the Jews, he determined to use greater severity to oblige the rest to take care of their horses; so he commanded that one of those soldiers who had lost their horses should be capitally punished; whereby he so terrified the rest, that they preserved their horses for the time to come; for they did not any longer let them go from them to feed by themselves, but, as if they had grown to them, they went always along with them when they wanted necessaries. Thus did the Romans still continue to make war against the temple, and to raise their banks against it.
7. In the meantime, the rest of the Roman army had, in just seven days, torn down some foundations of the tower of Antonia and created a wide path to the temple. Then the legions approached the first courtyard, 12 and started to build their ramps. One ramp was positioned at the north-west corner of the inner temple 13, while another was at the northern structure between the two gates. Of the other two ramps, one was located at the western cloister of the outer court of the temple, and the other was against its northern cloister. However, these efforts by the Romans were achieved only with great struggle, especially since they had to transport their materials from a hundred furlongs away. They faced additional challenges; sometimes their overconfidence led them to underestimate the Jewish traps set for them, and the boldness of the Jews, fueled by their desperation, escalated the conflict. For instance, some of their horsemen, while gathering wood or hay, would let their horses graze without their bridles during foraging, which allowed the Jews to charge out in large groups and capture them. When this became a common occurrence, and Caesar recognized that the horses were being taken more due to his men's negligence than Jewish bravery, he decided to enforce stricter measures to ensure that the rest would take better care of their horses. He ordered that one of the soldiers who had lost their horses be executed, which frightened the others into keeping their horses close. From then on, they no longer let them wander off to feed alone; instead, they took their horses with them whenever they went to gather supplies. Thus, the Romans continued their assault on the temple and worked on their ramps.
8. Now after one day had been interposed since the Romans ascended the breach, many of the seditious were so pressed by the famine, upon the present failure of their ravages, that they got together, and made an attack on those Roman guards that were upon the Mount of Olives, and this about the eleventh hour of the day, as supposing, first, that they would not expect such an onset, and, in the next place, that they were then taking care of their bodies, and that therefore they should easily beat them. But the Romans were apprized of their coming to attack them beforehand, and, running together from the neighboring camps on the sudden, prevented them from getting over their fortification, or forcing the wall that was built about them. Upon this came on a sharp fight, and here many great actions were performed on both sides; while the Romans showed both their courage and their skill in war, as did the Jews come on them with immoderate violence and intolerable passion. The one part were urged on by shame, and the other by necessity; for it seemed a very shameful thing to the Romans to let the Jews go, now they were taken in a kind of net; while the Jews had but one hope of saving themselves, and that was in case they could by violence break through the Roman wall; and one whose name was Pedanius, belonging to a party of horsemen, when the Jews were already beaten and forced down into the valley together, spurred his horse on their flank with great vehemence, and caught up a certain young man belonging to the enemy by his ankle, as he was running away; the man was, however, of a robust body, and in his armor; so low did Pedanius bend himself downward from his horse, even as he was galloping away, and so great was the strength of his right hand, and of the rest of his body, as also such skill had he in horsemanship. So this man seized upon that his prey, as upon a precious treasure, and carried him as his captive to Caesar; whereupon Titus admired the man that had seized the other for his great strength, and ordered the man that was caught to be punished [with death] for his attempt against the Roman wall, but betook himself to the siege of the temple, and to pressing on the raising of the banks.
8. After a day had passed since the Romans took over the breach, many of the rebels were so devastated by hunger, due to the failure of their raids, that they gathered together and launched an attack on the Roman guards stationed on the Mount of Olives around the eleventh hour of the day. They believed the Romans wouldn’t expect such a surprise and thought they would be vulnerable, focused on their own needs. However, the Romans had been warned about the upcoming attack and quickly converged from the nearby camps, stopping the rebels from breaching their fortifications or breaking through the wall surrounding them. This triggered a fierce battle, with both sides displaying remarkable acts of bravery and skill. The Romans were motivated by shame, while the Jews were driven by desperation; it would have been humiliating for the Romans to let the Jews escape when they were cornered, while the Jews saw their only chance of survival in violently breaking through the Roman defenses. One soldier named Pedanius, part of a cavalry unit, charged at the flank of the Jews as they were being pushed down into the valley and managed to grab a young enemy soldier by the ankle as he tried to flee. The young man was strong and armored, yet Pedanius leaned low from his galloping horse, showcasing incredible strength and horsemanship. He captured his prize as if it were a valuable treasure and brought him back to Caesar, who praised Pedanius for his strength. Titus then ordered the captured soldier to be punished by death for his attempt against the Roman wall and returned to the siege of the temple, focusing on raising the siege banks.
9. In the mean time, the Jews were so distressed by the fights they had been in, as the war advanced higher and higher, and creeping up to the holy house itself, that they, as it were, cut off those limbs of their body which were infected, in order to prevent the distemper's spreading further; for they set the north-west cloister, which was joined to the tower of Antonia, on fire, and after that brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister, and thereby made a beginning in burning the sanctuary; two days after which, or on the twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month, [Panemus or Tamuz,] the Romans set fire to the cloister that joined to the other, when the fire went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews, in like manner, cut off its roof; nor did they entirely leave off what they were about till the tower of Antonia was parted from the temple, even when it was in their power to have stopped the fire; nay, they lay still while the temple was first set on fire, and deemed this spreading of the fire to be for their own advantage. However, the armies were still fighting one against another about the temple, and the war was managed by continual sallies of particular parties against one another.
9. In the meantime, the Jews were so troubled by the battles they had been involved in, as the war escalated and got closer to the holy temple itself, that they decided to cut off the infected parts of their community to prevent the disease from spreading further. They set fire to the north-west cloister connected to the tower of Antonia, and afterward broke off about twenty cubits of that cloister, starting the process of burning the sanctuary. Two days later, on the twenty-fourth day of the mentioned month, [Panemus or Tamuz], the Romans set fire to the cloister that linked to the other, and the fire spread another fifteen cubits. The Jews also removed its roof; they did not stop their actions until the tower of Antonia was separated from the temple, even when they could have extinguished the flames; in fact, they remained passive while the temple was first set on fire, thinking that the fire spreading would work to their advantage. Meanwhile, the armies continued to clash around the temple, and the war was marked by constant skirmishes between different groups.
10. Now there was at this time a man among the Jews, low of stature he was, and of a despicable appearance; of no character either as to his family, or in other respects: his name was Jonathan. He went out at the high priest John's monument, and uttered many other insolent things to the Romans, and challenged the best of them all to a single combat. But many of those that stood there in the army huffed him, and many of them [as they might well be] were afraid of him. Some of them also reasoned thus, and that justly enough: that it was not fit to fight with a man that desired to die, because those that utterly despaired of deliverance had, besides other passions, a violence in attacking men that could not be opposed, and had no regard to God himself; and that to hazard oneself with a person, whom, if you overcome, you do no great matter, and by whom it is hazardous that you may be taken prisoner, would be an instance, not of manly courage, but of unmanly rashness. So there being nobody that came out to accept the man's challenge, and the Jew cutting them with a great number of reproaches, as cowards, [for he was a very haughty man in himself, and a great despiser of the Romans,] one whose name was Pudens, of the body of horsemen, out of his abomination of the other's words, and of his impudence withal, and perhaps out of an inconsiderate arrogance, on account of the other's lowness of stature, ran out to him, and was too hard for him in other respects, but was betrayed by his ill fortune; for he fell down, and as he was down, Jonathan came running to him, and cut his throat, and then, standing upon his dead body, he brandished his sword, bloody as it was, and shook his shield with his left hand, and made many acclamations to the Roman army, and exulted over the dead man, and jested upon the Romans; till at length one Priscus, a centurion, shot a dart at him as he was leaping and playing the fool with himself, and thereby pierced him through; upon which a shout was set up both by the Jews and the Romans, though on different accounts. So Jonathan grew giddy by the pain of his wounds, and fell down upon the body of his adversary, as a plain instance how suddenly vengeance may come upon men that have success in war, without any just deserving the same.
10. At this time, there was a man among the Jews who was short and looked pretty unremarkable; he had no reputation due to his family or anything else. His name was Jonathan. He went out by the monument of the high priest John and said a lot of rude things to the Romans, even daring the strongest among them to a duel. But many soldiers there dismissed him, and quite a few were scared of him. Some reasoned, rightly enough, that it wasn’t wise to fight someone who wanted to die, because those who had completely given up hope fought recklessly, attacking without regard for their own lives or even for God. To engage with someone like that, whose defeat wouldn’t prove much and whose victory could lead to being captured, showed not bravery but foolishness. So no one stepped up to accept Jonathan’s challenge, and despite him hurling many insults at them, labeling them cowards—since he was very arrogant and deeply disdainful of the Romans—one man named Pudens, from the cavalry, angered by Jonathan's words and attitude, perhaps out of thoughtless pride because of Jonathan's short stature, rushed at him. Pudens was stronger in many ways but was ultimately let down by bad luck; he fell, and while he was down, Jonathan ran over and slit his throat. Then, standing on Pudens’ dead body, he waved his bloody sword, shook his shield with his left hand, and cheered to the Roman army, reveling in his victory and mocking them. Eventually, a centurion named Priscus shot a dart at him as he was dancing around, hitting him directly. This caused a shout to erupt from both the Jews and the Romans, but for completely different reasons. Jonathan became dizzy from his injuries and collapsed on the body of his opponent, serving as a clear example of how quickly retribution can strike those who find success in battle, even if they don't truly deserve it.
CHAPTER 3.
Concerning A Stratagem That Was Devised By The Jews, By
Which They Burnt Many Of The Romans; With Another
Description Of The Terrible Famine That Was In The City.
About a plan that the Jews came up with, which led to the burning of many Romans; along with another account of the horrible famine that occurred in the city.
1. But now the seditious that were in the temple did every day openly endeavor to beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks, and on the twenty-seventh day of the forenamed month [Panemus or Tamuz] contrived such a stratagem as this: They filled that part of the western cloister 14 which was between the beams, and the roof under them, with dry materials, as also with bitumen and pitch, and then retired from that place, as though they were tired with the pains they had taken; at which procedure of theirs, many of the most inconsiderate among the Romans, who were carried away with violent passions, followed hard after them as they were retiring, and applied ladders to the cloister, and got up to it suddenly; but the prudent part of them, when they understood this unaccountable retreat of the Jews, stood still where they were before. However, the cloister was full of those that were gone up the ladders; at which time the Jews set it all on fire; and as the flame burst out every where on the sudden, the Romans that were out of the danger were seized with a very great consternation, as were those that were in the midst of the danger in the utmost distress. So when they perceived themselves surrounded with the flames, some of them threw themselves down backwards into the city, and some among their enemies [in the temple]; as did many leap down to their own men, and broke their limbs to pieces; but a great number of those that were going to take these violent methods were prevented by the fire; though some prevented the fire by their own swords. However, the fire was on the sudden carried so far as to surround those who would have otherwise perished. As for Caesar himself, he could not, however, but commiserate those that thus perished, although they got up thither without any order for so doing, since there was no way of giving the many relief. Yet was this some comfort to those that were destroyed, that every body might see that person grieve, for whose sake they came to their end; for he cried out openly to them, and leaped up, and exhorted those that were about him to do their utmost to relieve them; So every one of them died cheerfully, as carrying along with him these words and this intention of Caesar as a sepulchral monument. Some there were indeed who retired into the wall of the cloister, which was broad, and were preserved out of the fire, but were then surrounded by the Jews; and although they made resistance against the Jews for a long time, yet were they wounded by them, and at length they all fell down dead.
1. But now those who were rising up in the temple were openly trying every day to drive away the soldiers stationed on the banks. On the twenty-seventh day of the mentioned month [Panemus or Tamuz], they came up with a plan: they filled the section of the western cloister 14 that was between the beams and the roof above with dry materials, bitumen, and pitch, and then withdrew from the area as if they were exhausted from their efforts. Many of the more reckless Romans, swept up in their emotions, followed closely after them as they retreated and set up ladders to the cloister, climbing up suddenly. However, the more sensible Romans, realizing the strange retreat of the Jews, remained where they were. Nevertheless, the cloister was crowded with those who had climbed up the ladders when the Jews set it on fire. As the flames erupted everywhere all at once, the Romans who were outside the danger were filled with great panic, while those caught in the midst faced deep distress. When they saw themselves surrounded by fire, some jumped backward into the city, while others leaped among their enemies in the temple; many fell to their comrades and broke their limbs. A large number of those trying to take these desperate actions were stopped by the fire, though some fought the flames with their swords. The fire spread so quickly that it encircled those who otherwise would have perished. Even Caesar himself couldn’t help but feel compassion for those who died this way, even though they climbed there without any order to do so, as there was no way to rescue the many. However, it was some comfort to those who were lost that everyone could see the person mourning for whom they met their end; he called out to them openly, jumped up, and urged those around him to do everything they could to help them. So each of them died with a sense of honor, carrying Caesar's words and intentions as a kind of memorial. Some did manage to retreat into the thick wall of the cloister, escaping the fire, but they found themselves surrounded by the Jews; although they resisted them for a long time, they were eventually wounded and fell dead.
2. At the last a young man among them, whose name was Longus, became a decoration to this sad affair, and while every one of them that perished were worthy of a memorial, this man appeared to deserve it beyond all the rest. Now the Jews admired this man for his courage, and were further desirous of having him slain; so they persuaded him to come down to them, upon security given him for his life. But Cornelius his brother persuaded him on the contrary, not to tarnish his own glory, nor that of the Roman army. He complied with this last advice, and lifting up his sword before both armies, he slew himself. Yet there was one Artorius among those surrounded by the fire who escaped by his subtlety; for when he had with a loud voice called to him Lucius, one of his fellow soldiers that lay with him in the same tent, and said to him, "I do leave thee heir of all I have, if thou wilt come and receive me." Upon this he came running to receive him readily; Artorius then threw himself down upon him, and saved his own life, while he that received him was dashed so vehemently against the stone pavement by the other's weight, that he died immediately. This melancholy accident made the Romans sad for a while, but still it made them more upon their guard for the future, and was of advantage to them against the delusions of the Jews, by which they were greatly damaged through their unacquaintedness with the places, and with the nature of the inhabitants. Now this cloister was burnt down as far as John's tower, which he built in the war he made against Simon over the gates that led to the Xystus. The Jews also cut off the rest of that cloister from the temple, after they had destroyed those that got up to it. But the next day the Romans burnt down the northern cloister entirely, as far as the east cloister, whose common angle joined to the valley that was called Cedron, and was built over it; on which account the depth was frightful. And this was the state of the temple at that time.
2. Finally, a young man among them, named Longus, became a highlight in this tragic situation, and while everyone who died deserved to be remembered, he seemed to be the most deserving of all. The Jews admired him for his bravery, but they also wanted him dead; they convinced him to come down to them with a promise for his safety. However, his brother Cornelius advised him not to tarnish his own honor or that of the Roman army. He followed this advice and, raising his sword in front of both armies, took his own life. Yet, there was one Artorius among those trapped by the fire who managed to escape cleverly; he called out loudly to Lucius, one of his fellow soldiers who was in the same tent, saying, "I leave you everything I have if you come to save me." Hearing this, Lucius rushed to help him. Artorius then jumped on him to save his own life, but the impact was so strong that Lucius was thrown violently against the stone pavement and died instantly. This tragic incident made the Romans sad for a time, but it also made them more vigilant for the future and helped them against the tricks of the Jews, who suffered greatly due to their lack of knowledge about the area and the people living there. The cloister was burned down up to John's tower, which he had built during the war against Simon over the gates leading to the Xystus. The Jews also severed the remaining part of that cloister from the temple after destroying those who tried to reach it. The next day, the Romans completely burned down the northern cloister, extending to the eastern cloister, which was connected to the valley known as Cedron, built over it, making its depth quite terrifying. And this was the condition of the temple at that time.
3. Now of those that perished by famine in the city, the number was prodigious, and the miseries they underwent were unspeakable; for if so much as the shadow of any kind of food did any where appear, a war was commenced presently, and the dearest friends fell a fighting one with another about it, snatching from each other the most miserable supports of life. Nor would men believe that those who were dying had no food, but the robbers would search them when they were expiring, lest any one should have concealed food in their bosoms, and counterfeited dying; nay, these robbers gaped for want, and ran about stumbling and staggering along like mad dogs, and reeling against the doors of the houses like drunken men; they would also, in the great distress they were in, rush into the very same houses two or three times in one and the same day. Moreover, their hunger was so intolerable, that it obliged them to chew every thing, while they gathered such things as the most sordid animals would not touch, and endured to eat them; nor did they at length abstain from girdles and shoes; and the very leather which belonged to their shields they pulled off and gnawed: the very wisps of old hay became food to some; and some gathered up fibres, and sold a very small weight of them for four Attic [drachmae]. But why do I describe the shameless impudence that the famine brought on men in their eating inanimate things, while I am going to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no history relates, 15 either among the Greeks or Barbarians? It is horrible to speak of it, and incredible when heard. I had indeed willingly omitted this calamity of ours, that I might not seem to deliver what is so portentous to posterity, but that I have innumerable witnesses to it in my own age; and besides, my country would have had little reason to thank me for suppressing the miseries that she underwent at this time.
3. The number of people who died from starvation in the city was shocking, and the suffering they experienced was unimaginable. Whenever even the slightest hint of food appeared, a battle would start immediately, and even the closest friends would fight each other over it, grabbing at the most pitiful remnants of life. People found it hard to believe that those who were dying had no food, and robbers would search them as they were passing away, fearing anyone might be hiding food. These robbers were also starving, running around like crazed dogs, stumbling and swaying against house doors like drunks; in their extreme distress, they would barge into the same houses two or three times in a single day. Their hunger was so unbearable that it forced them to chew on anything, gathering items that even the most disgusting animals wouldn’t touch, and they put up with eating those. Eventually, they even resorted to chewing on belts and shoes; they stripped the leather off their shields and gnawed on it. Some people even ate old hay, while others collected fibers and sold tiny amounts for four Attic drachmas. But why should I talk about the shamelessness that famine caused in people eating inedible things when I am about to share a fact that no history recounts, either among the Greeks or the Barbarians? It’s horrifying to mention and hard to believe. I would have preferred to skip discussing this disaster of ours to avoid burdening future generations with such a dreadful account, but I have countless witnesses from my own time, and besides, my country wouldn’t have appreciated me hiding the suffering she endured during this period.
4. There was a certain woman that dwelt beyond Jordan, her name was Mary; her father was Eleazar, of the village Bethezob, which signifies the house of Hyssop. She was eminent for her family and her wealth, and had fled away to Jerusalem with the rest of the multitude, and was with them besieged therein at this time. The other effects of this woman had been already seized upon, such I mean as she had brought with her out of Perea, and removed to the city. What she had treasured up besides, as also what food she had contrived to save, had been also carried off by the rapacious guards, who came every day running into her house for that purpose. This put the poor woman into a very great passion, and by the frequent reproaches and imprecations she cast at these rapacious villains, she had provoked them to anger against her; but none of them, either out of the indignation she had raised against herself, or out of commiseration of her case, would take away her life; and if she found any food, she perceived her labors were for others, and not for herself; and it was now become impossible for her any way to find any more food, while the famine pierced through her very bowels and marrow, when also her passion was fired to a degree beyond the famine itself; nor did she consult with any thing but with her passion and the necessity she was in. She then attempted a most unnatural thing; and snatching up her son, who was a child sucking at her breast, she said, "O thou miserable infant! for whom shall I preserve thee in this war, this famine, and this sedition? As to the war with the Romans, if they preserve our lives, we must be slaves. This famine also will destroy us, even before that slavery comes upon us. Yet are these seditious rogues more terrible than both the other. Come on; be thou my food, and be thou a fury to these seditious varlets, and a by-word to the world, which is all that is now wanting to complete the calamities of us Jews." As soon as she had said this, she slew her son, and then roasted him, and eat the one half of him, and kept the other half by her concealed. Upon this the seditious came in presently, and smelling the horrid scent of this food, they threatened her that they would cut her throat immediately if she did not show them what food she had gotten ready. She replied that she had saved a very fine portion of it for them, and withal uncovered what was left of her son. Hereupon they were seized with a horror and amazement of mind, and stood astonished at the sight, when she said to them, "This is mine own son, and what hath been done was mine own doing! Come, eat of this food; for I have eaten of it myself! Do not you pretend to be either more tender than a woman, or more compassionate than a mother; but if you be so scrupulous, and do abominate this my sacrifice, as I have eaten the one half, let the rest be reserved for me also." After which those men went out trembling, being never so much affrighted at any thing as they were at this, and with some difficulty they left the rest of that meat to the mother. Upon which the whole city was full of this horrid action immediately; and while every body laid this miserable case before their own eyes, they trembled, as if this unheard of action had been done by themselves. So those that were thus distressed by the famine were very desirous to die, and those already dead were esteemed happy, because they had not lived long enough either to hear or to see such miseries.
4. There was a woman who lived across the Jordan, named Mary; her father was Eleazar, from the village of Bethezob, which means the house of Hyssop. She was well-known for her family and wealth, and she had escaped to Jerusalem with the rest of the crowd, becoming trapped there during this time. Most of her belongings that she had brought from Perea and moved to the city had already been taken. Whatever she had saved, along with the food she managed to keep, was also stolen by the greedy guards, who came running into her house every day for that purpose. This drove the poor woman into a great rage, and her constant insults and curses towards these greedy men only made them angrier. Yet none of them, either out of anger or pity for her situation, would kill her; and when she found any food, she realized her efforts were for others, not herself. It had become impossible for her to find any more food, while the hunger gnawed at her insides, and her rage burned even more fiercely than the hunger itself. She no longer thought of anything except her anger and her desperate situation. She then attempted something incredibly unnatural; grabbing her son, who was still nursing, she said, "Oh, you poor little baby! For whom shall I save you in this war, this famine, and this chaos? In the war with the Romans, if they spare our lives, we become their slaves. This famine will kill us before that slavery comes. But these rebellious troublemakers are worse than both. Come, be my food, and let me make you a curse to these rebellious scoundrels, and a shame to the world, which is all we need to complete our suffering as Jews." As soon as she said this, she killed her son, roasted him, ate half of him, and kept the other half hidden. Soon after, the rebels came in, smelling the horrible scent of the food, and threatened to kill her if she didn’t show them what she had prepared. She responded that she had saved a nice portion for them, then uncovered what was left of her son. They were immediately filled with horror and awe, standing there shocked, when she said to them, "This is my son, and what I've done was my own choice! Come, eat this food; I have eaten from it myself! Don’t pretend to be more sensitive than a woman or more compassionate than a mother; but if you feel that this sacrifice is too terrible, as I have eaten half, let me keep the rest too." After this, those men left trembling, never having been so scared by anything as they were at that moment, and with some difficulty, they allowed her to keep the remaining meat. The whole city soon buzzed with news of this horrific act; and as everyone confronted this tragic reality, they trembled as if they had committed the act themselves. Those already suffering from the famine longed for death, while those who had died were seen as fortunate, because they hadn't lived long enough to hear or witness such horrors.
5. This sad instance was quickly told to the Romans, some of whom could not believe it, and others pitied the distress which the Jews were under; but there were many of them who were hereby induced to a more bitter hatred than ordinary against our nation. But for Caesar, he excused himself before God as to this matter, and said that he had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews, as well as an oblivion of all their former insolent practices; but that they, instead of concord, had chosen sedition; instead of peace, war; and before satiety and abundance, a famine. That they had begun with their own hands to burn down that temple which we have preserved hitherto; and that therefore they deserved to eat such food as this was. That, however, this horrid action of eating an own child ought to be covered with the overthrow of their very country itself, and men ought not to leave such a city upon the habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein mothers are thus fed, although such food be fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to eat of, since it is they that continue still in a state of war against us, after they have undergone such miseries as these. And at the same time that he said this, he reflected on the desperate condition these men must be in; nor could he expect that such men could be recovered to sobriety of mind, after they had endured those very sufferings, for the avoiding whereof it only was probable they might have repented.
5. This sad story quickly reached the Romans, some of whom couldn't believe it, while others felt pity for the Jews' suffering; however, many were driven to an even deeper hatred for our nation. As for Caesar, he defended himself before God regarding this situation and stated that he had offered peace and freedom to the Jews, along with forgiveness for all their previous disrespect. But instead of seeking harmony, they chose rebellion; instead of peace, they chose war; and rather than experiencing satisfaction and prosperity, they faced famine. They had started burning down the very temple we've managed to preserve until now, and therefore they deserved to eat such food. However, this horrific act of consuming one’s own child should be overshadowed by the destruction of their entire nation, and people should not allow such a city to exist on earth, one where mothers are fed in this manner, even if this food is more suitable for fathers than mothers, since they are the ones who continue their war against us after suffering such miseries. At the same time he said this, he thought about the desperate situation these people must be in; he couldn't expect that they could regain a clear mind after enduring such sufferings, which might have led them to reconsider their actions.
CHAPTER 4.
When The Banks Were Completed And The Battering Rams
Brought, And Could Do Nothing, Titus Gave Orders To Set Fire
To The Gates Of The Temple; In No Long Time After Which The
Holy House Itself Was Burnt Down, Even Against His Consent.
When the banks were finished and the battering rams were brought in but could not do anything, Titus ordered the gates of the temple to be set on fire; shortly after that, the holy house itself was burned down, even against his wishes.
1. And now two of the legions had completed their banks on the eighth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Whereupon Titus gave orders that the battering rams should be brought, and set over against the western edifice of the inner temple; for before these were brought, the firmest of all the other engines had battered the wall for six days together without ceasing, without making any impression upon it; but the vast largeness and strong connexion of the stones were superior to that engine, and to the other battering rams also. Other Romans did indeed undermine the foundations of the northern gate, and after a world of pains removed the outermost stones, yet was the gate still upheld by the inner stones, and stood still unhurt; till the workmen, despairing of all such attempts by engines and crows, brought their ladders to the cloisters. Now the Jews did not interrupt them in so doing; but when they were gotten up, they fell upon them, and fought with them; some of them they thrust down, and threw them backwards headlong; others of them they met and slew; they also beat many of those that went down the ladders again, and slew them with their swords before they could bring their shields to protect them; nay, some of the ladders they threw down from above when they were full of armed men; a great slaughter was made of the Jews also at the same time, while those that bare the ensigns fought hard for them, as deeming it a terrible thing, and what would tend to their great shame, if they permitted them to be stolen away. Yet did the Jews at length get possession of these engines, and destroyed those that had gone up the ladders, while the rest were so intimidated by what those suffered who were slain, that they retired; although none of the Romans died without having done good service before his death. Of the seditious, those that had fought bravely in the former battles did the like now, as besides them did Eleazar, the brother's son of Simon the tyrant. But when Titus perceived that his endeavors to spare a foreign temple turned to the damage of his soldiers, and then be killed, he gave order to set the gates on fire.
1. On the eighth day of the month Lous [Ab], two of the legions finished building their ramps. At that point, Titus ordered the battering rams to be brought and positioned against the western side of the inner temple. Before doing this, the strongest of all the other siege engines had pounded the wall non-stop for six days without making a dent; the sheer size and strong connections of the stones were too much for that engine and the other battering rams as well. Some Romans tried to undermine the foundations of the northern gate and managed to remove the outermost stones after a lot of effort, yet the gate was still held up by the inner stones and stood unharmed. Eventually, the workers, losing hope in using engines and crowbars, brought ladders to the cloisters. The Jews didn’t stop them, but once they got up, they attacked and fought back; some were pushed off and fell backward, while others were met and killed. They also struck down many who tried to descend the ladders, slaying them before they could raise their shields for protection. In fact, they pushed some of the ladders down from above when they were full of armed men. A significant number of Jews were also killed during this time, as those carrying the standards fought hard to protect them, believing it would be disgraceful if they were taken. Still, the Jews eventually managed to seize those engines and took down the soldiers who had climbed the ladders, while the others were so scared by the fate of their fallen comrades that they retreated; although none of the Romans died without having fought valiantly beforehand. Among the rebels, those who had fought bravely in earlier battles did the same again, including Eleazar, the son of Simon the tyrant. But when Titus realized that his efforts to protect a foreign temple were costing his soldiers their lives, he ordered the gates to be set on fire.
2. In the mean time, there deserted to him Ananus, who came from Emmaus, the most bloody of all Simon's guards, and Archelaus, the son of Magadatus, they hoping to be still forgiven, because they left the Jews at a time when they were the conquerors. Titus objected this to these men, as a cunning trick of theirs; and as he had been informed of their other barbarities towards the Jews, he was going in all haste to have them both slain. He told them that they were only driven to this desertion because of the utmost distress they were in, and did not come away of their own good disposition; and that those did not deserve to be preserved, by whom their own city was already set on fire, out of which fire they now hurried themselves away. However, the security he had promised deserters overcame his resentments, and he dismissed them accordingly, though he did not give them the same privileges that he had afforded to others. And now the soldiers had already put fire to the gates, and the silver that was over them quickly carried the flames to the wood that was within it, whence it spread itself all on the sudden, and caught hold on the cloisters. Upon the Jews seeing this fire all about them, their spirits sunk together with their bodies, and they were under such astonishment, that not one of them made any haste, either to defend himself or to quench the fire, but they stood as mute spectators of it only. However, they did not so grieve at the loss of what was now burning, as to grow wiser thereby for the time to come; but as though the holy house itself had been on fire already, they whetted their passions against the Romans. This fire prevailed during that day and the next also; for the soldiers were not able to burn all the cloisters that were round about together at one time, but only by pieces.
2. Meanwhile, Ananus, who came from Emmaus, the most ruthless of all Simon's guards, and Archelaus, the son of Magadatus, deserted to him, hoping to be forgiven since they left the Jews when they were victorious. Titus pointed out to them that this was just a clever tactic; knowing their past brutalities against the Jews, he was ready to have them both killed. He told them their desertion was driven by desperation, not by any goodwill, and that those who had already set their own city on fire did not deserve to be spared. However, the promise of safety he had made to deserters softened his anger, and he let them go, though he didn’t grant them the same privileges he had given to others. By now, the soldiers had set fire to the gates, and the silver above them quickly ignited the wood inside, spreading flames unexpectedly to the cloisters. When the Jews saw the fire all around them, their spirits sank along with their bodies, and they were so stunned that none of them rushed to defend themselves or put out the fire; they simply stood by as silent witnesses. However, they didn’t mourn the loss of what was burning enough to learn from it for the future; rather, as if the holy house itself was already ablaze, they sharpened their anger against the Romans. This fire raged on for that day and the next as the soldiers couldn’t burn all the surrounding cloisters at once, only in pieces.
3. But then, on the next day, Titus commanded part of his army to quench the fire, and to make a road for the more easy marching up of the legions, while he himself gathered the commanders together. Of those there were assembled the six principal persons: Tiberius Alexander, the commander [under the general] of the whole army; with Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion: there was also with them Eternius, the leader of the two legions that came from Alexandria; and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procurator of Judea: after these came together all the rest of the procurators and tribunes. Titus proposed to these that they should give him their advice what should be done about the holy house. Now some of these thought it would be the best way to act according to the rules of war, [and demolish it,] because the Jews would never leave off rebelling while that house was standing; at which house it was that they used to get all together. Others of them were of opinion, that in case the Jews would leave it, and none of them would lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but that in case they got upon it, and fought any more, he might burn it; because it must then be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a citadel; and that the impiety of burning it would then belong to those that forced this to be done, and not to them. But Titus said, that "although the Jews should get upon that holy house, and fight us thence, yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on things that are inanimate, instead of the men themselves;" and that he was not in any case for burning down so vast a work as that was, because this would be a mischief to the Romans themselves, as it would be an ornament to their government while it continued. So Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis grew bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the opinion of Titus. Then was this assembly dissolved, when Titus had given orders to the commanders that the rest of their forces should lie still; but that they should make use of such as were most courageous in this attack. So he commanded that the chosen men that were taken out of the cohorts should make their way through the ruins, and quench the fire.
3. But then, the next day, Titus ordered part of his army to put out the fire and to create a road to make it easier for the legions to march up, while he gathered the commanders together. Among those assembled were six key figures: Tiberius Alexander, the overall commander of the army; Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth legion; Larcius Lepidus, the commander of the tenth legion; and Titus Frigius, the commander of the fifteenth legion. Eternius, the leader of the two legions from Alexandria, and Marcus Antonius Julianus, the procurator of Judea, were also present, along with the other procurators and tribunes. Titus asked them for their advice on what to do about the holy house. Some believed it was best to follow the rules of war and destroy it since the Jews would never stop rebelling while it stood; it was the place they all gathered. Others thought that if the Jews abandoned it and laid down their arms, it could be saved. But if they climbed onto it and fought again, then it could be burned, as it would no longer be viewed as a holy house but as a fortress, and the sin of burning it would fall on those who forced the issue rather than on them. However, Titus stated that "even if the Jews took over that holy house and fought from there, we shouldn't take our revenge on inanimate things instead of the people themselves," and that he didn’t support burning down such a significant structure because it would harm the Romans as it served as a symbol of their governance. Following this, Fronto, Alexander, and Cerealis felt encouraged by his words and agreed with Titus' viewpoint. The assembly was then dismissed after Titus ordered the commanders to keep the rest of their forces in reserve but to use those who were most courageous for this attack. He instructed that the selected men from the cohorts should make their way through the ruins and put out the fire.
4. Now it is true that on this day the Jews were so weary, and under such consternation, that they refrained from any attacks. But on the next day they gathered their whole force together, and ran upon those that guarded the outward court of the temple very boldly, through the east gate, and this about the second hour of the day. These guards received that their attack with great bravery, and by covering themselves with their shields before, as if it were with a wall, they drew their squadron close together; yet was it evident that they could not abide there very long, but would be overborne by the multitude of those that sallied out upon them, and by the heat of their passion. However, Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that this squadron was likely to give way, he sent some chosen horsemen to support them. Hereupon the Jews found themselves not able to sustain their onset, and upon the slaughter of those in the forefront, many of the rest were put to flight. But as the Romans were going off, the Jews turned upon them, and fought them; and as those Romans came back upon them, they retreated again, until about the fifth hour of the day they were overborne, and shut themselves up in the inner [court of the] temple.
4. It’s true that on this day the Jews were so exhausted and in such a panic that they held off from any attacks. But the next day, they gathered their entire force and boldly charged at those guarding the outer court of the temple through the east gate, around mid-morning. The guards faced the attack with great courage, forming a protective wall with their shields and tightening their ranks. However, it was clear they couldn’t hold out for long and would be overwhelmed by the sheer number coming against them and the intensity of their fury. Seeing from the Tower of Antonia that this group was likely to falter, Caesar sent in some elite horsemen to support them. At that point, the Jews realized they couldn’t withstand the attack, and with the front line falling, many of the others fled. Yet, as the Romans began to withdraw, the Jews turned back and fought them. When the Romans charged again, the Jews retreated once more, until around early afternoon when they were overwhelmed and took refuge in the inner court of the temple.
5. So Titus retired into the tower of Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple the next day, early in the morning, with his whole army, and to encamp round about the holy house. But as for that house, God had, for certain, long ago doomed it to the fire; and now that fatal day was come, according to the revolution of ages; it was the tenth day of the month Lous, [Ab,] upon which it was formerly burnt by the king of Babylon; although these flames took their rise from the Jews themselves, and were occasioned by them; for upon Titus's retiring, the seditious lay still for a little while, and then attacked the Romans again, when those that guarded the holy house fought with those that quenched the fire that was burning the inner [court of the] temple; but these Romans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as far as the holy house itself. At which time one of the soldiers, without staying for any orders, and without any concern or dread upon him at so great an undertaking, and being hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatched somewhat out of the materials that were on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier, he set fire to a golden window, through which there was a passage to the rooms that were round about the holy house, on the north side of it. As the flames went upward, the Jews made a great clamor, such as so mighty an affliction required, and ran together to prevent it; and now they spared not their lives any longer, nor suffered any thing to restrain their force, since that holy house was perishing, for whose sake it was that they kept such a guard about it.
5. So Titus went to the tower of Antonia and decided to attack the temple the next morning with his entire army, camping around the sacred house. But that house had long been doomed to destruction by God; now the fated day had arrived, according to the cycle of history. It was the tenth day of the month Lous [Ab], the same day it had been destroyed by the king of Babylon in the past. Although these flames ignited from the Jews themselves and were caused by them, because after Titus withdrew, the rebels waited a bit and then struck back at the Romans. The soldiers guarding the holy house fought against those trying to extinguish the flames consuming the inner court of the temple; however, the Romans drove the Jews away and pushed forward to the holy house itself. At that moment, one soldier, without waiting for orders and undeterred by the enormity of his task, spurred on by some divine inspiration, grabbed something from the burning materials. With help from another soldier, he set fire to a golden window that led to the rooms surrounding the holy house on its north side. As the flames rose, the Jews raised a loud outcry, as such a great disaster demanded, rushing to stop the fire. They no longer cared for their lives nor allowed anything to hold back their strength, as the holy house was now in danger, the very reason they had guarded it so fiercely.
6. And now a certain person came running to Titus, and told him of this fire, as he was resting himself in his tent after the last battle; whereupon he rose up in great haste, and, as he was, ran to the holy house, in order to have a stop put to the fire; after him followed all his commanders, and after them followed the several legions, in great astonishment; so there was a great clamor and tumult raised, as was natural upon the disorderly motion of so great an army. Then did Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giving a signal to them with his right hand, order them to quench the fire. But they did not hear what he said, though he spake so loud, having their ears already dimmed by a greater noise another way; nor did they attend to the signal he made with his hand neither, as still some of them were distracted with fighting, and others with passion. But as for the legions that came running thither, neither any persuasions nor any threatenings could restrain their violence, but each one's own passion was his commander at this time; and as they were crowding into the temple together, many of them were trampled on by one another, while a great number fell among the ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and smoking, and were destroyed in the same miserable way with those whom they had conquered; and when they were come near the holy house, they made as if they did not so much as hear Caesar's orders to the contrary; but they encouraged those that were before them to set it on fire. As for the seditious, they were in too great distress already to afford their assistance [towards quenching the fire]; they were every where slain, and every where beaten; and as for a great part of the people, they were weak and without arms, and had their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now round about the altar lay dead bodies heaped one upon another, as at the steps 16 going up to it ran a great quantity of their blood, whither also the dead bodies that were slain above [on the altar] fell down.
6. And now a certain person came running to Titus and told him about the fire while he was resting in his tent after the last battle. He quickly got up and, without changing, ran to the holy house to try to put a stop to the fire. All his commanders followed him, and then came the various legions, all in great shock. There was a huge uproar and chaos, as you would expect from such a large army moving in disarray. Then Caesar, both by calling out to the soldiers fighting with a loud voice and signaling them with his right hand, ordered them to put out the fire. But they didn’t hear him, even though he was shouting, as their ears were already overwhelmed by a louder noise elsewhere; they also ignored his hand signal because some were still caught up in fighting, while others were consumed by rage. As for the legions running toward the temple, neither threats nor pleas could control their frenzy; passion was their only leader at that moment. While crowding into the temple, many were trampled by one another, and a large number fell among the hot and smoking ruins of the cloisters, meeting the same grim fate as those they had defeated. When they got near the holy house, they acted as if they didn’t even hear Caesar's orders against it; instead, they urged those ahead to set it on fire. The rebels were in too much distress to help put out the fire; they were everywhere slain and beaten, while many in the crowd were weak and unarmed, having their throats cut wherever they were caught. Now, dead bodies were piled around the altar, and as they ascended the steps, a great deal of blood streamed down, with the corpses of those slain above on the altar falling down as well.
7. And now, since Caesar was no way able to restrain the enthusiastic fury of the soldiers, and the fire proceeded on more and more, he went into the holy place of the temple, with his commanders, and saw it, with what was in it, which he found to be far superior to what the relations of foreigners contained, and not inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and believed about it. But as the flame had not as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still consuming the rooms that were about the holy house, and Titus supposing what the fact was, that the house itself might yet be saved, he came in haste and endeavored to persuade the soldiers to quench the fire, and gave order to Liberalius the centurion, and one of those spearmen that were about him, to beat the soldiers that were refractory with their staves, and to restrain them; yet were their passions too hard for the regards they had for Caesar, and the dread they had of him who forbade them, as was their hatred of the Jews, and a certain vehement inclination to fight them, too hard for them also. Moreover, the hope of plunder induced many to go on, as having this opinion, that all the places within were full of money, and as seeing that all round about it was made of gold. And besides, one of those that went into the place prevented Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges of the gate, in the dark; whereby the flame burst out from within the holy house itself immediately, when the commanders retired, and Caesar with them, and when nobody any longer forbade those that were without to set fire to it. And thus was the holy house burnt down, without Caesar's approbation.
7. And now, since Caesar couldn't control the soldiers' wild enthusiasm and the fire continued to spread, he went into the sacred area of the temple with his commanders and saw everything in it, which he discovered was far better than what foreigners described and not less impressive than what we believed about it. But since the flames hadn't yet reached the inner parts and were still consuming the rooms around the holy house, Titus, thinking the building could still be saved, rushed in and tried to convince the soldiers to put out the fire. He ordered Liberalius, the centurion, and one of the spearmen nearby to beat the disobedient soldiers with their staffs and to hold them back. However, their anger was too strong for their respect for Caesar and the fear of his orders, compounded by their hatred of the Jews and a strong desire to fight against them. Also, the hope of looting motivated many to continue, as they believed the insides were filled with money, seeing how everything around was made of gold. Furthermore, one of those who went into the area blocked Caesar when he hurried out to stop the soldiers and threw fire on the gate's hinges in the dark, causing flames to erupt from within the holy house as the commanders withdrew and Caesar with them, leaving no one to stop those outside from setting it ablaze. Thus, the holy house was burned down without Caesar's approval.
8. Now although any one would justly lament the destruction of such a work as this was, since it was the most admirable of all the works that we have seen or heard of, both for its curious structure and its magnitude, and also for the vast wealth bestowed upon it, as well as for the glorious reputation it had for its holiness; yet might such a one comfort himself with this thought, that it was fate that decreed it so to be, which is inevitable, both as to living creatures, and as to works and places also. However, one cannot but wonder at the accuracy of this period thereto relating; for the same month and day were now observed, as I said before, wherein the holy house was burnt formerly by the Babylonians. Now the number of years that passed from its first foundation, which was laid by king Solomon, till this its destruction, which happened in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, are collected to be one thousand one hundred and thirty, besides seven months and fifteen days; and from the second building of it, which was done by Haggai, in the second year of Cyrus the king, till its destruction under Vespasian, there were six hundred and thirty-nine years and forty-five days.
8. Even though anyone would rightfully mourn the loss of such a remarkable work as this, since it was the most impressive of everything we have seen or heard of, both for its intricate design and its size, as well as for the tremendous wealth spent on it, and for the glorious reputation it had for its holiness; they might find comfort in the thought that it was fate that decided it should end this way, which is unavoidable, both for living beings and for structures and places too. However, one can't help but be amazed at the precision of this timing; because the same month and day are now noted, as I mentioned before, when the holy house was previously destroyed by the Babylonians. The total number of years that passed from its initial foundation, which was laid by King Solomon, to its destruction in the second year of Vespasian's reign, adds up to one thousand one hundred and thirty, plus seven months and fifteen days; and from its second reconstruction, which was done by Haggai in the second year of King Cyrus, to its destruction under Vespasian, there were six hundred and thirty-nine years and forty-five days.
CHAPTER 5.
The Great Distress The Jews Were In Upon The Conflagration
Of The Holy House. Concerning A False Prophet, And The Signs
That Preceded This Destruction.
The Great Distress The Jews Experienced During The Fire
Of The Holy House. About A False Prophet, And The Signs
That Came Before This Destruction.1. While the holy house was on fire, every thing was plundered that came to hand, and ten thousand of those that were caught were slain; nor was there a commiseration of any age, or any reverence of gravity, but children, and old men, and profane persons, and priests were all slain in the same manner; so that this war went round all sorts of men, and brought them to destruction, and as well those that made supplication for their lives, as those that defended themselves by fighting. The flame was also carried a long way, and made an echo, together with the groans of those that were slain; and because this hill was high, and the works at the temple were very great, one would have thought the whole city had been on fire. Nor can one imagine any thing either greater or more terrible than this noise; for there was at once a shout of the Roman legions, who were marching all together, and a sad clamor of the seditious, who were now surrounded with fire and sword. The people also that were left above were beaten back upon the enemy, and under a great consternation, and made sad moans at the calamity they were under; the multitude also that was in the city joined in this outcry with those that were upon the hill. And besides, many of those that were worn away by the famine, and their mouths almost closed, when they saw the fire of the holy house, they exerted their utmost strength, and brake out into groans and outcries again: Perea 17 did also return the echo, as well as the mountains round about [the city,] and augmented the force of the entire noise. Yet was the misery itself more terrible than this disorder; for one would have thought that the hill itself, on which the temple stood, was seething hot, as full of fire on every part of it, that the blood was larger in quantity than the fire, and those that were slain more in number than those that slew them; for the ground did no where appear visible, for the dead bodies that lay on it; but the soldiers went over heaps of those bodies, as they ran upon such as fled from them. And now it was that the multitude of the robbers were thrust out [of the inner court of the temple by the Romans,] and had much ado to get into the outward court, and from thence into the city, while the remainder of the populace fled into the cloister of that outer court. As for the priests, some of them plucked up from the holy house the spikes 18 that were upon it, with their bases, which were made of lead, and shot them at the Romans instead of darts. But then as they gained nothing by so doing, and as the fire burst out upon them, they retired to the wall that was eight cubits broad, and there they tarried; yet did two of these of eminence among them, who might have saved themselves by going over to the Romans, or have borne up with courage, and taken their fortune with the others, throw themselves into the fire, and were burnt together with the holy house; their names were Meirus the son of Belgas, and Joseph the son of Daleus.
1. While the holy house was burning, everything that could be looted was taken, and ten thousand of those caught were killed; there was no mercy for anyone, regardless of age or status. Children, old men, common people, and priests were all slaughtered in the same way. This war affected all kinds of people and led them to destruction, whether they begged for their lives or fought back. The flames spread far and echoed with the groans of the slain. Since this hill was high and the temple's structures were immense, it seemed like the entire city was ablaze. The noise was unimaginable—there was the shout of the Roman legions marching together and the mournful cries of the rebels, now trapped by fire and sword. The people still above were pushed back toward the enemy, panicked and mourning their fate, while those in the city joined in the outcry with those on the hill. Additionally, many who were weakened by starvation, their mouths nearly shut, summoned their last bit of strength and cried out when they saw the fire in the holy house. Perea 17 echoed in response, as did the surrounding mountains, amplifying the chaos. Yet the suffering was even worse than the uproar; it seemed as if the hill on which the temple stood was boiling over, engulfed in flames, with more bloodshed than fire, and more people killed than those who killed them. The ground was completely obscured by the dead bodies lying on it; the soldiers ran over piles of corpses as they pursued those fleeing. At this point, the robbers were pushed out of the temple's inner court by the Romans and struggled to reach the outer court and then into the city, while the remaining population rushed into the cloister of that outer court. As for the priests, some removed the spikes 18 from the holy house, which had lead bases, and hurled them at the Romans like projectiles. However, since this did nothing for them, and with the fire closing in, they retreated to the wall, which was eight cubits wide, and stayed there. Nevertheless, two prominent figures among them, who could have saved themselves by surrendering to the Romans or had the chance to face their fate bravely alongside others, jumped into the flames and were burned along with the holy house; their names were Meirus son of Belgas and Joseph son of Daleus.
2. And now the Romans, judging that it was in vain to spare what was round about the holy house, burnt all those places, as also the remains of the cloisters and the gates, two excepted; the one on the east side, and the other on the south; both which, however, they burnt afterward. They also burnt down the treasury chambers, in which was an immense quantity of money, and an immense number of garments, and other precious goods there reposited; and, to speak all in a few words, there it was that the entire riches of the Jews were heaped up together, while the rich people had there built themselves chambers [to contain such furniture]. The soldiers also came to the rest of the cloisters that were in the outer [court of the] temple, whither the women and children, and a great mixed multitude of the people, fled, in number about six thousand. But before Caesar had determined any thing about these people, or given the commanders any orders relating to them, the soldiers were in such a rage, that they set that cloister on fire; by which means it came to pass that some of these were destroyed by throwing themselves down headlong, and some were burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did any one of them escape with his life. A false prophet 19 was the occasion of these people's destruction, who had made a public proclamation in the city that very day, that God commanded them to get upon the temple, and that there they should receive miraculous signs of their deliverance. Now there was then a great number of false prophets suborned by the tyrants to impose on the people, who denounced this to them, that they should wait for deliverance from God; and this was in order to keep them from deserting, and that they might be buoyed up above fear and care by such hopes. Now a man that is in adversity does easily comply with such promises; for when such a seducer makes him believe that he shall be delivered from those miseries which oppress him, then it is that the patient is full of hopes of such his deliverance.
2. And now the Romans, thinking it was pointless to spare anything around the holy house, burned everything, including the remains of the cloisters and the gates, except for two: one on the east side and the other on the south; both of which they later burned as well. They also set fire to the treasury rooms, which contained a vast amount of money, countless garments, and other valuable items stored there. In short, all of the wealth of the Jews was gathered there, and the wealthy had built chambers for their possessions. The soldiers also reached the rest of the cloisters in the outer court of the temple, where women, children, and a large mixed crowd of people had fled, numbering about six thousand. But before Caesar could decide anything about these people or give any orders regarding them, the soldiers were so enraged that they set that cloister on fire, causing some to be killed by jumping headfirst down and others to be burned in the cloisters themselves. No one escaped with their life. A false prophet 19 was responsible for the destruction of these people, who had made a public announcement in the city that day, claiming that God commanded them to go up to the temple, where they would receive miraculous signs of their deliverance. At that time, many false prophets had been hired by the tyrants to mislead the people, telling them to wait for divine deliverance; this was to prevent them from fleeing and to keep them hopeful amidst their fear and anxiety. A person facing hardship easily falls for such promises; when a charlatan convinces him that he will be rescued from the suffering that weighs him down, the sufferer becomes filled with hope for such deliverance.
3. Thus were the miserable people persuaded by these deceivers, and such as belied God himself; while they did not attend nor give credit to the signs that were so evident, and did so plainly foretell their future desolation, but, like men infatuated, without either eyes to see or minds to consider, did not regard the denunciations that God made to them. Thus there was a star 20 resembling a sword, which stood over the city, and a comet, that continued a whole year. Thus also before the Jews' rebellion, and before those commotions which preceded the war, when the people were come in great crowds to the feast of unleavened bread, on the eighth day of the month Xanthicus, 21 [Nisan,] and at the ninth hour of the night, so great a light shone round the altar and the holy house, that it appeared to be bright day time; which lasted for half an hour. This light seemed to be a good sign to the unskillful, but was so interpreted by the sacred scribes, as to portend those events that followed immediately upon it. At the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led by the high priest to be sacrificed, brought forth a lamb in the midst of the temple. Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner 22 [court of the] temple, which was of brass, and vastly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut by twenty men, and rested upon a basis armed with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep into the firm floor, which was there made of one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its own accord about the sixth hour of the night. Now those that kept watch in the temple came hereupon running to the captain of the temple, and told him of it; who then came up thither, and not without great difficulty was able to shut the gate again. This also appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the gate of happiness. But the men of learning understood it, that the security of their holy house was dissolved of its own accord, and that the gate was opened for the advantage of their enemies. So these publicly declared that the signal foreshowed the desolation that was coming upon them. Besides these, a few days after that feast, on the one and twentieth day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] a certain prodigious and incredible phenomenon appeared: I suppose the account of it would seem to be a fable, were it not related by those that saw it, and were not the events that followed it of so considerable a nature as to deserve such signals; for, before sun-setting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their armor were seen running about among the clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover, at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the priests were going by night into the inner [court of the temple,] as their custom was, to perform their sacred ministrations, they said that, in the first place, they felt a quaking, and heard a great noise, and after that they heard a sound as of a great multitude, saying, "Let us remove hence." But, what is still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman, who, four years before the war began, and at a time when the city was in very great peace and prosperity, came to that feast whereon it is our custom for every one to make tabernacles to God in the temple, 23 began on a sudden to cry aloud, "A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms and the brides, and a voice against this whole people!" This was his cry, as he went about by day and by night, in all the lanes of the city. However, certain of the most eminent among the populace had great indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up the man, and gave him a great number of severe stripes; yet did not he either say any thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to those that chastised him, but still went on with the same words which he cried before. Hereupon our rulers, supposing, as the case proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury in the man, brought him to the Roman procurator, where he was whipped till his bones were laid bare; yet he did not make any supplication for himself, nor shed any tears, but turning his voice to the most lamentable tone possible, at every stroke of the whip his answer was, "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" And when Albinus [for he was then our procurator] asked him, Who he was? and whence he came? and why he uttered such words? he made no manner of reply to what he said, but still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till Albinus took him to be a madman, and dismissed him. Now, during all the time that passed before the war began, this man did not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen by them while he said so; but he every day uttered these lamentable words, as if it were his premeditated vow, "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" Nor did he give ill words to any of those that beat him every day, nor good words to those that gave him food; but this was his reply to all men, and indeed no other than a melancholy presage of what was to come. This cry of his was the loudest at the festivals; and he continued this ditty for seven years and five months, without growing hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the very time that he saw his presage in earnest fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; for as he was going round upon the wall, he cried out with his utmost force, "Woe, woe to the city again, and to the people, and to the holy house!" And just as he added at the last, "Woe, woe to myself also!" there came a stone out of one of the engines, and smote him, and killed him immediately; and as he was uttering the very same presages he gave up the ghost.
3. So the wretched people were misled by these frauds, who even denied God himself; they ignored the clear signs that openly predicted their impending destruction. Like fools without eyes to see or minds to understand, they dismissed God's warnings. There was a star 20 that looked like a sword, hovering over the city, and a comet that lasted for an entire year. Also, before the Jews' uprising and the unrest that kicked off the war, when crowds gathered for the Passover feast on the eighth day of the month Xanthicus, 21 [Nisan], at the ninth hour of the night, a brilliant light surrounded the altar and the holy house, making it seem like daytime for about half an hour. The untrained saw this light as a good omen, but the knowledgeable scribes interpreted it as a warning of the calamities to come. During the same festival, a heifer being led by the high priest for sacrifice unexpectedly gave birth to a lamb right in the temple. Additionally, the heavy brass eastern gate of the inner 22 [court of the] temple, which had taken twenty men to shut, resting on a solid stone base with tightly fastened bolts, was seen to open on its own around the sixth hour of the night. The temple guards rushed to tell the captain of the temple, who had to struggle to close the gate again. The common people saw this as a happy sign, thinking God was opening for them the door to prosperity. However, the scholars understood it as a sign that the security of their holy house was being undone, and the gate opening meant their enemies would benefit. They publicly announced that this was a signal of the desolation that was about to befall them. A few days later, on the twenty-first day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar], an astonishing phenomenon occurred: it might seem like a tale if not reported by witnesses, and if the events that followed weren’t so significant. Before sunset, chariots and troops of soldiers in armor were seen moving around among the clouds, surrounding cities. At the Pentecost feast, as the priests entered the inner [court of the temple] at night as was their custom to carry out their sacred duties, they reported feeling an earthquake and hearing a loud noise, followed by the sound of a great multitude saying, "Let us move from here." More alarmingly, there was a man named Jesus, son of Ananus, a commoner and farmer, who, four years before the war began, during a time of peace and prosperity for the city, showed up at the feast where everybody made booths for God in the temple. 23 He suddenly began to shout, "A voice from the east, a voice from the west, a voice from the four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the holy house, a voice against the brides and bridegrooms, and a voice against this entire people!" This was his cry as he roamed day and night through the city’s streets. Some prominent citizens were outraged by his dire proclamation, seized him, and beat him severely; still, he neither defended himself nor spoke against those who punished him, continuing with his original warning. Our leaders, believing this was a kind of divine madness, brought him to the Roman governor, where he was whipped until his bones showed; yet he did not plead for his life or shed a tear, but in a tone of despair, cried out, "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" When Albinus [who was our governor at the time] asked him who he was, where he came from, and why he spoke such things, he did not answer but kept on with his sorrowful tune until Albinus thought he was mad and let him go. Throughout the time leading up to the war, this man didn’t approach the citizens or associate with them while he emitted his mournful refrain, "Woe, woe to Jerusalem!" He didn’t insult those who hit him daily, nor did he thank those who fed him; this was his response to everyone, serving as a grim forecast of what was to come. His call was loudest during the festivals, and he maintained this cry for seven years and five months without losing his voice or tiring, until the moment he witnessed his prophecy come true during the siege. As he walked along the wall, he cried out with all his strength, "Woe, woe to the city, to the people, and to the holy house!" Just as he concluded with, "Woe, woe to myself too!" a stone from one of the machines struck him and killed him immediately, and he breathed his last while uttering the same warnings.
4. Now if any one consider these things, he will find that God takes care of mankind, and by all ways possible foreshows to our race what is for their preservation; but that men perish by those miseries which they madly and voluntarily bring upon themselves; for the Jews, by demolishing the tower of Antonia, had made their temple four-square, while at the same time they had it written in their sacred oracles, "That then should their city be taken, as well as their holy house, when once their temple should become four-square." But now, what did the most elevate them in undertaking this war, was an ambiguous oracle that was also found in their sacred writings, how, "about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth." The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea. However, it is not possible for men to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand. But these men interpreted some of these signals according to their own pleasure, and some of them they utterly despised, until their madness was demonstrated, both by the taking of their city and their own destruction.
4. If anyone thinks about these things, they'll see that God cares for humanity and tries in every way to show us what we need to do to stay safe. But people end up suffering from the troubles they bring upon themselves, out of their own madness and choice. The Jews, by tearing down the tower of Antonia, made their temple square, even though their sacred texts warned that their city and holy place would be taken once their temple became square. What drove them to start this war was a confusing prophecy found in their scriptures, stating that "around that time, someone from their land would become the ruler of the world." The Jews believed this prediction referred specifically to them, and many wise men were misled by this belief. This prophecy actually referred to Vespasian's rule, who would become emperor in Judea. However, it's impossible for people to escape their fate, even when they see it coming. These individuals interpreted some of these signs in a way that suited them and completely ignored others, until their madness became clear through the fall of their city and their own destruction.
CHAPTER 6.
How The Romans Carried Their Ensigns To The Temple, And Made
Joyful Acclamations To Titus. The Speech That Titus Made To
The Jews When They Made Supplication For Mercy. What Reply
They Made Thereto; And How That Reply Moved Titus's
Indignation Against Them.
How The Romans Carried Their Ensigns To The Temple, And Made
Joyful Acclamations To Titus. The Speech That Titus Made To
The Jews When They Asked For Mercy. How They Responded; And How That Response Fueled Titus's Anger Towards Them.1. And now the Romans, upon the flight of the seditious into the city, and upon the burning of the holy house itself, and of all the buildings round about it, brought their ensigns to the temple 24 and set them over against its eastern gate; and there did they offer sacrifices to them, and there did they make Titus imperator 25 with the greatest acclamations of joy. And now all the soldiers had such vast quantities of the spoils which they had gotten by plunder, that in Syria a pound weight of gold was sold for half its former value. But as for those priests that kept themselves still upon the wall of the holy house,26 there was a boy that, out of the thirst he was in, desired some of the Roman guards to give him their right hands as a security for his life, and confessed he was very thirsty. These guards commiserated his age, and the distress he was in, and gave him their right hands accordingly. So he came down himself, and drank some water, and filled the vessel he had with him when he came to them with water, and then went off, and fled away to his own friends; nor could any of those guards overtake him; but still they reproached him for his perfidiousness. To which he made this answer: "I have not broken the agreement; for the security I had given me was not in order to my staying with you, but only in order to my coming down safely, and taking up some water; both which things I have performed, and thereupon think myself to have been faithful to my engagement." Hereupon those whom the child had imposed upon admired at his cunning, and that on account of his age. On the fifth day afterward, the priests that were pined with the famine came down, and when they were brought to Titus by the guards, they begged for their lives; but he replied, that the time of pardon was over as to them, and that this very holy house, on whose account only they could justly hope to be preserved, was destroyed; and that it was agreeable to their office that priests should perish with the house itself to which they belonged. So he ordered them to be put to death.
1. And now the Romans, after the rebels fled into the city and the holy house itself and all the buildings around it were set on fire, brought their standards to the temple 24 and placed them in front of its eastern gate. There, they offered sacrifices to them and proclaimed Titus as their commander 25 with great cheers of joy. The soldiers had gathered such massive amounts of spoils from the looting that in Syria, a pound of gold was selling for half its previous value. As for the priests who stayed on the wall of the holy house, 26 there was a boy who, out of thirst, asked some of the Roman guards to give him their right hands as a guarantee for his safety, admitting that he was very thirsty. The guards, feeling pity for his age and the distress he was in, gave him their right hands accordingly. He then climbed down, drank some water, filled his container with water when he got to them, and then left, fleeing to his friends. None of the guards could catch him, but they still reproached him for his betrayal. To which he replied: "I haven’t broken the agreement; the security I was given was for my safe descent and to get some water; I fulfilled both conditions, so I believe I was loyal to my promise." The guards he had tricked marveled at his cleverness, especially given his age. On the fifth day later, the priests who were suffering from hunger came down, and when the guards brought them to Titus, they begged for their lives. However, he responded that the time for their pardon had passed, and that the very holy house, for whose sake they might have hoped to be spared, was destroyed; and that it was fitting for priests to die with the house they served. So he ordered them to be executed.
2. But as for the tyrants themselves, and those that were with them, when they found that they were encompassed on every side, and, as it were, walled round, without any method of escaping, they desired to treat with Titus by word of mouth. Accordingly, such was the kindness of his nature, and his desire of preserving the city from destruction, joined to the advice of his friends, who now thought the robbers were come to a temper, that he placed himself on the western side of the outer [court of the] temple; for there were gates on that side above the Xystus, and a bridge that connected the upper city to the temple. This bridge it was that lay between the tyrants and Caesar, and parted them; while the multitude stood on each side; those of the Jewish nation about Sinran and John, with great hopes of pardon; and the Romans about Caesar, in great expectation how Titus would receive their supplication. So Titus charged his soldiers to restrain their rage, and to let their darts alone, and appointed an interpreter between them, which was a sign that he was the conqueror, and first began the discourse, and said, "I hope you, sirs, are now satiated with the miseries of your country, who have not had any just notions, either of our great power, or of your own great weakness, but have, like madmen, after a violent and inconsiderate manner, made such attempts, as have brought your people, your city, and your holy house to destruction. You have been the men that have never left off rebelling since Pompey first conquered you, and have, since that time, made open war with the Romans. Have you depended on your multitude, while a very small part of the Roman soldiery have been strong enough for you? Have you relied on the fidelity of your confederates? And what nations are there, out of the limits of our dominion, that would choose to assist the Jews before the Romans? Are your bodies stronger than ours? nay, you know that the [strong] Germans themselves are our servants. Have you stronger walls than we have? Pray, what greater obstacle is there than the wall of the ocean, with which the Britons are encompassed, and yet do adore the arms of the Romans. Do you exceed us in courage of soul, and in the sagacity of your commanders? Nay, indeed, you cannot but know that the very Carthaginians have been conquered by us. It can therefore be nothing certainly but the kindness of us Romans which hath excited you against us; who, in the first place, have given you this land to possess; and, in the next place, have set over you kings of your own nation; and, in the third place, have preserved the laws of your forefathers to you, and have withal permitted you to live, either by yourselves, or among others, as it should please you: and, what is our chief favor of all we have given you leave to gather up that tribute which is paid to God 27 with such other gifts that are dedicated to him; nor have we called those that carried these donations to account, nor prohibited them; till at length you became richer than we ourselves, even when you were our enemies; and you made preparations for war against us with our own money; nay, after all, when you were in the enjoyment of all these advantages, you turned your too great plenty against those that gave it you, and, like merciless serpents, have thrown out your poison against those that treated you kindly. I suppose, therefore, that you might despise the slothfulness of Nero, and, like limbs of the body that are broken or dislocated, you did then lie quiet, waiting for some other time, though still with a malicious intention, and have now showed your distemper to be greater than ever, and have extended your desires as far as your impudent and immense hopes would enable you to do it. At this time my father came into this country, not with a design to punish you for what you had done under Cestius, but to admonish you; for had he come to overthrow your nation, he had run directly to your fountain-head, and had immediately laid this city waste; whereas he went and burnt Galilee and the neighboring parts, and thereby gave you time for repentance; which instance of humanity you took for an argument of his weakness, and nourished up your impudence by our mildness. When Nero was gone out of the world, you did as the wickedest wretches would have done, and encouraged yourselves to act against us by our civil dissensions, and abused that time, when both I and my father were gone away to Egypt, to make preparations for this war. Nor were you ashamed to raise disturbances against us when we were made emperors, and this while you had experienced how mild we had been, when we were no more than generals of the army. But when the government was devolved upon us, and all other people did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign nations sent embassies, and congratulated our access to the government, then did you Jews show yourselves to be our enemies. You sent embassies to those of your nation that are beyond Euphrates to assist you in your raising disturbances; new walls were built by you round your city, seditions arose, and one tyrant contended against another, and a civil war broke out among you; such indeed as became none but so wicked a people as you are. I then came to this city, as unwillingly sent by my father, and received melancholy injunctions from him. When I heard that the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced at it; I exhorted you to leave off these proceedings before I began this war; I spared you even when you had fought against me a great while; I gave my right hand as security to the deserters; I observed what I had promised faithfully. When they fled to me, I had compassion on many of those that I had taken captive; I tortured those that were eager for war, in order to restrain them. It was unwillingly that I brought my engines of war against your walls; I always prohibited my soldiers, when they were set upon your slaughter, from their severity against you. After every victory I persuaded you to peace, as though I had been myself conquered. When I came near your temple, I again departed from the laws of war, and exhorted you to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you a quiet exit out of it, and security for your preservation; nay, if you had a mind, I gave you leave to fight in another place. Yet have you still despised every one of my proposals, and have set fire to your holy house with your own hands. And now, vile wretches, do you desire to treat with me by word of mouth? To what purpose is it that you would save such a holy house as this was, which is now destroyed? What preservation can you now desire after the destruction of your temple? Yet do you stand still at this very time in your armor; nor can you bring yourselves so much as to pretend to be supplicants even in this your utmost extremity. O miserable creatures! what is it you depend on? Are not your people dead? is not your holy house gone? is not your city in my power? and are not your own very lives in my hands? And do you still deem it a part of valor to die? However, I will not imitate your madness. If you throw down your arms, and deliver up your bodies to me, I grant you your lives; and I will act like a mild master of a family; what cannot be healed shall be punished, and the rest I will preserve for my own use."
2. But as for the tyrants and their followers, when they found themselves surrounded on all sides, almost like they were trapped, they wanted to negotiate with Titus in person. Because of his kind nature and his desire to save the city from destruction, along with the advice of his friends, who believed the outlaws might be willing to negotiate, he positioned himself on the western side of the outer courtyard of the temple. There were gates on that side above the Xystus, and a bridge connected the upper city to the temple. This bridge was the divide between the tyrants and Caesar, with crowds gathering on each side; those from the Jewish nation clustered around Sinran and John, hoping for forgiveness, while the Romans gathered around Caesar, eager to see how Titus would respond to their pleas. Titus instructed his soldiers to control their anger and hold back their weapons, and he set up an interpreter between them, which indicated that he was the one in charge. He began the conversation by saying, "I hope you are now tired of the suffering your country has faced, having failed to grasp either our immense power or your own significant weakness. Like mad people, you've recklessly made attempts that have led your people, your city, and your sacred place to ruin. You have been in a constant state of rebellion since Pompey conquered you, openly waging war against the Romans since then. Did you really think your numbers would be enough, while a small force of Roman soldiers has proven strong enough to defeat you? Did you depend on the loyalty of your allies? What nations outside our control would choose to help the Jews over the Romans? Are your bodies stronger than ours? You know that even the powerful Germans serve us. Do you have stronger walls than we do? What greater barrier is there than the ocean, which the Britons are surrounded by, yet they still honor the Romans? Do you believe you have more courage or smarter leaders than we do? You cannot deny that even the Carthaginians have been conquered by us. So, it must be purely the kindness of us Romans that has motivated you to act against us; we were the ones who initially gave you this land, appointed kings from your own people, preserved your ancestors' laws, and allowed you to live however you chose—whether among yourselves or with others. Most importantly, we've allowed you to collect the tribute paid to God along with other offerings dedicated to Him; we never held accountable those who brought such donations nor stopped them, allowing you to become wealthier than we were, even while being our enemies, making plans for war against us with our own money. After enjoying all these advantages, you turned your excessive wealth against those who provided it, like ruthless serpents, spewing venom at those who treated you well. I believe you started to underestimate the inactivity of Nero and, like broken limbs, lay still, waiting for another opportunity while harboring malicious intentions, and now you've shown your troubles to be greater than ever, expanding your ambitions to match your bold and unrealistic hopes. My father came to this land not to punish you for your actions against Cestius but to warn you; had he intended to destroy your nation, he would have gone directly to your heart and immediately ravaged this city. Instead, he burnt Galilee and the surrounding areas, giving you time to repent; this act of mercy you took as proof of his weakness and grew bolder because of our leniency. When Nero left the world, you acted as the most wicked individuals would, encouraging yourselves to defy us during our civil strife, using that period, while both I and my father were away in Egypt, to prepare for war. You were not ashamed to incite unrest against us after we became emperors, even though you had witnessed our gentleness when we were merely military commanders. But as soon as we took on governance, and everyone else settled down, sending envoys to congratulate us on our rise to power, you Jews chose to oppose us. You sent messengers to those of your race beyond the Euphrates for help in causing disturbances; you built new walls around your city, rebellions broke out, and one tyrant challenged another, leading to civil war among you—a conflict fitting for no one but a wicked people like you. I came to this city reluctantly at my father's command and received troubling orders from him. When I learned that the people were inclined towards peace, I was pleased; I encouraged you to stop your actions before I launched this war. Even after you fought against me for a long time, I spared you and offered my right hand as assurance to the deserters; I stayed true to my promises. When they turned to me, I showed mercy to many I had captured; I punished those eager for war to restrain them. I didn’t want to bring my war machines against your walls; I consistently told my soldiers not to be harsh during attacks against you. After every victory, I urged you towards peace, as if I had been defeated myself. When I got close to your temple, I again diverged from the laws of war, urging you to protect your sanctuary and keep your holy house safe. I allowed you a peaceful exit from it and guaranteed your safety; in fact, if you wished, I even gave you permission to fight elsewhere. Yet you have ignored every one of my suggestions and set fire to your holy house with your own hands. And now, despicable wretches, do you want to negotiate with me verbally? What is the point of trying to save such a sacred place that is now destroyed? What preservation do you seek after the destruction of your temple? Yet you remain armored, unable even to pretend to be supplicants at this dire moment. Oh miserable beings! What do you rely on? Are not your people dead? Is not your holy house gone? Is not your city under my control? And are not your very lives in my hands? Do you still think it's brave to die? However, I will not follow your madness. If you lay down your arms and surrender yourselves to me, I will grant you your lives; I will behave like a kind master; what cannot be fixed will be punished, and the rest I will keep for my own use."
3. To that offer of Titus they made this reply: That they could not accept of it, because they had sworn never to do so; but they desired they might have leave to go through the wall that had been made about them, with their wives and children; for that they would go into the desert, and leave the city to him. At this Titus had great indignation, that when they were in the case of men already taken captives, they should pretend to make their own terms with him, as if they had been conquerors. So he ordered this proclamation to be made to them, That they should no more come out to him as deserters, nor hope for any further security; for that he would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them with his whole army; and that they must save themselves as well as they could; for that he would from henceforth treat them according to the laws of war. So he gave orders to the soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city; who did nothing indeed that day; but on the next day they set fire to the repository of the archives, to Acra, to the council-house, and to the place called Ophlas; at which time the fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen Helena, which was in the middle of Acra; the lanes also were burnt down, as were also those houses that were full of the dead bodies of such as were destroyed by famine.
3. In response to Titus's offer, they replied that they couldn’t accept it because they had sworn never to do so. Instead, they requested permission to leave through the wall that surrounded them, along with their wives and children, as they intended to go into the desert and abandon the city to him. This made Titus very angry; he felt that, even though they were in the situation of captives, they were pretending to negotiate with him as if they were victors. So, he announced that they should no longer approach him as deserters or expect any further safety. From that point on, he would spare no one and would fight them with his full army. They had to save themselves however they could because he would treat them according to the laws of war from that moment forward. He ordered his soldiers to burn and loot the city. They did nothing that day, but the next day they set fire to the archive storage, Acra, the council house, and a place called Ophlas. The fire reached as far as Queen Helena's palace, which was in the center of Acra; the streets were also burned down, along with houses filled with the corpses of those who had died from starvation.
4. On the same day it was that the sons and brethren of Izates the king, together with many others of the eminent men of the populace, got together there, and besought Caesar to give them his right hand for their security; upon which, though he was very angry at all that were now remaining, yet did he not lay aside his old moderation, but received these men. At that time, indeed, he kept them all in custody, but still bound the king's sons and kinsmen, and led them with him to Rome, in order to make them hostages for their country's fidelity to the Romans.
4. On the same day, the sons and brothers of King Izates, along with many other prominent members of the community, gathered there and asked Caesar for his protection. Although he was very upset with everyone who remained, he still maintained his usual restraint and welcomed these men. At that time, he held them all in custody but specifically detained the king's sons and relatives, taking them with him to Rome as hostages to ensure their country's loyalty to the Romans.
CHAPTER 7.
What Afterward Befell The Seditious When They Had Done A
Great Deal Of Mischief, And Suffered Many Misfortunes; As
Also How Caesar Became Master Of The Upper City.
What Happened Next to the Rebels After They Caused a Lot of Trouble and Went Through Many Hardships; As Well As How Caesar Took Control of the Upper City.
1. And now the seditious rushed into the royal palace, into which many had put their effects, because it was so strong, and drove the Romans away from it. They also slew all the people that had crowded into it, who were in number about eight thousand four hundred, and plundered them of what they had. They also took two of the Romans alive; the one was a horseman, and the other a footman. They then cut the throat of the footman, and immediately had him drawn through the whole city, as revenging themselves upon the whole body of the Romans by this one instance. But the horseman said he had somewhat to suggest to them in order to their preservation; whereupon he was brought before Simon; but he having nothing to say when he was there, he was delivered to Ardalas, one of his commanders, to be punished, who bound his hands behind him, and put a riband over his eyes, and then brought him out over against the Romans, as intending to cut off his head. But the man prevented that execution, and ran away to the Romans, and this while the Jewish executioner was drawing out his sword. Now when he was gotten away from the enemy, Titus could not think of putting him to death; but because he deemed him unworthy of being a Roman soldier any longer, on account that he had been taken alive by the enemy, he took away his arms, and ejected him out of the legion whereto he had belonged; which, to one that had a sense of shame, was a penalty severer than death itself.
1. And now the rebels stormed into the royal palace, where many had stored their belongings because it was so strong, and forced the Romans out. They also killed everyone who had crowded inside, totaling about eight thousand four hundred people, and looted their possessions. They captured two Romans alive; one was a cavalryman and the other a foot soldier. They then slit the throat of the foot soldier and had him dragged through the entire city, taking revenge on all the Romans through this act. However, the cavalryman claimed he had a suggestion that might save them; he was brought before Simon, but when he arrived, he had nothing to say. He was handed over to Ardalas, one of Simon's commanders, for punishment. Ardalas tied his hands behind his back, blindfolded him, and then brought him out in front of the Romans, intending to behead him. However, the man escaped just as the Jewish executioner was drawing his sword to carry out the sentence. Once he was away from the enemy, Titus couldn't bring himself to execute him, but since he believed the man was no longer worthy of being a Roman soldier because he had been captured by the enemy, he stripped him of his weapons and expelled him from the legion he had belonged to—a punishment that, for someone with any sense of shame, was harsher than death itself.
2. On the next day the Romans drove the robbers out of the lower city, and set all on fire as far as Siloam. These soldiers were indeed glad to see the city destroyed. But they missed the plunder, because the seditious had carried off all their effects, and were retired into the upper city; for they did not yet at all repent of the mischiefs they had done, but were insolent, as if they had done well; for, as they saw the city on fire, they appeared cheerful, and put on joyful countenances, in expectation, as they said, of death to end their miseries. Accordingly, as the people were now slain, the holy house was burnt down, and the city was on fire, there was nothing further left for the enemy to do. Yet did not Josephus grow weary, even in this utmost extremity, to beg of them to spare what was left of the city; he spake largely to them about their barbarity and impiety, and gave them his advice in order to their escape; though he gained nothing thereby more than to be laughed at by them; and as they could not think of surrendering themselves up, because of the oath they had taken, nor were strong enough to fight with the Romans any longer upon the square, as being surrounded on all sides, and a kind of prisoners already, yet were they so accustomed to kill people, that they could not restrain their right hands from acting accordingly. So they dispersed themselves before the city, and laid themselves in ambush among its ruins, to catch those that attempted to desert to the Romans; accordingly many such deserters were caught by them, and were all slain; for these were too weak, by reason of their want of food, to fly away from them; so their dead bodies were thrown to the dogs. Now every other sort of death was thought more tolerable than the famine, insomuch that, though the Jews despaired now of mercy, yet would they fly to the Romans, and would themselves, even of their own accord, fall among the murderous rebels also. Nor was there any place in the city that had no dead bodies in it, but what was entirely covered with those that were killed either by the famine or the rebellion; and all was full of the dead bodies of such as had perished, either by that sedition or by that famine.
2. The next day, the Romans expelled the robbers from the lower city and set everything on fire as far as Siloam. The soldiers were glad to see the city in flames, but they were disappointed that they missed out on the loot, since the rebels had already taken everything and retreated to the upper city. They didn’t regret the chaos they had caused; instead, they acted arrogantly, as if they had done something right. As they watched the city burn, they looked cheerful and maintained happy expressions, saying they were ready for death to end their suffering. With the people dead, the temple destroyed, and the city ablaze, there was nothing left for the enemy to do. Still, Josephus didn’t lose hope even in such desperate times; he pleaded with them to spare what remained of the city, urging them about their cruelty and disrespect, and offered advice for their escape. However, he only earned their laughter in response. They refused to surrender because of their oath, and they were too weak to fight the Romans anymore, surrounded as they were and practically prisoners. But they were so used to killing that they couldn’t stop themselves, so they spread out in front of the city and hid among the ruins, waiting to capture anyone trying to defect to the Romans. Many deserters were caught and killed, too weak from starvation to escape. Their bodies were left for the dogs. In fact, any other kind of death seemed more bearable than starvation, so even though the Jews had given up hope of mercy, they preferred to run to the Romans and sometimes ended up falling into the hands of the ruthless rebels instead. There wasn’t a place in the city that didn’t have dead bodies, all of which were either victims of starvation or the rebellion; everywhere was filled with the corpses of those who had perished from the turmoil or the hunger.
3. So now the last hope which supported the tyrants, and that crew of robbers who were with them, was in the caves and caverns under ground; whither, if they could once fly, they did not expect to be searched for; but endeavored, that after the whole city should be destroyed, and the Romans gone away, they might come out again, and escape from them. This was no better than a dream of theirs; for they were not able to lie hid either from God or from the Romans. However, they depended on these under-ground subterfuges, and set more places on fire than did the Romans themselves; and those that fled out of their houses thus set on fire into the ditches, they killed without mercy, and pillaged them also; and if they discovered food belonging to any one, they seized upon it and swallowed it down, together with their blood also; nay, they were now come to fight one with another about their plunder; and I cannot but think that, had not their destruction prevented it, their barbarity would have made them taste of even the dead bodies themselves.
3. So now the last hope that sustained the tyrants and their group of robbers was in the caves and tunnels underground; where, if they could manage to escape, they didn’t think anyone would look for them. They tried to wait until the whole city was destroyed and the Romans had left, so they could come out again and evade capture. This was no better than a fantasy of theirs, as they were unable to hide from either God or the Romans. Still, they relied on these underground hiding spots and set more places on fire than the Romans did themselves. Those who fled from their burning homes into the ditches were killed without mercy and also robbed. If they found any food that belonged to someone else, they took it and ate it along with their blood; in fact, they had gotten to the point of fighting each other over their plunder. I can’t help but think that, if their destruction hadn’t stopped them, their savagery would have led them to consume even the dead bodies themselves.
CHAPTER 8.
How Caesar Raised Banks Round About The Upper City [Mount
Zion] And When They Were Completed, Gave Orders That The
Machines Should Be Brought. He Then Possessed Himself Of The
Whole City.
How Caesar Built Fortifications Around The Upper City [Mount Zion] And When They Were Finished, He Ordered That The Equipment Should Be Brought In. He Then Took Control Of The Entire City.
1. Now when Caesar perceived that the upper city was so steep that it could not possibly be taken without raising banks against it, he distributed the several parts of that work among his army, and this on the twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Now the carriage of the materials was a difficult task, since all the trees, as I have already told you, that were about the city, within the distance of a hundred furlongs, had their branches cut off already, in order to make the former banks. The works that belonged to the four legions were erected on the west side of the city, over against the royal palace; but the whole body of the auxiliary troops, with the rest of the multitude that were with them, [erected their banks] at the Xystus, whence they reached to the bridge, and that tower of Simon which he had built as a citadel for himself against John, when they were at war one with another.
1. When Caesar realized that the upper city was so steep that it couldn't be captured without building ramps, he divided the work among his army, and this happened on the twentieth day of the month Lous [Ab]. Transporting the materials was a tough job since all the trees, as I've mentioned before, within a hundred furlongs of the city had already been stripped of their branches to create the previous ramps. The structures for the four legions were built on the west side of the city, across from the royal palace, while the entire group of auxiliary troops, along with the rest of the crowd with them, built their ramps at the Xystus, extending to the bridge and that tower of Simon, which he had constructed as a stronghold for himself against John during their war with each other.
2. It was at this time that the commanders of the Idumeans got together privately, and took counsel about surrendering up themselves to the Romans. Accordingly, they sent five men to Titus, and entreated him to give them his right hand for their security. So Titus thinking that the tyrants would yield, if the Idumeans, upon whom a great part of the war depended, were once withdrawn from them, after some reluctancy and delay, complied with them, and gave them security for their lives, and sent the five men back. But as these Idumeans were preparing to march out, Simon perceived it, and immediately slew the five men that had gone to Titus, and took their commanders, and put them in prison, of whom the most eminent was Jacob, the son of Sosas; but as for the multitude of the Idumeans, who did not at all know what to do, now their commanders were taken from them, he had them watched, and secured the walls by a more numerous garrison, Yet could not that garrison resist those that were deserting; for although a great number of them were slain, yet were the deserters many more in number. They were all received by the Romans, because Titus himself grew negligent as to his former orders for killing them, and because the very soldiers grew weary of killing them, and because they hoped to get some money by sparing them; for they left only the populace, and sold the rest of the multitude, 28 with their wives and children, and every one of them at a very low price, and that because such as were sold were very many, and the buyers were few: and although Titus had made proclamation beforehand, that no deserter should come alone by himself, that so they might bring out their families with them, yet did he receive such as these also. However, he set over them such as were to distinguish some from others, in order to see if any of them deserved to be punished. And indeed the number of those that were sold was immense; but of the populace above forty thousand were saved, whom Caesar let go whither every one of them pleased.
2. During this time, the leaders of the Idumeans met privately to discuss surrendering to the Romans. They sent five men to Titus, asking for his assurance of safety. Since Titus believed that the tyrants would give in if the Idumeans—who were crucial to the conflict—withdrew, he hesitated at first but eventually agreed to provide them with protection and sent the five men back. However, as the Idumeans were getting ready to leave, Simon noticed this and immediately killed the five men who had gone to Titus. He then captured the commanders, putting them in prison, including the prominent Jacob, son of Sosas. Without their leaders, the Idumean crowd was uncertain about what to do, so Simon kept watch over them and reinforced the walls with a larger guard. Still, this garrison couldn't stop those who wanted to desert; even though many were killed, there were many more deserters. All of them were accepted by the Romans because Titus became slack regarding his previous orders to execute them. The soldiers were also growing weary of killing and hoped to profit from sparing them. They only executed the general populace and sold the rest of the crowd, along with their wives and children, at very low prices because there were so many being sold and so few buyers. Even though Titus had announced earlier that no deserter should come alone and that they could bring their families, he accepted those individuals too. Nevertheless, he appointed guards to distinguish between them to see if any warranted punishment. The number of those sold was enormous; however, over forty thousand from the populace were spared, with Caesar allowing each to go wherever they wished.
3. But now at this time it was that one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name was Jesus, upon his having security given him, by the oath of Caesar, that he should be preserved, upon condition that he should deliver to him certain of the precious things that had been reposited in the temple 29 came out of it, and delivered him from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks, like to those that lay in the holy house, with tables, and cisterns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and very heavy. He also delivered to him the veils and the garments, with the precious stones, and a great number of other precious vessels that belonged to their sacred worship. The treasurer of the temple also, whose name was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Titus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a great quantity of purple and scarlet, which were there reposited for the uses of the veil, as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia, with a large quantity of other sweet spices, 30 which used to be mixed together, and offered as incense to God every day. A great many other treasures were also delivered to him, with sacred ornaments of the temple not a few; which things thus delivered to Titus obtained of him for this man the same pardon that he had allowed to such as deserted of their own accord.
3. But at that time, one of the priests, the son of Thebuthus, named Jesus, was given a promise of safety by Caesar's oath, under the condition that he would hand over some of the valuable items stored in the temple. He came out and retrieved from the wall of the holy house two candlesticks, similar to those that were in the holy house, along with tables, cisterns, and vials, all made of solid gold and very heavy. He also handed over the veils and garments, along with precious stones and many other valuable vessels used in their sacred worship. The temple treasurer, whose name was Phineas, was also captured and showed Titus the coats and belts of the priests, along with a large amount of purple and scarlet fabric kept for the veils, as well as a significant quantity of cinnamon and cassia, along with a large amount of other sweet spices that were usually mixed together and offered as incense to God each day. Many other treasures were also handed over to him, along with several sacred ornaments from the temple; these items given to Titus earned this man the same pardon that he granted to those who had deserted voluntarily.
4. And now were the banks finished on the seventh day of the month Gorpieus, [Elul,] in eighteen days' time, when the Romans brought their machines against the wall. But for the seditious, some of them, as despairing of saving the city, retired from the wall to the citadel; others of them went down into the subterranean vaults, though still a great many of them defended themselves against those that brought the engines for the battery; yet did the Romans overcome them by their number and by their strength; and, what was the principal thing of all, by going cheerfully about their work, while the Jews were quite dejected, and become weak. Now as soon as a part of the wall was battered down, and certain of the towers yielded to the impression of the battering rams, those that opposed themselves fled away, and such a terror fell upon the tyrants, as was much greater than the occasion required; for before the enemy got over the breach they were quite stunned, and were immediately for flying away. And now one might see these men, who had hitherto been so insolent and arrogant in their wicked practices, to be cast down and to tremble, insomuch that it would pity one's heart to observe the change that was made in those vile persons. Accordingly, they ran with great violence upon the Roman wall that encompassed them, in order to force away those that guarded it, and to break through it, and get away. But when they saw that those who had formerly been faithful to them had gone away, [as indeed they were fled whithersoever the great distress they were in persuaded them to flee,] as also when those that came running before the rest told them that the western wall was entirely overthrown, while others said the Romans were gotten in, and others that they were near, and looking out for them, which were only the dictates of their fear, which imposed upon their sight, they fell upon their face, and greatly lamented their own mad conduct; and their nerves were so terribly loosed, that they could not flee away. And here one may chiefly reflect on the power of God exercised upon these wicked wretches, and on the good fortune of the Romans; for these tyrants did now wholly deprive themselves of the security they had in their own power, and came down from those very towers of their own accord, wherein they could have never been taken by force, nor indeed by any other way than by famine. And thus did the Romans, when they had taken such great pains about weaker walls, get by good fortune what they could never have gotten by their engines; for three of these towers were too strong for all mechanical engines whatsoever, concerning which we have treated above.
4. On the seventh day of the month Gorpieus [Elul], after eighteen days had passed, the banks were finished when the Romans brought their machines to the wall. Some of the rebels, feeling hopeless about saving the city, retreated from the wall to the citadel; others went down into the underground vaults. Many still fought against the Romans and their siege engines, but the Romans overwhelmed them with their numbers and strength. What really made the difference was the Romans' determination and focus on their task, while the Jews had become disheartened and weak. Once part of the wall was breached and some towers fell to the battering rams, those who were defending fled in terror, which was far greater than the situation warranted. Before the enemy crossed the breach, they were in shock and ready to retreat. In that moment, the once arrogant and defiant tyrants were reduced to trembling fear, making it painful to witness their drastic change. They rushed violently toward the Roman wall surrounding them, trying to push away the guards and break through to escape. But when they realized that those who had been loyal to them had abandoned them, driven off by the overwhelming distress, and when they heard frantic reports that the western wall had completely collapsed, others claimed the Romans had entered, or were closing in on them, it was all just their fear distorting the truth. They collapsed in despair, lamenting their reckless actions, unable to flee. Here, one can see God’s power at work against these wicked individuals and the favorable circumstances for the Romans. These tyrants had completely surrendered the security they thought they had and came down from their towers, which they could never have been taken from by force, but only by starvation. Thus, the Romans, after much effort on weaker walls, achieved success through sheer luck that they could never have obtained through their machines; because three of those towers were too strong for any siege engine, as discussed above.
5. So they now left these towers of themselves, or rather they were ejected out of them by God himself, and fled immediately to that valley which was under Siloam, where they again recovered themselves out of the dread they were in for a while, and ran violently against that part of the Roman wall which lay on that side; but as their courage was too much depressed to make their attacks with sufficient force, and their power was now broken with fear and affliction, they were repulsed by the guards, and dispersing themselves at distances from each other, went down into the subterranean caverns. So the Romans being now become masters of the walls, they both placed their ensigns upon the towers, and made joyful acclamations for the victory they had gained, as having found the end of this war much lighter than its beginning; for when they had gotten upon the last wall, without any bloodshed, they could hardly believe what they found to be true; but seeing nobody to oppose them, they stood in doubt what such an unusual solitude could mean. But when they went in numbers into the lanes of the city with their swords drawn, they slew those whom they overtook without and set fire to the houses whither the Jews were fled, and burnt every soul in them, and laid waste a great many of the rest; and when they were come to the houses to plunder them, they found in them entire families of dead men, and the upper rooms full of dead corpses, that is, of such as died by the famine; they then stood in a horror at this sight, and went out without touching any thing. But although they had this commiseration for such as were destroyed in that manner, yet had they not the same for those that were still alive, but they ran every one through whom they met with, and obstructed the very lanes with their dead bodies, and made the whole city run down with blood, to such a degree indeed that the fire of many of the houses was quenched with these men's blood. And truly so it happened, that though the slayers left off at the evening, yet did the fire greatly prevail in the night; and as all was burning, came that eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul] upon Jerusalem, a city that had been liable to so many miseries during this siege, that, had it always enjoyed as much happiness from its first foundation, it would certainly have been the envy of the world. Nor did it on any other account so much deserve these sore misfortunes, as by producing such a generation of men as were the occasions of this its overthrow.
5. So they left their towers, or rather were forced out of them by God himself, and quickly ran to the valley under Siloam, where they briefly regained their composure after the fear they felt. They charged at the section of the Roman wall on their side, but their spirits were too low to attack with enough force, and their strength was broken by fear and suffering, so they were pushed back by the guards. Scattering away from each other, they went down into the underground caves. With the Romans now in control of the walls, they put their flags on the towers and celebrated their victory, feeling that the end of this war was much easier than its beginning. When they reached the last wall without any fighting, they could barely believe it was real; seeing no one to oppose them, they wondered what such an unusual silence meant. However, when they entered the city streets with their swords drawn, they killed everyone they encountered and set fire to the houses where the Jews had fled, burning every soul inside and wreaking havoc on many others. When they got to the houses to loot them, they found whole families of dead people, and the upper rooms were filled with corpses, victims of starvation. Horrified by this sight, they quickly left without taking anything. Yet, even though they felt pity for those who had died that way, they showed none for the living, running everyone they met through with their swords, filling the very streets with dead bodies and covering the entire city in blood—so much so that the flames from many houses were extinguished with the blood of these men. And so it happened that although the killing stopped in the evening, the fires raged on through the night; and as everything burned, the eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul] arrived in Jerusalem, a city that had suffered countless miseries during this siege. Had it always experienced as much happiness since its founding, it would certainly have been the envy of the world. It didn’t deserve such severe misfortunes for any other reason than producing a generation of people who were the cause of its downfall.
CHAPTER 9.
What Injunctions Caesar Gave When He Was Come Within The
City. The Number Of The Captives And Of Those That Perished
In The Siege; As Also Concerning Those That Had Escaped Into
The Subterranean Caverns, Among Whom Were The Tyrants Simon
And John Themselves.
What Orders Caesar Gave When He Arrived In The City. The Count Of The Captives And Of Those Who Died In The Siege; Also About Those Who Had Fled Into The Underground Caverns, Including The Tyrants Simon And John Themselves.
1. Now when Titus was come into this [upper] city, he admired not only some other places of strength in it, but particularly those strong towers which the tyrants in their mad conduct had relinquished; for when he saw their solid altitude, and the largeness of their several stones, and the exactness of their joints, as also how great was their breadth, and how extensive their length, he expressed himself after the manner following: "We have certainly had God for our assistant in this war, and it was no other than God who ejected the Jews out of these fortifications; for what could the hands of men or any machines do towards overthrowing these towers?" At which time he had many such discourses to his friends; he also let such go free as had been bound by the tyrants, and were left in the prisons. To conclude, when he entirely demolished the rest of the city, and overthrew its walls, he left these towers as a monument of his good fortune, which had proved his auxiliaries, and enabled him to take what could not otherwise have been taken by him.
1. When Titus arrived in this upper city, he was impressed not just by some other strongholds but especially by the tall towers that the tyrants had abandoned in their madness. As he looked at their impressive height, the size of the stones, the precision of their joints, and how broad and long they were, he remarked, "Surely, we had God on our side in this war, and it was none other than God who drove the Jews from these fortifications; what could mere men or any machines do to bring down these towers?" At that moment, he had many discussions like this with his friends. He also released those who had been imprisoned by the tyrants. Ultimately, after completely demolishing the rest of the city and tearing down its walls, he left these towers standing as a monument to his good fortune, which had supported him and allowed him to conquer what would have otherwise been impossible to capture.
2. And now, since his soldiers were already quite tired with killing men, and yet there appeared to be a vast multitude still remaining alive, Caesar gave orders that they should kill none but those that were in arms, and opposed them, but should take the rest alive. But, together with those whom they had orders to slay, they slew the aged and the infirm; but for those that were in their flourishing age, and who might be useful to them, they drove them together into the temple, and shut them up within the walls of the court of the women; over which Caesar set one of his freed-men, as also Fronto, one of his own friends; which last was to determine every one's fate, according to his merits. So this Fronto slew all those that had been seditious and robbers, who were impeached one by another; but of the young men he chose out the tallest and most beautiful, and reserved them for the triumph; and as for the rest of the multitude that were above seventeen years old, he put them into bonds, and sent them to the Egyptian mines. 31 Titus also sent a great number into the provinces, as a present to them, that they might be destroyed upon their theatres, by the sword and by the wild beasts; but those that were under seventeen years of age were sold for slaves. Now during the days wherein Fronto was distinguishing these men, there perished, for want of food, eleven thousand; some of whom did not taste any food, through the hatred their guards bore to them; and others would not take in any when it was given them. The multitude also was so very great, that they were in want even of corn for their sustenance.
2. And now, since his soldiers were already quite tired from killing, and there was still a huge number of people left alive, Caesar ordered that they should only kill those who were armed and fighting back, while taking the rest alive. However, along with the people they were ordered to kill, they also ended up killing the old and the weak. As for the young and able-bodied ones who could be useful, they gathered them into the temple and locked them inside the women's court. Caesar appointed one of his freedmen and his friend Fronto to oversee them; Fronto was responsible for deciding everyone's fate based on their actions. So, Fronto executed all those accused of being rebellious or robbers, who implicated each other. From the young men, he picked out the tallest and most attractive ones to reserve for the triumph; for the rest of the crowd over seventeen, he put them in chains and sent them to the Egyptian mines. 31 Titus also sent a large number to the provinces as a gift, so they could be killed in the arenas by swords and wild beasts; the ones under seventeen were sold into slavery. During the days Fronto was sorting through these men, eleven thousand died from starvation; some hadn’t eaten because of their guards’ hatred, while others refused food when it was offered. The crowd was so massive that they even ran out of grain for their survival.
3. Now the number 32 of those that were carried captive during this whole war was collected to be ninety-seven thousand; as was the number of those that perished during the whole siege eleven hundred thousand, the greater part of whom were indeed of the same nation [with the citizens of Jerusalem], but not belonging to the city itself; for they were come up from all the country to the feast of unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut up by an army, which, at the very first, occasioned so great a straitness among them, that there came a pestilential destruction upon them, and soon afterward such a famine, as destroyed them more suddenly. And that this city could contain so many people in it, is manifest by that number of them which was taken under Cestius, who being desirous of informing Nero of the power of the city, who otherwise was disposed to contemn that nation, entreated the high priests, if the thing were possible, to take the number of their whole multitude. So these high priests, upon the coming of that feast which is called the Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from the ninth hour till the eleventh, but so that a company not less than ten 33 belong to every sacrifice, [for it is not lawful for them to feast singly by themselves,] and many of us are twenty in a company, found the number of sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thousand five hundred; which, upon the allowance of no more than ten that feast together, amounts to two millions seven hundred thousand and two hundred persons that were pure and holy; for as to those that have the leprosy, or the gonorrhea, or women that have their monthly courses, or such as are otherwise polluted, it is not lawful for them to be partakers of this sacrifice; nor indeed for any foreigners neither, who come hither to worship.
3. The total number of people captured during the entire war was around ninety-seven thousand; and the number of those who died during the entire siege was eleven hundred thousand, most of whom were indeed from the same nation as the citizens of Jerusalem, but did not actually belong to the city itself. They had come from all over the country to the festival of unleavened bread and were suddenly trapped by an army, which initially caused such great distress among them that a deadly plague struck, followed soon after by a famine that wiped them out even faster. It’s clear that this city could hold so many people, as shown by the number taken under Cestius, who wanted to report to Nero about the city’s power, as Nero was inclined to dismiss that nation. He asked the high priests, if it were possible, to count the total number of people. So, when the Passover feast came around, where they sacrifice from the ninth hour to the eleventh, ensuring that at least ten people are involved in each sacrifice (since it’s not allowed for them to feast alone), many groups had twenty members, and they found that the number of sacrifices was two hundred fifty-six thousand five hundred. Based on the rule of no more than ten sharing in a feast, this adds up to two million seven hundred thousand and two hundred individuals who were pure and holy; as for those with leprosy, gonorrhea, or women on their menstrual cycles, or anyone else who was polluted, they were not allowed to participate in this sacrifice, nor were any foreigners who came to worship here.
4. Now this vast multitude is indeed collected out of remote places, but the entire nation was now shut up by fate as in prison, and the Roman army encompassed the city when it was crowded with inhabitants. Accordingly, the multitude of those that therein perished exceeded all the destructions that either men or God ever brought upon the world; for, to speak only of what was publicly known, the Romans slew some of them, some they carried captives, and others they made a search for under ground, and when they found where they were, they broke up the ground and slew all they met with. There were also found slain there above two thousand persons, partly by their own hands, and partly by one another, but chiefly destroyed by the famine; but then the ill savor of the dead bodies was most offensive to those that lighted upon them, insomuch that some were obliged to get away immediately, while others were so greedy of gain, that they would go in among the dead bodies that lay on heaps, and tread upon them; for a great deal of treasure was found in these caverns, and the hope of gain made every way of getting it to be esteemed lawful. Many also of those that had been put in prison by the tyrants were now brought out; for they did not leave off their barbarous cruelty at the very last: yet did God avenge himself upon them both, in a manner agreeable to justice. As for John, he wanted food, together with his brethren, in these caverns, and begged that the Romans would now give him their right hand for his security, which he had often proudly rejected before; but for Simon, he struggled hard with the distress he was in, still he was forced to surrender himself, as we shall relate hereafter; so he was reserved for the triumph, and to be then slain; as was John condemned to perpetual imprisonment. And now the Romans set fire to the extreme parts of the city, and burnt them down, and entirely demolished its walls.
4. This huge crowd was gathered from faraway places, but the entire nation was trapped by fate, like being in prison, and the Roman army surrounded the city just as it was packed with people. As a result, the number of those who died there was greater than any destruction caused by humans or God in history. To put it simply, the Romans killed some, captured others, and searched underground for more. When they found them, they dug up the ground and killed everyone they encountered. They discovered over two thousand dead, some having taken their own lives, others killed by each other, but mostly dying from hunger. The terrible smell of the dead bodies was so bad that some had to leave immediately, while others were so desperate for treasure that they walked among the heaps of corpses and stepped on them; a lot of valuables were found in these hiding spots, and the hope of riches made any way to obtain them seem fair game. Many of those imprisoned by the tyrants were released; they didn't stop their brutal cruelty until the very end. Yet God sought justice against them both. John was lacking food, along with his companions, in these caverns and begged the Romans for their protection, which he had previously rejected with pride. Simon, struggling through his hardships, ultimately had to surrender himself, as we'll discuss later; he was kept alive for a triumph that would end in his death, while John was condemned to lifelong imprisonment. The Romans then set fire to the outer parts of the city, burning them and completely destroying its walls.
CHAPTER 10.
That Whereas The City Of Jerusalem Had Been Five Times Taken
Formerly, This Was The Second Time Of Its Desolation. A
Brief Account Of Its History.
That Whereas The City Of Jerusalem Had Been Five Times Taken
Before, This Was The Second Time It Was Destroyed. A
Brief Overview Of Its History.1. And thus was Jerusalem taken, in the second year of the reign of Vespasian, on the eighth day of the month Gorpeius [Elul]. It had been taken five 34 times before, though this was the second time of its desolation; for Shishak, the king of Egypt, and after him Antiochus, and after him Pompey, and after them Sosius and Herod, took the city, but still preserved it; but before all these, the king of Babylon conquered it, and made it desolate, one thousand four hundred and sixty-eight years and six months after it was built. But he who first built it was a potent man among the Canaanites, and is in our own tongue called [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, for such he really was; on which account he was [there] the first priest of God, and first built a temple [there], 35 and called the city Jerusalem, which was formerly called Salem. However, David, the king of the Jews, ejected the Canaanites, and settled his own people therein. It was demolished entirely by the Babylonians, four hundred and seventy-seven years and six months after him. And from king David, who was the first of the Jews who reigned therein, to this destruction under Titus, were one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine years; but from its first building, till this last destruction, were two thousand one hundred and seventy-seven years; yet hath not its great antiquity, nor its vast riches, nor the diffusion of its nation over all the habitable earth, nor the greatness of the veneration paid to it on a religious account, been sufficient to preserve it from being destroyed. And thus ended the siege of Jerusalem.
1. And so Jerusalem was taken in the second year of Vespasian’s reign, on the eighth day of the month Gorpeius [Elul]. It had been taken five 34 times before, but this was the second time it was left desolate; Shishak, the king of Egypt, followed by Antiochus, then Pompey, and later Sosius and Herod, captured the city but kept it intact. However, before all of them, the king of Babylon conquered it and reduced it to ruins, one thousand four hundred and sixty-eight years and six months after it was built. The one who first built it was a powerful man among the Canaanites, known in our language as [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, because that’s exactly what he was; thus, he became the first priest of God and built the first temple [there], 35 and named the city Jerusalem, which was previously called Salem. However, David, the king of the Jews, drove out the Canaanites and settled his own people there. The Babylonians completely destroyed it four hundred and seventy-seven years and six months after his reign. From King David, the first Jew to rule there, until this destruction by Titus, was one thousand one hundred and seventy-nine years; but from its initial construction to this final destruction was two thousand one hundred and seventy-seven years. Yet, despite its great antiquity, enormous wealth, the spread of its people across the earth, and the deep reverence it received for religious reasons, none of this was enough to save it from being destroyed. And so ended the siege of Jerusalem.
1 (return)
[ Reland notes here, very
pertinently, that the tower of Antonia stood higher than the floor of the
temple or court adjoining to it; and that accordingly they descended
thence into the temple, as Josephus elsewhere speaks also. See Book VI.
ch. 2. sect. 5.]
1 (return)
[ Reland points out that the tower of Antonia was taller than the floor of the nearby temple or courtyard; therefore, they went down into the temple, as Josephus notes elsewhere. See Book VI. ch. 2. sect. 5.]
2 (return)
[ In this speech of Titus we
may clearly see the notions which the Romans then had of death, and of the
happy state of those who died bravely in war, and the contrary estate of
those who died ignobly in their beds by sickness. Reland here also
produces two parallel passages, the one out of Atonia Janus Marcellinus,
concerning the Alani, lib. 31, that "they judged that man happy who laid
down his life in battle;" the other of Valerius Maximus, lib. 11. ch. 6,
who says, "that the Cimbri and Celtiberi exulted for joy in the army, as
being to go out of the world gloriously and happily."]
2 (return)
[ In this speech by Titus, we can clearly see what the Romans thought about death, the honorable fate of those who died bravely in battle, and the shameful fate of those who passed away weakly in their beds due to illness. Reland also provides two similar quotes: one from Atonia Janus Marcellinus, in book 31, stating that "they considered a man fortunate who lost his life in battle;" and another from Valerius Maximus, book 11, chapter 6, which mentions that "the Cimbri and Celtiberi rejoiced in the army, feeling they were leaving the world in a glorious and happy way."]
4 (return)
[ No wonder that this
Julian, who had so many nails in his shoes, slipped upon the pavement of
the temple, which was smooth, and laid with marble of different colors.]
4 (return)
[It’s no surprise that Julian, who had so many nails in his shoes, slipped on the smooth pavement of the temple, which was made of differently colored marble.]
5 (return)
[ This was a remarkable day
indeed, the seventeenth of Panemuns. [Footnote Tamuz,] A.D. 70, when,
according to Daniel's prediction, six hundred and six years before, the
Romans "in half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease," Daniel
9:27. For from the month of February, A.D. 66, about which time Vespasian
entered on this war, to this very time, was just three years and a half.
See Bishop Lloyd's Tables of Chronology, published by Mr. Marshall, on
this year. Nor is it to be omitted, what year nearly confirms this
duration of the war, that four years before the war begun was somewhat
above seven years five months before the destruction of Jerusalem, ch. 5.
sect. 3.]
5 (return)
[ This was indeed a remarkable day, the seventeenth of Panemuns. [Footnote Tamuz,] A.D. 70, when, according to Daniel's prediction six hundred and six years earlier, the Romans "in half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease," Daniel 9:27. From February, A.D. 66, when Vespasian started this war, to this point in time, it had been just three and a half years. Refer to Bishop Lloyd's Tables of Chronology, published by Mr. Marshall, regarding this year. It is also noteworthy that the year closely confirms this duration of the war; four years before the war began was slightly more than seven years and five months before the destruction of Jerusalem, ch. 5. sect. 3.]
6 (return)
[ The same that in the New
Testament is always so called, and was then the common language of the
Jews in Judea, which was the Syriac dialect.]
6 (return)
[The same term used in the New Testament, which was the common language of the Jews in Judea at that time, specifically the Syriac dialect.]
7 (return)
[ Our present copies of the
Old Testament want this encomium upon king Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which
it seems was in Josephus's copy.]
7 (return)
[ Our current copies of the Old Testament lack this praise of King Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which appears to have been in Josephus's version.]
8 (return)
[ Of this oracle, see the
note on B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 3. Josephus, both here and in many places
elsewhere, speaks so, that it is most evident he was fully satisfied that
God was on the Romans' side, and made use of them now for the destruction
of that wicked nation of the Jews; which was for certain the true state of
this matter, as the prophet Daniel first, and our Savior himself
afterwards, had clearly foretold. See Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 64, etc.]
8 (return)
[ For more on this oracle, see the note on B. IV. ch. 6. sect. 3. Josephus, in this instance and many others, clearly believed that God was supporting the Romans and was using them to bring down the wicked nation of the Jews. This reflects the true nature of the situation, as both the prophet Daniel and our Savior later foretold. See Lit. Accompl. of Proph. p. 64, etc.]
9 (return)
[ Josephus had before told
us, B. V. ch. 13. sect. 1, that this fourth son of Matthias ran away to
the Romans "before" his father's and brethren's slaughter, and not "after"
it, as here. The former account is, in all probability, the truest; for
had not that fourth son escaped before the others were caught and put to
death, he had been caught and put to death with them. This last account,
therefore, looks like an instance of a small inadvertence of Josephus in
the place before us.]
9 (return)
[ Josephus previously mentioned, B. V. ch. 13. sect. 1, that this fourth son of Matthias fled to the Romans "before" his father and brothers were killed, and not "after" as stated here. The earlier account is likely the most accurate; if that fourth son hadn't escaped before the others were captured and executed, he would have been caught and executed with them. Therefore, this later account seems to be a minor mistake on Josephus's part in the context provided.]
10 (return)
[ Of this partition-wall
separating Jews and Gentiles, with its pillars and inscription, see the
description of the temples, ch. 15.]
10 (return)
[For details about this partition wall that separates Jews and Gentiles, including its pillars and inscription, refer to the description of the temples, ch. 15.]
11 (return)
[ That these seditious
Jews were the direct occasions of their own destruction, and of the
conflagration of their city and temple, and that Titus earnestly and
constantly labored to save both, is here and every where most evident in
Josephus.]
11 (return)
[It's clear that these rebellious Jews caused their own downfall, leading to the destruction of their city and temple, while Titus worked hard and consistently to save both.]
13 (return)
[ Court of Israel.]
13 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ Israeli Court.]
15 (return)
[ What Josephus observes
here, that no parallel examples had been recorded before this time of such
sieges, wherein mothers were forced by extremity of famine to eat their
own children, as had been threatened to the Jews in the law of Moses, upon
obstinate disobedience, and more than once fulfilled, [see my Boyle's
Lectures, p. 210-214,] is by Dr. Hudson supposed to have had two or three
parallel examples in later ages. He might have had more examples, I
suppose, of persons on ship-board, or in a desert island, casting lots for
each others' bodies; but all this was only in cases where they knew of no
possible way to avoid death themselves but by killing and eating others.
Whether such examples come up to the present case may be doubted. The
Romans were not only willing, but very desirous, to grant those Jews in
Jerusalem both their lives and their liberties, and to save both their
city and their temple. But the zealots, the robbers, and the seditious
would hearken to no terms of submission. They voluntarily chose to reduce
the citizens to that extremity, as to force mothers to this unnatural
barbarity, which, in all its circumstances, has not, I still suppose, been
hitherto paralleled among the rest of mankind.]
15 (return)
[ What Josephus notes here is that there were no recorded examples before this time of such sieges, where mothers were driven by extreme famine to eat their own children, as had been threatened to the Jews in the law of Moses for stubborn disobedience, and had been fulfilled more than once, [see my Boyle's Lectures, p. 210-214.] Dr. Hudson suggests that there might have been two or three similar cases in later times. He might have more examples, I think, of people on ships or in desert islands drawing lots for each other's bodies; but those situations only occurred when they saw no way to avoid death except by killing and eating others. Whether such cases are comparable to the current situation is debatable. The Romans were not just willing but eager to give those Jews in Jerusalem both their lives and their freedom, and to save both their city and their temple. However, the zealots, robbers, and revolutionaries would not listen to any terms of surrender. They chose to bring the citizens to such an extreme that it forced mothers into this unnatural cruelty, which, in all its details, I still believe has not been paralleled among the rest of humanity.]
16 (return)
[ These steps to the altar
of burnt-offering seem here either an improper and inaccurate expression
of Josephus, since it was unlawful to make ladder steps; [see description
of the temples, ch. 13., and note on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 5;] or
else those steps or stairs we now use were invented before the days of
Herod the Great, and had been here built by him; though the later Jews
always deny it, and say that even Herod's altar was ascended to by an
acclivity only.]
16 (return)
[ These steps leading to the altar of burnt offerings seem to be either a misleading and inaccurate description by Josephus, as making ladder-like steps was prohibited; [see description of the temples, ch. 13., and note on Antiq. B. IV. ch. 8. sect. 5;] or it's possible that the steps we use today were created before Herod the Great's time and were constructed by him. However, later Jewish sources always reject this idea and claim that even Herod's altar was accessed only by a slope.]
17 (return)
[ This Perea, if the word
be not mistaken in the copies, cannot well be that Perea which was beyond
Jordan, whose mountains were at a considerable distance from Jordan, and
much too remote from Jerusalem to join in this echo at the conflagration
of the temple; but Perea must be rather some mountains beyond the brook
Cedron, as was the Mount of Olives, or some others about such a distance
from Jerusalem; which observation is so obvious, that it is a wonder our
commentators here take no notice of it.]
17 (return)
[ This Perea, if the term is accurate in the copies, can't really be the Perea that was beyond the Jordan, whose mountains were quite far from the Jordan and too distant from Jerusalem to be involved in the response to the temple's destruction; rather, Perea must refer to some mountains beyond the Kidron Valley, like the Mount of Olives, or others around that distance from Jerusalem; this point is so clear that it's surprising our commentators here do not mention it.]
18 (return)
[ Reland I think here
judges well, when he interprets these spikes [Footnote of those that stood
on the top of the holy house] with sharp points; they were fixed into
lead, to prevent the birds from sitting there, and defiling the holy
house; for such spikes there were now upon it, as Josephus himself hath
already assured us, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6.]
18 (return)
[Reland seems to get it right when he explains these spikes [Footnote of those that stood on the top of the holy house] as being sharp-tipped; they were attached to lead to stop the birds from perching there and polluting the holy house. Indeed, such spikes were present, as Josephus himself has already confirmed, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6.]
19 (return)
[ Reland here takes
notice, that these Jews, who had despised the true Prophet, were
deservedly abused and deluded by these false ones.]
19 (return)
[ Reland here points out that these Jews, who rejected the true Prophet, were justifiably misled and deceived by these impostors.]
20 (return)
[ Whether Josephus means
that this star was different from that comet which lasted a whole year, I
cannot certainly determine. His words most favor their being different one
from another.]
20 (return)
[ I'm not entirely sure if Josephus is saying that this star was different from the comet that lasted a whole year. His words mostly suggest that they are indeed different from each other.]
21 (return)
[ Since Josephus still
uses the Syro-Macedonian month Xanthicus for the Jewish month Nisan, this
eighth, or, as Nicephorus reads it, this ninth of Xanthicus or Nisan was
almost a week before the passover, on the fourteenth; about which time we
learn from St. John that many used to go "out of the country to Jerusalem
to purify themselves," John 11:55, with 12:1; in agreement with Josephus
also, B. V. ch. 3. sect. 1. And it might well be, that in the sight of
these this extraordinary light might appear.]
21 (return)
[ Since Josephus still uses the Syro-Macedonian month Xanthicus for the Jewish month Nisan, this eighth, or, as Nicephorus puts it, this ninth of Xanthicus or Nisan was almost a week before Passover, which falls on the fourteenth. Around this time, we learn from St. John that many would travel "out of the country to Jerusalem to purify themselves," John 11:55, along with 12:1; this aligns with Josephus, B. V. ch. 3. sect. 1. It’s likely that in the eyes of these people, this extraordinary light might have seemed significant.]
22 (return)
[ This here seems to be
the court of the priests.]
22 (return)
[ This looks like the priests' court.]
23 (return)
[ Both Reland and
Havercamp in this place alter the natural punctuation and sense of
Josephus, and this contrary to the opinion of Valesilus and Dr. Hudson,
lest Josephus should say that the Jews built booths or tents within the
temple at the feast of tabernacles; which the later Rabbins will not allow
to have been the ancient practice: but then, since it is expressly told us
in Nehemiah, ch. 8:16, that in still elder times "the Jews made booths in
the courts of the house of God" at that festival, Josephus may well be
permitted to say the same. And indeed the modern Rabbins are of very small
authority in all such matters of remote antiquity.]
23 (return)
[Both Reland and Havercamp change the natural punctuation and meaning of Josephus here, which goes against the views of Valesilus and Dr. Hudson, to prevent Josephus from stating that the Jews set up booths or tents in the temple during the feast of tabernacles; something that later Rabbis argue was not the old practice. However, since Nehemiah, ch. 8:16, clearly states that in even earlier times "the Jews made booths in the courts of the house of God" during that festival, Josephus can certainly be allowed to say the same. In fact, modern Rabbis hold very little authority on issues concerning distant antiquity.]
24 (return)
[ Take Havercamp's note
here: "This [says he] is a remarkable place; and Tertullian truly says in
his Apologetic, ch. 16. p. 162, that the entire religion of the Roman camp
almost consisted in worshipping the ensigns, in swearing by the ensigns,
and in preferring the ensigns before all the [other] gods." See what
Havercamp says upon that place of Tertullian.]
24 (return)
[ Take Havercamp's note here: "This is a remarkable place; and Tertullian really says in his Apologetic, ch. 16. p. 162, that the whole religion of the Roman camp almost revolved around worshipping the standards, swearing by the standards, and putting the standards above all the other gods." Check out what Havercamp says about that part of Tertullian.]
25 (return)
[ This declaring Titus
imperator by the soldiers, upon such signal success, and the slaughter of
such a vast number of enemies, was according to the usual practice of the
Romans in like cases, as Reland assures us on this place.]
25 (return)
[ The soldiers declared Titus imperator after such significant success and the defeat of a large number of enemies, following the customary practices of the Romans in similar situations, as Reland confirms in this instance.]
26 (return)
[ The Jews of later times
agree with Josephus, that there were hiding-places or secret chambers
about the holy house, as Reland here informs us, where he thinks he has
found these very walls described by them.]
26 (return)
[ The Jews of later times agree with Josephus that there were hiding spots or secret chambers around the holy house, as Reland informs us here, where he believes he has identified these very walls as described by them.]
27 (return)
[ Spanheim notes here,
that the Romans used to permit the Jews to collect their sacred tribute,
and send it to Jerusalem; of which we have had abundant evidence in
Josephus already on other occasions.]
27 (return)
[ Spanheim points out here that the Romans used to allow the Jews to gather their religious tax and send it to Jerusalem; we have already seen plenty of evidence of this in Josephus on other occasions.]
28 (return)
[ This innumerable
multitude of Jews that were "sold" by the Romans was an eminent completion
of God's ancient threatening by Moses, that if they apostatized from the
obedience to his laws, they should be "sold unto their enemies for
bond-men and bond-women," Deuteronomy 28;68. See more especially the note
on ch. 9. sect. 2. But one thing is here peculiarly remarkable, that Moses
adds, Though they should be "sold" for slaves, yet "no man should buy
them;" i.e. either they should have none to redeem them from this sale
into slavery; or rather, that the slaves to be sold should be more than
were the purchasers for them, and so they should be sold for little or
nothing; which is what Josephus here affirms to have been the case at this
time.]
28 (return)
[ This vast number of Jews sold by the Romans fulfills God's ancient warning through Moses that if they turned away from obeying His laws, they would be "sold unto their enemies for bond-men and bond-women," Deuteronomy 28:68. See especially the note on ch. 9, sect. 2. However, one notable point here is that Moses adds, even if they are "sold" as slaves, "no man should buy them;" meaning either there would be no one to redeem them from this slavery, or more likely, there would be more slaves available than buyers, resulting in them being sold for little or nothing; this is what Josephus confirms was the case at that time.]
29 (return)
[ What became of these
spoils of the temple that escaped the fire, see Josephus himself
hereafter, B. VII. ch. 5. sect. 5, and Reland de Spoliis Templi, p.
129-138.]
29 (return)
[ To find out what happened to the temple treasures that survived the fire, check out Josephus later on, B. VII. ch. 5. sect. 5, and Reland de Spoliis Templi, p. 129-138.]
30 (return)
[ These various sorts of
spices, even more than those four which Moses prescribed, Exodus 31:34, we
see were used in their public worship under Herod's temple, particularly
cinnamon and cassia; which Reland takes particular notice of, as agreeing
with the latter testimony of the Talmudists.]
30 (return)
[ These different types of spices, even more than the four that Moses recommended in Exodus 31:34, were clearly used in their public worship at Herod's temple, especially cinnamon and cassia; which Reland specifically highlights, as it aligns with the later statements of the Talmudists.]
31 (return)
[ See the several
predictions that the Jews, if they became obstinate in their idolatry and
wickedness, should be sent again or sold into Egypt for their punishment,
Deuteronomy 28:68; Jeremiah 44:7; Hosea 8:13; 9:3; 9:4, 5; 2 Samuel
15:10-13; with Authentic Records, Part I. p. 49, 121; and Reland Painest
And, tom. II. p. 715.]
31 (return)
[ See the various predictions that the Jews, if they remained stubborn in their idol worship and wrongdoing, would be sent back to Egypt or sold there as punishment, Deuteronomy 28:68; Jeremiah 44:7; Hosea 8:13; 9:3; 9:4, 5; 2 Samuel 15:10-13; along with Authentic Records, Part I. p. 49, 121; and Reland Painest And, vol. II. p. 715.]
32 (return)
[ The whole multitude of
the Jews that were destroyed during the entire seven years before this
time, in all the countries of and bordering on Judea, is summed up by
Archbishop Usher, from Lipsius, out of Josephus, at the year of Christ 70,
and amounts to 1,337,490. Nor could there have been that number of Jews in
Jerusalem to be destroyed in this siege, as will be presently set down by
Josephus, but that both Jews and proselytes of justice were just then come
up out of the other countries of Galilee, Samaria, Judea, and Perea and
other remoter regions, to the passover, in vast numbers, and therein
cooped up, as in a prison, by the Roman army, as Josephus himself well
observes in this and the next section, and as is exactly related
elsewhere, B. V. ch. 3. sect. 1 and ch. 13. sect. 7.]
32 (return)
[ The entire number of Jews who were killed during the seven years leading up to this point, across all the regions in and around Judea, is estimated by Archbishop Usher, based on Lipsius and Josephus, to be 1,337,490 by the year 70 AD. There couldn't have been that many Jews in Jerusalem to be killed during this siege, as Josephus will explain shortly, unless both Jews and converts who followed the law had gathered from Galilee, Samaria, Judea, Perea, and other distant areas for the Passover in large numbers. They were then trapped, almost like in a prison, by the Roman army, as Josephus himself notes in this section and the next, and as detailed elsewhere, B. V. ch. 3. sect. 1 and ch. 13. sect. 7.]
33 (return)
[ This number of a company
for one paschal lamb, between ten and twenty, agrees exactly with the
number thirteen, at our Savior's last passover. As to the whole number of
the Jews that used to come up to the passover, and eat of it at Jerusalem,
see the note on B. II. ch. 14. sect. 3. This number ought to be here
indeed just ten times the number of the lambs, or just 2,565,000, by
Josephus's own reasoning; whereas it is, in his present copies, no less
than 2,700,000, which last number is, however, nearest the other number in
the place now cited, which is 3,000,000. But what is here chiefly
remarkable is this, that no foreign nation ever came thus to destroy the
Jews at any of their solemn festivals, from the days of Moses till this
time, but came now upon their apostasy from God, and from obedience to
him. Nor is it possible, in the nature of things, that in any other nation
such vast numbers should be gotten together, and perish in the siege of
any one city whatsoever, as now happened in Jerusalem.]
33 (return)
[ This number of a company for one Passover lamb, between ten and twenty, aligns perfectly with the number thirteen at our Savior's last Passover. For the total number of Jews who used to come to Jerusalem for Passover and partake in it, refer to the note in B. II. ch. 14. sect. 3. This figure should indeed be exactly ten times the number of the lambs, or 2,565,000, according to Josephus's reasoning; however, in his current copies, it is stated to be no less than 2,700,000, which is, nonetheless, closer to the cited figure of 3,000,000. What is particularly noteworthy here is that no foreign nation has ever come to destroy the Jews during any of their solemn festivals, from the days of Moses up to this time, except now, due to their rebellion against God and disobedience to Him. It is also unlikely, by the nature of things, that any other nation could gather such vast numbers and suffer loss during the siege of any single city as occurred in Jerusalem.]
34 (return)
[ This is the proper place
for such as have closely attended to these latter books of the War to
peruse, and that with equal attention, those distinct and plain
predictions of Jesus of Nazareth, in the Gospels thereto relating, as
compared with their exact completions in Josephus's history; upon which
completions, as Dr. Whitby well observes, Annot. on Matthew 24:2, no small
part of the evidence for the truth of the Christian religion does depend;
and as I have step by step compared them together in my Literal
Accomplishment of Scripture Prophecies. The reader is to observe further,
that the true reason why I have so seldom taken notice of those
completions in the course of these notes, notwithstanding their being so
very remarkable, and frequently so very obvious, is this, that I had
entirely prevented myself in that treatise beforehand; to which therefore
I must here, once for all, seriously refer every inquisitive reader.
Besides these five here enumerated, who had taken Jerusalem of old,
Josephus, upon further recollection, reckons a sixth, Antiq. B. XII. ch.
1. sect. 1, who should have been here inserted in the second place; I mean
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus.]
34 (return)
[ This is the right spot for those who have closely studied the later books of the War to explore, with equal attention, the clear and straightforward predictions made by Jesus of Nazareth in the Gospels, and how they match up with their exact fulfillments in Josephus's history. Dr. Whitby notes, in his annotations on Matthew 24:2, that a significant part of the evidence supporting the truth of the Christian religion relies on these fulfillments; I have compared them step by step in my Literal Accomplishment of Scripture Prophecies. The reader should also note that the main reason I haven't frequently mentioned these fulfillments in my notes, despite their remarkable and often obvious nature, is that I have already covered them extensively in that earlier work, to which I must refer every curious reader. In addition to the five previously mentioned who captured Jerusalem in the past, Josephus, upon further reflection, identifies a sixth, in Antiq. B. XII. ch. 1. sect. 1, who should have been mentioned second: Ptolemy, the son of Lagus.]
35 (return)
[ Why the great Bochart
should say, [De Phoenic. Colon. B. II. ch. iv.,] that "there are in this
clause of Josephus as many mistakes as words," I do by no means
understand. Josephus thought Melchisedek first built, or rather rebuilt
and adorned, this city, and that it was then called Salem, as Psalm 76:2;
afterwards came to be called Jerusalem; and that Melchisedek, being a
priest as well as a king, built to the true God therein a temple, or place
for public Divine worship and sacrifice; all which things may be very true
for aught we know to the contrary. And for the word, or temple, as if it
must needs belong to the great temple built by Solomon long afterward,
Josephus himself uses, for the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. B. III.
ch. 6. sect. 4; see also Antiq. B. lit. ch. 6. sect. 1; as he here
presently uses, for a large and splendid synagogue of the Jews at Antioch,
B. VII. ch. 3. sect. 3.]
35 (return)
[ I don’t understand why the great Bochart would claim, [De Phoenic. Colon. B. II. ch. iv.,] that "this passage from Josephus contains as many mistakes as there are words." Josephus believed that Melchisedek initially built, or rather rebuilt and embellished, this city, which was then called Salem, as stated in Psalm 76:2; later, it came to be known as Jerusalem. He also thought that Melchisedek, being both a priest and a king, built a temple or a place for public worship and sacrifice to the true God; all of which could very well be true, for all we know. Regarding the term "temple," as if it must refer solely to the grand temple built by Solomon much later, Josephus himself uses it to describe the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. B. III. ch. 6. sect. 4; see also Antiq. B. lit. ch. 6. sect. 1; as he does here shortly, referring to a large and impressive synagogue of the Jews in Antioch, B. VII. ch. 3. sect. 3.]
BOOK VII.
Containing The Interval Of About Three Years.
From The Taking Of Jerusalem By Titus To The Sedition At
Cyrene
Containing The Interval Of About Three Years.
From The Capture Of Jerusalem By Titus To The Rebellion At
CyreneCHAPTER 1.
How The Entire City Of Jerusalem Was Demolished, Excepting
Three Towers; And How Titus Commended His Soldiers In A
Speech Made To Them, And Distributed Rewards To Them And
Then Dismissed Many Of Them.
How The Entire City Of Jerusalem Was Destroyed, Except for
Three Towers; And How Titus Praised His Soldiers In A
Speech He Gave To Them, Handed Out Rewards To Them And
Then Let Many Of Them Go.1. Now as soon as the army had no more people to slay or to plunder, because there remained none to be the objects of their fury, [for they would not have spared any, had there remained any other work to be done,] Caesar gave orders that they should now demolish the entire city and temple, but should leave as many of the towers standing as were of the greatest eminency; that is, Phasaelus, and Hippicus, and Mariamne; and so much of the wall as enclosed the city on the west side. This wall was spared, in order to afford a camp for such as were to lie in garrison, as were the towers also spared, in order to demonstrate to posterity what kind of city it was, and how well fortified, which the Roman valor had subdued; but for all the rest of the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with the ground by those that dug it up to the foundation, that there was left nothing to make those that came thither believe it had ever been inhabited. This was the end which Jerusalem came to by the madness of those that were for innovations; a city otherwise of great magnificence, and of mighty fame among all mankind.
1. Once the army had no one left to kill or loot, since there was no one left to unleash their rage on, [and they wouldn’t have spared anyone if there had been more to do,] Caesar ordered that they should now tear down the entire city and temple, but leave standing as many of the tallest towers as possible; specifically, Phasaelus, Hippicus, and Mariamne; and also preserve the section of the wall enclosing the city on the west side. This wall was spared to provide a base for troops stationed there, and the towers were also left intact to show future generations what kind of strong city it had been and how it was conquered by Roman courage; however, the rest of the wall was completely leveled to the ground by those who dug it up to the foundation, leaving nothing to suggest that it had ever been inhabited. This was the fate of Jerusalem due to the madness of those seeking change; a city that was otherwise magnificent and famous among all people.
2. But Caesar resolved to leave there, as a guard, the tenth legion, with certain troops of horsemen, and companies of footmen. So, having entirely completed this war, he was desirous to commend his whole army, on account of the great exploits they had performed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as had signalized themselves therein. He had therefore a great tribunal made for him in the midst of the place where he had formerly encamped, and stood upon it with his principal commanders about him, and spake so as to be heard by the whole army in the manner following: That he returned them abundance of thanks for their good-will which they had showed to him: he commended them for that ready obedience they had exhibited in this whole war, which obedience had appeared in the many and great dangers which they had courageously undergone; as also for that courage they had shown, and had thereby augmented of themselves their country's power, and had made it evident to all men, that neither the multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of their places, nor the largeness of their cities, nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get clear of the Roman valor, although some of them may have fortune in many respects on their side. He said further, that it was but reasonable for them to put an end to this war, now it had lasted so long, for that they had nothing better to wish for when they entered into it; and that this happened more favorably for them, and more for their glory, that all the Romans had willingly accepted of those for their governors, and the curators of their dominions, whom they had chosen for them, and had sent into their own country for that purpose, which still continued under the management of those whom they had pitched on, and were thankful to them for pitching upon them. That accordingly, although he did both admire and tenderly regard them all, because he knew that every one of them had gone as cheerfully about their work as their abilities and opportunities would give them leave; yet, he said, that he would immediately bestow rewards and dignities on those that had fought the most bravely, and with greater force, and had signalized their conduct in the most glorious manner, and had made his army more famous by their noble exploits; and that no one who had been willing to take more pains than another should miss of a just retribution for the same; for that he had been exceeding careful about this matter, and that the more, because he had much rather reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers than punish such as had offended.
2. But Caesar decided to leave the tenth legion there as a guard, along with some horsemen and foot soldiers. Having fully completed this war, he wanted to commend his entire army for their significant achievements and to grant proper rewards to those who had distinguished themselves. He therefore had a great platform built for himself in the center of the area where he had previously camped. Standing on it with his main commanders around him, he spoke loud enough for the whole army to hear: He expressed his heartfelt thanks for the goodwill they had shown him and praised them for their readiness to obey throughout the war, which was evident in the many great dangers they had courageously faced. He commended their bravery, which had increased their nation's strength and demonstrated to everyone that neither the sheer number of enemies, nor the strength of their fortifications, nor the size of their cities, nor the reckless boldness and savage rage of their opponents could ever overcome Roman valor, even if some of them had fortune on their side in many aspects. He added that it was reasonable to end this long war since they had nothing better to wish for when they entered it; and it suited them well and brought them glory that all the Romans had willingly accepted those leaders and governors they had chosen and sent to manage their lands, which continued to be overseen by those they had selected, and they were grateful for having chosen them. Thus, while he admired and cared for each of them, knowing that everyone had done their best according to their abilities and circumstances, he stated that he would immediately reward those who had fought most bravely and effectively, distinguishing themselves in the most honorable ways and making his army more renowned through their heroic deeds. He assured that no one willing to put in extra effort would miss out on fair recognition for their contributions because he was extremely attentive to this matter, especially since he preferred to reward the virtues of his fellow soldiers rather than punish those who had erred.
3. Hereupon Titus ordered those whose business it was to read the list of all that had performed great exploits in this war, whom he called to him by their names, and commended them before the company, and rejoiced in them in the same manner as a man would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He also put on their heads crowns of gold, and golden ornaments about their necks, and gave them long spears of gold, and ensigns that were made of silver, and removed every one of them to a higher rank; and besides this, he plentifully distributed among them, out of the spoils, and the other prey they had taken, silver, and gold, and garments. So when they had all these honors bestowed on them, according to his own appointment made to every one, and he had wished all sorts of happiness to the whole army, he came down, among the great acclamations which were made to him, and then betook himself to offer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood ready at the altars, and distributed them among the army to feast on. And when he had staid three days among the principal commanders, and so long feasted with them, he sent away the rest of his army to the several places where they would be every one best situated; but permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard at Jerusalem, and did not send them away beyond Euphrates, where they had been before. And as he remembered that the twelfth legion had given way to the Jews, under Cestius their general, he expelled them out of all Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea, and sent them away to a place called Meletine, near Euphrates, which is in the limits of Armenia and Cappadocia; he also thought fit that two of the legions should stay with him till he should go to Egypt. He then went down with his army to that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and there laid up the rest of his spoils in great quantities, and gave order that the captives should be kept there; for the winter season hindered him then from sailing into Italy.
3. After that, Titus called on those responsible for reading the list of everyone who had done great things in this war. He called them by name, praised them in front of everyone, and celebrated their achievements just as he would have celebrated his own. He crowned them with gold, placed golden decorations around their necks, gave them long golden spears, and silver banners, promoting each of them to a higher rank. Additionally, he generously distributed silver, gold, and clothing from the spoils and other treasures they had captured. Once he had honored them all according to his wishes and offered best wishes for happiness to the entire army, he came down to loud cheers and then went to give thanks to the gods, sacrificing a huge number of oxen that were ready at the altars, and distributed the meat among the army for a feast. After staying for three days with the main commanders, celebrating with them, he sent the rest of his army to the locations where they would be best positioned but allowed the tenth legion to remain as a guard in Jerusalem, not sending them across the Euphrates as they had been before. Remembering that the twelfth legion had previously retreated before the Jews under their general Cestius, he expelled them from all of Syria, where they had been stationed at Raphanea, and sent them to a place called Meletine, near the Euphrates, which falls within the boundaries of Armenia and Cappadocia. He also decided that two of the legions should stay with him until he went to Egypt. He then moved down with his army to Caesarea by the sea, stored the rest of his spoils there, and ordered that the captives be kept there, as the winter season prevented him from sailing to Italy at that time.
CHAPTER 2.
How Titus Exhibited All Sorts Of Shows At Cesarea Philippi.
Concerning Simon The Tyrant How He Was Taken, And Reserved
For The Triumph.
How Titus Put On Various Shows At Cesarea Philippi.
About Simon The Tyrant And How He Was Captured And Held
For The Triumph.1. Now at the same time that Titus Caesar lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian go on board a merchantship and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes; whence he sailed away in ships with three rows of oars; and as he touched at several cities that lay in his road, he was joyfully received by them all, and so passed over from Ionia into Greece; whence he set sail from Corcyra to the promontory of Iapyx, whence he took his journey by land. But as for Titus, he marched from that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side, and came to that which is named Cesarea Philippi, and staid there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts of shows there. And here a great number of the captives were destroyed, some being thrown to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced to kill one another, as if they were their enemies. And here it was that Titus was informed of the seizure of Simon the son of Gioras, which was made after the manner following: This Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was in the upper city; but when the Roman army was gotten within the walls, and were laying the city waste, he then took the most faithful of his friends with him, and among them some that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools which belonged to their occupation, and as great a quantity of provisions as would suffice them for a long time, and let himself and all them down into a certain subterraneous cavern that was not visible above ground. Now, so far as had been digged of old, they went onward along it without disturbance; but where they met with solid earth, they dug a mine under ground, and this in hopes that they should be able to proceed so far as to rise from under ground in a safe place, and by that means escape. But when they came to make the experiment, they were disappointed of their hope; for the miners could make but small progress, and that with difficulty also; insomuch that their provisions, though they distributed them by measure, began to fail them. And now Simon, thinking he might be able to astonish and elude the Romans, put on a white frock, and buttoned upon him a purple cloak, and appeared out of the ground in the place where the temple had formerly been. At the first, indeed, those that saw him were greatly astonished, and stood still where they were; but afterward they came nearer to him, and asked him who he was. Now Simon would not tell them, but bid them call for their captain; and when they ran to call him, Terentius Rufus 2 who was left to command the army there, came to Simon, and learned of him the whole truth, and kept him in bonds, and let Caesar know that he was taken. Thus did God bring this man to be punished for what bitter and savage tyranny he had exercised against his countrymen by those who were his worst enemies; and this while he was not subdued by violence, but voluntarily delivered himself up to them to be punished, and that on the very same account that he had laid false accusations against many Jews, as if they were falling away to the Romans, and had barbarously slain them; for wicked actions do not escape the Divine anger, nor is justice too weak to punish offenders, but in time overtakes those that transgress its laws, and inflicts its punishments upon the wicked in a manner, so much more severe, as they expected to escape it on account of their not being punished immediately. 3 Simon was made sensible of this by falling under the indignation of the Romans. This rise of his out of the ground did also occasion the discovery of a great number of others of the seditious at that time, who had hidden themselves under ground. But for Simon, he was brought to Caesar in bonds, when he was come back to that Cesarea which was on the seaside, who gave orders that he should be kept against that triumph which he was to celebrate at Rome upon this occasion.
1. At the same time that Titus Caesar was laying siege to Jerusalem, Vespasian boarded a merchant ship and sailed from Alexandria to Rhodes. From there, he traveled on ships with three rows of oars, and as he stopped at various cities along the way, he was warmly welcomed by all of them. He then crossed over from Ionia into Greece, sailing from Corcyra to the promontory of Iapyx, and continued his journey by land. Meanwhile, Titus marched from Caesarea on the coast to Caesarea Philippi, where he stayed for a long time and hosted various shows. Here, many captives were brutally killed, some being thrown to wild beasts, while others were forced to fight each other as if they were enemies. It was also here that Titus learned about the capture of Simon, the son of Gioras, which occurred as follows: During the siege of Jerusalem, Simon was in the upper city. When the Roman army breached the walls and began destroying the city, he took some of his most loyal friends, including stonecutters with their iron tools and a large supply of provisions, and let himself and his followers down into a hidden underground cavern. They followed an old tunnel without issue but encountered solid earth further in, so they began digging a mine in hopes of eventually resurfacing safely and escaping. However, when they tried to execute this plan, they found it was futile, as the miners made only minimal progress, and their provisions began to dwindle despite careful rationing. Simon, thinking he might surprise the Romans, donned a white robe and a purple cloak and emerged from the ground where the temple used to stand. Initially, those who saw him were shocked and froze in place, but then they moved closer and asked him who he was. Simon refused to answer and told them to get their captain. When they went to fetch him, Terentius Rufus, who was left in charge of the army, came to Simon, learned the whole truth, and took him prisoner, notifying Caesar of his capture. Thus, God brought this man to justice for the terrible tyranny he inflicted on his fellow countrymen, punished by those who were his worst enemies. He did not surrender due to being defeated, but voluntarily turned himself in for punishment, partly because he had falsely accused many Jews of siding with the Romans and had brutally killed them. Wicked deeds do not escape divine wrath, nor is justice too weak to punish wrongdoers; it ultimately catches up with them and metes out harsher consequences than they expected when they thought they could evade it due to a lack of immediate punishment. Simon realized this when he fell under Roman wrath. His emergence from the ground also led to the discovery of many other rebels hiding underground. As for Simon, he was brought in chains to Caesar when he returned to the coastal Caesarea, which ordered that he be kept in custody for the triumph he would celebrate in Rome for this event.
CHAPTER 3.
How Titus Upon The Celebration Of His Brothers And Fathers
Birthdays Had Many Of The Jews Slain. Concerning The Danger
The Jews Were In At Antioch, By Means Of The Transgression
And Impiety Of One Antiochus, A Jew.
How Titus Upon The Celebration Of His Brothers And Fathers
Birthdays Had Many Of The Jews Slain. Concerning The Danger
The Jews Were In At Antioch, By Means Of The Transgression
And Impiety Of One Antiochus, A Jew.1. While Titus was at Cesarea, he solemnized the birthday of his brother [Domitian] after a splendid manner, and inflicted a great deal of the punishment intended for the Jews in honor of him; for the number of those that were now slain in fighting with the beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one another, exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when they were thus destroyed ten thousand several ways, to be a punishment beneath their deserts. After this Caesar came to Berytus, 4 which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman colony, and staid there a longer time, and exhibited a still more pompous solemnity about his father's birthday, both in the magnificence of the shows, and in the other vast expenses he was at in his devices thereto belonging; so that a great multitude of the captives were here destroyed after the same manner as before.
1. While Titus was in Caesarea, he celebrated his brother [Domitian]'s birthday in a grand fashion and imposed a harsh punishment on the Jews in his honor; the number of people killed in fights with the beasts, burned, and fighting each other exceeded two thousand five hundred. Yet to the Romans, even with the ten thousand who were destroyed in various ways, it seemed like a punishment that didn't match their offenses. After this, Caesar went to Berytus, 4 a city in Phoenicia and a Roman colony, where he stayed longer and put on an even more lavish celebration for his father's birthday, both in the grandeur of the shows and in the other enormous expenses associated with it; as a result, a large number of captives were killed in the same manner as before.
2. It happened also about this time, that the Jews who remained at Antioch were under accusations, and in danger of perishing, from the disturbances that were raised against them by the Antiochians; and this both on account of the slanders spread abroad at this time against them, and on account of what pranks they had played not long before; which I am obliged to describe without fail, though briefly, that I may the better connect my narration of future actions with those that went before.
2. Around this time, the Jews who stayed in Antioch faced accusations and were at risk of being harmed due to the unrest stirred up against them by the people of Antioch. This was due to both the rumors being spread about them and the mischief they had caused not long before. I need to briefly describe these events to better connect my account of what happened next with what came before.
3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dispersed over all the habitable earth among its inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled with Syria by reason of its neighborhood, and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch by reason of the largeness of the city, wherein the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded them a habitation with the most undisturbed tranquillity; for though Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and spoiled the temple, yet did those that succeeded him in the kingdom restore all the donations that were made of brass to the Jews of Antioch, and dedicated them to their synagogue, and granted them the enjoyment of equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks themselves; and as the succeeding kings treated them after the same manner, they both multiplied to a great number, and adorned their temple gloriously by fine ornaments, and with great magnificence, in the use of what had been given them. They also made proselytes of a great many of the Greeks perpetually, and thereby after a sort brought them to be a portion of their own body. But about this time when the present war began, and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, and all men had taken up a great hatred against the Jews, then it was that a certain person, whose name was Antiochus, being one of the Jewish nation, and greatly respected on account of his father, who was governor of the Jews at Antioch 5 came upon the theater at a time when the people of Antioch were assembled together, and became an informer against his father, and accused both him and others that they had resolved to burn the whole city in one night; he also delivered up to them some Jews that were foreigners, as partners in their resolutions. When the people heard this, they could not refrain their passion, but commanded that those who were delivered up to them should have fire brought to burn them, who were accordingly all burnt upon the theater immediately. They did also fall violently upon the multitude of the Jews, as supposing that by punishing them suddenly they should save their own city. As for Antiochus, he aggravated the rage they were in, and thought to give them a demonstration of his own conversion, arm of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacrificing after the manner of the Greeks; he persuaded the rest also to compel them to do the same, because they would by that means discover who they were that had plotted against them, since they would not do so; and when the people of Antioch tried the experiment, some few complied, but those that would not do so were slain. As for Antiochus himself, he obtained soldiers from the Roman commander, and became a severe master over his own citizens, not permitting them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing them to do all that they usually did on other days; and to that degree of distress did he reduce them in this matter, that the rest of the seventh day was dissolved not only at Antioch, but the same thing which took thence its rise was done in other cities also, in like manner, for some small time.
3. Just as the Jewish nation is spread out across the entire world among its people, it is also closely mixed with Syria due to its proximity, particularly in Antioch, where the large population led to significant Jewish numbers. After Antiochus, the kings allowed the Jews to live there in peace. Although Antiochus, known as Epiphanes, destroyed Jerusalem and plundered the temple, his successors restored the bronze donations to the Jews of Antioch, dedicating them to their synagogue and granting them the same rights as Greek citizens. Because these kings continued to treat them well, their population grew significantly, and they enhanced their temple with beautiful decorations and great splendor from what they received. They also converted many Greeks, effectively bringing them into their community. However, around the time the current war began, and when Vespasian had just arrived in Syria, public sentiment turned strongly against the Jews. During this period, a man named Antiochus, a respected Jew due to his father's position as governor in Antioch, took to the theater during a gathering of Antioch's citizens. He informed against his father and accused him and others of plotting to burn the entire city in one night. He also handed over some foreign Jews as co-conspirators. Upon hearing this, the crowd couldn't contain their anger and ordered that those captured be burned alive, which happened immediately at the theater. They then viciously attacked the Jewish population, believing that punishing them quickly would save their city. Antiochus escalated the situation and sought to prove his loyalty by sacrificing in the Greek manner, urging others to do the same to reveal those who had conspired against them. When Antioch's citizens tried this, some complied, but those who refused were killed. Antiochus himself received troops from the Roman commander and became harsh towards his fellow citizens, not allowing them to rest on the Sabbath and insisting they work as on any other day. He forced them into such distress that the observance of the Sabbath was abandoned not only in Antioch but also spread to other cities for a brief time.
4. Now, after these misfortunes had happened to the Jews at Antioch, a second calamity befell them, the description of which when we were going about we premised the account foregoing; for upon this accident, whereby the four-square market-place was burnt down, as well as the archives, and the place where the public records were preserved, and the royal palaces, [and it was not without difficulty that the fire was then put a stop to, which was likely, by the fury wherewith it was carried along, to have gone over the whole city,] Antiochus accused the Jews as the occasion of all the mischief that was done. Now this induced the people of Antioch, who were now under the immediate persuasion, by reason of the disorder they were in, that this calumny was true, and would have been under the same persuasion, even though they had not borne an ill-will at the Jews before, to believe this man's accusation, especially when they considered what had been done before, and this to such a degree, that they all fell violently upon those that were accused, and this, like madmen, in a very furious rage also, even as if they had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire themselves to the city; nor was it without difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the legate, could prevail with them to permit the affairs to be laid before Caesar; for as to Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, Vespasian had already sent him away; and so it happened that he was not yet come back thither. But when Collegas had made a careful inquiry into the matter, he found out the truth, and that not one of those Jews that were accused by Antiochus had any hand in it, but that all was done by some vile persons greatly in debt, who supposed that if they could once set fire to the market-place, and burn the public records, they should have no further demands made upon them. So the Jews were under great disorder and terror, in the uncertain expectations of what would be the upshot of these accusations against them.
4. After these troubles had befallen the Jews in Antioch, a second disaster struck them. We previously hinted at this incident, which involved the burning of the square marketplace, the archives, the place where public records were kept, and the royal palaces. The fire was difficult to control and threatened to engulf the entire city. Antiochus blamed the Jews for all the damage. This led the people of Antioch, influenced by the chaos around them, to believe this accusation, even if they hadn’t held any resentment toward the Jews before. They were particularly swayed by previous events and, consumed with rage, they violently attacked those accused, as if they had witnessed the Jews setting the city ablaze themselves. Cneius Collegas, the legate, faced great difficulty in convincing them to allow the matter to be presented to Caesar. Cesennius Petus, the president of Syria, had already been sent away by Vespasian and had not yet returned. However, after Collegas conducted a thorough investigation, he discovered the truth: none of the accused Jews were involved; the fire was started by some desperate, indebted individuals who believed that burning the marketplace and destroying public records would eliminate their debts. The Jews lived in great disorder and fear, uncertain of the outcome of the accusations against them.
CHAPTER 4.
How Vespasian Was Received At Rome; As Also How The Germans
Revolted From The Romans, But Were Subdued. That The
Sarmatians Overran Mysia, But Were Compelled To Retire To
Their Own Country Again.
How Vespasian Was Welcomed in Rome; And Also How the Germans
Rebelled Against the Romans, But Were Defeated. That the
Sarmatians Invaded Mysia, But Were Forced to Return to
Their Own Country Again.1. And now Titus Caesar, upon the news that was brought him concerning his father, that his coming was much desired by all the Italian cities, and that Rome especially received him with great alacrity and splendor, betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a great degree, as now freed from the solicitude he had been under, after the most agreeable manner. For all men that were in Italy showed their respects to him in their minds before he came thither, as if he were already come, as esteeming the very expectation they had of him to be his real presence, on account of the great desires they had to see him, and because the good-will they bore him was entirely free and unconstrained; for it was, desirable thing to the senate, who well remembered the calamities they had undergone in the late changes of their governors, to receive a governor who was adorned with the gravity of old age, and with the highest skill in the actions of war, whose advancement would be, as they knew, for nothing else but for the preservation of those that were to be governed. Moreover, the people had been so harassed by their civil miseries, that they were still more earnest for his coming immediately, as supposing they should then be firmly delivered from their calamities, and believed they should then recover their secure tranquillity and prosperity; and for the soldiery, they had the principal regard to him, for they were chiefly apprized of his great exploits in war; and since they had experienced the want of skill and want of courage in other commanders, they were very desirous to be free from that great shame they had undergone by their means, and heartily wished to receive such a prince as might be a security and an ornament to them. And as this good-will to Vespasian was universal, those that enjoyed any remarkable dignities could not have patience enough to stay in Rome, but made haste to meet him at a very great distance from it; nay, indeed, none of the rest could endure the delay of seeing him, but did all pour out of the city in such crowds, and were so universally possessed with the opinion that it was easier and better for them to go out than to stay there, that this was the very first time that the city joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its citizens; for those that staid within were fewer than those that went out. But as soon as the news was come that he was hard by, and those that had met him at first related with what good humor he received every one that came to him, then it was that the whole multitude that had remained in the city, with their wives and children, came into the road, and waited for him there; and for those whom he passed by, they made all sorts of acclamations, on account of the joy they had to see him, and the pleasantness of his countenance, and styled him their Benefactor and Savior, and the only person who was worthy to be ruler of the city of Rome. And now the city was like a temple, full of garlands and sweet odors; nor was it easy for him to come to the royal palace, for the multitude of the people that stood about him, where yet at last he performed his sacrifices of thanksgiving to his household gods for his safe return to the city. The multitude did also betake themselves to feasting; which feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by their tribes, and their families, and their neighborhoods, and still prayed God to grant that Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity, might continue in the Roman government for a very long time, and that his dominion might be preserved from all opposition. And this was the manner in which Rome so joyfully received Vespasian, and thence grew immediately into a state of great prosperity.
1. And now, Titus Caesar, hearing the news about his father—that everyone in the Italian cities eagerly awaited his arrival, and that Rome welcomed him with much excitement and grandeur—began to celebrate and indulge himself as he felt relieved from the worries he had been carrying. People all over Italy respected him in spirit even before he arrived, as if he were already there, valuing their anticipation for him as his actual presence due to their strong desire to see him and their genuine goodwill towards him. The senate, recalling the troubles they had faced during the recent changes in leadership, found it especially desirable to have a governor who brought the wisdom of age and military expertise, knowing his leadership would be focused on the well-being of the governed. Moreover, the people, being worn down by their civil hardships, were even more eager for his arrival, believing it would finally bring them relief from their troubles and restore their peace and prosperity. The soldiers, aware of his significant achievements in war, looked to him with hope, having suffered from the incompetence and cowardice of previous commanders, and wished for a leader who could provide them security and honor. Because this goodwill towards Vespasian was widespread, those in prominent positions couldn’t wait in Rome any longer and hurried to meet him from a considerable distance; indeed, many others couldn’t stand the wait either, pouring out of the city in such numbers that it was the first time the city felt nearly empty of its citizens, with more people exiting than remaining. But as soon as word arrived that he was nearby, and those who greeted him first reported how warmly he welcomed everyone, the entire crowd that had stayed in the city, along with their wives and children, moved to the road to wait for him. Those he passed cheered in various ways, expressing their joy at seeing him, appreciating his friendly demeanor, and calling him their Benefactor and Savior, the only person suitable to rule the city of Rome. The city resembled a temple, filled with garlands and pleasant aromas; it wasn’t easy for him to reach the royal palace due to the throng of people surrounding him, yet he ultimately was able to perform his thanksgiving sacrifices to his household gods for his safe return. The crowd also turned to feasting, celebrating with food and drink offerings based on their tribes, families, and neighborhoods, continually praying that Vespasian, his sons, and their descendants would long oversee the Roman government and that his rule would face no opposition. This was how Rome joyfully welcomed Vespasian, leading to a swift transition into a state of great prosperity.
2. But before this time, and while Vespasian was about Alexandria, and Titus was lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multitude of the Germans were in commotion, and tended to rebellion; and as the Gauls in their neighborhood joined with them, they conspired together, and had thereby great hopes of success, and that they should free themselves from the dominion of the Romans. The motives that induced the Germans to this attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the war, were these: In the first place, the nature [of the people], which was destitute of just reasonings, and ready to throw themselves rashly into danger, upon small hopes; in the next place, the hatred they bore to those that were their governors, while their nation had never been conscious of subjection to any but to the Romans, and that by compulsion only. Besides these motives, it was the opportunity that now offered itself, which above all the rest prevailed with them so to do; for when they saw the Roman government in a great internal disorder, by the continual changes of its rulers, and understood that every part of the habitable earth under them was in an unsettled and tottering condition, they thought this was the best opportunity that could afford itself for themselves to make a sedition, when the state of the Romans was so ill. Classicus 6 also, and Vitellius, two of their commanders, puffed them up with such hopes. These had for a long time been openly desirous of such an innovation, and were induced by the present opportunity to venture upon the declaration of their sentiments; the multitude was also ready; and when these men told them of what they intended to attempt, that news was gladly received by them. So when a great part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian, as guided by Divine Providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had the command of Germany, whereby he declared him to have the dignity of consul, and commanded him to take upon him the government of Britain; so he went whither he was ordered to go, and when he was informed of the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them as soon as they were gotten together, and put his army in battle-array, and slew a great number of them in the fight, and forced them to leave off their madness, and to grow wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly upon them on the place, it had not been long ere they would however have been brought to punishment; for as soon as ever the news of their revolt was come to Rome, and Caesar Domitian was made acquainted with it, he made no delay, even at that his age, when he was exceeding young, but undertook this weighty affair. He had a courageous mind from his father, and had made greater improvements than belonged to such an age: accordingly he marched against the barbarians immediately; whereupon their hearts failed them at the very rumor of his approach, and they submitted themselves to him with fear, and thought it a happy thing that they were brought under their old yoke again without suffering any further mischiefs. When therefore Domitian had settled all the affairs of Gaul in such good order, that it would not be easily put into disorder any more, he returned to Rome with honor and glory, as having performed such exploits as were above his own age, but worthy of so great a father.
2. Before this time, while Vespasian was in Alexandria and Titus was laying siege to Jerusalem, a large number of Germans were in turmoil and leaning towards rebellion. As the nearby Gauls joined them, they conspired together and had high hopes for success, believing they could free themselves from Roman rule. The reasons that drove the Germans to revolt and start the war were these: firstly, their nature, which lacked sound judgment and made them willing to recklessly take risks based on small hopes; secondly, their hatred for their rulers, as their people had never felt subordinate to anyone except the Romans, and even then, it was only through coercion. Besides these motivations, the current opportunity played a significant role in their decision; when they noticed the Roman government was in a state of great internal chaos due to constant changes in leadership and realized that every territory under Roman control was unstable, they thought this was the perfect chance to incite rebellion while the Romans were struggling. Classicus 6 and Vitellius, two of their leaders, fueled these hopes. They had long wanted such a change and were encouraged by the current situation to express their views; the masses were also eager, and when these leaders shared their plans, the news was welcomed. So, when a significant portion of the Germans agreed to rebel and the rest felt similarly, Vespasian, guided by divine providence, sent letters to Petilius Cerealis, who had previously commanded in Germany, proclaiming him consul and ordering him to take charge in Britain. He went where he was directed, and when he learned about the German revolt, he struck at them right after they had gathered, arranging his army for battle, killing many in the fight, and forcing them to end their madness and think more wisely. Had he not attacked them so suddenly, they would have eventually faced punishment; for as soon as news of their revolt reached Rome and Caesar Domitian became aware of it, he wasted no time, even at such a young age, to take on this serious matter. With the courage he inherited from his father and having matured beyond his years, he quickly marched against the barbarians. Their spirits dropped at the mere rumor of his approach, and they submitted to him in fear, considering it fortunate to be brought back under their old rule without suffering further harm. Once Domitian had put all affairs in Gaul in such good order that they would not easily fall into chaos again, he returned to Rome with honor and glory, having accomplished feats remarkable for his age, yet worthy of his great father.
3. At the very same time with the forementioned revolt of the Germans did the bold attempt of the Scythians against the Romans occur; for those Scythians who are called Sarmatians, being a very numerous people, transported themselves over the Danube into Mysia, without being perceived; after which, by their violence, and entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great many of the Romans that guarded the frontiers; and as the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to meet them, and fought courageously against them, he was slain by them. They then overran all the region that had been subject to him, tearing and rending every thing that fell in their way. But when Vespasian was informed of what had happened, and how Mysia was laid waste, he sent away Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarmatians; by whose means many of them perished in the battles he fought against them, and that part which escaped fled with fear to their own country. So when this general had put an end to the war, he provided for the future security of the country also; for he placed more and more numerous garrisons in the place, till he made it altogether impossible for the barbarians to pass over the river any more. And thus had this war in Mysia a sudden conclusion.
3. At the same time as the earlier German revolt, the Scythians launched a bold attack against the Romans. The Scythians, known as Sarmatians, were a large people who crossed the Danube into Mysia without being noticed. After that, they violently assaulted and killed many Romans guarding the borders. When the consular legate Fonteius Agrippa came to confront them and fought bravely, he was killed. They then rampaged through all the territory that had been under his command, destroying everything in their path. When Vespasian learned what had happened and how Mysia had been devastated, he sent Rubrius Gallus to punish the Sarmatians. Through his efforts, many of them were killed in the battles he fought, and those who escaped fled back to their homeland in fear. After this general ended the war, he also ensured the future safety of the region by placing more and more garrisons in the area until it became impossible for the barbarians to cross the river again. Thus, the war in Mysia came to an abrupt end.
CHAPTER V.
Concerning The Sabbatic River Which Titus Saw As He Was
Journeying Through Syria; And How The People Of Antioch Came
With A Petition To Titus Against The Jews But Were Rejected
By Him; As Also Concerning Titus's And Vespasian's Triumph.
About The Sabbatic River That Titus Saw While He Was
Traveling Through Syria; And How The People Of Antioch Came
To Titus With A Petition Against The Jews But He Rejected
Them; Also About The Triumphs Of Titus And Vespasian.1. Now Titus Caesar tarried some time at Berytus, as we told you before. He thence removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in all those cities of Syria through which he went, and made use of the captive Jews as public instances of the destruction of that nation. He then saw a river as he went along, of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in history; it runs in the middle between Arcea, belonging to Agrippa's kingdom, and Raphanea. It hath somewhat very peculiar in it; for when it runs, its current is strong, and has plenty of water; after which its springs fail for six days together, and leave its channel dry, as any one may see; after which days it runs on the seventh day as it did before, and as though it had undergone no change at all; it hath also been observed to keep this order perpetually and exactly; whence it is that they call it the Sabbatic River 7 that name being taken from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.
1. Now Titus Caesar stayed for a while in Berytus, as we mentioned earlier. He then moved on and put on impressive shows in all the cities of Syria he visited, using captured Jews as public examples of the destruction of that nation. As he continued his journey, he saw a river that deserves to be noted in history; it flows between Arcea, part of Agrippa's kingdom, and Raphanea. It has a very unusual characteristic: when it flows, its current is strong and it has plenty of water; then, for six days in a row, its springs dry up completely, leaving its channel empty, as anyone can see. On the seventh day, it flows again just as it did before, as if nothing had changed; it has been observed to maintain this pattern consistently and precisely; hence, it is called the Sabbatic River 7, a name derived from the sacred seventh day among the Jews.
2. But when the people of Antioch were informed that Titus was approaching, they were so glad at it, that they could not keep within their walls, but hasted away to give him the meeting; nay, they proceeded as far as thirty furlongs, and more, with that intention. These were not the men only, but a multitude of women also with their children did the same; and when they saw him coming up to them, they stood on both sides of the way, and stretched out their right hands, saluting him, and making all sorts of acclamations to him, and turned back together with him. They also, among all the acclamations they made to him, besought him all the way they went to eject the Jews out of their city; yet did not Titus at all yield to this their petition, but gave them the bare hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews were in a great deal of terrible fear, under the uncertainty they were in what his opinion was, and what he would do to them. For Titus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his progress immediately to Zeugma, which lies upon the Euphrates, whither came to him messengers from Vologeses king of Parthia, and brought him a crown of gold upon the victory he had gained over the Jews; which he accepted of, and feasted the king's messengers, and then came back to Antioch. And when the senate and people of Antioch earnestly entreated him to come upon their theater, where their whole multitude was assembled, and expected him, he complied with great humanity; but when they pressed him with much earnestness, and continually begged of him that he would eject the Jews out of their city, he gave them this very pertinent answer: "How can this be done, since that country of theirs, whither the Jews must be obliged then to retire, is destroyed, and no place will receive them besides?" Whereupon the people of Antioch, when they had failed of success in this their first request, made him a second; for they desired that he would order those tables of brass to be removed on which the Jews' privileges were engraven. However, Titus would not grant that neither, but permitted the Jews of Antioch to continue to enjoy the very same privileges in that city which they had before, and then departed for Egypt; and as he came to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared the melancholy condition he saw it then in, with the ancient glory of the city, and called to mind the greatness of its present ruins, as well as its ancient splendor, he could not but pity the destruction of the city, so far was he from boasting that so great and goodly a city as that was had been by him taken by force; nay, he frequently cursed those that had been the authors of their revolt, and had brought such a punishment upon the city; insomuch that it openly appeared that he did not desire that such a calamity as this punishment of theirs amounted to should be a demonstration of his courage. Yet was there no small quantity of the riches that had been in that city still found among its ruins, a great deal of which the Romans dug up; but the greatest part was discovered by those who were captives, and so they carried it away; I mean the gold and the silver, and the rest of that most precious furniture which the Jews had, and which the owners had treasured up under ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.
2. When the people of Antioch found out that Titus was coming, they were so happy that they couldn't stay inside their walls and rushed out to meet him. They went as far as thirty furlongs and even further. This wasn’t just the men; a lot of women with their children did the same. When they saw him approaching, they lined the road on both sides, stretched out their right hands to greet him, cheered for him, and turned back with him. Among all the cheers, they constantly asked him to expel the Jews from their city; however, Titus did not agree to their request and listened to it quietly. Meanwhile, the Jews were extremely scared, unsure of his thoughts and what he would do about them. Titus didn’t linger in Antioch but immediately continued on to Zeugma, which is located by the Euphrates. There, messengers from Vologeses, the king of Parthia, arrived and brought him a crown of gold in honor of his victory over the Jews. He accepted it, hosted a feast for the king's messengers, and then returned to Antioch. When the senate and people of Antioch earnestly asked him to appear at their theater, where the entire crowd was gathered and waiting for him, he agreed graciously. However, when they pressed him repeatedly to expel the Jews from their city, he gave them a very reasonable answer: "How can this be done, since the land they would have to flee to is destroyed, and no place will take them in?" After failing with this initial request, the people of Antioch made another: they asked him to remove the brass tables that listed the Jews' privileges. However, Titus wouldn’t grant that request either and allowed the Jews in Antioch to keep the same privileges they had before, and then he left for Egypt. As he passed through Jerusalem and compared its sad state to its former glory, recalling the extent of its current ruins alongside its past splendor, he couldn’t help but feel pity for the city's destruction; he was far from boasting about having conquered such a grand city. In fact, he often cursed those who had incited their rebellion and brought such punishment upon the city, clearly indicating that he did not want such a calamity to demonstrate his bravery. Yet, a significant amount of the riches that once existed in that city was still found among the ruins, much of it unearthed by the Romans, while the bulk was discovered by the captives who took it away—namely, the gold, silver, and other valuable items the Jews had hidden underground against uncertain wartime outcomes.
3. So Titus took the journey he intended into Egypt, and passed over the desert very suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And as he was accompanied by two legions, he sent each of them again to the places whence they had before come; the fifth he sent to Mysia, and the fifteenth to Pannonia: as for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, with the other seven hundred men, whom he had selected out of the rest as being eminently tall and handsome of body, he gave order that they should be soon carried to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his triumph. So when he had had a prosperous voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behaved itself in his reception, and their meeting him at a distance, as it did in the case of his father. But what made the most splendid appearance in Titus's opinion was, when his father met him, and received him; but still the multitude of the citizens conceived the greatest joy when they saw them all three together, 8 as they did at this time; nor were many days overpast when they determined to have but one triumph, that should be common to both of them, on account of the glorious exploits they had performed, although the senate had decreed each of them a separate triumph by himself. So when notice had been given beforehand of the day appointed for this pompous solemnity to be made, on account of their victories, not one of the immense multitude was left in the city, but every body went out so far as to gain only a station where they might stand, and left only such a passage as was necessary for those that were to be seen to go along it.
3. So Titus took the journey he planned into Egypt, crossed the desert quickly, and arrived in Alexandria. He decided to travel to Rome by sea. Since he was accompanied by two legions, he sent each of them back to where they had come from: he sent the fifth to Mysia and the fifteenth to Pannonia. As for the leaders of the captives, Simon and John, along with the other seven hundred men he had chosen for being tall and handsome, he ordered that they be taken to Italy soon, planning to showcase them during his triumph. After a successful voyage, the city of Rome welcomed him, just as it had welcomed his father from a distance. However, what impressed Titus most was when his father welcomed him in person; yet, the citizens felt the greatest joy seeing them all three together, 8 as they did this time. Not many days later, they decided to hold just one triumph to celebrate both of their victories, despite the senate having declared separate triumphs for each of them. When the date for this grand celebration was announced, not a single person stayed in the city; everyone went out to find a spot from which to watch and left only enough of a path for those who were to be displayed to pass through.
4. Now all the soldiery marched out beforehand by companies, and in their several ranks, under their several commanders, in the night time, and were about the gates, not of the upper palaces, but those near the temple of Isis; for there it was that the emperors had rested the foregoing night. And as soon as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those ancient purple habits which were proper to their family, and then went as far as Octavian's Walks; for there it was that the senate, and the principal rulers, and those that had been recorded as of the equestrian order, waited for them. Now a tribunal had been erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs had been set upon it, when they came and sat down upon them. Whereupon the soldiery made an acclamation of joy to them immediately, and all gave them attestations of their valor; while they were themselves without their arms, and only in their silken garments, and crowned with laurel: then Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs; but while they were still disposed to go on in such acclamations, he gave them a signal of silence. And when every body entirely held their peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest part of his head with his cloak, he put up the accustomed solemn prayers; the like prayers did Titus put up also; after which prayers Vespasian made a short speech to all the people, and then sent away the soldiers to a dinner prepared for them by the emperors. Then did he retire to that gate which was called the Gate of the Pomp, because pompous shows do always go through that gate; there it was that they tasted some food, and when they had put on their triumphal garments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods that were placed at the gate, they sent the triumph forward, and marched through the theatres, that they might be the more easily seen by the multitudes.
4. The soldiers marched out in groups, organized by their commanders, during the night and gathered near the gates close to the temple of Isis, not near the upper palaces, since that’s where the emperors had spent the previous night. As soon as dawn broke, Vespasian and Titus came out wearing laurel crowns and dressed in their family's traditional purple robes, heading towards Octavian's Walks, where the senate, top officials, and those recognized as part of the equestrian order were waiting for them. A tribunal had been set up in front of the cloisters with ivory chairs placed on it, and they sat down. The soldiers immediately expressed their joy with loud cheers and acknowledged their bravery, all while unarmed and in their silk garments, crowned with laurel. Vespasian welcomed their shouts, but when they continued cheering, he signaled for silence. Once everyone was quiet, he stood up, covered most of his head with his cloak, and offered the traditional solemn prayers; Titus did the same. After the prayers, Vespasian addressed the crowd briefly before dismissing the soldiers to a feast prepared for them by the emperors. Then he went to the gate known as the Gate of the Pomp, because grand displays always pass through that gate. There, they had a bite to eat, changed into their triumphal garments, and offered sacrifices to the gods stationed at the gate before proceeding with the triumph, marching through the theaters so that the crowds could see them more easily.
5. Now it is impossible to describe the multitude of the shows as they deserve, and the magnificence of them all; such indeed as a man could not easily think of as performed, either by the labor of workmen, or the variety of riches, or the rarities of nature; for almost all such curiosities as the most happy men ever get by piece-meal were here one heaped on another, and those both admirable and costly in their nature; and all brought together on that day demonstrated the vastness of the dominions of the Romans; for there was here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver, and gold, and ivory, contrived into all sorts of things, and did not appear as carried along in pompous show only, but, as a man may say, running along like a river. Some parts were composed of the rarest purple hangings, and so carried along; and others accurately represented to the life what was embroidered by the arts of the Babylonians. There were also precious stones that were transparent, some set in crowns of gold, and some in other places, as the workmen pleased; and of these such a vast number were brought, that we could not but thence learn how vainly we imagined any of them to be rarities. The images of the gods were also carried, being as well wonderful for their largeness, as made very artificially, and with great skill of the workmen; nor were any of these images of any other than very costly materials; and many species of animals were brought, every one in their own natural ornaments. The men also who brought every one of these shows were great multitudes, and adorned with purple garments, all over interwoven with gold; those that were chosen for carrying these pompous shows having also about them such magnificent ornaments as were both extraordinary and surprising. Besides these, one might see that even the great number of the captives was not unadorned, while the variety that was in their garments, and their fine texture, concealed from the sight the deformity of their bodies. But what afforded the greatest surprise of all was the structure of the pageants that were borne along; for indeed he that met them could not but be afraid that the bearers would not be able firmly enough to support them, such was their magnitude; for many of them were so made, that they were on three or even four stories, one above another. The magnificence also of their structure afforded one both pleasure and surprise; for upon many of them were laid carpets of gold. There was also wrought gold and ivory fastened about them all; and many resemblances of the war, and those in several ways, and variety of contrivances, affording a most lively portraiture of itself. For there was to be seen a happy country laid waste, and entire squadrons of enemies slain; while some of them ran away, and some were carried into captivity; with walls of great altitude and magnitude overthrown and ruined by machines; with the strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of most populous cities upon the tops of hills seized on, and an army pouring itself within the walls; as also every place full of slaughter, and supplications of the enemies, when they were no longer able to lift up their hands in way of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples was here represented, and houses overthrown, and falling upon their owners: rivers also, after they came out of a large and melancholy desert, ran down, not into a land cultivated, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but through a land still on fire upon every side; for the Jews related that such a thing they had undergone during this war. Now the workmanship of these representations was so magnificent and lively in the construction of the things, that it exhibited what had been done to such as did not see it, as if they had been there really present. On the top of every one of these pageants was placed the commander of the city that was taken, and the manner wherein he was taken. Moreover, there followed those pageants a great number of ships; and for the other spoils, they were carried in great plenty. But for those that were taken in the temple of Jerusalem, 9 they made the greatest figure of them all; that is, the golden table, of the weight of many talents; the candlestick also, that was made of gold, though its construction were now changed from that which we made use of; for its middle shaft was fixed upon a basis, and the small branches were produced out of it to a great length, having the likeness of a trident in their position, and had every one a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops of them. These lamps were in number seven, and represented the dignity of the number seven among the Jews; and the last of all the spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. After these spoils passed by a great many men, carrying the images of Victory, whose structure was entirely either of ivory or of gold. After which Vespasian marched in the first place, and Titus followed him; Domitian also rode along with them, and made a glorious appearance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of admiration.
5. Now it's impossible to fully describe the number of shows and their grandeur; truly, it's something a person could hardly imagine being performed, whether through the work of laborers, the variety of wealth, or the wonders of nature. Nearly all the treasures that the luckiest people acquire bit by bit were piled up here, both remarkable and expensive in their nature; and everything brought together that day showcased the vastness of the Roman Empire. There was a tremendous amount of silver, gold, and ivory, crafted into various items, which flowed not just as a display but, you could say, like a river. Some parts featured the rarest purple fabrics, and others accurately represented the intricate designs created by Babylonian artisans. There were also transparent precious stones, some set in gold crowns and others placed as the craftsmen desired; and so many of these were displayed that it became clear just how naïve we were to think any of them were rare. The images of the gods were also showcased, notable for their size and the skillful craftsmanship; none of these images were made from anything but very expensive materials; and numerous species of animals were presented, each adorned in their natural beauty. The individuals who carried each of these displays were a large crowd, dressed in purple garments intricately woven with gold; those selected for carrying these grand exhibits were also adorned with magnificent and surprising decorations. Additionally, one could see that even the great number of captives were not without decoration, as the variety and fine quality of their garments concealed the imperfections of their bodies. But the most astonishing element of all was the construction of the floats being carried; indeed, anyone encountering them couldn’t help but worry that the bearers might struggle to hold them up due to their size; many were designed with three or even four levels stacked on top of one another. The grandeur of their design offered both delight and astonishment; many of them were draped with gold carpets. There was also gold and ivory intricately attached to all of them, with various depictions of war, demonstrating in many ways a vivid representation of the scenes themselves. A scene of a happy land laid to waste was visible, entire squads of enemies slain, while some fled and others were taken captive; you could see high walls toppled and destroyed by machines; the strongest fortifications captured, and the walls of populous cities perched on hills overtaken by an army rushing in; everywhere, there was slaughter and the pleas of enemies who could no longer fight back. A representation of fire set upon temples was also shown, along with houses collapsing on their owners; rivers, after emerging from a vast and sorrowful desert, flowed not into cultivated land or as water for people or cattle, but through land still burning on all sides; for the Jews recounted such horrors during this war. The craftsmanship of these displays was so magnificent and vivid that it made what had occurred seem as if those who witnessed it were truly present. Atop each of these displays was the commander of the captured city, depicting how he was taken. Following these floats was a large number of ships, and the other spoils were carried in great abundance. But those taken from the temple of Jerusalem, 9 were the grandest of all; that is, the golden table, weighing many talents; the golden candlestick was also unique, now altered from its original form; its central shaft rested on a base, with long branches radiating from it, resembling a trident in shape, each topped with a brass socket for a lamp. These lamps were seven in number, symbolizing the significance of seven among the Jews; and carried last of all the spoils was the Law of the Jews. After these treasures passed by, many men carried the images of Victory, made entirely of ivory or gold. Then came Vespasian, followed closely by Titus; Domitian also rode alongside them, making a grand entrance on a truly impressive horse.
6. Now the last part of this pompous show was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, whither when they were come, they stood still; for it was the Romans' ancient custom to stay till somebody brought the news that the general of the enemy was slain. This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who had then been led in this triumph among the captives; a rope had also been put upon his head, and he had been drawn into a proper place in the forum, and had withal been tormented by those that drew him along; and the law of the Romans required that malefactors condemned to die should be slain there. Accordingly, when it was related that there was an end of him, and all the people had set up a shout for joy, they then began to offer those sacrifices which they had consecrated, in the prayers used in such solemnities; which when they had finished, they went away to the palace. And as for some of the spectators, the emperors entertained them at their own feast; and for all the rest there were noble preparations made for feasting at home; for this was a festival day to the city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory obtained by their army over their enemies, for the end that was now put to their civil miseries, and for the commencement of their hopes of future prosperity and happiness.
6. The final part of this grand event was at the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. When they arrived, they paused, as it was the Romans' ancient tradition to wait for the news that the enemy general had been killed. This general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who was being led in triumph among the captives. A rope had been placed on his head, and he was dragged to a designated spot in the forum, tormented by those pulling him along. Roman law required that criminals condemned to death be executed there. So, when it was announced that he was finally dead, the crowd erupted in cheers, and they began to offer sacrifices that they had dedicated in their prayers for such occasions. Once they completed their rituals, they headed to the palace. Some spectators were invited to join the emperors' feast, while arrangements were made for others to celebrate at home. It was a festive day for the city of Rome, celebrated for their army's victory over their enemies, the end of their civil woes, and the beginning of their hopes for future prosperity and happiness.
7. After these triumphs were over, and after the affairs of the Romans were settled on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved to build a temple to Peace, which was finished in so short a time, and in so glorious a manner, as was beyond all human expectation and opinion: for he having now by Providence a vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had formerly gained in his other exploits, he had this temple adorned with pictures and statues; for in this temple were collected and deposited all such rarities as men aforetime used to wander all over the habitable world to see, when they had a desire to see one of them after another; he also laid up therein those golden vessels and instruments that were taken out of the Jewish temple, as ensigns of his glory. But still he gave order that they should lay up their Law, and the purple veils of the holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep them there.
7. After these victories, and once the Romans' situation was securely established, Vespasian decided to build a temple dedicated to Peace. It was completed in record time and in a way that exceeded all expectations. With a considerable amount of wealth from his previous conquests, he adorned the temple with paintings and sculptures. This temple housed all the rare treasures that people used to travel the world to see, one after another. He also stored the gold vessels and instruments taken from the Jewish temple as symbols of his glory. However, he ordered that the Law and the purple curtains of the holy place should be kept in the royal palace itself.
CHAPTER 6.
Concerning Machaerus, And How Lucilius Bassus Took That
Citadel, And Other Places.
About Machaerus, How Lucilius Bassus Captured That
Fortress, And Other Locations.1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate into Judea, and there he received the army from Cerealis Vitellianus, and took that citadel which was in Herodium, together with the garrison that was in it; after which he got together all the soldiery that was there, [which was a large body, but dispersed into several parties,] with the tenth legion, and resolved to make war upon Machaerus; for it was highly necessary that this citadel should be demolished, lest it might be a means of drawing away many into a rebellion, by reason of its strength; for the nature of the place was very capable of affording the surest hopes of safety to those that possessed it, as well as delay and fear to those that should attack it; for what was walled in was itself a very rocky hill, elevated to a very great height; which circumstance alone made it very hard to be subdued. It was also so contrived by nature, that it could not be easily ascended; for it is, as it were, ditched about with such valleys on all sides, and to such a depth, that the eye cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are not easily to be passed over, and even such as it is impossible to fill up with earth. For that valley which cuts it on the west extends to threescore furlongs, and did not end till it came to the lake Asphaltites; on the same side it was also that Machaerus had the tallest top of its hill elevated above the rest. But then for the valleys that lay on the north and south sides, although they be not so large as that already described, yet it is in like manner an impracticable thing to think of getting over them; and for the valley that lies on the east side, its depth is found to be no less than a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a mountain that lies over against Machaerus, with which it is bounded.
1. Lucilius Bassus was sent as a legate to Judea, where he took control of the army from Cerealis Vitellianus and captured the citadel at Herodium, along with its garrison. After that, he gathered all the soldiers present, a sizable force that was scattered in different groups, along with the tenth legion, and decided to go to war against Machaerus. It was crucial to demolish this citadel to prevent it from enticing many into rebellion due to its stronghold. The location offered great hopes of safety for those who occupied it and instilled delay and fear in those who faced it. The walled area stood on a very high, rocky hill, making it difficult to conquer. The terrain was such that it couldn't be easily climbed; it was surrounded by deep valleys on all sides, which were challenging to cross and impossible to fill in. The valley on the west stretched for sixty furlongs and reached the lake Asphaltites, with Machaerus having the tallest peak of its hill on that side. The valleys on the north and south sides, while not as large as the one described, were still quite difficult to cross. On the east side, the valley was found to be at least a hundred cubits deep. It extended up to a mountain that bordered Machaerus.
2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, observed the nature of this place, he was the first who built a citadel here, which afterwards was demolished by Gabinius, when he made war against Aristobulus. But when Herod came to be king, he thought the place to be worthy of the utmost regard, and of being built upon in the firmest manner, and this especially because it lay so near to Arabia; for it is seated in a convenient place on that account, and hath a prospect toward that country; he therefore surrounded a large space of ground with walls and towers, and built a city there, out of which city there was a way that led up to the very citadel itself on the top of the mountain; nay, more than this, he built a wall round that top of the hill, and erected towers at the corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high; in the middle of which place he built a palace, after a magnificent manner, wherein were large and beautiful edifices. He also made a great many reservoirs for the reception of water, that there might be plenty of it ready for all uses, and those in the properest places that were afforded him there. Thus did he, as it were, contend with the nature of the place, that he might exceed its natural strength and security [which yet itself rendered it hard to be taken] by those fortifications which were made by the hands of men. Moreover, he put a large quantity of darts and other machines of war into it, and contrived to get every thing thither that might any way contribute to its inhabitants' security, under the longest siege possible.
2. When Alexander [Janneus], the king of the Jews, assessed this location, he was the first to build a citadel there, which was later destroyed by Gabinius during his war against Aristobulus. However, when Herod became king, he regarded the site as highly significant and believed it deserved the strongest construction, especially since it was close to Arabia. Its location provided a good view of that region, so he surrounded a large area with walls and towers, creating a city from which there was a path leading directly to the citadel on top of the mountain. Moreover, he built a wall around the hilltop and erected towers at the corners, standing a hundred and sixty cubits high. In the center of this area, he constructed a magnificently designed palace filled with large, beautiful buildings. He also created numerous reservoirs to collect water, ensuring that there was plenty available for all purposes in the most suitable locations. In doing so, he seemed to challenge the natural defenses of the site, striving to surpass its inherent strength and security, which already made it hard to capture, with man-made fortifications. Additionally, he stockpiled a vast amount of weapons and war machinery and made sure to supply everything that could help protect its residents during an extended siege.
3. Now within this place there grew a sort of rue 10 that deserves our wonder on account of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to any fig tree whatsoever, either in height or in thickness; and the report is, that it had lasted ever since the times of Herod, and would probably have lasted much longer, had it not been cut down by those Jews who took possession of the place afterward. But still in that valley which encompasses the city on the north side there is a certain place called Baaras, which produces a root of the same name with itself 11 its color is like to that of flame, and towards the evenings it sends out a certain ray like lightning. It is not easily taken by such as would do it, but recedes from their hands, nor will yield itself to be taken quietly, until either the urine of a woman, or her menstrual blood, be poured upon it; nay, even then it is certain death to those that touch it, unless any one take and hang the root itself down from his hand, and so carry it away. It may also be taken another way, without danger, which is this: they dig a trench quite round about it, till the hidden part of the root be very small, they then tie a dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to follow him that tied him, this root is easily plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as if it were instead of the man that would take the plant away; nor after this need any one be afraid of taking it into their hands. Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only valuable on account of one virtue it hath, that if it be only brought to sick persons, it quickly drives away those called demons, which are no other than the spirits of the wicked, that enter into men that are alive and kill them, unless they can obtain some help against them. Here are also fountains of hot water, that flow out of this place, which have a very different taste one from the other; for some of them are bitter, and others of them are plainly sweet. Here are also many eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in the places that lie lower, and have their fountains near one another, but, what is still more wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is covered over by a rock that is prominent; above this rock there stand up two [hills or] breasts, as it were, but a little distant one from another, the one of which sends out a fountain that is very cold, and the other sends out one that is very hot; which waters, when they are mingled together, compose a most pleasant bath; they are medicinal indeed for other maladies, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This place has in it also mines of sulfur and alum.
3. Now in this place, there was a kind of rue 10 that is truly remarkable because of its size; it was as tall and thick as any fig tree. It's said to have existed since the time of Herod and would have lasted much longer if it hadn’t been cut down by the Jews who took over the area later. However, in the valley surrounding the city to the north, there is a spot called Baaras, which produces a root that shares its name 11. Its color resembles flames, and in the evenings, it emits a light similar to lightning. It’s not easy to harvest, as it tends to evade those trying to grasp it, refusing to be taken until either a woman’s urine or menstrual blood is poured on it. Even then, it's certain death for anyone who touches it unless they hang the root from their hand to carry it away. It can also be harvested safely by digging a trench around it until the hidden part of the root is very small, then tying a dog to it. When the dog tries to follow the person who tied it, the root can be easily pulled up, but the dog dies immediately, as if sacrificing itself for the person who wanted to take the plant; after this, there’s no fear of handling it. Yet, despite all this effort to obtain it, it’s only valuable for one specific reason: if brought to sick people, it quickly drives away what are called demons, which are really just evil spirits that enter living people and kill them unless they get some help against them. There are also hot water springs in this area, each with a different taste; some are bitter and others are sweet. Additionally, there are many cold water springs, not just in the lower areas where the springs are close together, but also, interestingly, there's a cave nearby with a shallow cavity covered by a prominent rock; above this rock, there are two hills or mounds some distance apart, one of which has a very cold spring while the other has a very hot one. When these waters mix, they create a very pleasant bath; they are indeed medicinal for various ailments, but especially good for strengthening the nerves. This area also contains sulfur and alum mines.
4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view of this place, he resolved to besiege it, by filling up the valley that lay on the east side; so he fell hard to work, and took great pains to raise his banks as soon as possible, and by that means to render the siege easy. As for the Jews that were caught in this place, they separated themselves from the strangers that were with them, and they forced those strangers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo the principal dangers, while they themselves seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and this both on account of its strength, and to provide for their own safety. They also supposed they might obtain their pardon, in case they should [at last] surrender the citadel. However, they were willing to make trial, in the first place, whether the hopes they had of avoiding a siege would come to any thing; with which intention they made sallies every day, and fought with those that met them; in which conflicts they were many of them slain, as they therein slew many of the Romans. But still it was the opportunities that presented themselves which chiefly gained both sides their victories; these were gained by the Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they were off their guard; but by the Romans, when, upon the others' sallies against their banks, they foresaw their coming, and were upon their guard when they received them. But the conclusion of this siege did not depend upon these bickerings; but a certain surprising accident, relating to what was done in this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the citadel. There was a certain young man among the besieged, of great boldness, and very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar; he greatly signalized himself in those sallies, and encouraged the Jews to go out in great numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mischief when they came to fighting; he so managed matters, that those who sallied out made their attacks easily, and returned back without danger, and this by still bringing up the rear himself. Now it happened that, on a certain time, when the fight was over, and both sides were parted, and retired home, he, in way of contempt of the enemy, and thinking that none of them would begin the fight again at that time, staid without the gates, and talked with those that were upon the wall, and his mind was wholly intent upon what they said. Now a certain person belonging to the Roman camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when nobody expected such a thing, and carried him off, with his armor itself; while, in the mean time, those that saw it from the wall were under such an amazement, that Rufus prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar to the Roman camp. So the general of the Romans ordered that he should be taken up naked, set before the city to be seen, and sorely whipped before their eyes. Upon this sad accident that befell the young man, the Jews were terribly confounded, and the city, with one voice, sorely lamented him, and the mourning proved greater than could well be supposed upon the calamity of a single person. When Bassus perceived that, he began to think of using a stratagem against the enemy, and was desirous to aggravate their grief, in order to prevail with them to surrender the city for the preservation of that man. Nor did he fail of his hope; for he commanded them to set up a cross, as if he were just going to hang Eleazar upon it immediately; the sight of this occasioned a sore grief among those that were in the citadel, and they groaned vehemently, and cried out that they could not bear to see him thus destroyed. Whereupon Eleazar besought them not to disregard him, now he was going to suffer a most miserable death, and exhorted them to save themselves, by yielding to the Roman power and good fortune, since all other people were now conquered by them. These men were greatly moved with what he said, there being also many within the city that interceded for him, because he was of an eminent and very numerous family; so they now yielded to their passion of commiseration, contrary to their usual custom. Accordingly, they sent out immediately certain messengers, and treated with the Romans, in order to a surrender of the citadel to them, and desired that they might be permitted to go away, and take Eleazar along with them. Then did the Romans and their general accept of these terms; while the multitude of strangers that were in the lower part of the city, hearing of the agreement that was made by the Jews for themselves alone, were resolved to fly away privately in the night time; but as soon as they had opened their gates, those that had come to terms with Bassus told him of it; whether it were that they envied the others' deliverance, or whether it were done out of fear, lest an occasion should be taken against them upon their escape, is uncertain. The most courageous, therefore, of those men that went out prevented the enemy, and got away, and fled for it; but for those men that were caught within they were slain to the number of one thousand seven hundred, as were the women and children made slaves. But as Bassus thought he must perform the covenant he had made with those that surrendered the citadel, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to them.
4. After Bassus took a good look at the place, he decided to lay siege to it by filling in the valley on the east side. He got right to work and made a huge effort to build his siege banks quickly to make the siege easier. The Jews trapped in the area separated themselves from the strangers among them, forcing those strangers—who they saw as useless—to stay in the lower part of the city and face the main dangers, while they took control of the upper citadel for its strength and to ensure their own safety. They hoped they could gain forgiveness if they eventually surrendered the citadel. However, they wanted to test their hopes of avoiding a siege first by launching daily raids and fighting anyone they encountered. In these battles, many of them were killed, but they also managed to kill many Romans. Ultimately, the victories for both sides mostly depended on the opportunities that arose: the Jews gained the upper hand when they attacked the Romans unexpectedly, while the Romans were successful when they anticipated the Jews’ attacks on their banks. The outcome of this siege didn't hinge on these skirmishes, but a surprising event tied to the siege forced the Jews to surrender the citadel. One of the besieged, a bold young man named Eleazar, distinguished himself in these raids, encouraging the Jews to go out in groups to disrupt the construction of the banks, causing significant harm to the Romans during the fighting. He skillfully made sure those coming out could attack safely and return without danger, as he brought up the rear himself. One day, after the fighting settled and both sides retreated, he lingered outside the gates, dismissing the enemy and focused on chatting with those on the wall. At that moment, a Roman from the camp named Rufus, an Egyptian by birth, suddenly launched at him when no one expected it and carried him off, armor and all. Meanwhile, those on the wall were too stunned to help as Rufus took Eleazar to the Roman camp. The Roman general commanded that he be displayed naked in front of the city and severely whipped for all to see. The distress that followed this misfortune deeply shocked the Jews, and the whole city mourned for him, with their grief surpassing what one would expect for the loss of a single person. Seeing this, Bassus thought to use a strategy against the enemy to heighten their anguish, hoping it would persuade them to surrender the city to save Eleazar. He ordered a cross to be set up as if they were about to execute Eleazar right then. This sight caused the people inside the citadel to grieve heavily, crying out that they couldn't bear to see him killed in that way. Eleazar begged them not to ignore him as he faced such a terrible fate, urging them to save themselves by surrendering to the Roman power and fortune since everyone else had been conquered by them. His words moved them deeply, and many in the city pleaded for him, considering his noble and large family; they let their compassion override their usual behavior. They quickly sent out messengers to negotiate with the Romans for the citadel's surrender, asking to leave with Eleazar. The Romans and their general accepted these terms, while the strangers in the lower part of the city, upon hearing about the deal the Jews made exclusively for themselves, decided to sneak away at night. However, once they opened their gates, those who had agreed to terms with Bassus informed him of it—whether out of envy for the others’ escape or fear that their own departure might lead to repercussions is unclear. The bravest among those who went out managed to evade capture and flee, but the ones left behind were killed, totaling one thousand seven hundred, while the women and children were taken as slaves. Nevertheless, since Bassus believed he must honor the agreement he made with those who surrendered the citadel, he let them go and returned Eleazar to them.
5. When Bassus had settled these affairs, he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden, as it is called; for he had heard that a great many of those that had fled from Jerusalem and Machaerus formerly were there gotten together. When he was therefore come to the place, and understood that the former news was no mistake, he, in the first place, surrounded the whole place with his horsemen, that such of the Jews as had boldness enough to try to break through might have no way possible for escaping, by reason of the situation of these horsemen; and for the footmen, he ordered them to cut down the trees that were in the wood whither they were fled. So the Jews were under a necessity of performing some glorious exploit, and of greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since they might perhaps thereby escape. So they made a general attack, and with a great shout fell upon those that surrounded them, who received them with great courage; and so while the one side fought desperately, and the others would not yield, the fight was prolonged on that account. But the event of the battle did not answer the expectation of the assailants; for so it happened, that no more than twelve fell on the Roman side, with a few that were wounded; but not one of the Jews escaped out of this battle, but they were all killed, being in the whole not fewer in number than three thousand, together with Judas, the son of Jairus, their general, concerning whom we have before spoken, that he had been a captain of a certain band at the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down into a certain vault under ground, had privately made his escape.
5. Once Bassus took care of these matters, he quickly marched to the forest of Jarden, as it’s known; he had heard that a lot of the people who had fled from Jerusalem and Machaerus were gathered there. When he arrived, realizing the information was correct, he first surrounded the entire area with his cavalry, ensuring that any Jews who dared to try to break through had no possible escape due to the placement of his horsemen. For the foot soldiers, he instructed them to cut down the trees in the woods where the Jews had escaped. The Jews then had no choice but to perform some courageous act and risk everything in battle, hoping it might offer them a way out. They launched a general attack and, with a loud shout, charged at those surrounding them, who faced them with great bravery. The battle dragged on as both sides fought fiercely; neither was willing to back down. However, the outcome of the battle was not what the attackers had hoped for; only twelve Romans fell, with a few others wounded, but none of the Jews escaped; they were all killed, totaling no fewer than three thousand, including Judas, the son of Jairus, their general, who we mentioned before had been a captain of a certain group during the siege of Jerusalem and had previously made a secret escape by going down into an underground vault.
6. About the same time it was that Caesar sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Maximus, who was the procurator [of Judea], and gave order that all Judea should be exposed to sale 12 for he did not found any city there, but reserved the country for himself. However, he assigned a place for eight hundred men only, whom he had dismissed from his army, which he gave them for their habitation; it is called Emmaus, 13 and is distant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. He also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever they were, and enjoined every one of them to bring two drachmae every year into the Capitol, as they used to pay the same to the temple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of the Jewish affairs at this time.
6. Around the same time, Caesar sent a letter to Bassus and to Liberius Maximus, the procurator of Judea, ordering that all of Judea should be put up for sale 12 because he didn't establish any city there, but kept the land for himself. However, he allocated a place for just eight hundred men, whom he had discharged from his army, giving it to them for their settlement; it’s called Emmaus, 13 and is located sixty furlongs from Jerusalem. He also imposed a tax on the Jews wherever they were, requiring each of them to pay two drachmas every year to the Capitol, similar to what they used to pay to the temple in Jerusalem. And this was the situation of the Jewish affairs at that time.
CHAPTER 7.
Concerning The Calamity That Befell Antiochus, King Of
Commagene. As Also Concerning The Alans And What Great
Mischiefs They Did To The Medes And Armenians.
Regarding the disaster that happened to Antiochus, King of
Commagene. Also discussing the Alans and the significant harm
they caused to the Medes and Armenians.1. And now, in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that Antiochus, the king of Commagene, with all his family, fell into very great calamities. The occasion was this: Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at this time, whether it were done out of regard to truth, or whether out of hatred to Antiochus, [for which was the real motive was never thoroughly discovered,] sent an epistle to Caesar, and therein told him that Antiochus, with his son Epiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the Romans, and had made a league with the king of Parthia to that purpose; that it was therefore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us, and begin such a war as may cause a general disturbance in the Roman empire. Now Caesar was disposed to take some care about the matter, since this discovery was made; for the neighborhood of the kingdoms made this affair worthy of greater regard; for Samoseta, the capital of Commagene, lies upon Euphrates, and upon any such design could afford an easy passage over it to the Parthians, and could also afford them a secure reception. Petus was accordingly believed, and had authority given him of doing what he should think proper in the case; so he set about it without delay, and fell upon Commagene before Antiochus and his people had the least expectation of his coming: he had with him the tenth legion, as also some cohorts and troops of horsemen. These kings also came to his assistance: Aristobulus, king of the country called Chalcidene, and Sohemus, who was called king of Emesa. Nor was there any opposition made to his forces when they entered the kingdom; for no one of that country would so much as lift up his hand against them. When Antiochus heard this unexpected news, he could not think in the least of making war with the Romans, but determined to leave his whole kingdom in the state wherein it now was, and to retire privately, with his wife and children, as thinking thereby to demonstrate himself to the Romans to be innocent as to the accusation laid against him. So he went away from that city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs, into a plain, and there pitched his tents.
1. In the fourth year of Vespasian's reign, Antiochus, the king of Commagene, and his entire family faced severe misfortunes. The reason was this: Cesennius Petus, who was president of Syria at the time, either out of a sense of duty to the truth or out of animosity towards Antiochus—what the real motive was remains unclear—sent a letter to Caesar, informing him that Antiochus and his son Epiphanes had planned to rebel against the Romans and had formed an alliance with the king of Parthia for this purpose. He argued that it was necessary to intervene before they could strike, potentially triggering a conflict that could disrupt the Roman Empire. Caesar took this revelation seriously, as the proximity of the kingdoms made the situation more concerning; Samosata, the capital of Commagene, was situated along the Euphrates and could allow the Parthians easy access and safe refuge for any such plans. Petus's claims were accepted, and he was given authority to act as he deemed appropriate, so he wasted no time and attacked Commagene before Antiochus and his people had any idea he was coming. He brought with him the tenth legion, along with some cohorts and cavalry. Several kings also allied with him: Aristobulus, king of Chalcidene, and Sohemus, known as the king of Emesa. There was no resistance when his forces entered the kingdom; no one from the local population dared to oppose them. When Antiochus heard this shockingly unexpected news, he realized he could not even consider waging war against the Romans, so he chose to leave his entire kingdom as it was and quietly retreat with his wife and children, believing this would demonstrate his innocence regarding the accusations against him. He journeyed from the city about a hundred and twenty furlongs into a plain, where he set up his tents.
2. Petus then sent some of his men to seize upon Samosate, and by their means took possession of that city, while he went himself to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army. However, the king was not prevailed upon by the distress he was in to do any thing in the way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned his own hard fate, and endured with patience what he was not able to prevent. But his sons, who were young, and unexperienced in war, but of strong bodies, were not easily induced to bear this calamity without fighting. Epiphanes, therefore, and Callinicus, betook themselves to military force; and as the battle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long, they showed their own valor in a remarkable manner, and nothing but the approach of night put a period thereto, and that without any diminution of their forces; yet would not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the fight, continue there by any means, but took his wife and his daughters, and fled away with them to Cilicia, and by so doing quite discouraged the minds of his own soldiers. Accordingly, they revolted, and went over to the Romans, out of the despair they were in of his keeping the kingdom; and his case was looked upon by all as quite desperate. It was therefore necessary that Epiphanes and his soldiers should get clear of their enemies before they became entirely destitute of any confederates; nor were there any more than ten horsemen with him, who passed with him over Euphrates, whence they went undisturbed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not disregarded as fugitives, but had the same respect paid them as if they had retained their ancient prosperity.
2. Petus then sent some of his men to take control of Samosate, and with their help, he captured that city while he himself led the rest of his army to attack Antiochus. However, the king, despite his distress, didn’t take any action against the Romans; instead, he lamented his unfortunate fate and tolerated what he couldn’t change. His sons were young and inexperienced in battle, but they were strong and found it hard to accept this hardship without fighting. Therefore, Epiphanes and Callinicus took up arms, and the battle was fierce, lasting all day. They displayed remarkable bravery, and only the arrival of night ended the conflict, without diminishing their forces. Still, Antiochus, after the battle, wouldn’t stay there and instead took his wife and daughters, fleeing to Cilicia, which greatly demoralized his soldiers. As a result, they revolted and switched their allegiance to the Romans, as they lost hope in him maintaining the kingdom, which everyone considered a lost cause. It became essential for Epiphanes and his soldiers to escape their enemies before they completely ran out of allies. He had no more than ten horsemen with him as they crossed the Euphrates, and from there, they made their way unharmed to Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they were not treated as fugitives but received with the same respect they would have gotten if they had retained their former fortune.
3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tarsus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome. However, Vespasian could not endure to have a king brought to him in that manner, but thought it fit rather to have a regard to the ancient friendship that had been between them, than to preserve an inexorable anger upon pretense of this war. Accordingly, he gave orders that they should take off his bonds, while he was still upon the road, and that he should not come to Rome, but should now go and live at Lacedemon; he also gave him large revenues, that he might not only live in plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes, who before was in great fear for his father, was informed of this, their minds were freed from that great and almost incurable concern they had been under. He also hoped that Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the intercession of Vologeses; for although he lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear living out of the Roman empire. So Caesar gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and he came to Rome; and as his father came quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all sorts of respect paid him there, and there he remained.
3. When Antiochus arrived in Tarsus, Cilicia, Petus instructed a centurion to bring him in chains to Rome. However, Vespasian couldn't bear to have a king treated like that and believed it was better to honor their longstanding friendship than to cling to anger over the war. So, he ordered that Antiochus's chains be removed while he was still en route and decided he shouldn’t go to Rome but should instead live in Lacedemon. He also provided him with a significant income, ensuring he could live comfortably and like a king. When Epiphanes, who had been very worried about his father, heard this, their intense and almost unshakeable anxiety was lifted. He also hoped that Caesar would make peace with them through Vologeses’s intervention; although he had plenty of resources, he couldn't stand living outside the Roman Empire. So, in a gracious manner, Caesar permitted him to come to Rome. As his father quickly arrived from Lacedemon, Antiochus was treated with all kinds of respect, and he stayed there.
4. Now there was a nation of the Alans, which we have formerly mentioned some where as being Scythians and inhabiting at the lake Meotis. This nation about this time laid a design of falling upon Media, and the parts beyond it, in order to plunder them; with which intention they treated with the king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that passage which king Alexander [the Great] shut up with iron gates. This king gave them leave to come through them; so they came in great multitudes, and fell upon the Medes unexpectedly, and plundered their country, which they found full of people, and replenished with abundance of cattle, while nobody durst make any resistance against them; for Paeorus, the king of the country, had fled away for fear into places where they could not easily come at him, and had yielded up every thing he had to them, and had only saved his wife and his concubines from them, and that with difficulty also, after they had been made captives, by giving them a hundred talents for their ransom. These Alans therefore plundered the country without opposition, and with great ease, and proceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste before them. Now Tiridates was king of that country, who met them, and fought them, but had like to have been taken alive in the battle; for a certain man threw a net over him from a great distance, and had soon drawn him to him, unless he had immediately cut the cord with his sword, and ran away, and prevented it. So the Alans, being still more provoked by this sight, laid waste the country, and drove a great multitude of the men, and a great quantity of the other prey they had gotten out of both kingdoms, along with them, and then retreated back to their own country.
4. At this time, there was a group called the Alans, which we previously referred to as Scythians living near Lake Meotis. This group planned to attack Media and the surrounding areas to loot them; to do this, they negotiated with the king of Hyrcania, who controlled the pass that King Alexander had secured with iron gates. The king granted them permission to cross, so they came in large numbers and unexpectedly attacked the Medes, plundering their rich and populous lands while no one dared to fight back. Paeorus, the local king, had fled in fear to a remote location and surrendered everything to them, managing to save only his wife and concubines with great difficulty, after paying a ransom of a hundred talents for their release. The Alans raided the region freely and easily, advancing as far as Armenia and leaving destruction in their wake. Tiridates was the king of that land and tried to confront them in battle, but nearly became a prisoner himself when a man threw a net over him from a distance. He barely managed to cut the cord with his sword and escape. Infuriated by this incident, the Alans ravaged the area further, capturing many men and taking a large amount of spoils from both kingdoms before retreating back to their homeland.
CHAPTER 8.
Concerning Masada And Those Sicarii Who Kept It; And How
Silva Betook Himself To Form The Siege Of That Citadel.
Eleazar's Speeches To The Besieged.
Regarding Masada and the Sicarii who held it; and how
Silva set up the siege of that fortress.
Eleazar's speeches to those under siege.1. When Bassus was dead in Judea, Flavius Silva succeeded him as procurator there; who, when he saw that all the rest of the country was subdued in this war, and that there was but one only strong hold that was still in rebellion, he got all his army together that lay in different places, and made an expedition against it. This fortress was called Masada. It was one Eleazar, a potent man, and the commander of these Sicarii, that had seized upon it. He was a descendant from that Judas who had persuaded abundance of the Jews, as we have formerly related, not to submit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent into Judea to make one; for then it was that the Sicarii got together against those that were willing to submit to the Romans, and treated them in all respects as if they had been their enemies, both by plundering them of what they had, by driving away their cattle, and by setting fire to their houses; for they said that they differed not at all from foreigners, by betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that freedom which Jews thought worthy to be contended for to the utmost, and by owning that they preferred slavery under the Romans before such a contention. Now this was in reality no better than a pretense and a cloak for the barbarity which was made use of by them, and to color over their own avarice, which they afterwards made evident by their own actions; for those that were partners with them in their rebellion joined also with them in the war against the Romans, and went further lengths with them in their impudent undertakings against them; and when they were again convicted of dissembling in such their pretenses, they still more abused those that justly reproached them for their wickedness. And indeed that was a time most fertile in all manner of wicked practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds were then left undone; nor could any one so much as devise any bad thing that was new, so deeply were they all infected, and strove with one another in their single capacity, and in their communities, who should run the greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and in unjust actions towards their neighbors; the men of power oppressing the multitude, and the multitude earnestly laboring to destroy the men of power. The one part were desirous of tyrannizing over others, and the rest of offering violence to others, and of plundering such as were richer than themselves. They were the Sicarii who first began these transgressions, and first became barbarous towards those allied to them, and left no words of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition untried, in order to destroy those whom their contrivances affected. Yet did John demonstrate by his actions that these Sicarii were more moderate than he was himself, for he not only slew all such as gave him good counsel to do what was right, but treated them worst of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had among all the Citizens; nay, he filled his entire country with ten thousand instances of wickedness, such as a man who was already hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards God would naturally do; for the food was unlawful that was set upon his table, and he rejected those purifications that the law of his country had ordained; so that it was no longer a wonder if he, who was so mad in his impiety towards God, did not observe any rules of gentleness and common affection towards men. Again, therefore, what mischief was there which Simon the son of Gioras did not do? or what kind of abuses did he abstain from as to those very free-men who had set him up for a tyrant? What friendship or kindred were there that did not make him more bold in his daily murders? for they looked upon the doing of mischief to strangers only as a work beneath their courage, but thought their barbarity towards their nearest relations would be a glorious demonstration thereof. The Idumeans also strove with these men who should be guilty of the greatest madness! for they [all], vile wretches as they were, cut the throats of the high priests, that so no part of a religious regard to God might be preserved; they thence proceeded to destroy utterly the least remains of a political government, and introduced the most complete scene of iniquity in all instances that were practicable; under which scene that sort of people that were called zealots grew up, and who indeed corresponded to the name; for they imitated every wicked work; nor, if their memory suggested any evil thing that had formerly been done, did they avoid zealously to pursue the same; and although they gave themselves that name from their zeal for what was good, yet did it agree to them only by way of irony, on account of those they had unjustly treated by their wild and brutish disposition, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs to be the greatest good. Accordingly, they all met with such ends as God deservedly brought upon them in way of punishment; for all such miseries have been sent upon them as man's nature is capable of undergoing, till the utmost period of their lives, and till death came upon them in various ways of torment; yet might one say justly that they suffered less than they had done, because it was impossible they could be punished according to their deserving. But to make a lamentation according to the deserts of those who fell under these men's barbarity, this is not a proper place for it;—I therefore now return again to the remaining part of the present narration.
1. When Bassus died in Judea, Flavius Silva took over as procurator. He noticed that the rest of the country was defeated in this war, and that only one stronghold remained in rebellion. So, he gathered his army from different locations and launched an attack against it. This fortress was called Masada, and it was controlled by a powerful man named Eleazar, who was the leader of the Sicarii. Eleazar was a descendant of the Judas who had convinced many Jews not to comply with the tax when Cyrenius was sent to Judea to collect it. At that time, the Sicarii organized against those willing to submit to the Romans and treated them like enemies—robbing them, stealing their livestock, and burning their homes. They believed those who submitted were no different from foreigners, cowardly betraying the freedom that Jews thought was worth fighting for, and admitted they preferred slavery under the Romans over such conflict. This was no better than a mere excuse for the brutality they showed, covering up their own greed, which became evident through their actions. Those who joined them in rebellion also participated in the war against the Romans and went even further in their reckless efforts against them. When they were again caught lying about their intentions, they only abused those who rightly condemned them for their wickedness. It was indeed a time rich with all kinds of evil deeds; no type of wrongdoing was left undone, and no one could even think of a new wrongdoing, as they were all so corrupted, competing among themselves in their individual and community roles to see who could be the most impious towards God and unjust towards their neighbors. The powerful oppressed the masses, while the masses desperately tried to destroy the powerful. One group wanted to rule over others, while the other sought to rob those richer than themselves. The Sicarii were the first to commit these transgressions and became particularly brutal towards their allies, leaving no insults unspoken and no acts of destruction unattempted in their efforts to eliminate those who opposed them. However, John showed through his actions that he was more extreme than the Sicarii, as he not only killed anyone who advised him to act rightly, but also treated them worse than the most bitter enemies he had among the citizens. He filled his entire region with countless acts of wickedness that someone hardened in their impiety towards God would naturally commit. The food served at his table was unlawful, and he rejected the purifications ordained by the law of his country. It was no longer surprising that he, being so mad in his impiety towards God, ignored all rules of kindness and common affection towards people. Once again, what evil deed did Simon the son of Gioras not commit? What abuses did he refrain from against those very free men who had made him a tyrant? What friendship or family tie made him hesitant in his daily murders? He viewed harming strangers as beneath his courage, but thought being brutal towards his closest relations was a glorious display of power. The Idumeans also competed to see who could be the most foolish, cutting the throats of high priests to erase any sense of reverence towards God. They went on to completely destroy the last remnants of political governance, introducing an unprecedented level of iniquity in all possible ways. Under this reign of terror, a group known as the zealots emerged, truly living up to their name; they imitated every kind of wicked act and zealously pursued any evil deed their memories recalled. Even though they called themselves zealots out of their passion for what was good, it was ironic because of how unjustly they treated others with their wild and brutal behavior, believing that the worst evils were the greatest goods. Accordingly, they all faced ends that God justly brought upon them as punishment, suffering all kinds of misery that human nature can endure until the end of their lives, dying in various torments. However, one could argue that they suffered less than they deserved because it was impossible for them to be punished proportionately. But to lament the fates of those crushed by these men’s brutality isn’t appropriate here; I will now return to the remainder of the current story.
2. For now it was that the Roman general came, and led his army against Eleazar and those Sicarii who held the fortress Masada together with him; and for the whole country adjoining, he presently gained it, and put garrisons into the most proper places of it; he also built a wall quite round the entire fortress, that none of the besieged might easily escape; he also set his men to guard the several parts of it; he also pitched his camp in such an agreeable place as he had chosen for the siege, and at which place the rock belonging to the fortress did make the nearest approach to the neighboring mountain, which yet was a place of difficulty for getting plenty of provisions; for it was not only food that was to be brought from a great distance [to the army], and this with a great deal of pain to those Jews who were appointed for that purpose, but water was also to be brought to the camp, because the place afforded no fountain that was near it. When therefore Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he fell to besieging the place; which siege was likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill and pains, by reason of the strength of the fortress, the nature of which I will now describe.
2. At that time, the Roman general arrived and led his army against Eleazar and the Sicarii who held the fortress of Masada with him. He quickly gained control of the surrounding area and stationed garrisons in the most strategic locations. He also built a wall around the entire fortress to prevent the besieged from escaping easily. Additionally, he assigned his men to guard various sections of it and set up his camp in a good spot he had chosen for the siege, where the rock of the fortress was closest to the neighboring mountain. However, this location was challenging for sourcing enough provisions, as food had to be brought from far away, which was a significant burden for the Jews tasked with that job. Furthermore, water had to be transported to the camp since there was no nearby fountain. Once Silva had organized these matters, he began the siege, which would require a lot of skill and effort due to the fortress's strength, the nature of which I will now describe.
3. There was a rock, not small in circumference, and very high. It was encompassed with valleys of such vast depth downward, that the eye could not reach their bottoms; they were abrupt, and such as no animal could walk upon, excepting at two places of the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford a passage for ascent, though not without difficulty. Now, of the ways that lead to it, one is that from the lake Asphaltites, towards the sun-rising, and another on the west, where the ascent is easier: the one of these ways is called the Serpent, as resembling that animal in its narrowness and its perpetual windings; for it is broken off at the prominent precipices of the rock, and returns frequently into itself, and lengthening again by little and little, hath much ado to proceed forward; and he that would walk along it must first go on one leg, and then on the other; there is also nothing but destruction, in case your feet slip; for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage of every body by the terror it infuses into the mind. When, therefore, a man hath gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the rest is the top of the hill—not ending at a small point, but is no other than a plain upon the highest part of the mountain. Upon this top of the hill, Jonathan the high priest first of all built a fortress, and called it Masada: after which the rebuilding of this place employed the care of king Herod to a great degree; he also built a wall round about the entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long; it was composed of white stone; its height was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits; there were also erected upon that wall thirty-eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high; out of which you might pass into lesser edifices, which were built on the inside, round the entire wall; for the king reserved the top of the hill, which was of a fat soil, and better mould than any valley for agriculture, that such as committed themselves to this fortress for their preservation might not even there be quite destitute of food, in case they should ever be in want of it from abroad. Moreover, he built a palace therein at the western ascent; it was within and beneath the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its north side. Now the wall of this palace was very high and strong, and had at its four corners towers sixty cubits high. The furniture also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of the baths, was of great variety, and very costly; and these buildings were supported by pillars of single stones on every side; the walls and also the floors of the edifices were paved with stones of several colors. He also had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for water, out of the rocks, at every one of the places that were inhabited, both above and round about the palace, and before the wall; and by this contrivance he endeavored to have water for several uses, as if there had been fountains there. Here was also a road digged from the palace, and leading to the very top of the mountain, which yet could not be seen by such as were without [the walls]; nor indeed could enemies easily make use of the plain roads; for the road on the east side, as we have already taken notice, could not be walked upon, by reason of its nature; and for the western road, he built a large tower at its narrowest place, at no less a distance from the top of the hill than a thousand cubits; which tower could not possibly be passed by, nor could it be easily taken; nor indeed could those that walked along it without any fear [such was its contrivance] easily get to the end of it; and after such a manner was this citadel fortified, both by nature and by the hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks of enemies.
3. There was a rock, quite large and very tall. It was surrounded by deep valleys so profound that the eye couldn’t see their bottoms; they were steep and impossible for any animal to traverse, except in two spots on the rock, where it slopes down to allow for a difficult ascent. Among the paths leading to it, one comes from the lake Asphaltites, heading east, and another from the west, where the climb is easier. The first path is called the Serpent because its narrow and winding shape resembles that animal; it breaks off at the rock's steep edges and frequently loops back on itself, gradually extending forward, making the journey challenging. Anyone trying to walk along it must first balance on one leg, then on the other, and falling could mean disaster, as on either side is a deep chasm and cliff that could terrify anyone. Therefore, after walking this path for about thirty furlongs, you reach the top of the hill, which doesn’t end in a sharp point but is actually a flat area at the mountain's peak. At this summit, Jonathan the high priest was the first to build a fortress and named it Masada. Following that, King Herod took great care in renovating this site; he constructed a wall around the entire top of the hill, stretching seven furlongs long, made of white stone, standing twelve cubits high and eight cubits wide. He also built thirty-eight towers on that wall, each fifty cubits tall, which led to smaller structures built inside the fortress' perimeter. The king preserved the hilltop, which had fertile soil ideal for farming, ensuring that those who took refuge there wouldn’t lack food in case supplies from outside ran low. Additionally, he built a palace at the western ascent, situated inside and below the citadel's walls but tilted to the north side. The walls of this palace were very tall and strong, with towers at each corner reaching sixty cubits high. The furnishings of the buildings, colonnades, and baths were diverse and luxurious; these structures were supported by single stone pillars all around, and the walls as well as the floors were paved with stones of various colors. He also carved out many large pits as water reservoirs from the rock at all populated spots above and around the palace and before the wall, attempting to ensure a water supply for multiple uses, as if there were fountains available. A road was also dug from the palace leading to the very top of the mountain, which couldn’t be seen from outside the walls; moreover, enemies couldn’t easily use the main roads. The path on the east side, as noted earlier, was too treacherous for walking, while on the western path, he built a large tower at its narrowest point, located no less than a thousand cubits from the hilltop. This tower couldn’t be bypassed and was tough to conquer, making it difficult for anyone to walk through without fear. This is how the citadel was fortified, both by nature and by human effort, to ward off enemy assaults.
4. As for the furniture that was within this fortress, it was still more wonderful on account of its splendor and long continuance; for here was laid up corn in large quantities, and such as would subsist men for a long time; here was also wine and oil in abundance, with all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up together; all which Eleazar found there, when he and his Sicarii got possession of the fortress by treachery. These fruits were also fresh and full ripe, and no way inferior to such fruits newly laid in, although they were little short of a hundred years 14 from the laying in these provisions [by Herod], till the place was taken by the Romans; nay, indeed, when the Romans got possession of those fruits that were left, they found them not corrupted all that while; nor should we be mistaken, if we supposed that the air was here the cause of their enduring so long; this fortress being so high, and so free from the mixture of all terrain and muddy particles of matter. There was also found here a large quantity of all sorts of weapons of war, which had been treasured up by that king, and were sufficient for ten thousand men; there was cast iron, and brass, and tin, which show that he had taken much pains to have all things here ready for the greatest occasions; for the report goes how Herod thus prepared this fortress on his own account, as a refuge against two kinds of danger; the one for fear of the multitude of the Jews, lest they should depose him, and restore their former kings to the government; the other danger was greater and more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra queen of Egypt, who did not conceal her intentions, but spoke often to Antony, and desired him to cut off Herod, and entreated him to bestow the kingdom of Judea upon her. And certainly it is a great wonder that Antony did never comply with her commands in this point, as he was so miserably enslaved to his passion for her; nor should any one have been surprised if she had been gratified in such her request. So the fear of these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada, and thereby leave it for the finishing stroke of the Romans in this Jewish war.
4. The furniture inside this fortress was even more impressive because of its grandeur and longevity. There was a large supply of grain stored up, enough to sustain people for a long time. There were also plenty of wine and oil, along with various grains and dates piled together. Eleazar found all of this when he and his Sicarii took control of the fortress through deception. The fruits were fresh and fully ripe, not at all inferior to new harvests, even though they had been stored for nearly a hundred years 14 since Herod had stocked these provisions until the Romans captured the place. In fact, when the Romans took over the remaining fruits, they found them still intact all that time; we shouldn't be surprised if the unique air quality here contributed to their preservation, as this fortress is situated high above and is free from any muddy contaminants. They also discovered a significant amount of various weapons, which had been collected by the king, enough for ten thousand soldiers. There was cast iron, brass, and tin, indicating that he had made considerable efforts to prepare for significant events. The rumor is that Herod built this fortress as a refuge against two main threats: one from the multitude of Jews, fearing they might dethrone him and restore their former kings, and a greater, more terrifying danger from Cleopatra, the queen of Egypt, who was open about her ambitions, frequently urging Antony to eliminate Herod and give her the kingdom of Judea. It's indeed remarkable that Antony never agreed to her demands, especially considering how deeply he was infatuated with her; no one would have been shocked if she had gotten her way. Thus, the fear of these dangers prompted Herod to rebuild Masada, leaving it as a final stronghold for the Romans in this Jewish war.
5. Since therefore the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall on the outside, round about this whole place, as we have said already, and had thereby made a most accurate provision to prevent any one of the besieged running away, he undertook the siege itself, though he found but one single place that would admit of the banks he was to raise; for behind that tower which secured the road that led to the palace, and to the top of the hill from the west; there was a certain eminency of the rock, very broad and very prominent, but three hundred cubits beneath the highest part of Masada; it was called the White Promontory. Accordingly, he got upon that part of the rock, and ordered the army to bring earth; and when they fell to that work with alacrity, and abundance of them together, the bank was raised, and became solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet was not this bank thought sufficiently high for the use of the engines that were to be set upon it; but still another elevated work of great stones compacted together was raised upon that bank; this was fifty cubits, both in breadth and height. The other machines that were now got ready were like to those that had been first devised by Vespasian, and afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was also a tower made of the height of sixty cubits, and all over plated with iron, out of which the Romans threw darts and stones from the engines, and soon made those that fought from the walls of the place to retire, and would not let them lift up their heads above the works. At the same time Silva ordered that great battering ram which he had made to be brought thither, and to be set against the wall, and to make frequent batteries against it, which with some difficulty broke down a part of the wall, and quite overthrew it. However, the Sicarii made haste, and presently built another wall within that, which should not be liable to the same misfortune from the machines with the other; it was made soft and yielding, and so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows that affected the other. It was framed after the following manner: They laid together great beams of wood lengthways, one close to the end of another, and the same way in which they were cut: there were two of these rows parallel to one another, and laid at such a distance from each other as the breadth of the wall required, and earth was put into the space between those rows. Now, that the earth might not fall away upon the elevation of this bank to a greater height, they further laid other beams over cross them, and thereby bound those beams together that lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like a real edifice; and when the machines were applied, the blows were weakened by its yielding; and as the materials by such concussion were shaken closer together, the pile by that means became firmer than before. When Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavor the taking of this wall by setting fire to it; so he gave order that the soldiers should throw a great number of burning torches upon it: accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood, it soon took fire; and when it was once set on fire, its hollowness made that fire spread to a mighty flame. Now, at the very beginning of this fire, a north wind that then blew proved terrible to the Romans; for by bringing the flame downward, it drove it upon them, and they were almost in despair of success, as fearing their machines would be burnt: but after this, on a sudden the wind changed into the south, as if it were done by Divine Providence, and blew strongly the contrary way, and carried the flame, and drove it against the wall, which was now on fire through its entire thickness. So the Romans, having now assistance from God, returned to their camp with joy, and resolved to attack their enemies the very next day; on which occasion they set their watch more carefully that night, lest any of the Jews should run away from them without being discovered.
5. Since the Roman commander Silva had now built a wall around the entire area, as we’ve mentioned before, effectively ensuring that none of the besieged could escape, he began the siege itself, even though he found only one spot suitable for the ramps he needed to build. Behind the tower that protected the road to the palace and the high point of the hill from the west, there was a large, prominent section of rock, about three hundred cubits below the highest part of Masada, known as the White Promontory. Silva climbed onto that part of the rock and ordered his troops to bring earth. Once they eagerly got to work in large numbers, the ramp was constructed and solidified to a height of two hundred cubits. However, this ramp was still not considered high enough for the machines that were to be placed on it, so they built an additional elevated section of large stones stacked together, which was fifty cubits both in width and height. The other machines that were prepared were similar to those first designed by Vespasian and later by Titus for sieges. There was also a tower built to a height of sixty cubits, entirely covered with iron, from which the Romans hurled darts and stones using machines, quickly forcing those defending the walls to retreat and preventing them from showing themselves above the fortifications. At the same time, Silva ordered the large battering ram he had made to be brought there to be used against the wall, making frequent strikes against it, which with some difficulty broke down a part of the wall and completely destroyed it. However, the Sicarii quickly responded by building another wall inside that one to protect against the same fate from the machines; this new wall was soft and flexible, allowing it to withstand the heavy blows that damaged the first. It was constructed in the following way: they laid large beams of wood lengthwise, one next to another, in the same direction they were cut; there were two rows of these beams placed parallel and spaced apart based on the desired wall thickness, and earth was packed into the space between them. To ensure the earth didn’t crumble as this ramp was raised higher, they laid additional beams across to secure the lengthwise beams together. This structure resembled a real building; when the machines were used against it, the impact was softened by its flexibility, and as the materials were compressed by such force, the ramp became sturdier than before. When Silva observed this, he decided it was best to try and take the wall by setting it on fire, so he ordered the soldiers to throw a large number of burning torches onto it. Since it was primarily made of wood, it quickly caught fire, and once ignited, its hollow structure caused the flames to spread rapidly. At the beginning of this fire, a north wind blew that was disastrous for the Romans; it pushed the flames downward towards them, leading them to despair of their success, fearing their machines would burn. However, suddenly, the wind changed direction to the south, almost as if it were by Divine intervention, and blew strongly the opposite way, carrying the flames against the wall, which was now burning through its entire thickness. With this newfound divine help, the Romans happily returned to their camp and decided to attack their enemies the very next day. They also made sure to keep a close watch that night to prevent any of the Jews from escaping unnoticed.
6. However, neither did Eleazar once think of flying away, nor would he permit any one else to do so; but when he saw their wall burned down by the fire, and could devise no other way of escaping, or room for their further courage, and setting before their eyes what the Romans would do to them, their children, and their wives, if they got them into their power, he consulted about having them all slain. Now as he judged this to be the best thing they could do in their present circumstances, he gathered the most courageous of his companions together, and encouraged them to take that course by a speech 15 which he made to them in the manner following: "Since we, long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction, while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; and I cannot but esteem it as a favor that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others, who were conquered unexpectedly. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day's time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. It had been proper indeed for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies, and to have been sensible that the same God, who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favor, had now condemned them to destruction; for had he either continued favorable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burnt and demolished by our enemies. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others; we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; for the nature of this fortress which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still great abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms, and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not of its own accord turn back upon the wall which we had built; this was the effect of God's anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; the punishments of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands; for these will be more moderate than the other. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also; and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead that we were not subdued for want of necessaries, but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery."
6. However, Eleazar didn’t think about running away, nor would he let anyone else do so; but when he saw their wall burned down, and couldn’t think of any other way to escape or find further courage, he considered how the Romans would treat them, their children, and their wives if they captured them. He thought about having them all killed. Believing this was the best option in their current situation, he gathered his bravest companions and encouraged them to take that path with a speech 15 that went like this: "Since we, my generous friends, decided long ago never to serve the Romans or anyone else but God himself, who is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time has come for us to put that decision into action. Let’s not bring shame upon ourselves now for contradicting what we once stood for; we refused to accept slavery even when it was safe, and now, we must face slavery alongside unbearable punishments if the Romans capture us alive. We were the first to revolt against them, and we’re the last still fighting; I see it as a favor from God that we still have the power to die bravely and freely, unlike others who were conquered without warning. It’s clear that we will be captured within a day, but it still seems right to die nobly with our closest friends. This is something our enemies cannot prevent, even though they want to take us alive. We can no longer hope to fight and defeat them. We should have understood God’s plan much sooner, especially when we were eager to defend our freedom while facing harsh treatment from each other and even worse treatment from our enemies. We should have realized that the same God who once favored the Jewish nation had now condemned us to destruction; for if he had remained favorably inclined, or just a bit less displeased, he wouldn’t have allowed so many to perish or let his most holy city be destroyed by our enemies. We foolishly hoped we could preserve our freedom just for ourselves, as if we hadn’t sinned against God or shared in the sins of others, while teaching others to safeguard their liberty. So, consider how God has shown us that our hopes were futile by bringing such distress upon us in this desperate situation, which is beyond all expectations; for the nature of this fortress, which was supposed to be unconquerable, has not delivered us. Even though we still have plenty of food, weapons, and other supplies, we are openly deprived by God of all hope of salvation; because that fire aimed at our enemies didn’t just turn back on its own accord towards the wall we built; it was the result of God’s anger against us for our numerous sins against our own people in a bold and reckless way. Let us receive these punishments not from the Romans but from God himself, executed by our own hands; for these will be less severe than the other. Let our wives die before they are violated, and our children before they experience slavery; and after we kill them, let’s grant this glorious act to one another and preserve our freedom as a remarkable memorial for us. But first, let’s destroy our money and the fortress by fire; I’m sure this will deeply upset the Romans, as they won’t be able to take our bodies or our wealth; let’s only keep our provisions; for they will testify when we’re gone that we were not conquered for lack of necessities, but that we chose death over slavery, in accordance with our original resolution."
7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. Yet did not the opinions of all the auditors acquiesce therein; but although some of them were very zealous to put his advice in practice, and were in a manner filled with pleasure at it, and thought death to be a good thing, yet had those that were most effeminate a commiseration for their wives and families; and when these men were especially moved by the prospect of their own certain death, they looked wistfully at one another, and by the tears that were in their eyes declared their dissent from his opinion. When Eleazar saw these people in such fear, and that their souls were dejected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid lest perhaps these effeminate persons should, by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble those that heard what he had said courageously; so he did not leave off exhorting them, but stirred up himself, and recollecting proper arguments for raising their courage, he undertook to speak more briskly and fully to them, and that concerning the immortality of the soul. So he made a lamentable groan, and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept, he spake thus: "Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honor, or else to die; but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await any one to give you good advice; for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us, and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind, that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them by a removal into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. It is true, the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance further in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power, and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operations. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body; for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies; such a degree is there in it of immortality. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say; wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go every where, and foretell many futurities beforehand. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep? And how absurd a thing is it to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal! We, therefore, who have been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an example to others of our readiness to die. Yet, if we do stand in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard those Indians who profess the exercise of philosophy; for these good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look upon it as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let their souls loose from their bodies; nay, when no misfortune presses them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand that they are about to depart; and nobody hinders them, but every one thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried to their familiar friends [that are dead], so firmly and certainly do they believe that souls converse with one another [in the other world]. So when these men have heard all such commands that were to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire; and, in order to their getting their soul a separation from the body in the greatest purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendations made to them; for their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do any of the rest of mankind conduct their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey, who at the same time weep on their own account, but look upon the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of the immortal order of beings. Are not we, therefore, ashamed to have lower notions than the Indians? and by our own cowardice to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are so much desired and imitated by all mankind? But put the case that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that death is a calamity; however, the circumstances we are now in ought to be an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously, since it is by the will of God, and by necessity, that we are to die; for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life which [he knew] we would not make a due use of. For do not you ascribe the occasion of our present condition to yourselves, nor think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing to be conquerors over us. What Roman weapons, I pray you, were those by which the Jews at Cesarea were slain? On the contrary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Cesarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of their wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we revolted from them. But some may be ready to say, that truly the people of Cesarea had always a quarrel against those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancor they had against them. What then shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen. Wherefore you see how little our good-will and fidelity to them profited us, while they were slain, they and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made them for the assistance they had afforded the others; for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others did they suffer themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak at this time of every destruction brought upon us; for you cannot but know that there was not any one Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves; nay, even those of Damascus, 16 when they were able to allege no tolerable pretense against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughters of our people, and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children. And as to the multitude of those that were slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand; those indeed being in a foreign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned. As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory? For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared as not to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from the Romans. But then these advantages sufficed us but for a short time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to be the origin of our miseries; for all we had hath been taken from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these preparations were made. And as for those that are already dead in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty; but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Romans, who would not pity their condition? and who would not make haste to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them? Some of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and whippings, and so died. Some have been half devoured by wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second time, in order to afford laughter and sport to our enemies; and such of those as are alive still are to be looked on as the most miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at it. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein? It is now demolished to the very foundations, and hath nothing but that monument of it preserved, I mean the camp of those that hath destroyed it, which still dwells upon its ruins; some unfortunate old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women are there preserved alive by the enemy, for our bitter shame and reproach. Now who is there that revolves these things in his mind, and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might live out of danger? Who is there so much his country's enemy, or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that he is still alive? And I cannot but wish that we had all died before we had seen that holy city demolished by the hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so profane a manner. But since we had a generous hope that deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives while it is in our own power to show pity to them; for we were born to die, 17 as well as those were whom we have begotten; nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid it. But for abuses, and slavery, and the sight of our wives led away after an ignominious manner, with their children, these are not such evils as are natural and necessary among men; although such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is in their power so to do, must undergo even them, on account of their own cowardice. We revolted from the Romans with great pretensions to courage; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve ourselves, we would not comply with them. Who will not, therefore, believe that they will certainly be in a rage at us, in case they can take us alive? Miserable will then be the young men who will be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments! miserable also will be those of elder years, who will not be able to bear those calamities which young men might sustain! One man will be obliged to hear the voice of his son implore help of his father, when his hands are bound. But certainly our hands are still at liberty, and have a sword in them; let them then be subservient to us in our glorious design; let us die before we become slaves under our enemies, and let us go out of the world, together with our children and our wives, in a state of freedom. This it is that our laws command us to do; this it is that our wives and children crave at our hands; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity upon us; while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid lest any of us should die before we are taken. Let us therefore make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure, as they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein."
7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. However, not everyone agreed with him; while some were very eager to follow his advice and felt excited about it, thinking that death was a good option, those who were more sensitive felt compassion for their wives and families. When these men were particularly affected by the thought of their own certain death, they exchanged sad glances and, with tears in their eyes, expressed their disagreement with his view. When Eleazar noticed how fearful these men were and saw their spirits dampened by such an extraordinary suggestion, he worried that their lamentations and tears might weaken those who had bravely heard him. So, he kept urging them and built up his own resolve, gathering compelling arguments to boost their courage. He decided to speak more energetically and thoroughly about the immortality of the soul. With a deep sigh, he focused on those who were crying and said: "I was greatly mistaken to think I was encouraging brave men who were fighting hard for their freedom, those who were ready either to live honorably or to die. But I see now that you are nothing better than others, lacking in both virtue and courage, and you fear death even though it would free you from the greatest hardships. You should not wait or delay in this matter; there's no need for advice from others because our laws, both those of our nation and those of God, have taught us from ancient times, since we were able to reason, and our ancestors confirmed this truth through their actions and bravery of spirit, that life is a misfortune for people, not death. The latter grants our souls freedom and transports them to their rightful place of purity, where they will no longer feel any kind of suffering. While souls are tied to a mortal body, they share its pains; in truth, they are already dead because the union of what is divine with what is mortal is unpleasant. It’s true that the soul has great power, even when trapped in a mortal body; by moving invisibly, it makes the body an effective instrument and enables it to achieve more than it could otherwise. However, once it is freed from the weight that pulls it down and is connected to the earth, it finds its true place and becomes a partaker of that blessed power and those abilities that operate without hindrance. It remains invisible to human eyes, just like God; indeed, it is not seen while confined in the body and remains unseen after its release. This soul has one nature, and that nature is incorruptible; yet, it causes changes in the body. Whatever the soul touches lives and thrives, while whatever it leaves withers and dies; this illustrates its immortality. Consider sleep as the clearest demonstration of my point: when souls are not distracted by the body, they find the sweetest rest in themselves and communicate with God through their connection to Him; they travel everywhere and predict many future events. Why are we afraid of death when we enjoy the rest of sleep? How absurd is it to pursue freedom while alive and yet resent it when it will last forever? Thus, we who have been educated in our own discipline ought to set an example for others by being ready to die. Yet, if we need support from outsiders, let’s consider those Indians who practice philosophy; these virtuous individuals reluctantly endure life, viewing it as a necessary servitude, rushing to free their souls from their bodies. Even when there is no misfortune pushing them, their desire for immortality is so strong that they inform others ahead of time that they are about to depart. No one stops them; everyone sees them as fortunate and gives them messages to carry to their deceased loved ones, believing firmly and surely that souls interact with one another in the afterlife. So, when these individuals have received all their final instructions, they surrender their bodies to the flames. To ensure their souls are separated from their bodies in the purest way, they die amid praises sung about them; their closest friends escort them to their end more willingly than citizens do when their fellow countrymen embark on a long journey, crying for themselves while seeing the others as blessed, soon to join the ranks of the immortal beings. Are we not ashamed to hold lower views than the Indians? And by our own cowardice, disgrace the laws of our nation, which are so highly desired and emulated by all? But suppose we had been raised with a different belief, taught that life is the greatest good and death a calamity; the circumstances we face now should compel us to bravely endure such misfortune since it is by God’s will and necessity that we must die. It seems that God has decreed the entire Jewish nation must face death because we have not made proper use of life. Do not blame your current situation on yourselves, nor think that the Romans are responsible for our war with them becoming so devastating: these events did not occur by their power, but a greater force has intervened, giving them the chance to appear victorious over us. What Roman weapons were used to kill the Jews in Cesarea? On the contrary, when they were not at all inclined to rebel, merely celebrating their seventh-day festival, the citizens of Cesarea rushed at them in large numbers, slitting their throats and those of their wives and children, showing no regard for the Romans, who did not see us as enemies until we revolted. Some might argue that the people of Cesarea had always held a grudge against those living among them, and when the opportunity arose, they acted on their long-standing hostility. What then do we say to the people of Scythopolis, who waged war against us because of the Greeks? They were not acting in revenge against the Romans when they collaborated with our fellow countrymen. You can see how little our goodwill and loyalty helped us, as they were killed along with their families in the most brutal manner, the only reward for the assistance they offered others; the very destruction they prevented from falling upon others was what they suffered themselves, as if they were ready to act against them. It would take too long to recount every disaster we’ve faced; you know well that there wasn’t a single Syrian city that didn’t kill its Jewish inhabitants and that were more bitter enemies to us than the Romans. Even those in Damascus, 16 when they had no reasonable excuse against us, filled their city with horrendous killings of our people, slaughtering eighteen thousand Jews, along with their wives and children. Regarding the many who were killed in Egypt, it’s reported that they numbered over sixty thousand; those, being in a foreign land, faced no resistance to their enemies and were killed in the aforementioned manner. As for all of us who have fought against the Romans in our own country, did we not have enough reason to hope for victory? We had weapons, walls, and strongholds that were not easily captured, along with the courage to face any dangers for our freedom, which encouraged us all to rebel against the Romans. However, these advantages served us only temporarily, raising our hopes while ultimately being the source of our misery; everything we had has been taken from us, and all has fallen into the hands of our enemies as if these advantages existed only to make their victory over us more glorious rather than to protect those who prepared them. And regarding those who have already died in war, it's fair to consider them blessed, for they died defending, not betraying, their freedom. What about the many currently under Roman control? Who wouldn’t feel pity for their situation? Who wouldn’t want to die before experiencing the same suffering as them? Some of them have been tortured with fire and whippings, leading to their deaths. Others have been partially eaten by wild animals, yet they are kept alive merely to be devoured again for amusement; the wretched souls still alive are the most miserable, longing for death but unable to reach it. And where is that great city, the capital of the Jewish nation, fortified by so many walls, equipped with countless towers for defense, and filled with tens of thousands of people ready to fight for it? Where is this city believed to house God Himself? It has now been reduced to ruins, existing only as a remnant of its glory—the camp of those who destroyed it now stands on its ashes; some unfortunate old men lie on the temple's debris, and a few surviving women are held captive by the enemy, as symbols of our disgrace. Now, who can reflect on these matters and still look at the sun, even if they might live without immediate danger? Who would be such an enemy to their own country, so cowardly and desperate to live, that they won’t regret being alive? I wish we had all died before witnessing our holy city being destroyed by our enemies, or the foundations of our sacred temple being desecrated in such an obscene manner. But since we held onto a misguided hope that misled us, believing we could avenge ourselves on our enemies, even if that hope has now turned to vanity and has left us alone in our despair, let us hurry to die bravely. Let us show compassion for ourselves, our children, and our wives while we still can; for we were born to die, 17 just like those we have brought into this world, and it's beyond even the happiest among us to avoid it. However, abuse, slavery, and seeing our wives dragged away in disgrace with their children are not natural or necessary evils among men; anyone who does not prefer death over such miseries, when the choice is within their power, must endure those sufferings due to their own cowardice. We rebelled against the Romans with bold claims of courage, and when they finally asked us to save ourselves, we refused. Who will not believe they will be furious with us if they can capture us alive? It will be miserable for the young men who will be strong enough to endure many tortures, and miserable for the older ones who will not be able to withstand the calamities that the younger men can. One man will have to hear his son begging for help while his hands are tied. Yet our hands are free and holding swords; let them serve our glorious purpose. Let us choose to die rather than become slaves to our enemies, and let’s leave this life together with our children and wives, in a state of freedom. This is what our laws demand; this is what our wives and children desire from us; indeed, God Himself has imposed this necessity upon us, while the Romans wish the opposite and fear that any of us might die before being captured. So let us hurry, and instead of granting them the joy they expect from us being under their control, let us provide them with an example that will both astonish them at our deaths and earn their admiration for our bravery."
CHAPTER 9.
How The People That Were In The Fortress Were Prevailed On
By The Words Of Eleazar, Two Women And Five Children Only
Excepted And All Submitted To Be Killed By One Another.
How The People That Were In The Fortress Were Prevailed On
By The Words Of Eleazar, Two Women And Five Children Only
Excepted And All Submitted To Be Killed By One Another.1. Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in this exhortation, they all cut him off short, and made haste to do the work, as full of an unconquerable ardor of mind, and moved with a demoniacal fury. So they went their ways, as one still endeavoring to be before another, and as thinking that this eagerness would be a demonstration of their courage and good conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the last class; so great was the zeal they were in to slay their wives and children, and themselves also! Nor indeed, when they came to the work itself, did their courage fail them, as one might imagine it would have done, but they then held fast the same resolution, without wavering, which they had upon the hearing of Eleazar's speech, while yet every one of them still retained the natural passion of love to themselves and their families, because the reasoning they went upon appeared to them to be very just, even with regard to those that were dearest to them; for the husbands tenderly embraced their wives, and took their children into their arms, and gave the longest parting kisses to them, with tears in their eyes. Yet at the same time did they complete what they had resolved on, as if they had been executed by the hands of strangers; and they had nothing else for their comfort but the necessity they were in of doing this execution, to avoid that prospect they had of the miseries they were to suffer from their enemies. Nor was there at length any one of these men found that scrupled to act their part in this terrible execution, but every one of them despatched his dearest relations. Miserable men indeed were they! whose distress forced them to slay their own wives and children with their own hands, as the lightest of those evils that were before them. So they being not able to bear the grief they were under for what they had done any longer, and esteeming it an injury to those they had slain, to live even the shortest space of time after them, they presently laid all they had upon a heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten men by lot out of them to slay all the rest; every one of whom laid himself down by his wife and children on the ground, and threw his arms about them, and they offered their necks to the stroke of those who by lot executed that melancholy office; and when these ten had, without fear, slain them all, they made the same rule for casting lots for themselves, that he whose lot it was should first kill the other nine, and after all should kill himself. Accordingly, all these had courage sufficient to be no way behind one another in doing or suffering; so, for a conclusion, the nine offered their necks to the executioner, and he who was the last of all took a view of all the other bodies, lest perchance some or other among so many that were slain should want his assistance to be quite despatched, and when he perceived that they were all slain, he set fire to the palace, and with the great force of his hand ran his sword entirely through himself, and fell down dead near to his own relations. So these people died with this intention, that they would not leave so much as one soul among them all alive to be subject to the Romans. Yet was there an ancient woman, and another who was of kin to Eleazar, and superior to most women in prudence and learning, with five children, who had concealed themselves in caverns under ground, and had carried water thither for their drink, and were hidden there when the rest were intent upon the slaughter of one another. Those others were nine hundred and sixty in number, the women and children being withal included in that computation. This calamitous slaughter was made on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].
1. As Eleazar continued his speech, they all interrupted him and rushed to act, filled with an unstoppable determination and driven by a fierce rage. They moved as if trying to outpace one another, believing that their eagerness would prove their bravery and morality, wanting to avoid being last in this dreadful task. Their willingness to kill their own wives, children, and themselves was intense! Surprisingly, when it came time to follow through, their courage didn’t waver as one might expect; they held firmly to the same resolve they had after hearing Eleazar's speech, despite still feeling a natural love for themselves and their families. They believed their reasoning was justified, even regarding their dearest ones. Husbands gently embraced their wives, held their children close, and shared lengthy, tearful goodbyes. Yet, they proceeded with their plan as if carried out by strangers, finding solace only in the necessity of their actions to escape the horrors that awaited them from their enemies. In the end, none of these men hesitated to play their part in this horrific act, each one killing their beloved family members. They were truly miserable men, forced by their despair to take the lives of their own wives and children, seeing it as the least of the evils before them. Unable to bear the grief of what they had done, and feeling it was an injustice to those they killed to live even for a moment longer, they gathered all their possessions and set them on fire. They then drew lots to choose ten men to kill the rest; each man lay down with his family, embracing them, and offered their necks to those who were tasked with this sorrowful job. Once the ten had bravely killed everyone, they decided to draw lots for themselves—whoever drew the lot would first kill the other nine and then himself. Each had enough courage to not fall behind the others in action or suffering; in the end, the nine offered their necks to the executioner. The last man carefully checked all the bodies to ensure every one of those killed had been fully dispatched. Once he confirmed that everyone was dead, he set fire to the palace and, with a powerful thrust of his sword, ran it through himself, collapsing close to his loved ones. These individuals died with the intent of leaving not one soul alive to fall into Roman hands. However, there was an elderly woman, a relative of Eleazar, wise and learned, who, along with her five children, had hidden themselves in underground caves, bringing water there for their survival while the others engaged in mutual slaughter. The total count of the dead was nine hundred and sixty, including women and children. This tragic massacre occurred on the fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].
2. Now for the Romans, they expected that they should be fought in the morning, when, accordingly, they put on their armor, and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders from their banks, to make an assault upon the fortress, which they did; but saw nobody as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every side, with a fire within the place, as well as a perfect silence. So they were at a loss to guess at what had happened. At length they made a shout, as if it had been at a blow given by the battering ram, to try whether they could bring any one out that was within; the women heard this noise, and came out of their under-ground cavern, and informed the Romans what had been done, as it was done; and the second of them clearly described all both what was said and what was done, and this manner of it; yet did they not easily give their attention to such a desperate undertaking, and did not believe it could be as they said; they also attempted to put the fire out, and quickly cutting themselves a way through it, they came within the palace, and so met with the multitude of the slain, but could take no pleasure in the fact, though it were done to their enemies. Nor could they do other than wonder at the courage of their resolution, and the immovable contempt of death which so great a number of them had shown, when they went through with such an action as that was.
2. The Romans expected to fight in the morning, so they put on their armor and laid planks from their ladders to make an assault on the fortress. However, when they arrived, they found only emptiness around them and silence, with a fire burning inside. Confused about what had happened, they finally made a loud shout, hoping to draw someone out. The women heard the noise and emerged from their underground hiding place, informing the Romans of what had occurred. One of the women clearly described everything that had happened, both what was said and done, but the Romans struggled to believe such a desperate situation could be true. They also tried to put out the fire and quickly cut their way through it to enter the palace, where they encountered the bodies of the slain. Despite it being their enemies, they couldn't take any pleasure in the sight. Instead, they marveled at the bravery and indifference to death displayed by so many of their opponents, who had gone through such a drastic action.
CHAPTER 10.
That Many Of The Sicarii Fled To Alexandria Also And What
Dangers They Were In There; On Which Account That Temple
Which Had Formerly Been Built By Onias The High Priest Was
Destroyed.
That many of the Sicarii also fled to Alexandria and the dangers they faced there; for this reason, the temple that had originally been built by Onias the High Priest was destroyed.
1. When Masada was thus taken, the general left a garrison in the fortress to keep it, and he himself went away to Cesarea; for there were now no enemies left in the country, but it was all overthrown by so long a war. Yet did this war afford disturbances and dangerous disorders even in places very far remote from Judea; for still it came to pass that many Jews were slain at Alexandria in Egypt; for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea, were not content to have saved themselves, but must needs be undertaking to make new disturbances, and persuaded many of those that entertained them to assert their liberty, to esteem the Romans to be no better than themselves, and to look upon God as their only Lord and Master. But when part of the Jews of reputation opposed them, they slew some of them, and with the others they were very pressing in their exhortations to revolt from the Romans; but when the principal men of the senate saw what madness they were come to, they thought it no longer safe for themselves to overlook them. So they got all the Jews together to an assembly, and accused the madness of the Sicarii, and demonstrated that they had been the authors of all the evils that had come upon them. They said also that "these men, now they were run away from Judea, having no sure hope of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall be known, they will be soon destroyed by the Romans, they come hither and fill us full of those calamities which belong to them, while we have not been partakers with them in any of their sins." Accordingly, they exhorted the multitude to have a care, lest they should be brought to destruction by their means, and to make their apology to the Romans for what had been done, by delivering these men up to them; who being thus apprized of the greatness of the danger they were in, complied with what was proposed, and ran with great violence upon the Sicarii, and seized upon them; and indeed six hundred of them were caught immediately: but as to all those that fled into Egypt 18 and to the Egyptian Thebes, it was not long ere they were caught also, and brought back, whose courage, or whether we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in their opinions, every body was amazed at. For when all sorts of torments and vexations of their bodies that could be devised were made use of to them, they could not get any one of them to comply so far as to confess, or seem to confess, that Caesar was their lord; but they preserved their own opinion, in spite of all the distress they were brought to, as if they received these torments and the fire itself with bodies insensible of pain, and with a soul that in a manner rejoiced under them. But what was most of all astonishing to the beholders was the courage of the children; for not one of these children was so far overcome by these torments, as to name Caesar for their lord. So far does the strength of the courage [of the soul] prevail over the weakness of the body.
1. When Masada was captured, the general left a garrison in the fortress to hold it and went to Cesarea himself, as there were no enemies left in the country; it had all been devastated by the lengthy war. However, this war caused chaos and dangerous unrest even in places far from Judea; many Jews were killed in Alexandria, Egypt. Many Sicarii who managed to flee there from the violent conflicts in Judea weren't satisfied with just saving themselves; they felt compelled to stir up new trouble and convinced many of their hosts to claim their freedom, to see the Romans as no better than themselves, and to view God as their only Master. When some respected Jews opposed them, they killed a few and pressured the others to revolt against the Romans. As the prominent senators witnessed the madness unfolding, they no longer felt safe ignoring it. So, they called all the Jews together to an assembly, denounced the insanity of the Sicarii, and showed that these men were responsible for all the misfortunes that had befallen them. They also said, "These men, now that they have fled from Judea, have no real hope of escape, knowing that once they are discovered, the Romans will quickly destroy them. They come here to burden us with their troubles, even though we haven't participated in any of their sins." Subsequently, they urged the crowd to be cautious, lest they bring destruction upon themselves because of the Sicarii, and to apologize to the Romans for what had happened by handing these men over. Realizing the danger they were in, the crowd agreed, charged at the Sicarii, and captured them; indeed, they immediately caught six hundred. As for those who fled to Egypt and Thebes, it wasn’t long before they were also caught and brought back, amazing everyone with their bravery—or perhaps we should call it madness or stubbornness in their beliefs. Despite facing all kinds of torture and torment, not a single one would concede or even appear to concede that Caesar was their lord; they fiercely held onto their beliefs, enduring the pain and fire as if their bodies were insensitive to suffering, and their souls almost rejoiced in it. What astonished the onlookers the most was the bravery of the children; not one of them was defeated by the tortures enough to name Caesar as their lord. This truly demonstrates how the strength of the soul can overcome the weakness of the body.
2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexandria, who presently sent Caesar word of this commotion; who having in suspicion the restless temper of the Jews for innovation, and being afraid lest they should get together again, and persuade some others to join with them, gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish temple which was in the region called Onion, 19 and was in Egypt, which was built and had its denomination from the occasion following: Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests fled from Antiochus the king of Syria, when he made war with the Jews, and came to Alexandria; and as Ptolemy received him very kindly, on account of hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that if he would comply with his proposal, he would bring all the Jews to his assistance; and when the king agreed to do it so far as he was able, he desired him to give him leave to build a temple some where in Egypt, and to worship God according to the customs of his own country; for that the Jews would then be so much readier to fight against Antiochus who had laid waste the temple at Jerusalem, and that they would then come to him with greater good-will; and that, by granting them liberty of conscience, very many of them would come over to him.
2. At that time, Lupus was in charge of Alexandria, and he quickly informed Caesar about the unrest. Suspecting that the Jews had a tendency for rebellion and fearing they might unite again and persuade others to join them, Caesar instructed Lupus to tear down the Jewish temple located in the area known as Onion, 19, in Egypt. This temple was established due to the following event: Onias, the son of Simon, one of the Jewish high priests, fled from King Antiochus of Syria during his conflict with the Jews and came to Alexandria. Ptolemy welcomed him warmly, motivated by his animosity towards Antiochus, and promised that if Onias complied with his offer, he would rally all the Jews to support him. When the king agreed to assist him to the best of his ability, Onias requested permission to build a temple somewhere in Egypt to worship God according to Jewish customs. He argued that this would encourage the Jews to fight against Antiochus, who had destroyed the temple in Jerusalem, and that they would approach him with greater goodwill. He believed that by granting them freedom of worship, many of them would side with him.
3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals, and gave him a place one hundred and eighty furlongs distant from Memphis. 20 That Nomos was called the Nomos of Hellopolis, where Onias built a fortress and a temple, not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as resembled a tower. He built it of large stones to the height of sixty cubits; he made the structure of the altar in imitation of that in our own country, and in like manner adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the candlestick, for he did not make a candlestick, but had a [single] lamp hammered out of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place with its rays, and which he hung by a chain of gold; but the entire temple was encompassed with a wall of burnt brick, though it had gates of stone. The king also gave him a large country for a revenue in money, that both the priests might have a plentiful provision made for them, and that God might have great abundance of what things were necessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias do this out of a sober disposition, but he had a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem, and could not forget the indignation he had for being banished thence. Accordingly, he thought that by building this temple he should draw away a great number from them to himself. There had been also a certain ancient prediction made by [a prophet] whose name was Isaiah, about six hundred years before, that this temple should be built by a man that was a Jew in Egypt. And this is the history of the building of that temple.
3. So Ptolemy agreed to his proposals and gave him a location one hundred and eighty furlongs from Memphis. 20 This region was called the Nomos of Hellopolis, where Onias constructed a fortress and a temple, not like the one in Jerusalem, but resembling a tower. He built it with large stones to a height of sixty cubits; he designed the altar similar to the one in our own country and decorated it with gifts, except for the candlestick; instead of a candlestick, he had a single lamp crafted from a piece of gold that lit up the space with its glow, which he hung by a gold chain. The entire temple was surrounded by a wall of burnt brick, though it had stone gates. The king also granted him a large territory for a financial income, ensuring that the priests had ample provisions and that God received everything necessary for worship. However, Onias didn’t do this out of a righteous mindset; he wanted to challenge the Jews in Jerusalem and couldn’t forget the anger he felt about being banished from there. He thought that by building this temple, he could draw many people away from them to his side. There was also an ancient prophecy made by a prophet named Isaiah, about six hundred years earlier, that this temple would be built by a Jewish man in Egypt. And this is the story of the temple’s construction.
4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon the receipt of Caesar's letter, came to the temple, and carried out of it some of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut up the temple itself. And as Lupus died a little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him. This man left none of those donations there, and threatened the priests severely if they did not bring them all out; nor did he permit any who were desirous of worshipping God there so much as to come near the whole sacred place; but when he had shut up the gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, insomuch that there remained no longer the least footsteps of any Divine worship that had been in that place. Now the duration of the time from the building of this temple till it was shut up again was three hundred and forty-three years.
4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alexandria, upon receiving Caesar's letter, came to the temple and took some of the donations dedicated to it, shutting down the temple itself. Shortly after, Lupus died, and Paulinus took over. This man left none of those donations behind and threatened the priests harshly if they didn’t remove everything; he also didn’t allow anyone who wanted to worship God there to even come near the whole sacred site. Once he closed the gates, he made it completely inaccessible, so that no trace of any divine worship remained in that place. The time from the building of this temple until it was shut down again was three hundred and forty-three years.
CHAPTER 11.
Concerning Jonathan, One Of The Sicarii, That Stirred Up A
Sedition In Cyrene, And Was A False Accuser [Of The
Innocent].
Regarding Jonathan, one of the Sicarii, who incited a rebellion in Cyrene and falsely accused the innocent.
1. And now did the madness of the Sicarii, like a disease, reach as far as the cities of Cyrene; for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed with no small number of the poorer sort to give ear to him; he also led them into the desert, upon promising them that he would show them signs and apparitions. And as for the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his knavery from them, and put tricks upon them; but those of the greatest dignity among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and of the preparations he had made for it. So he sent out after him both horsemen and footmen, and easily overcame them, because they were unarmed men; of these many were slain in the fight, but some were taken alive, and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the head of this plot, he fled away at that time; but upon a great and very diligent search, which was made all the country over for him, he was at last taken. And when he was brought to Catullus, he devised a way whereby he both escaped punishment himself, and afforded an occasion to Catullus of doing much mischief; for he falsely accused the richest men among the Jews, and said that they had put him upon what he did.
1. And now the madness of the Sicarii spread like a disease even to the cities of Cyrene. A man named Jonathan, a dishonest weaver by trade, came there and managed to persuade a significant number of poorer people to listen to him. He led them into the desert, promising to show them signs and visions. He hid his deceit from the other Jews of Cyrene and tricked them, while the most respected among them informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan Pentapolis, about his journey into the desert and the plans he had made. So, he sent out both cavalry and infantry, easily defeating them because they were unarmed. Many were killed in the battle, but some were captured and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan, the mastermind behind this plot, he escaped at that time, but after a thorough search throughout the region, he was eventually captured. When he was brought before Catullus, he devised a scheme to avoid punishment and to give Catullus an opportunity to cause significant harm, as he falsely accused the wealthiest men among the Jews, claiming they had encouraged his actions.
2. Now Catullus easily admitted of these his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly, and made tragical exclamations, that he might also be supposed to have had a hand in the finishing of the Jewish war. But what was still harder, he did not only give a too easy belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii to accuse men falsely. He bid this Jonathan, therefore, to name one Alexander, a Jew [with whom he had formerly had a quarrel, and openly professed that he hated him]; he also got him to name his wife Bernice, as concerned with him. These two Catullus ordered to be slain in the first place; nay, after them he caused all the rich and wealthy Jews to be slain, being no fewer in all than three thousand. This he thought he might do safely, because he confiscated their effects, and added them to Caesar's revenues.
2. Now Catullus openly acknowledged these slanders, which made things much worse, and he made dramatic outbursts, so it could be assumed he played a role in the end of the Jewish war. But what was even more shocking was that he not only easily believed his own stories but also taught the Sicarii to falsely accuse people. He instructed this Jonathan to name one Alexander, a Jew [whom he had previously quarreled with and openly stated that he hated]; he also got Jonathan to mention his wife Bernice as being involved with him. Catullus ordered the assassination of these two first; then he had all the wealthy Jews killed, totaling no less than three thousand. He thought he could do this without consequence because he seized their property and added it to Caesar's treasury.
3. Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived elsewhere should convict him of his villainy, he extended his false accusations further, and persuaded Jonathan, and certain others that were caught with him, to bring an accusation of attempts for innovation against the Jews that were of the best character both at Alexandria and at Rome. One of these, against whom this treacherous accusation was laid, was Josephus, the writer of these books. However, this plot, thus contrived by Catullus, did not succeed according to his hopes; for though he came himself to Rome, and brought Jonathan and his companions along with him in bonds, and thought he should have had no further inquisition made as to those lies that were forged under his government, or by his means; yet did Vespasian suspect the matter and made an inquiry how far it was true. And when he understood that the accusation laid against the Jews was an unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes charged upon them, and this on account of Titus's concern about the matter, and brought a deserved punishment upon Jonathan; for he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.
3. No, indeed, to prevent any Jews from other places from exposing his wrongdoing, he escalated his false accusations and convinced Jonathan and a few others who were caught with him to accuse the Jews with good reputations in both Alexandria and Rome of trying to stir up trouble. One of those falsely accused was Josephus, the author of these books. However, this scheme devised by Catullus didn’t turn out as he hoped; even though he went to Rome himself and brought Jonathan and his companions in chains, thinking that there would be no further investigation into the lies fabricated under his authority, Vespasian suspected something was off and looked into the truth of the matter. When he found out that the accusations against the Jews were unfounded, he exonerated them of the charges. This was due to Titus's concern about the situation, and he imposed a fitting punishment on Jonathan; first, he was tortured, and then he was burned alive.
4. But as to Catullus, the emperors were so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe condemnation at this time; yet was it not long before he fell into a complicated and almost incurable distemper, and died miserably. He was not only afflicted in body, but the distemper in his mind was more heavy upon him than the other; for he was terribly disturbed, and continually cried out that he saw the ghosts of those whom he had slain standing before him. Where upon he was not able to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed, as if both torments and fire were brought to him. This his distemper grew still a great deal worse and worse continually, and his very entrails were so corroded, that they fell out of his body, and in that condition he died. Thus he became as great an instance of Divine Providence as ever was, and demonstrated that God punishes wicked men.
4. But when it comes to Catullus, the emperors were so lenient with him that he didn’t face any harsh punishment at that time; however, it wasn’t long before he developed a complicated and almost incurable illness, leading to a miserable death. He was not only physically unwell, but his mental condition weighed on him even more heavily; he was severely troubled and constantly screamed that he saw the ghosts of those he had killed standing in front of him. So, he couldn’t control himself and jumped out of bed as if he were being tormented by both pain and fire. His condition kept getting worse, and his insides were so eaten away that they fell out of his body, resulting in his death. Thus, he became a significant example of Divine Providence and showed that God punishes evil people.
5. And here we shall put an end to this our history; wherein we formerly promised to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such as should be desirous of understanding after what manner this war of the Romans with the Jews was managed. Of which history, how good the style is, must be left to the determination of the readers; but as for its agreement with the facts, I shall not scruple to say, and that boldly, that truth hath been what I have alone aimed at through its entire composition.
5. And this is where we will conclude our story; as we previously promised to present it accurately for those who want to understand how the conflict between the Romans and the Jews unfolded. The quality of the writing is up to the readers to decide, but I confidently assert that I have focused solely on the truth throughout this entire work.
WAR BOOK 7 FOOTNOTES
WAR BOOK 7 NOTES
2 (return)
[ This Tereutius Rufus, as
Reland in part observes here, is the same person whom the Talmudists call
Turnus Rufus; of whom they relate, that "he ploughed up Sion as a field,
and made Jerusalem become as heaps, and the mountain of the house as the
high Idaces of a forest;" which was long before foretold by the prophet
Micah, ch. 3:12, and quoted from him in the prophecies of Jeremiah, ch.
26:18.]
2 (return)
[This Tereutius Rufus, as noted by Reland, is the same person the Talmudists refer to as Turnus Rufus. They say that "he plowed up Sion like a field, and turned Jerusalem into ruins, and the mountain of the house into the highest branches of a forest," which was prophesied long ago by the prophet Micah in chapter 3, verse 12, and referenced in the prophecies of Jeremiah in chapter 26, verse 18.]
3 (return)
[ See Ecclesiastes 8:11.]
3 (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__)
[ See Ecclesiastes 8:11.]
4 (return)
[ This Berytus was certainly
a Roman colony, and has coins extant that witness the same, as Hudson and
Spanheim inform us. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI: ch. 11. sect. 1.]
4 (return)
[ Berytus was definitely a Roman colony, and there are coins still in existence that confirm this, as Hudson and Spanheim inform us. See the note on Antiq. B. XVI: ch. 11. sect. 1.]
5 (return)
[ The Jews at Antioch and
Alexandria, the two principal cities in all the East, had allowed them,
both by the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Romans, a governor of their
own, who was exempt from the jurisdiction of the other civil governors. He
was called sometimes barely "governor," sometimes "ethnarch," and [at
Alexandria] "alabarch," as Dr. Hudson takes notice on this place out of
Fuller's Miscellanies. They had the like governor or governors allowed
them at Babylon under their captivity there, as the history of Susanna
implies.]
5 (return)
[ The Jews in Antioch and Alexandria, the two main cities in the East, were allowed to have their own governor, first by the Macedonians and later by the Romans. This governor was not subject to the authority of the other civil governors. Sometimes he was simply called "governor," at other times "ethnarch," and in Alexandria "alabarch," as noted by Dr. Hudson from Fuller's Miscellanies. They had similar governors in Babylon during their captivity, as suggested by the history of Susanna.]
6 (return)
[ This Classicus, and
Civilis, and Cerealis are names well known in Tacitus; the two former as
moving sedition against the Romans, and the last as sent to repress them
by Vespasian, just as they are here described in Josephus; which is the
case also of Fontellis Agrippa and Rubrius Gallup, i, sect. 3. But as to
the very favorable account presently given of Domitian, particularly as to
his designs in this his Gallic and German expedition, it is not a little
contrary to that in Suetonius, Vesp. sect. 7. Nor are the reasons
unobvious that might occasion this great diversity: Domitian was one of
Josephus's patrons, and when he published these books of the Jewish war,
was very young, and had hardly begun those wicked practices which rendered
him so infamous afterward; while Suetonius seems to have been too young,
and too low in life, to receive any remarkable favors from him; as
Domitian was certainly very lewd and cruel, and generally hated, when
Suetonius wrote about him.]
6 (return)
[ The names Classicus, Civilis, and Cerealis are well-known from Tacitus; the first two were involved in stirring up trouble against the Romans, while the last was sent by Vespasian to suppress them, as described here in Josephus. The same applies to Fontellis Agrippa and Rubrius Gallup, i, sect. 3. However, the very positive portrayal of Domitian in his Gallic and German expedition stands in stark contrast to Suetonius's account, Vesp. sect. 7. The reasons for this significant difference are clear: Domitian was one of Josephus's patrons and was very young when he published these accounts of the Jewish war, having hardly begun the cruel actions that later made him infamous. Meanwhile, Suetonius was likely too young and too low in status to receive notable favors from Domitian, who was certainly lewd and cruel and generally hated at the time Suetonius wrote about him.]
7 (return)
[ Since in these latter ages
this Sabbatic River, once so famous, which, by Josephus's account here,
ran every seventh day, and rested on six, but according to Pliny, Nat.
Hist. 31. II, ran perpetually on six days, and rested every seventh,
[though it no way appears by either of their accounts that the seventh day
of this river was the Jewish seventh day or sabbath,] is quite vanished, I
shall add no more about it: only see Dr. Hudson's note. In Varenius's
Geography, i, 17, the reader will find several instances of such
periodical fountains and rivers, though none of their periods were that of
a just week as of old this appears to have been.]
7 (return)
[ In recent times, this once-famous Sabbatic River, which according to Josephus flowed every seventh day and rested for six, but according to Pliny, Nat. Hist. 31. II, flowed continuously for six days and rested every seventh—[though neither account indicates that the seventh day of this river was the same as the Jewish Sabbath]—has completely disappeared, so I won't say more about it: just refer to Dr. Hudson's note. In Varenius's Geography, i, 17, you'll find several examples of such periodic fountains and rivers, although none of their cycles matched the traditional week as this one appeared to have.]
8 (return)
[ Vespasian and his two
sons, Titus and Domitian.]
8 (return)
[ Vespasian and his two sons, Titus and Domitian.]
9 (return)
[ See the representations of
these Jewish vessels as they still stand on Titus's triumphal arch at
Rome, in Reland's very curious book de Spoliis Ternpli, throughout. But
what, things are chiefly to be noted are these: [1.] That Josephus says
the candlestick here carried in this triumph was not thoroughly like that
which was used in the temple, which appears in the number of the little
knobs and flowers in that on the triumphal arch not well agreeing with
Moses's description, Exodus 25:31-36. [2.] The smallness of the branches
in Josephus compared with the thickness of those on that arch. [3.] That
the Law or Pentateuch does not appear on that arch at all, though
Josephus, an eye-witness, assures us that it was carried in this
procession. All which things deserve the consideration of the inquisitive
reader.]
9 (return)
[ Check out the depictions of these Jewish vessels that are still visible on Titus's triumphal arch in Rome, detailed in Reland's fascinating book de Spoliis Templí. However, the main points to note are these: [1.] Josephus mentions that the candlestick displayed in this triumph wasn't exactly like the one used in the temple, as indicated by the number of small knobs and flowers on the one depicted on the triumphal arch, which don’t quite match Moses's description in Exodus 25:31-36. [2.] The smaller branches described by Josephus are noticeably thinner compared to those on the arch. [3.] The Law or Pentateuch is completely absent from that arch, even though Josephus, an eyewitness, confirms that it was part of this procession. All of these points are worth the attention of curious readers.]
10 (return)
[ Spanheim observes here,
that in Graceia Major and Sicily they had rue prodigiously great and
durable, like this rue at Machaerus.]
10 (return)
[ Spanheim notes here that in Graceia Major and Sicily, they had an abundance of rue that was remarkably large and long-lasting, similar to the rue found at Machaerus.]
11 (return)
[ This strange account of
the place and root Baaras seems to have been taken from the magicians, and
the root to have been made use of in the days of Josephus, in that
superstitious way of casting out demons, supposed by him to have been
derived from king Solomon; of which we have already seen he had a great
opinion, Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 2. sect. 5. We also may hence learn the true
notion Josephus had of demons and demoniacs, exactly like that of the Jews
and Christians in the New Testament, and the first four centuries. See
Antiq. B. I. ch. 8. sect. 2; B. XI, ch. 2. sect. 3.]
11 (return)
[ This unusual account of the place and the Baaras root appears to have been sourced from magicians, and the root seems to have been used in the time of Josephus as a superstitious method for casting out demons, which he believed had originated from King Solomon; he held a high regard for this practice, as noted in Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 2. sect. 5. We can also understand Josephus's perspective on demons and demoniacs, which aligns closely with that of Jews and Christians in the New Testament and the first four centuries. See Antiq. B. I. ch. 8. sect. 2; B. XI, ch. 2. sect. 3.]
12 (return)
[ It is very remarkable
that Titus did not people this now desolate country of Judea, but ordered
it to be all sold; nor indeed is it properly peopled at this day, but lies
ready for its old inhabitants the Jews, at their future restoration. See
Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, p. 77.]
12 (return)
[It's quite surprising that Titus didn't settle this now deserted region of Judea, but instead ordered it to be sold off. Even today, it's not properly populated, just waiting for its original inhabitants, the Jews, during their future return. See Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, p. 77.]
13 (return)
[ That the city Emmaus, or
Areindus, in Josephus and others which was the place of the government of
Julius Africanus were slain, to the number of one thousand seven hundred,
as were the women and the children made slaves. But as Bassus thought he
must perform the covenant he had made with those that had surrendered the
citadel, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to them, in the beginning of
the third century, and which he then procured to be rebuilt, and after
which rebuilding it was called Nicopolis, is entirely different from that
Emmaus which is mentioned by St. Luke 24;13; see Reland's Paleestina, lib.
II. p. 429, and under the name Ammaus also. But he justly thinks that that
in St. Luke may well be the same with his Ammaus before us, especially
since the Greek copies here usually make it sixty furlongs distant from
Jerusalem, as does St. Luke, though the Latin copies say only thirty. The
place also allotted for these eight hundred soldiers, as for a Roman
garrison, in this place, would most naturally be not so remote from
Jerusalem as was the other Emmaus, or Nicopolis.]
13 (return)
[The city of Emmaus, or Areindus, mentioned by Josephus and others, was where about one thousand seven hundred people were killed, including women and children who were enslaved. However, since Bassus felt he needed to fulfill the agreement he had made with those who surrendered the citadel, he released them and restored Eleazar to them at the beginning of the third century. He also arranged for it to be rebuilt, and after its reconstruction, it was called Nicopolis. This is entirely different from the Emmaus referred to by St. Luke in 24:13; see Reland's Palestine, lib. II. p. 429, where it is also noted under the name Ammaus. However, it is reasonable to think that the Emmaus in St. Luke could be the same as our Ammaus, especially since the Greek texts usually indicate it is sixty furlongs from Jerusalem, as does St. Luke, while the Latin texts state only thirty. The location designated for these eight hundred soldiers, meant for a Roman garrison, would naturally be closer to Jerusalem than the other Emmaus or Nicopolis.]
14 (return)
[ Pliny and others confirm
this strange paradox, that provisions laid up against sieges will continue
good for a hundred years, as Spanheim notes upon this place.]
14 (return)
[Pliny and others affirm this odd paradox that supplies stored for sieges can last for a hundred years, as Spanheim points out in this context.]
15 (return)
[ The speeches in this and
the next section, as introduced under the person of this Eleazar, are
exceeding remarkable, and of the noblest subjects, the contempt of death,
and the dignity and immortality of the soul; and that not only among the
Jews, but among the Indians themselves also; and are highly worthy the
perusal of all the curious. It seems as if that philosophic lady who
survived, ch. 9. sect. 1, 2, remembered the substance of these discourses,
as spoken by Eleazar, and so Josephus clothed them in his own words: at
the lowest they contain the Jewish notions on these heads, as understood
then by our Josephus, and cannot but deserve a suitable regard from us.]
15 (return)
[ The speeches in this and the next section, introduced by the character Eleazar, are incredibly noteworthy and cover profound topics like the disregard for death and the dignity and immortality of the soul; not only among the Jews but also among the Indians. They are definitely worth reading for anyone interested. It seems that the philosophical woman mentioned in ch. 9, sect. 1, 2, remembered the essence of these talks by Eleazar, which Josephus then expressed in his own words. At the very least, these reflections capture the Jewish beliefs on these topics as they were understood by Josephus at that time and rightfully deserve our attention.]
16 (return)
[ See B. II. ch. 20. sect.
2, where the number of the slain is but 10,000.]
16 (return)
[ See B. II. ch. 20. sect. 2, where the number of the slain is only 10,000.]
17 (return)
[ Reland here sets down a
parallel aphorism of one of the Jewish Rabbins, "We are born that we may
die, and die that we may live."]
17 (return)
[ Reland here presents a similar saying from one of the Jewish Rabbins, "We are born to die, and we die to live."]
18 (return)
[ Since Josephus here
informs us that some of these Sicarii, or ruffians, went from Alexandria
[which was itself in Egypt, in a large sense] into Egypt, and Thebes there
situated, Reland well observes, from Vossius, that Egypt sometimes denotes
Proper or Upper Egypt, as distinct from the Delta, and the lower parts
near Palestine. Accordingly, as he adds, those that say it never rains in
Egypt must mean the Proper or Upper Egypt, because it does sometimes rain
in the other parts. See the note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 7. sect. 7, and B.
III. ch. 1. sect. 6.]
18 (return)
[ Since Josephus tells us that some of these Sicarii, or troublemakers, traveled from Alexandria [which is considered part of Egypt in a broader sense] into Egypt and Thebes, Reland rightly points out, based on Vossius, that Egypt can sometimes refer specifically to Upper Egypt, distinct from the Delta and the lower areas near Palestine. He notes that when people say it never rains in Egypt, they are likely referring to Upper Egypt, because it does occasionally rain in the other regions. See the note on Antiq. B. II. ch. 7. sect. 7, and B. III. ch. 1. sect. 6.]
19 (return)
[ Of this temple of
Onias's building in Egypt, see the notes on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect.
1. But whereas it is elsewhere, both of the War, B. I. ch. 1. sect. 1, and
in the Antiquities as now quoted, said that this temple was like to that
at Jerusalem, and here that it was not like it, but like a tower, sect. 3,
there is some reason to suspect the reading here, and that either the
negative particle is here to be blotted out, or the word entirely added.]
19 (return)
[For more about the temple built by Onias in Egypt, see the notes on Antiq. B. XIII. ch. 3. sect. 1. However, while it is stated in both the War, B. I. ch. 1. sect. 1, and in the referenced Antiquities that this temple resembled the one in Jerusalem, here it is described as resembling a tower instead, sect. 3. This discrepancy raises some doubts about the text here, suggesting that either the negative word should be removed or that the word "entirely" should be included.]
20 (return)
[ We must observe, that
Josephus here speaks of Antiochus who profaned the temple as now alive,
when Onias had leave given them by Philometer to build his temple; whereas
it seems not to have been actually built till about fifteen years
afterwards. Yet, because it is said in the Antiquities that Onias went to
Philometer, B. XII. ch. 9. sect. 7, during the lifetime of that Antiochus,
it is probable he petitioned, and perhaps obtained his leave then, though
it were not actually built or finished till fifteen years afterward.]
20 (return)
[ We should note that Josephus mentions Antiochus, who desecrated the temple, as if he were still alive at the time when Onias was granted permission by Philometer to construct his temple. However, it seems the temple wasn’t actually built until about fifteen years later. Still, since it's stated in the Antiquities that Onias went to Philometer, B. XII. ch. 9. sect. 7, while that Antiochus was alive, it’s likely he made a request and possibly received permission then, even though the temple wasn’t fully built or completed until fifteen years afterward.]
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