This is a modern-English version of Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume XVII, Virginia Narratives, originally written by United States. Work Projects Administration.
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SLAVE NARRATIVES
A Folk History of Slavery in the United States
From Interviews with Former Slaves
TYPEWRITTEN RECORDS PREPARED BY
THE FEDERAL WRITERS' PROJECT
1936-1938
ASSEMBLED BY
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PROJECT
WORK PROJECTS ADMINISTRATION
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
SPONSORED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
WASHINGTON 1941
VOLUME XVII
VIRGINIA NARRATIVES
Prepared by
the Federal Writers' Project of
the Works Progress Administration
for the State of Virginia
Transcriber's Note:
To reflect the individual character of this document, most
inconsistencies in spelling, punctuation, and formatting have been
retained. Obvious typos and some punctuation (mostly quotation marks)
have been fixed. Spelling changes are underlined in the text with a dotted line:
original text appears in a mouse hoverbox over each corrected word, like
this. All strike-outs over words were hand-written.
[HW: text] denotes hand-written addition unless otherwise noted.
[TR: text] denotes transcriber's note.
Transcriber's Note:
To maintain the unique character of this document, most inconsistencies in spelling, punctuation, and formatting have been kept. Obvious typos and some punctuation errors (mainly quotation marks) have been corrected. Spelling changes are underlined in the text with a dotted line: the original text appears in a mouse hoverbox over each corrected word, like this. All words that are crossed out were handwritten.
[HW: text] indicates a handwritten addition unless stated otherwise.
[TR: text] indicates a transcriber's note.
INFORMANTS
Berry, Fannie | 1 |
Crawley, Charles | 7 |
Fulkes, Minnie | 11 |
Giwbs (Gibbs?), Georgina | 15 |
Goodwin, Candis | 17 |
Grandy, Charles | 21 |
Harris, Della | 24 |
Hines, Marriah | 27 |
Hopson, Moble | 31 |
Jones, Albert | 42 |
Kelly, Susan, and Stokes, Simon | 44 |
Slaughter, Richard | 46 |
Sparks, Elizabeth | 50 |
Wilson, Mary Jane | 55 |
Interview of Mrs. Fannie Berry, Ex-slave
861 E. Bank Street—Petersburg, Virginia
By Susie Byrd, Petersburg, Virginia
Date—February 26, 1937
Interview of Mrs. Fannie Berry, Ex-slave
861 E. Bank Street—Petersburg, Virginia
By Susie Byrd, Petersburg, Virginia
Date—February 26, 1937
NAT TURNER
Nat Turner
Back 'fore the sixties, I can 'member my Mistress, Miss Sara Ann, comin' to de window an' hollerin', "De niggers is arisin'! De niggers is arisin'! De niggers is killin' all de white folks, killin' all de babies in de cradle!" It must have been Nat Turner's Insurrection; which wuz sometime 'fo de breakin' of de Civil War.
Back before the sixties, I remember my Mistress, Miss Sara Ann, coming to the window and yelling, "The Black people are rising up! The Black people are rising up! They’re killing all the white folks, killing all the babies in the cradle!" It must have been Nat Turner's Rebellion; which was sometime before the start of the Civil War.
I wuz waitin' on table in dinin' room an' dis day dey had finished eatin' early an' I wuz cleanin' off table. Don't you know I must have been a good size gal.
I was waiting tables in the dining room, and that day they finished eating early, so I was cleaning off the tables. You know I must have been a good-sized girl.
JOHN BROWN
JOHN BROWN
Yes, I 'member something 'bout him too. I know my Master came home an' said, dat on his way to de gallows ole John stopped an' kissed a little nigger child. "How com' I don't 'member? Don't tell me I don't 'cause I do. I don't care if its done bin a thousand years." I know what Master said an' it is as fresh in my mind as it wuz dat day. Dis is de song I herd my Master sing:
Yes, I remember something about him too. I know my Master came home and said that on his way to the gallows, old John stopped and kissed a little Black child. "How come I don't remember? Don't tell me I don't because I do. I don't care if it's been a thousand years." I know what Master said and it is as fresh in my mind as it was that day. This is the song I heard my Master sing:
Intent to incite a rebellion; Old Governor Wise put the glasses on his eyes And showed him the promised land of Canaan.
INVENTION
Innovation
My Master tole us dat de niggers started the railroad, an' dat a[2] nigger lookin' at a boilin' coffee pot on a stove one day got the idea dat he could cause it to run by putting wheels on it. Dis nigger being a blacksmith put his thoughts into action by makin' wheels an' put coffee on it, an' by some kinder means he made it run an' the idea wuz stole from him an' dey built de steamengine.
My master told us that the Black people started the railroad, and that one day a Black man looking at a boiling coffee pot on a stove got the idea that he could make it move by putting wheels on it. This man, being a blacksmith, put his thoughts into action by making wheels and putting coffee on it, and by some means he made it run, and his idea was stolen from him and they built the steam engine.
RELATIONSHIP
CONNECTION
I wuz one slave dat de poor white man had his match. See Miss Sue? Dese here ol' white men said, "what I can't do by fair means I'll do by foul." One tried to throw me, but he couldn't. We tusseled an' knocked over chairs an' when I got a grip I scratched his face all to pieces; an dar wuz no more bothering Fannie from him; but oh, honey, some slaves would be beat up so, when dey resisted, an' sometimes if you'll 'belled de overseer would kill yo'. Us Colored women had to go through a plenty, I tell you.
I was a slave that the poor white man couldn’t handle. You see Miss Sue? These old white men said, “If I can’t get my way honestly, I’ll do it by any means necessary.” One tried to overpower me, but he couldn’t. We wrestled and knocked over chairs, and when I got a good grip, I scratched his face all up; after that, he left Fannie alone. But, oh honey, some slaves would get beaten badly when they fought back, and sometimes if you defied the overseer, you could end up dead. We Black women had to endure a lot, I’ll tell you.
MARRIAGE
MARRIAGE
Elder Williams married me in Miss Delia Mann's (white) parlor on de crater road. The house still stands. The house wuz full of Colored people. Miss Sue Jones an' Miss Molley Clark (white), waited on me. Dey took de lamps an' we walked up to de preacher. One waiter joined my han' an' one my husband's han'. After marriage de white folks give me a 'ception; an', honey, talkin' 'bout a table—hit wuz stretched clean 'cross de dinin' room. We had everythin' to eat you could call for. No, didn't have no common eats. We could sing in dar, an' dance ol' squar' dance all us choosed, ha! ha! ha! Lord! Lord! I can see dem gals now on dat flo'; jes skippin' an' a trottin'. An' honey, dar wuz no white folks to set down an' eat 'fo yo'.[3]
Elder Williams married me in Miss Delia Mann's (white) parlor on the crater road. The house still stands. It was full of Black people. Miss Sue Jones and Miss Molley Clark (white) waited on me. They took the lamps, and we walked up to the preacher. One person joined my hand, and one joined my husband's hand. After the wedding, the white folks threw me a reception; and, honey, talking about a table—it was stretched all the way across the dining room. We had everything to eat you could ask for. No, there weren’t any ordinary foods. We could sing in there and dance the old square dance as we pleased, ha! ha! ha! Lord! Lord! I can see those girls now on that floor; just skipping and trotting. And honey, there were no white folks sitting down and eating before you.[3]
WAR
WAR
Now, Miss Sue, take up. I jes' like to talk to you, honey 'bout dem days ob slavery; 'cause you look like you wan'ta hear all 'bout 'em. All 'bout de ol' rebels; an' dem niggers who left wid de Yankees an' were sat free, but, poor things, dey had no place to go after dey got freed. Baby, all us wuz helpless an' ain't had nothin'.
Now, Miss Sue, let's chat. I just want to talk to you, dear, about those days of slavery because you seem interested in hearing all about them. All about the old rebels and those people who left with the Yankees and were set free, but, poor things, they had nowhere to go after they were freed. Honey, we were all helpless and had nothing.
I wuz free a long time 'fo' I knew it. My Mistess still hired me out, 'til one day in talkin' to de woman she hired me to, she, "God bless her soul", she told me, "Fannie yo' are free, an' I don't have to pay your Master for you now." You stay with me. She didn't give me no money, but let me stay there an' work for vitals an' clothes 'cause I ain't had no where to go. Jesus, Jesus, God help us! Um, Um, Um! You Chillun don't know. I didn't say nothin' when she wuz tellin' me, but done 'cided to leave her an' go back to the white folks dat fus own me.
I was free a long time before I realized it. My mistress still rented me out, until one day while talking to the woman she had hired me to, she—"God bless her soul"—told me, "Fannie, you are free, and I don’t have to pay your master for you anymore." She said I could stay with her. She didn’t give me any money, but let me stay and work for food and clothes since I had nowhere to go. Jesus, Jesus, God help us! Um, Um, Um! You kids don’t know. I didn’t say anything when she told me, but I decided to leave her and go back to the white folks who first owned me.
I plan' to 'tend a big dance. Let me see, I think it wuz on a Thursday night. Some how it tooken got out, you know how gals will talk an' it got to ol' Bil Duffeys ears (ol' dog!) an', baby do you know, mind you 'twont slavery time, but de 'oman got so mad cause I runned away from her dat she get a whole passel of 'em out looking for me. Dar wuz a boy, who heard 'em talkin' an' sayin' dey wuz goin' to kill me if I were found. I will never forget dis boy com' up to me while I wuz dancin' wid another man an' sed, "nobody knowes where you ar', Miss Moore, dey is lookin' fer you, an' is gwine kill you, so yo' come on wid me." Have mercy, have mercy my Lord, honey, you kin jes 'magin' my feelin' fer a minute. I couldn't move. You know de gals an' boys all got 'round me an' told me to go wid Squreball, dat he would show me de way to my old Mistess house. Out we took, an' we ran one straight mile up de road, den through de woods, den we had to go through a straw field. Dat field seem' like three miles.[4] After den, we met another skit of woods. Miss Sue, baby my eyes, (ha! ha! ha!) wuz bucked an' too if it is setch a thin' as being so scared yo' hair stand on yo' head, I know, mine did. An' dat wasn't all, dat boy an' me puffed an' sweated like bulls. Was feared to stop, cause we might have been tracked.
I planned to attend a big dance. Let me think, I think it was on a Thursday night. Somehow it got out, you know how girls can talk, and it reached old Bill Duffy's ears (that old dog!) and, baby, do you know, mind you, this wasn’t during slavery time, but the woman got so mad because I ran away from her that she got a whole bunch of people out looking for me. There was a boy who heard them talking and saying they were going to kill me if I was found. I will never forget this boy coming up to me while I was dancing with another man and said, "Nobody knows where you are, Miss Moore, they are looking for you, and they're going to kill you, so you come with me." Have mercy, have mercy my Lord, honey, you can just imagine my feelings for a minute. I couldn't move. You know the girls and boys all gathered around me and told me to go with Squareball, that he would show me the way to my old mistress’s house. Off we went, and we ran one straight mile up the road, then through the woods, then we had to go through a straw field. That field felt like three miles.[4] After that, we met another patch of woods. Miss Sue, baby my eyes, (ha! ha! ha!) were bucked and if there's such a thing as being so scared your hair stands on end, I know mine did. And that wasn’t all, that boy and I puffed and sweated like bulls. We were scared to stop because we might have been tracked.
At last we neared de house an' I started throwin' rocks on de porch. Child I look an' heard dat white 'oman when she hit dat floor, bouncin' out dat bed she mus' felt dat I wuz comin' back to her. She called all de men an' had 'em throw a rope to me an' day drawed me up a piece to de window, den I held my arms up an' dey snatched me in. Honey, Squreball fled to de woods. I ain't never heard nothin' 'bout him. An' do you know, I didn't leave day 'oman's house no more for fifteen years?
At last, we got close to the house and I started throwing rocks on the porch. Child, I looked and heard that white woman when she hit the floor, bouncing out of that bed; she must've felt that I was coming back to her. She called all the men and had them throw a rope to me, and they pulled me up to the window, then I held my arms up and they yanked me inside. Honey, Squareball ran off to the woods. I never heard anything about him again. And do you know, I didn't leave that woman's house for another fifteen years?
Lord! Lord! honey, Squreball an' I use to sing dis song.
Lord! Lord! Honey, Squareball and I used to sing this song.
Child an' here's another one we use to sing. 'Member de war done bin when we would sing dese songs. Listen now:
Child, here's another one we used to sing. Remember the war was over when we would sing these songs. Listen now:
A cold, frosty morning is really nice. Grab your ax and put it on your shoulder. N-words talk to the woods,
There's no more blowing of that four-day horn.
I will sing, friends, I will sing.
[5]
I wuz at Pamplin an' de Yankees an' Rebels were fightin' an' dey were wavin' the bloody flag an' a confederate soldier wuz upon a post an' they were shootin' terribly. Guns were firin' everywhere.
I was at Pamplin, and the Yankees and Rebels were fighting, waving the bloody flag. A Confederate soldier was on a post, and they were shooting like crazy. Guns were firing everywhere.
All a sudden dey struck up Yankee Doodle Song. A soldier came along [HW: and] called to me, "How far is it to the Rebels", an I honey, wuz feared to tell him. So, I said, "I don't know". He called me again. Scared to death [HW: I was]. I recollect gittin' behind the house an' pointed in the direction. You see, ef de Rebels knew dat I told the soldier, they would have killed me.
All of a sudden, they started playing Yankee Doodle Song. A soldier came by and asked me, "How far is it to the Rebels?" and, honestly, I was too scared to tell him. So, I said, "I don't know." He called me again. I was terrified. I remember getting behind the house and pointing in that direction. You see, if the Rebels found out that I told the soldier, they would have killed me.
These were the Union men goin' after Lee's army which had don' bin 'fore dem to Appomattox.
These were the Union soldiers going after Lee's army, which had already gone to Appomattox.
The Colored regiment came up behind an' when they saw the Colored regiment they put up the white flag. (Yo' 'member 'fo' dis red or bloody flag was up). Now, do you know why dey raised dat white flag? Well, honey, dat white flag wuz a token dat Lee, had surrendered.[6] Glory! Glory! yes, child the Negroes are free, an' when they knew dat dey were free dey, Oh! Baby! began to sing:
The Colored regiment came up behind, and when they saw the Colored regiment, they raised the white flag. (You remember before this red or bloody flag was up). Now, do you know why they raised that white flag? Well, honey, that white flag was a sign that Lee had surrendered.[6] Glory! Glory! Yes, child, the Negroes are free, and when they realized they were free, they, oh baby, began to sing:
You're free, you're free.
Rooster, you don't crow anymore,
You are free, you are free.
Old hen, don't you lay any more eggs,
You're free, you're free.
Sech rejoicing an' shoutin', you never he'rd in you' life.
Sech rejoicing and shouting, you never heard in your life.
Yes, I can recollect de blowin' up of the Crater. We had fled, but I do know 'bout the shellin' of Petersburg. We left Petersburg when de shellin' commenced an' went to Pamplin in box cars, gettin' out of de way. Dem were scared times too, cause you looked to be kilt any minute by stray bullets. Just before the shellin' of Petersburg, dey were sellin' niggers for little nothin' hardly.
Yes, I can remember the explosion of the Crater. We had run away, but I know about the shelling of Petersburg. We left Petersburg as the shelling started and took boxcars to Pamplin to get out of the way. Those were scary times too, because you felt like you could be killed at any moment by stray bullets. Just before the shelling of Petersburg, they were selling Black people for almost nothing.
Junius Broadie, a white man bought some niggers, but dey didn't stay slave long, cause de Yankees came an' set 'em free.
Junius Broadie, a white man, bought some slaves, but they didn't stay enslaved for long because the Yankees came and set them free.
Interview of Mr. Charles Crawley, Ex-slave
By—Susie Byrd—Petersburg, Virginia
Date—February 20, 1937
Interview with Mr. Charles Crawley, Former Slave
By—Susie Byrd—Petersburg, Virginia
Date—February 20, 1937
THE STORY OF CHARLES CRAWLEY, EX-SLAVE
THE STORY OF CHARLES CRAWLEY, EX-SLAVE
God knows how old I am. All I know is I wuz born 'fore de war.
God knows how old I am. All I know is I was born before the war.
Yes, I wuz a slave an' belonged to a family of Allen's in Luenburg County, came here to dis Petersburg de second week of Lee's surrender.
Yes, I was a slave and belonged to a family of Allens in Lunenburg County. I came here to Petersburg the second week after Lee's surrender.
My Marster and Mistess wuz good to me as well as all us slaves. Dey owned 'bout fifty head of colored people. All de work I did wuz to play an' drive cows, being only a boy worked around as chillun; doin' dis, an' dat, little things de white folks would call me to do.
My master and mistress were good to me as well as to all of us slaves. They owned about fifty people of color. All the work I did was to play and drive cows, being just a boy who did small tasks like the other kids; doing this and that, little things the white folks would call me to do.
Marster Allen, owned my Mother, an' sister too; we emigrant (emigrated) here, came to dis town of Petersburg after Lee's surrender, I mean you now de ending of de Civil War. My mother, sister, and I came on down de road in a box car, which stopped outside de outskirts; hit didn't go through de city. Yes, I know when de first railroads were built, de Norfolk and Western an' de Atlantic Coast Line, dey were run through Petersburg an' in dem days it wuz called de Southern.
Marster Allen owned my mother and sister too. We emigrated here, came to this town of Petersburg after Lee's surrender, meaning around the end of the Civil War. My mother, sister, and I traveled down the road in a boxcar, which stopped just outside the outskirts; it didn't go through the city. Yes, I remember when the first railroads were built, the Norfolk and Western and the Atlantic Coast Line; they ran through Petersburg, and back then it was called the Southern.
Mis and Mars' Allen didn't want us to leave dat part of de Country to come to dis here place down de road, but we comed ourselves to make a home fo' ourselves. Well now, we worked here an' dar, wid dis here man an' dat man; O well, wid different people 'til we bought us selves a home an' paid for it. Mother died right here in dis here house; twelve years ago, dis comin' March 'leventh. I[8] am yet livin' in dis same house, dat she an' us all labored an' worked fo' by de sweat of our brow, an' wid dese hands, Lord! Lord! Child dem days wuz some days. Lemme finish, baby, tellin' you 'bout dis house. De groun' wad bought from a lady (colored) name Sis Jackey, an' she wuz sometimes called in dem days de Mother of Harrison Street Baptis' Church. I reccon dis church is de ol'est one in Petersburg.
Mis and Mars' Allen didn't want us to leave that part of the country to come to this place down the road, but we decided to make a home for ourselves. Well now, we worked here and there, with this man and that man; oh well, with different people until we bought ourselves a home and paid for it. Mother died right here in this house; twelve years ago, this coming March 11th. I[8] am still living in this same house that she and we all labored for by the sweat of our brow, and with these hands, Lord! Lord! Child, those days were something else. Let me finish, baby, telling you about this house. The ground was bought from a lady (colored) named Sis Jackey, and she was sometimes called back in those days the Mother of Harrison Street Baptist Church. I reckon this church is the oldest one in Petersburg.
O, yes, honey, I can 'member when de Yankees came into dis town; dey broke in stores an' told all de niggers to go in an' git anything dey wanted.
O, yes, honey, I can remember when the Yankees came into this town; they broke into stores and told all the Black people to go in and get anything they wanted.
When slaves ran away they were brought back to their Master and Mistess; when dey couldn't catch 'em they didn't bother, but let 'em go. Sometimes de slaves would go an' take up an' live at tother places; some of 'em lived in de woods off of takin' things, sech as hogs, corn, an' vegetables from other folks' farm. Well, if dese slaves was caught, dey were sold by their new masters to go down South. Dey tell me dem Masters down South wuz so mean to slaves dey would let 'em work dem cotton fields 'til dey fall dead wid hoes in dare hands, 'en would beat dem. I'm glad to say, we had good owners.
When slaves ran away, they were brought back to their masters and mistresses; when they couldn't catch them, they didn't bother and just let them go. Sometimes the slaves would go and settle in other places; some of them lived in the woods by taking things like hogs, corn, and vegetables from other people's farms. Well, if these slaves were caught, they were sold by their new owners to go down South. I've heard that the owners down South were so cruel to slaves that they would make them work in the cotton fields until they collapsed dead with hoes in their hands, and then they would beat them. I'm glad to say we had good owners.
There was a auction block, I saw right here in Petersburg on the corner of Sycamore street and Bank street. Slaves were auctioned off to de highest bidder. Some refused to be sold. By dat I mean, "cried". Lord! Lord! I done seen dem young'uns fought and kick like crazy folks; child it wuz pitiful to see 'em. Den dey would handcuff an' beat 'em unmerciful. I don' like to talk 'bout back dar. It brun' a sad feelin' up me. If slaves 'belled, I done seed dem whip 'em wid a strop cal' "cat nine tails." Honey, dis strop wuz 'bout broad as yo' hand, from[9] thum' to little finger, an' 'twas cut in strips up. Yo' done seen dese whips dat they whip horses wid? Well dey was used too.
There was an auction block I saw right here in Petersburg at the corner of Sycamore Street and Bank Street. Slaves were sold to the highest bidder. Some refused to be sold. By that, I mean, they "cried." Lord! Lord! I’ve seen those young ones fight and kick like crazy; it was pitiful to watch. Then they'd handcuff and beat them mercilessly. I don't like to talk about back then. It brings up a sad feeling in me. If slaves rebelled, I’ve seen them whipped with a strap called "cat o' nine tails." Honey, this strap was about as wide as your hand, from thumb to little finger, and it was cut into strips. You've seen those whips they use on horses? Well, they were used on people too.
You sed somethin' 'bout how we served God. Um, um, child, I tell you jest how we use to do. We use to worship at different houses. You see you would git a remit to go to dese places. You would have to show your remit. If de Pattyrollers, caught you dey would whip yo'. Dats de wa' dey done in dem da's. Pattyrollers, is a gang of white men gitting together goin' through de country catching slaves, an' whipping an' beatin' 'em up if dey had no remit. Marster Allen wouldn't 'llow no one to whip an' beat his slaves, an' he would handle anybody if dey did; so, Marster's slaves met an' worshipped from house to house, an honey, we talked to my God all us wanted.
You said something about how we served God. Well, let me tell you how we used to do it. We would worship at different houses. You see, you’d get a pass to go to these places. You had to show your pass. If the pattyrollers caught you, they would whip you. That’s how it was back then. Pattyrollers were a group of white men who would go through the countryside capturing slaves and beating them up if they didn’t have a pass. Master Allen wouldn’t allow anyone to whip or beat his slaves, and he would handle anyone who tried; so, Master’s slaves would meet and worship from house to house, and honey, we talked to my God as much as we wanted.
You know we use to call Marster Allen, Colonel Allen. His name was Robert. He was a home general, an' a lawyer, too. When he went to court any slave he said to free, was freed an' turned aloose. De white fo'ks as well as slaves obeyed Marster Allen.
You know we used to call Master Allen, Colonel Allen. His name was Robert. He was a local general and a lawyer, too. Whenever he went to court, any slave he said to free was freed and set loose. The white folks as well as the slaves obeyed Master Allen.
Did you know poor whites like slaves had to git a pass? I mean, a remit like as slaves, to sell anythin' an' to go places, or do anythin'. Jest as we colored people, dey had to go to some big white man like Colonel Allen, dey did. If Marster wanted to, he would give dem a remit or pass; an' if he didn't feel like it, he wouldn't do it. It was jes as he felt 'bout hit. Dats what made all feared him. Ol' Marster was more hard on dem poor white folks den he was on us niggers.
Did you know that poor white people, like slaves, had to get a permit? I mean, a permit like slaves had to sell anything, go places, or do anything. Just like us people of color, they had to go to some important white man like Colonel Allen. If the master wanted to, he would give them a permit or pass; and if he didn't feel like it, he wouldn’t. It was just based on how he felt about it. That’s what made everyone fear him. Old Master was tougher on those poor white folks than he was on us Black people.
I don't know but two sets of white folks slaves up my way; one was name Chatman, an' de tother one Nellovies. Dese two families worked on Allen's farm as we did. Off from us on a plot called Morgan's lot, there dey lived as slaves jes like us Colored fo'ks. Yes de poor white man had some dark an' tough days, like us poor niggers; I mean were[10] lashed an' treated, some of 'em, jes as pitiful an' unmerciful. Lord! Lord! baby, I hope yo' young fo'ks will never know what slavery is, an' will never suffer as yo' foreparents. O God! God! I'm livin' to tell de tale to yo', honey. Yes, Jesus, yo've spared me.
I only know two families of white people who were slaves in my area; one was named Chatman, and the other was Nellovies. These two families worked on Allen's farm just like we did. Farther away, on a piece of land called Morgan's lot, they lived as slaves just like us Black folks. Yes, the poor white man had some dark and tough times, just like us poor Black people; I mean they were[10] whipped and treated, some of them, just as pitifully and mercilessly. Oh! Baby, I hope you young folks will never know what slavery is, and will never suffer as your ancestors did. Oh God! I'm living to share this story with you, honey. Yes, Jesus, you’ve spared me.
For clothin' we were 'lowed two suits a year—one fer spring, an' one fer winter, was all yo' had. De underclothes were made at home. Yo' also got two pairs of shoes an' homemade hats an' caps. The white folks or your slave owners would teach dem who could catch on easy an' dey would teach de other slaves, an' dats how dey kept all slaves clothed. Our summer hats were made out of plaited straw, underclothes made out of sacks an' bags.
For clothing, we were allowed two suits a year—one for spring and one for winter, and that was all you got. The underwear was made at home. You also received two pairs of shoes and homemade hats and caps. The white people or your slave owners would teach those who could pick it up quickly, and they would teach the other slaves, and that’s how they kept all the slaves dressed. Our summer hats were made from woven straw, and the underwear was made from sacks and bags.
We had plenty of food such as 'twas—cornbread, butter milk, sweet potatoes, in week days. Ha! Ha! honey, guess dat's why niggers don't like cornbread today; dey got a dislike for dat bread from back folks. On Sunday we had biscuits, and sometimes a little extra food, which ole Mistess would send out to Mother for us.
We had plenty of food like—cornbread, buttermilk, sweet potatoes, during the week. Ha! Ha! Honey, I guess that’s why Black people don’t like cornbread today; they developed a dislike for it from back then. On Sundays, we had biscuits, and sometimes a little extra food, which old Mistress would send out to Mom for us.
Fer as I think, if slavery had lasted, it would have been pretty tough. As it was, some fared good, while others fared common. You know, slaves who were beat an' treated bad; some of dem had started gittin' together an' killin' de white folks when dey carried dem out to de field to work. God is punishin' some of dem ol' suckers an' their chillun right now fer de way dey use to treat us poor colored fo'ks.
Fer as I think, if slavery had lasted, it would have been pretty tough. As it was, some fared well, while others fared poorly. You know, slaves who were beaten and treated badly; some of them had started coming together and killing the white folks when they carried them out to the field to work. God is punishing some of those old folks and their children right now for the way they used to treat us poor colored folks.
I think by Negro gittin' educated he has profited, an' dis here younger generation is gwine to take nothin' off dese here poor white folks when dey don't treat dem right, cause now dis country is a free country; no slavery now.
I believe that by getting educated, Black people have benefited, and this younger generation isn’t going to put up with poor treatment from white people anymore. Now this country is a free country; there’s no slavery now.
Interview of Mrs. Minnie Fulkes
459 E. Byrne Street—Petersburg, Virginia
By—Susie Byrd
March 5, 1937
Interview of Mrs. Minnie Fulkes
459 E. Byrne Street—Petersburg, Virginia
By—Susie Byrd
March 5, 1937
I was born the twenty-fifth of December and I am 77 years old. My mother was a slave and she belonged to Dick Belcher in Chesterfield County. Old Dick sold us again to Gelaspe Graves. 'Member now fifteen of mother's chillun went with her having de same master.
I was born on December 25th and I am 77 years old. My mother was a slave and she belonged to Dick Belcher in Chesterfield County. Old Dick sold us again to Gelaspe Graves. Just so you know, fifteen of my mother's kids went with her under the same master.
Honey, I don't like to talk 'bout dem times, 'cause my mother did suffer misery. You know dar was an' overseer who use to tie mother up in de barn with a rope aroun' her arms up over her head, while she stood on a block. Soon as dey got her tied, dis block was moved an' her feet dangled, yo' know—couldn't tech de flo'.
Honey, I don't like to talk about those times because my mother went through a lot of pain. You know there was an overseer who used to tie my mother up in the barn with a rope around her arms above her head while she stood on a block. As soon as they got her tied up, they would move the block, and her feet would dangle—she couldn't touch the floor.
Dis ol' man, now, would start beatin' her nekkid 'til the blood run down her back to her heels. I took an' seed th' whelps an' scars fer my own self wid dese here two eyes. (this whip she said, was a whip like dey use to use on horses); it wuz a piece of leather 'bout as wide as my han' from little finger to thumb. After dey had beat my muma all dey wanted another overseer. Lord, Lord, I hate white people and de flood waters gwine drown some mo. Well honey dis man would bathe her in salt and water. Don't you kno' dem places was a hurtin'. Um, um.
This old man would start whipping her naked until the blood ran down her back to her heels. I saw the welts and scars for myself with these two eyes. (this whip, she said, was a whip like they used to use on horses); it was a piece of leather about as wide as my hand from little finger to thumb. After they had beaten my momma as much as they wanted, they needed another overseer. Lord, Lord, I hate white people, and the floodwaters are gonna drown some more. Well, honey, this man would bathe her in salt and water. Don’t you know those places hurt? Um, um.
I asked mother what she done fer 'en to beat and do her so? She said, nothin', tother than she refused to be wife to dis man.
I asked Mom what she did to him to make him beat her like that. She said nothing, other than that she refused to be his wife.
An' muma say, if he didn't treat her dis way a dozen times, it wasn't nary one.
An' my mom says, if he didn't treat her this way a dozen times, it wasn't any time at all.
Mind you, now muma's marster didn't know dis wuz going on. You know, if slaves would tell, why dem overseers would kill 'em.
Mind you, now Mom's master didn't know this was happening. You know, if slaves spoke up, those overseers would kill them.
An' she sed dat dey use to have meetings an' sing and pray an' th' ol' paddy rollers would hear dem, so to keep th' sound from goin' out, slaves would[12] put a great big iron pot at the door, an' you know some times dey would fer git to put ol' pot dar an' the paddy rollers would come an' horse whip every las' one of 'em, jes cause poor souls were praying to God to free 'em from dat awful bondage.
And she said that they used to have meetings and sing and pray, and the old patrolmen would hear them, so to keep the sound from getting out, slaves would put a big iron pot at the door, and you know sometimes they would forget to put the old pot there and the patrolmen would come and horsewhip every last one of them, just because those poor souls were praying to God to free them from that awful bondage.
Ha! ha! ha! dar wuz one ol' brudder who studied fer 'em one day an' tol all de slaves how to git even wid 'em.
Ha! Ha! Ha! There was one old brother who studied for them one day and told all the slaves how to get even with them.
He tol' 'em to tie grape vines an' other vines across th' road, den when de Paddy rollers come galantin' wid their horses runnin' so fast you see dem vines would tangle 'em up an' cause th' horses to stumble and fall. An' lots of times, badly dey would break dere legs and horses too; one interval one ol' poor devil got tangled so an' de horse kept a carryin' him, 'til he fell off horse and next day a sucker was found in road whar dem vines wuz wind aroun' his neck so many times yes had choked him, dey said, "He totely dead." Serve him right 'cause dem ol' white folks treated us so mean.
He told them to tie grapevines and other vines across the road, then when the patrol officers came galloping by on their fast horses, the vines would tangle them up and cause the horses to stumble and fall. And many times, they would end up breaking their legs, along with the horses. Once, an unfortunate guy got so tangled up that the horse kept carrying him until he fell off, and the next day, a bystander found him in the road with the vines wrapped around his neck so many times that it choked him. They said, "He's totally dead." Served him right because those old white folks treated us so badly.
Well, sometimes, you know dey would, the others of 'em, keep going 'til dey fin' whar dis meeting wuz gwine on. Dey would come in and start whippin' an' beatin' the slaves unmerciful. All dis wuz done to keep yo' from servin' God, an' do you know some of dem devils wuz mean an' sinful 'nough to say, "Ef I ketch you here agin servin' God I'll beat you. You haven't time to serve God. We bought you to serve us." Um, um.
Well, sometimes, you know they would, the others of them, keep going until they found where this meeting was happening. They would come in and start whipping and beating the slaves mercilessly. All this was done to keep you from serving God, and you know some of those devils were mean and sinful enough to say, "If I catch you here again serving God, I'll beat you. You don't have time to serve God. We bought you to serve us." Um, um.
God's gwine 'rod dem wicket marsters. Ef hit 'taint 'em whut gits hit, hits gonna fall on deir chillun.
God's going to deal with those wicked masters. If it doesn't hit them, it's going to fall on their children.
In dem back days child, meetings wuz carried on jes like we do today, somewhatly. Only difference is the slave dat knowed th' most 'bout de Bible would tell and explain what God had told him in a vision (yo' young folks say, "dream") dat dis freedom would come to pass; an' den dey prayed fer dis vision to come to pass, an' dars whar de paddy rollers would whip 'em ag'in.
In those days, meetings were held just like we do today, somewhat. The only difference is that the slave who knew the most about the Bible would share and explain what God revealed to him in a vision (you young folks call it a "dream") that freedom would eventually come; and then they prayed for that vision to become a reality, and that’s when the patrollers would whip them again.
Lord! Lord dey, pew! pew! pew! Baby, I jes kno' I could if I knowed how[13] to write, an' had a little learning I could put off a book on dis here situation. Yo' kno what I mean 'bout dese way back questions yo' is a asking me to tell yo' 'bout; as fer as I can recallect in my mind.
Lord! Lord, wow! Baby, I just know I could if I knew how[13] to write, and if I had a little bit of education, I could put together a book on this situation. You know what I mean about these questions you're asking me to elaborate on; as far as I can remember.
When Graves bought us, he sold three of us an' three slaves. My brother an' sister went down south. Muma sed to de cotton country an' too, she say, "they were made to work in th' cotton fields by their new marster, out in dem white fields in th' brawlin' sun from th' time it breaked day 'till yo' couldn't see at night an', yes indeedy, an' if God isn't my right'ous judge they were given not half to eat, no not 'nough, to eat. Dey wuz beaten ef dey ask'd for any mo'".
When Graves bought us, he sold three of us and three slaves. My brother and sister went down south. Mom said to the cotton country too, she said, "They were made to job in the cotton fields by their new master, out in those white fields in the blazing sun from the time it broke day until you couldn't see at night, and, yes indeed, if God isn't my righteous judge, they were given not half to eat, no, not enough to eat. They were beaten if they asked for any more."
As to marriage, when a slave wanted to marry, why he would jes ask his marster to go over and ask de tother marster could he take unto himself dis certain gal fer a wife. Mind you now, all de slaves dat marster called out of quarters an' he'd make 'em line up see, stand in a row like soldiers, and de slave man is wid his marster when dis askin' is gwine on, and he pulls de gal to him he wants; an' de marster den make both jump over broom stick an' after dey does, dey is prenounced man an' wife, both stayin' wid same marsters (I mean ef John marries Sallie, John stay wid his ol' marster an' Sal' wid hers, but had privileges, you know, like married folks; an' ef chillun were born all of 'em, no matter how many, belonged to de marster whar de woman stayed).
As for marriage, when a slave wanted to get married, he would simply ask his master to approach the other master and request permission to take a certain girl as his wife. Now, all the slaves that the master called out of the quarters would have to line up, standing in a row like soldiers. The man is with his master during this request, and he pulls the girl he wants towards him; then the master makes them both jump over a broomstick, and after they do that, they are declared husband and wife, both staying with their respective masters (I mean, if John marries Sallie, John stays with his old master, and Sallie stays with hers, but they had privileges, you know, like married people; and if children were born, all of them, no matter how many, belonged to the master where the woman stayed).
If I aint made a mistake, I think it wuz in April when de war surrendered an' muma an' all us wuz turned aloose in May. Yes dat ol' wench, a ol' heifer, oh child, it makes my blood bile when I think 'bout it. Yes she kept muma ig'runt. Didn't tell her nuthing 'bout being free 'til den in May.
If I’m not mistaken, I think it was in April when the war ended and my mom and all of us were set free in May. Yes, that old woman, an old cow, oh child, it makes my blood boil when I think about it. Yes, she kept my mom ignorant. Didn’t tell her anything about being free until then in May.
Den her mistess, Miss Betsy Godsey, tol' her she wuz free, an' she (muma) coul' cook fer her jes th' same dat she would give her something to eat an' help clothe us chillun, dat wuz ef muma continual' to sta wid her an' work.
Den her mistess, Miss Betsy Godsey, told her she was free, and she (mama) could cook for her just the same that she would give her something to eat and help clothe us kids, that was if mama continued to stay with her and work.
You see, we didn't have nuthin' an' no whar to go, um, um, um so we all, you know, jes took en stayed 'til we wuz able wid God's help to pull us selves together. But my God it wuz 'ginst our will, but, baby, couldn't help ourselves.[14]
You see, we didn’t have anything and nowhere to go, um, um, um so we all, you know, just stayed until we were able, with God’s help, to pull ourselves together. But my God, it was against our will, but, baby, we couldn’t help ourselves.[14]
My fathers master tol' him he could farm one half fer th' tother an' when time rolled 'roun' fer dem 'viding crops he took an' give to him his part like any honest man would do. Ah, Lord child, dem wuz terrible times too, oh! it makes me shudder when I think of some slaves had to stay in de woods an' git long best way dey could after freedom done bin' clared; you see slaves who had mean master would rather be dar den whar dey lived. By an' by God opened a way an' dey got wid other slaves who had huts. You see, after th' render no white folks could keep slaves. Do yo' know even now, honey, an' dat done bin way bac' yonder, dese ol' white folks think us poor colored people is made to work an' slave fer dem, look! dey aint give you no wages worth nuthin'. Gal cook all week fer two an' three dollars. How can you live off it, how kin, how kin yo'?
My father's master told him he could farm one half for the other, and when the time came to divide the crops, he gave him his fair share like any honest person would do. Oh, child, those were terrible times! It makes me shudder to think about how some slaves had to hide in the woods and survive as best they could after freedom was declared; slaves with cruel masters would rather be there than where they lived. Eventually, God opened a way for them, and they joined other slaves who had shelters. You see, after the end of slavery, no white people could keep slaves. Do you know, even now, honey, and that was a long time ago, these old white folks think poor Black people are meant to work and slave for them. Look! They don’t pay you any decent wages. A girl can work all week for just two or three dollars. How can you live off that? How can you?
My father waited on soldiers and after de s'render dey carried him an' his brother as fer as Washington D.C. I think we all use to say den, "Washington City." Aint you done heard folks talk 'bout dat city? 'Tis a grade big city, daus whar de President of dis here country stay; an' in bac' days it wuz known as 'vidin' lin' fer de North an' South. I done hear dem white folks tell all 'bout dem things—dis line. As I wuz tellin' you, his brother wuz kept, but dey sent father bac' home. Uncle Spencer wuz left in Prince Williams County. All his chillun ar' still dar. I don't know de name of Yankee who carried him off.
My father served soldiers, and after they surrendered, they took him and his brother all the way to Washington D.C. I think we all used to say "Washington City" back then. Haven't you heard people talk about that city? It’s a really big city, where the President of this country lives; and back in the day, it was seen as the dividing line between the North and South. I've heard white folks talk a lot about that line. As I mentioned, his brother was kept there, but they sent my father back home. Uncle Spencer was left in Prince William County. All of his children are still there. I don't know the name of the Yankee who took him away.
Lord, Lord, Honey, dem times too over sad, 'cause Yankees took lots of slaves away an' dey made homes. An' whole heap of families lost sight of each other. I know of a case whar after hit wuz ten years a brother an' sister lived side by side an' didn't know dey wuz blood kin.
Lord, Lord, Honey, those times were really tough because the Yankees took a lot of slaves away and made homes. And so many families lost track of each other. I know of a case where, after ten years, a brother and sister lived right next to each other and didn’t even know they were related.
My views 'bout de chillun in dem bac' days is dat dese here chillun what is now comin' up is too pizen brazen fer me.
My views about the kids back in the day are that these kids coming up now are just too bold for me.
No jes' lem me tell you how I did I married when I wuz 14 years old. So help me God, I didn't know what marriage meant. I had an idea when you loved de man, you an' he could be married an' his wife had to cook, clean up, wash, an' iron fer him was all. I slept in bed he on his side an' I on mine fer three months an' dis aint no lie. Miss Sue, he never got close to me 'cause muma had sed "Don't let no body bother yo' principle," 'cause dat wuz all yo' had. I 'bey my muma, an' tol' him so, and I said to go an' ask muma an' ef she sed he could get close to me hit was alright. An' he an' I went to gether to see and ask muma.
No, let me tell you how I did it. I got married when I was 14 years old. I swear to God, I had no idea what marriage really meant. I thought that when you loved a man, you two could get married, and his wife just had to cook, clean, wash, and iron for him, that was it. I slept in bed; he was on his side and I was on mine for three months, and this isn't a lie. Miss Sue, he never got close to me because my mom had said, "Don't let anybody compromise your principles," because that was all you had. I obeyed my mom and told him that, and I said he should go ask my mom, and if she said he could get close to me, then it would be alright. So, he and I went together to see and ask my mom.
Den muma said "Come here chillun," and she began tellin' me to please my husband, an' 'twas my duty as a wife, dat he had married a pu'fect lady.
Den muma said, "Come here, kids," and she started telling me to please my husband, that it was my duty as a wife, that he had married a perfect lady.
Dese here chillun don't think of deir principle. Run purfectly wild. Old women too. Dey ain't all 'em true to one, but have two.
Dese here chillun don't think about their principles. They run completely wild. The old women too. Not all of them are true to one but have two.
Jes what is gittin' into dis generation; is hit de worl' comin' to an end?
Jes what is getting into this generation; is it the world coming to an end?
Ha! ha! ha! I goin' tel' yo' som'thin' else.
Ha! Ha! Ha! I'm going to tell you something else.
I had a young man to come to see me one evenin' an' he sed dis to me, "Miss Moore" "Let me jin my fence to your plantation."
I had a young man come to see me one evening, and he said this to me, "Miss Moore, let me join my fence to your plantation."
I give him his hat. I say, "no" yo' go yo' way an' I go mine. I wuz through wid him, an' mind yo' I from dat da' 'til dis aint knowed what he wuz talkin' 'bout an' wuz ashamed to ask muma; but I thought he insulted me.
I give him his hat. I say, "No, you go your way and I'll go mine." I was done with him, and just so you know, from that day until now, I haven't known what he was talking about and was too embarrassed to ask my mom; but I thought he insulted me.
I didn't never go to school. Had to work an' am working now an' when hit breaks good weather, I go fishing. And who works dat big garden out dar? No body but me.
I never went to school. I had to work, and I’m working now, and when the weather is nice, I go fishing. And who takes care of that big garden out there? Nobody but me.
You know I'm mother of eleven chillun', an' 'tis seven living an' four of dem ded.
You know I'm the mother of eleven kids, and seven of them are alive while four have passed away.
Mrs. Georgina Giwbs, an ex-slave, resides at 707 Lindsey Avenue, Portsmouth, Virginia. The old lady marveled at the great change that has been made in the clothings, habits and living conditions of the Negro since she was a child. She described the clothing of the slaves in a calm manner, "All of de cloth during slavery time was made on de loom. My mastah had three slaves who worked in de loom house. After de cloth was made, mastah sent hit over town to a white woman who made hit in clothes. We had to knit all our stockings and gloves. We'd plait blades of wheat to make us bonnets. We had to wear wooden bottom shoes. Dere won't no stores, so we growed everything we et, an' we'd make everything we'd wear."
Mrs. Georgina Giwbs, a former slave, lives at 707 Lindsey Avenue, Portsmouth, Virginia. The elderly woman marveled at the significant changes in clothing, habits, and living conditions for Black people since her childhood. She described the clothing of slaves calmly, "All the fabric during slavery was made on the loom. My master had three slaves who worked in the loom house. After the fabric was made, master sent it into town to a white woman who turned it into clothes. We had to knit all our stockings and gloves. We’d braid blades of wheat to make hats. We had to wear wooden-soled shoes. There weren't any stores, so we grew everything we ate, and we made everything we wore."
"We had a washing house. Dere wuz five women who done de washing an' ironing. Dey had to make de soap. Dat wuz done by letting water drip over oak ashes. Dis made oak ash lye, and dis wuz used in making soap. After de clothes had soaked in dis lye-soap and water, dey put de clothes on tables and beat 'em 'till dey wuz white."
"We had a washhouse. There were five women who did the washing and ironing. They had to make the soap. That was done by letting water drip over oak ashes. This made oak ash lye, and this was used in making soap. After the clothes had soaked in this lye-soap and water, they put the clothes on tables and beat them until they were white."
"Mastah give us huts to live in. De beds wuz made of long boards dat wuz nailed to de wall. De mattress wuz stuffed wif straw and pine tags. De only light we had wuz from de fire-place. We didn't use no matches, 'stead we'd strick a rock on a piece of steel. We'd let the sparks fall on some cotton."
"Mister gave us huts to live in. The beds were made of long boards that were nailed to the wall. The mattress was stuffed with straw and pine shavings. The only light we had came from the fireplace. We didn't use any matches; instead, we'd strike a rock on a piece of steel. We'd let the sparks fall on some cotton."
"My mastah had 'bout five hundred slaves. He'd never sell none of his slaves, but he'd always buy more. Dat keeps de slaves from marrying in dere famblies. When yer married, yer had to jump over a broom three times. Dat wuz de licence. Ef mastah seen two slaves together too much he would marry them. Hit didn't make no difference ef yer won't but fourteen years old."
"My master had about five hundred slaves. He never sold any of his slaves, but he always bought more. That prevents the slaves from marrying within their families. When you got married, you had to jump over a broom three times. That was the license. If the master saw two slaves together too much, he would marry them. It didn't matter if you were only fourteen years old."
"Work began at sun rise and last 'till sun down. When I wuz eight years old, I started working in de field wif two paddles to keep de crows from eatin' de crops.[16] We had a half day off on Sunday, but you won't 'lowed to visit. Sometimes de men slaves would put logs in de beds, and dey'd cover 'em up, den dey go out. Mastah would see de logs and think dey wuz de slaves."
"Work started at sunrise and lasted until sunset. When I was eight years old, I began working in the field with two paddles to deter the crows from eating the crops.[16] We had a half day off on Sunday, but we weren't allowed to visit. Sometimes the male slaves would put logs in the beds and cover them up, then they would go out. Master would see the logs and think they were the slaves."
"My father told me dere wuz once a mastah who sold a slave woman and her son. Many years after dis, de woman married. One day when she wuz washing her husband's back she seen a scar on his back. De woman 'membered de scar. It wuz de scar her mastah had put on her son. 'Course dey didn't stay married, but de woman wouldn't ever let her son leave her."
"My father told me there was once a master who sold a enslaved woman and her son. Many years later, the woman got married. One day, while she was washing her husband's back, she noticed a scar on his back. The woman remembered the scar. It was the scar her master had put on her son. Of course, they didn't stay married, but the woman would never let her son leave her."
Superstitions told by Mrs. Georgina Giwbs
Superstitions shared by Mrs. Georgina Giwbs
1. "Ef a dog turns on his back and howls', 'tis a sign of death."
1. "If a dog rolls over and howls, it's a sign of death."
2. "Ef yer drops a dish rag on de floor and it spreads out, 'tis de sign dat a hungry woman is gwine ter come to yer house. Ef de rag don't spread out den a hungry man is a coming."
2. "If you drop a dish rag on the floor and it spreads out, that's a sign that a hungry woman is going to come to your house. If the rag doesn't spread out, then a hungry man is coming."
3. "Ef a black cat crosses yer path going to de right, 'tis good luck. Ef de cat goes to de left 'tis bad luck."
3. "If a black cat crosses your path going to the right, it's good luck. If the cat goes to the left, it's bad luck."
4. "Ef a girl walks aroung wif one shoe off and one on, she'll stay single as many years as de number of steps she taken."
4. "If a girl walks around with one shoe off and one on, she'll stay single for as many years as the number of steps she's taken."
Interview of Mrs. Candis Goodwin
Aged 80
Cape Charles, Virginia
Interview of Mrs. Candis Goodwin
Age 80
Cape Charles, Virginia
Ah ain't knowd, 'xactly, how ol' ah is, but ah bawn 'fo' de war. Bawn ovuh yonder at Seaview, on ol' Masser Scott's plantation. Tain't fur f'om here. Yes, reckon ah 'bout six yeah ol' when de Yankees come, jes' a lil' thin', you know.
Ah don't know exactly how old I am, but I was born before the war. I was born over there at Seaview, on old Master Scott's plantation. It’s not far from here. Yeah, I guess I was about six years old when the Yankees came, just a little thin, you know.
My white people dey good tuh me. Cose dey gits mad wid you but dey don' beat non o' us; jes' ack lak it. Why, ah was jes lak dey's chullun; ah played wid 'em, et wid 'em an' eb'n slep' wid 'em. Ah kinder chillish, ah reckon. Had muh own way. Muh mommer, she wuck in de quater kitchen. She ain' ha' tuh wuck hawd lak some. Had it kinder easy, too. Jes' lak ah tells yuh ah al'ys had my way. Ah gits whut ah wants an' ef'n dey don't gi' tuh me, ah jes' teks it.
My white people are good to me. They get mad at you sometimes, but they never hit us; they just act like it. I was just like their kids; I played with them, ate with them, and even slept with them. I guess I was kind of childish. I had my own way of doing things. My mom worked in the kitchen in the quarter. She didn’t have to work as hard as some others. She had it a bit easier, too. Just like I told you, I always got my way. I get what I want, and if they don’t give it to me, I just take it.
No neber had no wuck to do in dem days 'ceptin' nursin' de babies. 'Twas jes' lak play; twan no wuck. Uster go ober to Nottingham's tuh play, go long wid Missus chillun, yuh know. Ah laks tuh go ober there cause dey has good jam an' biscuits. Ef'n dey don gi' me none, ah jes' teks some. Dey don do nuttin'; jes' say, "Tek yuh han' out dat plate". But ah got whut ah wants den. Why we chillun user hab a time 'round ol' Missus' place. All us chillun uster git togeder an' go in de woods tuh play. Yes, de white and black uns, too. De grea' big whi' boys uster go 'long wid us, too. Know how we play? We tek de brown pine shadows an' mek houses outer 'em an' den mek grass outer de green uns. Den we go ober Missus' dairy and steal inything we want an' tek it to our houses in de woods. Dem was good ol' times, ah tel yuh, honey.
No one really had any work to do back then except taking care of the babies. It was just like play; it wasn’t work at all. I used to go over to Nottingham's to play, along with the Missus's children, you know. I liked going over there because they had good jam and biscuits. If they didn’t give me any, I just took some. They didn't do anything; just said, "Take your hand out that plate." But I got what I wanted then. We kids used to have a great time at the old Missus's place. All of us kids used to get together and go into the woods to play. Yes, the white kids and the black kids, too. The big white boys used to come along with us, as well. You know how we played? We took the brown pine shadows and made houses out of them and then made grass out of the green ones. Then we would go over to the Missus's dairy and steal anything we wanted and take it to our houses in the woods. Those were good old times, I tell you, honey.
Tel yuh, whut ah uster do. Ah uster play pranks on ol' Masser Scott. Ah's regular lil' devil, ah was. Come night, ev'y body sit 'round big fire place in living room. Soon it git kinder late, Massa git up outer his cheer tuh win' up, de clock. Ah gits hin' his cheer ret easy, an' quick sneak his cheer f'om un'er him; an' when he finish he set smack on de flow! Den he say "Dogone yuh lil' cattin', ah gwan switch yuh!" Ah jes' fly out de room. Wont sceered though cause[18] ah knows Massa won' gon do nottin' 'tuh me.
Tell you what I used to do. I used to play pranks on old Master Scott. I was a real little devil, I was. Come nighttime, everybody would sit around the big fireplace in the living room. Soon it would get kind of late, and Master would get up from his chair to wind the clock. I'd get behind his chair real quiet and quickly sneak it out from under him; and when he finished, he'd sit right down on the floor! Then he'd say, "Doggone you little rascal, I'm going to give you a spanking!" I would just fly out of the room. Not scared though because[18] I know Master wouldn't do anything to me.
What ah know 'bout whippin'. Well ah ain' had uh whippin' in my life. But ah hear tel o' how dey whips um though. Yuh know dey uster tek dat cowhide an' cut 'em till dey backs beeds. Some jes' lak see de blood run down. Better not cry neider. Mek yuh holler, "Oh pray! oh pray!" Couldn't say nottin' else. But Massa Scott neber had none dat kinder stuff on his place. He say tain't right. Didn't 'low no paddyrollers 'round eider. Say dey "trechous". Massa Nottin'ham neber had 'em on his place neider. He didn' neber strike one o' his niggers; nobody else better not neider.
What I know about whippings. Well, I’ve never had a whipping in my life. But I’ve heard about how they whip people, though. You know they used to take that cowhide and cut it until their backs bleed. Some just like to see the blood run down. You better not cry either. You’d have to shout, "Oh pray! oh pray!" You couldn’t say anything else. But Massa Scott never had that kind of stuff on his place. He said it wasn’t right. He didn’t allow any patrollers around either. He said they were "treacherous." Massa Nottingham never had them on his place either. He never struck one of his people; nobody else better not either.
Honey, ah teh yuh ah growd jes' as good's any chil' in dis country. Ol' Missus Scott gimme good clothes; cose ah didn't git 'em mone twice a yeah, but dey's good when ah gits 'em. She gimmie Sis' dresses. Sis' one ob Missus' little girls. An' de whi' chillun dey learn me how tuh read, too. Cose de whi' folks din wan' yuh to learn. Ah 'member jes' as clare as yestidy how one dem chillun learn me how tuh read "compress-i-bility". Thought ah was suppin' den! Ah kin read Bible lil now but ah can' write; neber learn tuh write.
Honey, I grew up just as well as any child in this country. Old Missus Scott gave me nice clothes; I didn’t get them more than twice a year, but they’re nice when I do. She gave me my sister's dresses. My sister was one of Missus' little girls. And the white kids taught me how to read, too. Of course, the white folks didn’t want us to learn. I remember just as clearly as yesterday how one of those kids taught me to read “compressibility.” I thought I was so clever then! I can read the Bible a little now, but I can’t write; I never learned to write.
Did ah eber go tuh church? Cose ah did! Went ret 'long wid Missus' chillun. Had tuh set in de back, but dat won' nottin'. My mommer, she went tuh church too. Sometime de ol' folk uster git togedder in de quater-kitchen tuh shout an' pray. Dats where my mommer git 'ligion. She kinder tender 'oman; couldn' stan' dat preachin' no longer.
Did I ever go to church? Of course I did! I went along with the kids from my mistress. I had to sit in the back, but that was okay. My mother went to church too. Sometimes the older folks would gather in the quarter-kitchen to shout and pray. That’s where my mother got her faith. She was a bit delicate; she couldn’t stand that preaching for too long.
What 'bout muh pappy? Dat's suppin' ah ain' tol' yuh 'bout. Well, yuh know Uncle Stephen, he kinder overseer fo' some widow 'omans. He Mommer husband. He come see muh mommer any time he gits ready. But ah fin' out he ain' muh pappy. Ah knowd dat since when ah's a lil' thin'. Ah uster go ovur tuh massa William's plantation. Dey tell me all 'bout. De folks ober dere dey uster say tuh me, "Who's yuh pappy? Who's yuh pappy?" Ah jes' say "Tuckey buzzard lay me an' de sun hatch me" an' den gwan 'bout my business. Cose all de time dey knows an' ah knows[19] too dat Massa Williams was muh pappy. Ah tell yuh suppin' else. Got uh brother libin' ret on dis here street; one den toof doctors, yuh know, what pulls yer teef. Cose he's white. But tain't knowed 'roun' here. 'Twould ruin him. He's a nice man though. Uster go tuh see muh son an' his wife, lots uh times. Yes dey's good frien's.
What about my dad? That's something I haven't told you about. Well, you know Uncle Stephen, he's kind of the overseer for some widowed women. He's Mommer's husband. He comes to see my mom whenever he feels like it. But I found out he isn't my dad. I've known that since I was little. I used to go over to Massa William's plantation. They would tell me all about it. The folks over there used to ask me, "Who's your dad? Who's your dad?" I would just say, "A turkey buzzard laid me and the sun hatched me," and then go about my business. Of course, all the time they know and I know too that Massa Williams is my dad. I'll tell you something else. I have a brother living right on this street; he's a dentist, you know, someone who pulls your teeth. Of course, he's white. But it isn't known around here. It would ruin him. He's a nice man though. He used to visit my son and his wife a lot. Yes, they're good friends.
Yes, dey had overseers. Sometime dey call dem stewards. Had colored uns too. Massa Scott had white overseers, good man though; but Massa Nottin'ham, he had big black boss on his place. [HW illegible over: cain'] 'member his name. He ain' had to git no p'mission tuh come tuh our place. He jes' come an' goes when he gits ready.
Yes, they had overseers. Sometimes they called them stewards. There were also people of color among them. Mr. Scott had white overseers, a good man though; but Mr. Nottingham, he had a big black boss on his place. [HW unreadable over: can't] I remember his name. He didn’t have to get any permission to come to our place. He just came and went whenever he wanted.
Kin ah 'member de war? Yes, indeed! 'Member jes' lak 'twas yestidy. Well dey had a stow down de conner f'om Massa's plantation, an' dey al'ys sen' me tuh stow fo' tuh buy things. Uster go down dere, an' dem Yankees be sittin' all 'long de road wid dey blue coats; ret pretty site; 'twas. But ah's sceard tuh deaf, when ah gits neah 'em. Ah gits what ah wants f'om de stow, an' flys pass 'em. Dem Yankees show had dey way. Dey went in all de white folks house; tek dey silver, an' inything dey big 'nough carry out. Jes' ruin Missus furniture; get up on de table an' jes' cut capper. Nasty things! Den de Yankees goes 'round at night, tek anybody dey wants tuh help 'em fight. Twas dey "Civil right". Got my Jake, cose ah neber knowd him den. He twelve yeah oller ah is.
Do you remember the war? Yes, I definitely do! I remember it just like it was yesterday. Well, there was a store down the corner from the master’s plantation, and they always sent me to the store to buy things. I used to go down there, and those Yankees would be sitting all along the road in their blue coats; it was quite a sight! But I was scared to death when I got near them. I grabbed what I needed from the store and rushed past them. Those Yankees certainly knew how to make their presence felt. They went into all the white folks' houses, taking their silver and anything they could carry out. They just wrecked the mistress's furniture; they would get up on the tables and just cut into everything. Nasty things! Then the Yankees would go around at night, taking anyone they wanted to help them fight. That was their "Civil right." I got my Jake, but I never knew him back then. He was twelve years older than I am.
Lemmie tell yuh 'bout muh Jake, how he did in de war. He big man in dey war. He drill soldiers ev'y day. Firs' he be in one dem companies—Company "C" ah bliebe. Den he wucked up to be sergent-Major, in de Tenth Regiment. Jacob [HW illegible over: Godium] his name was. He say all look up tuh him an' 'spect him too. See dat "Sowd" ov'in dat coner? Dat's de ve'y sowd he used in de war, an' ah kep' it all dese yeahs. No de soldiers neber did no fighting 'round here's ah know of. But plenty ob 'em camped here.
Lemme tell you about my Jake, how he did in the war. He was a big man in that war. He trained soldiers every day. First, he was in one of those companies—Company "C," I believe. Then he worked his way up to sergeant-major in the Tenth Regiment. Jacob [HW unreadable over: Godium] was his name. He said everyone looked up to him and respected him too. See that sword over in the corner? That’s the very sword he used in the war, and I’ve kept it all these years. Now, the soldiers never did any fighting around here that I know of. But plenty of them camped here.
My Jake, he hansome man, he was. 'Member, how we firs' got togeder. We all was tuh church one Sunday, an' Jake he kep' cidin' up to me. An' ah lookin' at him outer de coner muh eye, till finally he come up an' took holt muh han's. 'Twas af't de war ah had growd up. Ah was in muh early teens den. Dey say ah's de purtiet girl on de Shore. An' when Jake an' me got married, ev'ybody said, "You show maks a purty[20] couple."
My Jake, he was a handsome man. Remember how we first got together? We were at church one Sunday, and Jake kept coming up to me. I was looking at him out of the corner of my eye until finally he came over and took my hands. It was after the war, and I had grown up. I was in my early teens then. They said I was the prettiest girl on the Shore. And when Jake and I got married, everyone said, "You sure make a pretty[20] couple."
De ol' Scott chillun what ah growd up wid? No, mone dem lef' now. Dey las' girl died heah las' yeah an' hur daughter come way down here f'om up in Maryland tuh tell "An' Candis" 'bout it. Wouldn' tell me sceard 'twould 'cite me. But ah hea'd hur tellin' my chil dere all 'bout it. Ol' Massa Scott's chillun, some dem, dey still comes tuh see me. Slip me some money now'n den, an' suppin' t'eat, too. Dey's all moughty nice folks, dem Scotts is.
The old Scott kids I grew up with? No, most of them are gone now. The last girl died here last year and her daughter came all the way down from Maryland to tell "Aunt Candis" about it. She wouldn't tell me because she was afraid it would upset me. But I heard her telling my kids all about it. Old Master Scott's kids, some of them still come to see me. They slip me some money now and then, and they bring food to eat too. They're all really nice people, those Scotts are.
Interview of Mr. Charles Grandy, Ex-slave
By—David Hoggard
Date—February 26, 1937
Interview of Mr. Charles Grandy, Ex-slave
By—David Hoggard
Date—February 26, 1937
[HW: Norfolk, Va.]
[HW: Norfolk, VA.]
History of Ex-slave and Civil War Veteran
History of Ex-Slave and Civil War Veteran
Charles Grandy was born February 19, 1842, in Mississippi. While still an infant, he was brought to Norfolk. When the family arrived in Norfolk his father was arrested on some pretentious charge, and the whole family was placed in prison. After their release, they were taken to a plantation near Hickory Ground, Virginia, and sold. Slaves, at this time, were often taken to rural districts in carts, and sold to owners of plantations, as they were needed. Family life, friendships, and love affairs were often broken up; many times never to be united.
Charles Grandy was born on February 19, 1842, in Mississippi. While he was still an infant, his family moved to Norfolk. When they arrived in Norfolk, his father was arrested on some false charge, and the entire family was put in jail. After they were released, they were taken to a plantation near Hickory Ground, Virginia, and sold. At that time, slaves were often transported to rural areas in carts and sold to plantation owners as needed. Family life, friendships, and romantic relationships were frequently disrupted; many times, they never reunited.
Following the general routine of slaves, the Grandy family was given a shanty; food and clothing was also issued to them, and had to last until the master decided to give out another supply. Usually, he issued them their allowance of food weekly. Often the supply was insufficient for their needs.
Following the typical routine of enslaved people, the Grandy family was given a small cabin; food and clothing were also provided to them, which had to last until the master decided to distribute more. Usually, he gave them their food allowance weekly. Often, the supply was not enough to meet their needs.
Charles played around the plantation "big house", doing small errands until he reached the age of five, then his play days ended. While playing on the wood pile one morning, his master called him, "boy do you see this grass growing along the side of the fence? Well pull it all up." When his first task was finished, he was carried to the field to pull the grass from the young cotton and other growing crops. This work was done by hand because he was still too young to use the farm implements. Now he went to his task daily; from early in the morning until late in the evening. The long toilsome days completely exhausted the youngster. Often he would fall asleep before reaching home and spend a good portion of the night on the bare ground. Awakening, he would find it quite a problem to locate his home in the darkness of night.[22]
Charles played around the plantation's big house, doing small errands until he turned five, when his playtime came to an end. One morning, while playing on the woodpile, his master called him, "Boy, do you see this grass growing along the side of the fence? Pull it all up." Once he finished his first task, he was taken to the field to pull grass from the young cotton and other crops. This work was done by hand because he was still too young to use the farm tools. He went to work daily, from early morning until late evening. The long, hard days completely wore him out. Often, he would fall asleep before getting home and spend a good part of the night on the bare ground. When he woke up, he would find it quite challenging to locate his home in the darkness of night.[22]
From the stage of grass pulling by hand, he grew strong enough, in a few years, to use the hoe rake and sickle. While attempting to carry out his master's orders to cut corn tassels with a large sharp knife, his elbow was seriously cut. He was taken to the house and treated, the application being chimney soot, to stop the bleeding. After this treatment the arm was placed in a sling, and eventually became deformed from insufficient care. He was sent back to the fields to pick cotton, with one free hand and his teeth, while painfully carrying the other hand in the sling. Failing to obey this command, he would have been given a whipping, or sent to the southlands. Sending slaves to the plantations of Mississippi and other southern states was a type of punishment all slaves feared.
From pulling grass by hand, he became strong enough, in a few years, to use a hoe, rake, and sickle. While trying to follow his master's orders to cut corn tassels with a large sharp knife, he seriously cut his elbow. He was taken to the house and treated with chimney soot to stop the bleeding. After this treatment, his arm was put in a sling and eventually became deformed from lack of proper care. He was sent back to the fields to pick cotton with one free hand and his teeth, while painfully carrying the other hand in the sling. If he failed to obey this command, he would have faced a whipping or been sent to the southlands. Sending slaves to the plantations of Mississippi and other southern states was a punishment that all slaves feared.
Slaves were not allowed much freedom of worship. The Yankee soldiers and officers played a great part in the slave's moral training, and religious worship. They secretly instructed small gatherings of slaves, at night. The points stressed most were, obedience and the evils of stealing. There were some sections where masters were liberal in their views toward their slaves, and permitted them to worship openly.
Slaves had very little freedom to worship. The Yankee soldiers and officers played a significant role in the moral education and religious practices of the slaves. They covertly taught small groups of slaves at night. The main points emphasized were obedience and the wrongness of stealing. In some areas, there were masters who were more lenient towards their slaves and allowed them to worship openly.
Slaves were allowed to have small quantities of whiskey, even during the days of their worship, to use for medicinal purposes. It was a common occurrence to see whiskey being sold at the foot of the hill near the churchyard.
Slaves could have small amounts of whiskey, even on their worship days, for medicinal reasons. It was quite common to see whiskey being sold at the bottom of the hill near the churchyard.
The news of war, and the possibility of Negroes enlisting as soldiers was truly a step closer to the answering of their prayers for freedom. Upon hearing of this good news Grandy joined a few of the others in this break for freedom. One night, he and a close friend packed a small quantity of food in a cloth and set out about midnight to join the northern army. Traveling at night most of the time, they were constantly confronted with the danger of being recaptured. Successfully eluding their followers, they reached Portsmouth after many narrow escapes. From Portsmouth they moved to Norfolk.[23] Arriving in Norfolk, Grandy and his friend decided to take different roads of travel. Several days and nights found him wandering about the outskirts of Norfolk, feeding on wild berries, etc. While picking berries along a ditch bank, he was hailed by a Yankee soldier, who having come in contact with run away slaves before, greeted him friendly, and questioned him of his home and of his knowledge of work. He was taken to camp and assigned as cook. At first, he was not very successful in his job, but gradually improvement was shown. He was asked what wages he would accept. It was such a pleasure to know that he had escaped the clutches of slavery, he did not ask for wages; but instead, he was willing to work for anything they would give him, no matter how small, as long as he didn't have to return to slavery.
The news of war and the possibility of Black people joining the army was truly a step closer to fulfilling their prayers for freedom. After hearing this good news, Grandy joined a few others in their quest for freedom. One night, he and a close friend packed a small amount of food in a cloth and set out around midnight to join the northern army. Traveling mostly at night, they constantly faced the risk of being caught again. After successfully dodging their pursuers, they reached Portsmouth after many close calls. From Portsmouth, they moved on to Norfolk.[23] Upon arriving in Norfolk, Grandy and his friend decided to take different paths. For several days and nights, he wandered the outskirts of Norfolk, surviving on wild berries and such. While picking berries along a ditch bank, a Union soldier called out to him. Having encountered runaway slaves before, the soldier greeted him warmly and asked about his home and skills. He was taken to camp and assigned as a cook. At first, he struggled with the job, but gradually he improved. He was asked what wages he would accept. It was such a relief to know that he had escaped slavery that he didn’t ask for wages; instead, he was willing to work for anything they would give him, no matter how little, as long as he didn't have to go back to slavery.
Within a short period he was given a uniform and gun; was fully enlisted as a soldier, in the 19th regiment of Wisconsin, Company E. Here he remained in service until November, 1862, after which time he returned to Norfolk to spend some time with his mother, who was still living. While sitting in the doorway one day, with his Mother, he was again confronted with the proposition of reenlisting. He agreed to do so for one year, to serve as guard at Fortress Monroe. He remained there until the close of the War, offering brave and faithful services.
Within a short time, he received a uniform and a gun and officially enlisted as a soldier in the 19th Regiment of Wisconsin, Company E. He served there until November 1862, after which he returned to Norfolk to spend some time with his mother, who was still alive. One day, while sitting in the doorway with her, he was presented with the option to reenlist. He decided to do so for one year to serve as a guard at Fortress Monroe. He stayed there until the end of the war, providing brave and dedicated service.
Mr. Grandy is now ninety-five years old, residing at 609 Smith Street, Norfolk, Virginia. He is still able to attend the various conventions of Civil War Veterans. He can read, write, and has a fair knowledge of the Bible. His main interest is the organization of Negroes into strong groups. He enjoys talking about religion and is quite an interesting and intelligent person to talk with.
Mr. Grandy is now 95 years old, living at 609 Smith Street, Norfolk, Virginia. He still attends various Civil War Veterans conventions. He can read, write, and has a good understanding of the Bible. His main interest is organizing Black individuals into strong groups. He enjoys discussing religion and is a very interesting and intelligent person to talk with.
Interview of Mrs. Della Harris
2 E. Byrne Street
Petersburg, Virginia
By—Susie Byrd
February 5, 1937
Interview of Mrs. Della Harris
2 E. Byrne Street
Petersburg, Virginia
By—Susie Byrd
February 5, 1937
"I don't know just how old I is. Muma sent me to private school wid white chillun fo' one week. I was 13 years old at de time uh Lee's surrender. I belong to Peter or Billy Buck Turnbull Warrenton, N.C. Put this down. My mother and family all belong to Peter Buck as his slaves. We didn't work until after the war; then we came to Petersburg. I went to dancing school wid the white folks and can dance any kind of dance sets. My father was a musicianer. He belonged to John Carthan, in Warrenton, N.C. In dem days you had to take your Moster's and Mistess' name. In slavery time when a slave married he had to ask his Moster and Mistess.
"I don't know how old I am. Mom sent me to private school with white kids for one week. I was 13 years old when Lee surrendered. I belong to Peter or Billy Buck Turnbull in Warrenton, N.C. Put this away. My mother and family are all Peter Buck's slaves. We didn't work until after the war; then we moved to Petersburg. I went to dance school with the white folks and can dance any kind of dance set. My father was a musician. He belonged to John Carthan in Warrenton, N.C. Back then, you had to take your Master's and Mistress's name. During slavery, when a slave got married, they had to ask their Master and Mistress."
"We never went to church. We used to hear de bells ringing loud, baby, yes, clear and strong. No, never seen [HW: no] Sunday school, and the first time I went in a church I looked all around, and baby, I thought dat I was in heaven. It wasn't long, Miss Sue, before I got 'ligeon, and, yes, I jined [HW: de] church, 15 years old I wuz. Never will forget the time, or dat place. Den I lived here with an ant, muma's sister, who was named Kate Williams. Her husband wuz my uncle, and he worked and died at de White House in Washington City.
"We never went to church. We could hear the bells ringing loudly, baby, yes, clear and strong. No, I had never seen Sunday school, and the first time I stepped inside a church, I looked all around, and baby, I thought I was in heaven. It wasn't long, Miss Sue, before I found my faith, and yes, I joined the church when I was 15 years old. I will never forget that time or that place. Then I lived here with an aunt, my mom's sister, named Kate Williams. Her husband was my uncle, and he worked and passed away at the White House in Washington, D.C.
"I don't know de name of de President he worked for, but you can find dat out on dem books. You know you young folks calls um records.
"I don't know the name of the President he worked for, but you can find that out in those books. You know you young people call them records."
"Yes child I'm proud of my age never gave no body no trouble.
"Yes, kid, I'm proud of my age; I've never caused anyone any trouble."
"I have 8 children dead and now only one son living. Peter Turnbull was good to all his slaves, as far as I know. Mama was a cook in slavery time. She died in Petersburg, yes, right here in dis hole.
"I have 8 children who have died and now only one son left. Peter Turnbull was good to all his slaves, as far as I can tell. Mama was a cook during slavery. She died in Petersburg, yes, right here in this place."
"No muma never owned any thing, always rented and aint never owned nothing but a passel of children.
"No mom ever owned anything, always rented and never owned anything but a bunch of kids."
"My muma was a genuine Indian. Some people say you can't own Indians. I don't know how cum, but I do know she was owned by these people, but she surely was an Indian. Every body knows me all over Virginia.[25]
"My mom was a authentic Indian. Some people say you can't own Indians. I don't know how that works, but I do know she was owned by these people, but she definitely was an Indian. Everybody knows me all over Virginia.[25]
"When I use to be in dining room service I would hear de white folks talk, and, do you know, Miss Sue you can hear a lot that way?
"When I used to work in dining room service, I would hear the white folks talking, and, you know, Miss Sue, you can learn a lot that way?"
"Moster said he couldn't sell me 'cause I was so little. Just kept me fur to wait on de little chillun in de house.
"Moster said he couldn't sell me because I was so small. He just kept me for looking after the little kids in the house."
"Miss Sue, you'll have to give me something for telling you all dis here, if it ain nothing but a horse cake.
"Miss Sue, you'll have to give me something for telling you all this, even if it's just a horse cake."
"I've seen lots of dis world in travel. Done bin to Baltimore City; done bin to Philidelphia.
"I've seen a lot of this world through travel. I've been to Baltimore City; I've been to Philadelphia."
"I aint gwine give you no more, gal.
"I’m not going to give you anything more, girl.
"Yes, to Lynchburg, den I worked at Mont Royal School, Baby, where Mrs McDaniel was manager.
"Yeah, my time in Lynchburg was spent working at Mont Royal School, Baby, where Mrs. McDaniel was the manager."
"The man gwine say, 'dat woman bin some where.' If I stayed long enough I mighta got some learning but I stayed only one year. Got tired of that place. From one season to another is a year, aint it? Ah! Lord!
"The man is going to say, 'that woman has been somewhere.' If I had stayed long enough, I might have learned something, but I only stayed one year. I got tired of that place. From one season to another is a year, right? Ah! Lord!"
"Young folks now adays are just fur a good time, and a good time too they have. Yes, Siree Bob!
"Young people these days just want to have a good time, and they're definitely having one. Yes, absolutely!"
"Gwine stop now, Miss Sue, aint gwine give you no mo'. Man gwine say, Miss Sue, where in the devil did you get this stuff? Gal, you are a mess. You gonna write most all dat book about Della. Go on now, dats nough.
"Gonna stop now, Miss Sue, ain't gonna give you any more. Man's gonna say, Miss Sue, where in the world did you get this stuff? Girl, you are a mess. You're going to write most of that book about Della. Come on now, that's enough."
"In dem days chillun were chillun, now every body is grown. Chillun then were seen and not heard. When old persons came around muma sent us out and you better not be seen. Now every body [HW: act] grown. Make the man laugh.
"In those days, kids were kids; now everybody's grown up. Back then, children were seen but not heard. When adults came over, Mom would send us outside, and you better not be spotted. Now everybody acts all grown up. Make the man laugh."
"I've always enjoyed good health. Never had a Doctor in my life, not even when my chillun wuz born. Dis rubbing when people got pain just rubs it in. Eating so much and late hours is cause you young folks dying. All muma's chillun wuz healthy.
"I've always been healthy. I've never seen a doctor in my life, not even when my kids were born. Rubbing sore spots when people are in pain just makes it worse. Eating too much and staying up late is why you young folks are dying. All of my kids were healthy."
"[HW: Real] food in dem days, yes, muma fed us good vituals from white folks. I tell you, we had good owners. I didn't see sun set when I wuz a child. Always went to bed early,[26] child, I wish I could call back dem days. Muma said people lived so much longer because they took care of themselves.
"[HW: Real] food back then, yeah, Mom made sure we had good meals from white folks. I tell you, we had good owners. I didn't see the sunset when I was a kid. Always went to bed early,[26] child, I wish I could relive those days. Mom said people lived a lot longer because they took care of themselves."
"All dis here education an' people just now got it."
"All this education and people just got it."
[HW: Question:] Do you think, Mrs. Harris, education has helped our race?
[HW: Question:] Do you think, Mrs. Harris, education has benefited our community?
"Well, child, I don' know. Folks are so indifferent now I am afraid to say. Pshaw.... Colored folks now. Some are messy [HW: an'] don't know how to be polite.
"Well, kid, I don’t know. People are so indifferent now I’m afraid to say. Pshaw… Black folks now. Some are messy [HW: and] don’t know how to be polite."
"Talking about lightning days. Its lightning at every bodys house. Lord have mercy on dese here young folks and deliber me from the plantation, I pray.
"Talking about lightning days. It's lightning at everybody's house. Lord have mercy on these young folks and deliver me from the plantation, I pray."
"Courting dem days wuz like everything I reckon you all do now adays. You promise to 'bey the man, but before you finish its cussing, Honey.
"Dating these days is pretty much like everything you all do nowadays. You promise to be the man, but before you finish, it’s just cursing, Honey."
"In olden days husbands loved. Sho God did tend to wife and took care of them and they had to stay home cause it wuz always a new baby. I tell you, Miss Sue, man ought not never had you to find history 'cause you gwine tell it all. As I said, we loved. Is de young folks marrying fur love? Dey don't stay together long enough to warm hands. We went to church together and praised God; led prayer meetings and, yes siree, would feel good.
"In the past, husbands loved. God looked after their wives and took care of them, and they had to stay home because there was always a new baby. I tell you, Miss Sue, you should never have found history because you’re going to share everything. As I said, we loved. Do young people get married for love these days? They don’t stay together long enough to even warm up. We went to church together and praised God; led prayer meetings and, yes indeed, it felt good."
"Now you all done start opening theatres on Sunday. Miss Sue, all dat stuff you putting down will sure make the man laugh."
"Now you all have started opening theaters on Sundays. Miss Sue, all that stuff you’re putting down will definitely make the guy laugh."
Interview of Mrs. Marriah Hines
E. Avenue R.F.D. 1.
Oakwood Norfolk, Virginia
By—David Hoggard
March 26, 1937
Interview of Mrs. Marriah Hines
E. Avenue R.F.D. 1.
Oakwood Norfolk, Virginia
By—David Hoggard
March 26, 1937
Mrs. Marriah Hines—Born July 4, 1835, South Hampton County Virginia, a slave on James Pressmans plantation. Now residing on E. Avenue, Oakwood, Norfolk, Virginia R.F.D. 1.
Mrs. Marriah Hines—Born July 4, 1835, South Hampton County, Virginia, a slave on James Pressman's plantation. Now living on E. Avenue, Oakwood, Norfolk, Virginia R.F.D. 1.
[HW: Insert last paragraph] [TR: appropriate paragraph inserted here] Marriah is about four feet and a half tall and weighs about one hundred pounds. She has a pretty head of white hair covering her round brown face. Her memory of her mother and father is very vague, due to their death when she was young. She is able to dress herself practically without help, and to get about from place to place alone, enjoying talking about religion and [HW: what she knows about] the world [HW: of] today.
[HW: Insert last paragraph] [TR: appropriate paragraph inserted here] Marriah is about four and a half feet tall and weighs around one hundred pounds. She has a lovely head of white hair framing her round brown face. Her memories of her parents are quite hazy because they passed away when she was young. She can almost dress herself without any help and can move around on her own, enjoying conversations about religion and [HW: what she knows about] the world [HW: of] today.
Even though the general course of slavery was cruel, Marriah Hines was fortunate enough, not to have to endure its severities. James Pressman was one of the few slave masters that looked upon the slave with a certain degree of compassion, to whom Marriah was fortunate, to be owned by. Although slavery in its self was cruel; but the fact that Mr. Pressman was generous and kind to the slaves that he owned, because of necessity in the process of his farming, should not be overlooked. It is quite true that slave masters near him did not grant their slaves such priviliges as he did. I do not wish to impress the idea that Mr. Pressman did not approve of slavery, but only his general attitude toward his slaves was different from the majority of the slaves holders. From the following story of Marriah's life in slavery, it may be clearly seen that her master was an exception.
Even though the overall experience of slavery was brutal, Marriah Hines was lucky enough not to face its harshness. James Pressman was one of the few slave owners who viewed his slaves with some level of compassion, and Marriah was fortunate to be owned by him. Although slavery itself was cruel, it's important to note that Mr. Pressman was generous and kind to the slaves he owned out of necessity for his farming needs. It's true that other slave owners nearby did not extend the same privileges he did. I don't mean to suggest that Mr. Pressman opposed slavery; rather, his general attitude toward his slaves differed from those of most slaveholders. The following account of Marriah's life in slavery clearly shows that her master was an exception.
Upon interviewing her, she relates her life story as follows—
When asked about her life, she tells her story like this—
"I lived with good people, my white folks treated us good. There was plenty of 'em that didn't fare as we did. Some of the poor folks almost starved to death. Why the way their masters treated them was scandalous, treated them like cats and dogs. We always had plenty of food, never knowed what it was to want food bad enough to have to steal it like a whole lot of 'em. Master would always give us plenty when he give us our rations. Of course we slaves were given food and clothing and just enough to keep us goin good. Why master would buy cloth by the loads and heaps, shoes by the big box full; den he'd call us to the house and give each on 'us our share. Plenty to keep us comfortable, course it warn't silk nor satin, no ways the best there was, but 'twas plenty good 'nough for us, and we was plenty glad to git[28] it. When we would look and see how the slaves on the 'jining farm was fareing, 'twould almost make us shed tears. It made us feel like we was gitting 'long most fine. Dat's why we loved 'spected master; 'course he was so good to us.
"I lived with good people; my white folks treated us well. There were plenty of others who didn’t fare as we did. Some of the poor folks almost starved to death. The way their masters treated them was terrible; they treated them like animals. We always had enough food and never knew what it was like to want food so badly that we had to steal it, unlike many of them. Our master would always give us plenty when he handed out our rations. Of course, we slaves were given food and clothing, just enough to keep us going well. Our master would buy bolts of cloth and boxes full of shoes; then he’d call us to the house and give each of us our share. It was plenty to keep us comfortable; it wasn’t silk or satin, not the best there was, but it was good enough for us, and we were very glad to get it. When we looked and saw how the slaves on the adjoining farm were doing, it almost made us cry. It made us feel like we were doing just fine. That’s why we respected our master; he was so good to us."
"'Cause master was good and kind to us, some of the other white folks used to call him 'nigger lover.' He didn't pay dat no mind though. He was a true Christian man, and I mean he sho' lived up to it. He never did force any of us to go to church, if we didn't want to, dat was left to us to 'cide. If you wanted to you could, if you didn't you didn't have to, but he'd always tell us, you ought to go.
"'Cause the master was good and kind to us, some of the other white folks used to call him 'nigger lover.' He didn't pay that any mind though. He was a true Christian man, and I mean he really lived up to it. He never forced any of us to go to church; if we didn't want to, that was up to us to decide. If you wanted to go, you could, if you didn't, you didn't have to, but he'd always tell us we ought to go.
"Not only was master good but his whole family was too. When the weather was good we worked in the fields and on other little odd jobs that was needed done. We slaves would eat our breakfast, and go to the fields, dare wont no hurry-scurry. Lots o'times when we got in the fields the other slaves had been in the field a long time. Dar was times though we had to git to it early, too, 'pecially if it had been rainy weather and the work had been held up for a day or so. Master didn't make us work a 'tall in bad weather neither when it got real cold. The men might have to git in fire wood or sumpin' of that sort but no all day work in the cold—just little odd jobs. We didn't even have to work on Sundays not even in the house. The master and the preacher both said dat was the Lord's day and you won't spose to work on that day. So we didn't. We'd cook the white folks victuals on Saturday and lots o'times dey eat cold victuals on Sundays. Master would sometimes ask the preacher home to dinner. 'You plenty welcome to go home with me for dinner, but you'll have to eat cold victuals 'cause there aint no cooking on Sundays at my house.' Lots of times we slaves would take turns on helping 'em serve Sunday meals just 'cause we liked them so much. We hated to see Missie fumbling 'round in the kitchen all out 'a'her place. We didn't have to do it, we just did it on our own free will. Master sometimes gives us a little money for it too, which made it all the better. Master and Missus was so good to us we didn't mind working a little on Sundays, in the house. Master had prayer with the whole family every night, prayed for us slaves too. Any of the slaves that wanted to jine him could. Or if they wanted to pray by dem selves they could. Sundays we went[29] to church and stayed the biggest portion of the day. No body had to rush home. On our plantation we had general prayer meeting every Wednesday night at church. 'Cause some of the masters didn't like the way we slaves carried on we would turn pots down, and tubs to keep the sound from going out. Den we would have a good time, shouting singing and praying just like we pleased. The paddarollers didn't pay us much 'tention coused they knew how master let us do. Dey would say nasty things 'bout master 'cause he let us do like we did.
"Not only was the master good, but his whole family was too. When the weather was nice, we worked in the fields and on other small jobs that needed to be done. We slaves would eat our breakfast and head to the fields without any rush. Many times, when we got to the fields, the other slaves had already been working for a long time. There were times, though, when we had to get started early, especially if it had rained and work had been delayed for a day or so. The master didn’t make us work at all in bad weather, especially when it got really cold. The men might have to gather firewood or do something similar, but not all-day work in the cold—just little odd jobs. We didn’t even have to work on Sundays, not even inside the house. The master and the preacher both said that was the Lord’s day, and you weren’t supposed to work then. So we didn’t. We’d cook the white folks’ meals on Saturday, and many times they ate cold food on Sundays. Sometimes, the master would invite the preacher over for dinner. ‘You’re more than welcome to come home with me for dinner, but you’ll have to eat cold food because there’s no cooking on Sundays at my house.’ Many times, we slaves would take turns helping serve Sunday meals just because we liked them so much. We hated to see Missie struggling in the kitchen, all out of her element. We didn’t have to do it; we just did it of our own free will. The master sometimes gave us a little money for it too, which made it even better. The master and mistress were so good to us that we didn’t mind working a little inside on Sundays. The master had prayer with the whole family every night and prayed for us slaves too. Any slaves who wanted to join him could, or if they preferred to pray by themselves, they could do that. On Sundays, we went to church and stayed for most of the day. Nobody had to rush home. On our plantation, we had a general prayer meeting every Wednesday night at church. Because some of the masters didn’t like the way we slaves worshipped, we would turn pots upside down and tubs to keep the noise from getting out. Then we would have a great time, shouting, singing, and praying just as we pleased. The patrollers didn’t pay us much attention because they knew how the master let us behave. They would say nasty things about the master because he allowed us to do what we did."
"We had plenty time to ourselves. Most of the time we spent singing and praying 'cause master was sich a good Christian and most of us had 'fessed religion. Evenings we would spin on the old spinning wheel, quilt make clothes, talk, tell jokes, and a few had learned to weave a little bit from Missus. We would have candy pulls, from cooked molasses, and sing in the moonlight by the tune of an old banjo picker. Chillen was mostly seen, not heard, different from youngens of today talking backward and foward cross their mammies and pappies. Chillen dat did dat den would git de breath slapped out on 'em. Your mammies didn't have to do it either; any old person would, and send you home to git another lickin'. We slaves had two hours off for dinner, when we could go home and eat before we finished work 'bout sun down. We aint had no colored overseers to whip us nor no white ones. We just went 'long so and did what we had to, wid out no body watching over us. Every body was just plum crazy 'bout master. Doing the day you could see him strutting down the field like a big turkey gobbler to see how the work was going on. Always had a smile and a joke wid you. He allu's tell us we was doing fine, even sometimes when we want. We'd always catch up our work, so he wouldn't have to fuss. We loved Misses and the chillen so much we wouldn't even let 'em eat hardly. Missus didn't have to do nothing, hardly. Dare was always some of us round the house.
We had plenty of time to ourselves. Most of the time, we spent singing and praying because the master was such a good Christian, and most of us practiced our faith. In the evenings, we would sit by the old spinning wheel, make quilts, sew clothes, chat, tell jokes, and a few had learned to weave a bit from Missus. We would have candy pulls with cooked molasses and sing in the moonlight to the tune of an old banjo player. Kids were mostly seen and not heard, unlike the kids today who talk back and forth to their parents. Kids who did that back then would get their breath smacked out of them. Your parents didn’t have to do it either; any adult would step in and send you home for another spanking. We slaves had two hours off for dinner, when we could go home and eat before finishing work around sundown. We didn’t have any colored overseers or white ones to whip us. We just went along and did what we had to without anyone watching over us. Everyone was just crazy about the master. During the day, you could see him strutting down the field like a big turkey to check on how work was going. He always had a smile and a joke for us. He would always tell us we were doing great, even sometimes when we weren’t. We always made sure to catch up on our work so he wouldn’t have to complain. We loved Missus and the kids so much that we hardly let them eat. Missus didn’t really have to do much; there was always someone around the house.
"'Bout a year fore we heard 'bout freedom, master took sick and the slaves wouldn't'er looked sadder if one of their own youngens had been sick. Dey 'spected him to die, and he kept calling for some cabbage. Misses finally let me cook him some cabbage, and let him have some 'pot licker' (the water the cabbage was cooked in).[30] He didn't die den but a few years later he did die. Dat was the first and the last time any cooking ever was done in that house on Sunday.
"'Bout a year before we heard about freedom, the master got sick, and the slaves looked no sadder than if one of their own kids had been sick. They expected him to die, and he kept asking for some cabbage. The missus finally let me cook him some cabbage and gave him some 'pot licker' (the water the cabbage was cooked in).[30] He didn't die then, but a few years later he did pass away. That was the first and last time any cooking was done in that house on a Sunday.
"When master told us we was free it didn't take much 'fect on us. He told us we could go where we pleased and come when we pleased that we didn't have to work for him any more 'less we wanted to. Most of us slaves stayed right there and raised our own crops. Master helped us much as he could. Some of us he gave a cow or a mule or anything he could spare to help us. Some of us worked on the same plantation and bought our own little farms and little log cabins, and lived right there till master dies and the family moved away. Some of us lived there right on. Master married me to one of the best colored men in the world, Benjamin F. Hines. I had five chullun by him, four girls and one boy, two of the girls and the boy are dead. Dey died 'bout 1932 or 33. I stay with one awhile, den I go and stay awhile wid the other one.
"When the master told us we were free, it didn't really affect us much. He said we could go wherever we wanted and come back whenever we wanted, that we didn't have to work for him anymore unless we wanted to. Most of us stayed right there and grew our own crops. The master helped us as much as he could. He gave some of us a cow or a mule or anything he could spare to assist us. Some of us worked on the same plantation and bought our own little farms and log cabins, and lived there until the master died and the family moved away. Some of us continued to live there. The master married me to one of the best men in the world, Benjamin F. Hines. I had five children with him, four girls and one boy; two of the girls and the boy have passed away. They died around 1932 or 33. I stay with one for a while, then I go and stay with the other one."
"We didn't have no public schools in dem days 'n time. What little learning you got it from the white chillen."
"We didn't have any public schools back then. The little education you got came from the white kids."
[HW: Terms and phrasing to be checked and verified in further interviews.]
[HW: Terms and phrases to be reviewed and confirmed in future interviews.]
THE STORY OF "UNCLE" MOBLE HOPSON.
(pronounced Mobile)
Interview Saturday, November 28th at his home on the Poquoson River.
(Recorded from memory within 1 hour after "being talked to by him.")
THE STORY OF "UNCLE" MOBLE HOPSON.
(pronounced Mobile)
Interview on Saturday, November 28th at his home on the Poquoson River.
(Recorded from memory within 1 hour after talking to him.)
Uncle Moble hobbles unsteadily from his little shade beside the outhouse into the warm kitchen, leaning heavily on the arm of his niece. He looks up on hearing my voice, and extends a gnarled and tobacco-stained hand. He sinks fumblingly into a chair. It is then that I see that Uncle Moble is blind.
Uncle Moble hobbles awkwardly from his little spot of shade next to the outhouse into the warm kitchen, leaning heavily on his niece's arm. He looks up when he hears my voice and reaches out with a gnarled, tobacco-stained hand. He fumbles as he settles into a chair. That's when I realize that Uncle Moble is blind.
"No, don't mind effen yuh ast me questions. Try tuh answer 'em, I will, best ways I kin. Don't mind et all, effen yuh tell me whut yuh want to know. Born'd in fifty-two, I was, yessuh, right here over theer wheer dat grade big elum tree usta be. Mammy was uh Injun an' muh pappy was uh white man, least-ways he warn't no slave even effen he was sorta dark-skinned.
"No, don't worry about me if you ask me questions. I'll do my best to answer them. Just tell me what you want to know. I was born in '52, right here where that big elm tree used to be. My mom was Native American and my dad was a white man; at least he wasn't a slave, even if he was kind of dark-skinned."
"Ole pappy tole me 'bout how cum the whites an' the blacks an' the Injuns get all mixed up. Way back 'long in dere it war, he nevuh tell me jes' what year, dey was a tribe uh Injuns livin[32] 'long dis ribber. Dey was kin to de Kink-ko-tans, but dey wasn't de same. Dey had ober on the James de Kink-ko-tans an' dey had dis tribe ober here.
"Ole pappy told me about how the whites, blacks, and the Injuns got all mixed up. A long time ago, he never told me exactly what year, there was a tribe of Injuns living along this river. They were related to the Kink-ko-tans, but they weren't the same. The Kink-ko-tans were over on the James and this tribe was over here."
"Well, de white man come. Not fum ober dere. De white man cum cross de Potomac, an' [HW: den he] cross de York ribber, an' den he cum on cross de Poquoson ribber into dis place. My pappy tell me jes' how cum dey cross all uh dose ribbers. He ain't see it, yuh unnerstand, but he hear tell how et happen.
"Well, the white man came. Not from over there. The white man came across the Potomac, and then he crossed the York River, and then he came across the Poquoson River into this place. My dad told me just how they crossed all those rivers. He didn't see it, you understand, but he heard how it happened."
"Dis whut de white man do. He pick hisself a tall ellum long side de ribber an' he clumb to de top an' he mark out on de trunk wid he ax uh section 'long 'bout, oh, 'long 'bout thirty-fo'ty feet. Den he cut de top off an' den he cut de bottom off so de thick trunk fall right on de edge uh de ribber. An' den he hollar out dat ellum log tell he make hisself uh bout an' he skin off de bark so et don't ketch in de weeds. Den he make hisse'f uh pattle an' dey all makes pattles an' dey floats dat boat an' pattles cross to de udder side.
"This is what the white man does. He picks a tall elm tree by the river and climbs to the top. He marks a section on the trunk with his axe about thirty to forty feet up. Then he cuts the top off and the bottom, so the thick trunk falls right at the edge of the river. Then he yells out that elm log until he makes himself a boat, and he strips the bark off so it doesn't get caught in the weeds. Then he makes himself a paddle, and they all make paddles and they float that boat and paddle across to the other side."
"Well, dey cross de Potomac an' dey has tuh fight de Injuns an' dey cross de York an' fit some more tell dey kilt all de Injuns[33] or run 'em way. When dey cross de Poquoson dey fine de Injuns ain't aimin' tuh fight but dey kilt de men an' tek de Injun women fo' dey wives. Coursen dey warn't no marryin' dem at dat time.
"Well, they crossed the Potomac and had to fight the Indians and they crossed the York and fought some more until they killed all the Indians[33] or drove them away. When they crossed the Poquoson, they found that the Indians weren't looking to fight, but they killed the men and took the Indian women as their wives. Of course, there wasn't any marrying them at that time."
"Well dat's how cum my people started. Ah hear tell on how dey hafta fight de Injuns now an den, an' den de Britishers come an' dey fit de British.
"Well, that's how my people started. I hear that they have to fight the Indians now and then, and then the British came and they fought the British."
"An' all uh dat time dere warn't no black blood mixed in 'em, least wise, not as I heer'd tell uh any. Plenty blacks 'round; ah seen 'em. My pappy nevuh would have none. My oncle had 'em, ober on dat pasture land dere was his land.
"During all that time, there wasn't any black blood mixed in them, at least not that I heard of. There were plenty of black folks around; I saw them. My dad would never have any. My uncle had them over on that pasture land that was his."
"Why I usta get right out dere many uh day and watch 'em at workn' [HW: in de 'baccy fields.] Big fellars dey was, wid cole-black skins ashinin' wid sweat jes' lak dey rub hog-fat ober dere faces. Ah ain't nevuh bothered 'em but my bruther—he daid now sence ninety-three he got uh hidin' one day fo' goin' in de field wid de blacks.
"Why I used to go out there for many days and watch them at work [HW: in the tobacco fields.] They were big guys, with coal-black skin shining with sweat just like they rubbed hog fat on their faces. I never bothered them, but my brother—he died since '93—he got a beating one day for going into the field with the Black workers."
[HW: Insert] "Well we all heer tell uh de was, [HW: an ah listen to de grown folk talk on et,] but dey ain't paid so much mind to et. Tell one day de blacks out in de field an' dey ain't no one out dere tuh mek 'em work. An' dey stand 'round[34] an' laugh an' dey get down an' wait, but dey don' leave dat field all de mawning. An' den de word cum dat de Yankees was a comin,' an' all dem blacks start tuh hoopin' an' holl'rin', an' den dey go on down to deer shacks an' dey don' do no work at all dat day.
[HW: Insert] "Well, we all hear about it, [HW: and I listened to the adults talk about it,] but they didn't pay much attention to it. Then one day, the Black folks in the fields noticed that there was no one out there to make them work. They just stood around[34] and laughed, waiting, but they didn't leave that field all morning. And then the word came that the Yankees were coming, and all those people started cheering and shouting, and then they went down to their shacks and didn't do any work at all that day.
"An' when do Yanks [HW: git heer] dey ain't non uh de slave-holders no whers round. Dey all cleared out an' de blacks is singin' an' prayin' an' shoutin' fo' joy cause Marse Lincoln done set em free.
"Sure enough, when the Yanks [HW: get here] there aren't any slaveholders around. They've all left, and the black folks are singing, praying, and shouting for joy because Master Lincoln has set them free."
"Well, dey tuk de blacks an' dey march em down de turnpike to Hampton, an' den dey put em tuh work at de fort. Ah ain't nevuh go ober dere but ah heer tell how de blacks come dere fum all 'round tell dey git so many dey ain't got work fo' 'em tuh do, so dey put 'em tuh pilin' up logs an' teking 'em down agin, an' de Yankees come and go an' new ones come but dey ain't troublin nothin' much 'ceptin' tuh poach uh hawg or turkey now an' den.
"Well, they took the Black people and marched them down the turnpike to Hampton, and then they put them to work at the fort. I've never been over there, but I hear how the Black people come from all around until there are so many that they don’t have enough work for them to do. So, they have them piling up logs and taking them down again, and the Yankees come and go, and new ones arrive, but they’re not causing much trouble except to poach a hog or turkey now and then."
"Ah was jes' a little shaver gittin' in my teens den but ah 'member clear as day all ah dat. An' ah heer tell uh uh big[35] battle up Bethel way an' dey say dey kilt up dere uh bunch uh men, de 'federates an' de Yankees both. But ah ain't seed it, though Oncle Shep Brown done tole me all 'bout et.
"Ah was just a little kid getting into my teens then, but I remember it clear as day. And I hear there was a big[35] battle up Bethel way, and they say they killed a bunch of men, both the Confederates and the Yankees. But I haven't seen it, though Uncle Shep Brown told me all about it."
"Oncle Shep Brown lived down aways on de ribber. 'Long 'fore de Yankees come he jined up wid de 'federates. He fit in dat battle at Big Bethel but he ain't get uh scratch. He tell me all 'bout de war when he come back home. He tell me all 'bout de fall uh Richmond, he did.
"Uncle Shep Brown lived a bit down by the river. Long before the Yankees arrived, he joined up with the Confederates. He fought in that battle at Big Bethel, but he didn't get a scratch. He tells me all about the war when he comes back home. He tells me all about the fall of Richmond, he does."
"Was one day down [HW: en] de lower woods in de shade he tell me 'bout Richmond, Oncle Shep did. Why, I remember et jes' lak it was yestiddy. Was whittlin' uh stick, he was, settin' on uh stump wid his game laig hunched up ontuh uh bent saplin'. He was whittlin' away fo' uh 'long time 'thout sayin' much, an' all at once he jump in de air an' de saplin' sprang up an he start in tuh cussin.
"One day down in the lower woods in the shade, Uncle Shep told me about Richmond. I remember it just like it was yesterday. He was whittling a stick, sitting on a stump with his game leg propped up on a bent sapling. He was whittling away for a long time without saying much, and then all of a sudden he jumped in the air, and the sapling sprang up, and he started cursing."
"'Gawdammit, gawdammit, gawdammit,' he kept sayin' tuh hisse'f an' limpin' round on dat laig game wid de roomatissum. Ah know he gonna tell me sompin den cause when Oncle Shep git ehcited[36] he always got uh lot tuh say.
"'Damn it, damn it, damn it,' he kept saying to himself and limping around with that leg pain from rheumatism. I know he's going to tell me something then because when Uncle Shep gets excited[36] he always has a lot to say.
"'Gawdammit,' he say, 'twas de niggahs tak Richmond.'
"'Goddammit,' he said, 'it was the guys who took Richmond.'"
"'How dey do dat Oncle Shep?' ah ast, though ah knowed he was gonna tell me anyway.
"'How do they do that, Uncle Shep?' I asked, even though I knew he was going to tell me anyway."
"'De niggahs done tuk Richmond,' he keep on sayin' an' finally he tell me how dey tak Richmond.
"'The guys have taken Richmond,' he keeps on saying and finally he tells me how they took Richmond."
"'Ah seed et muhse'f,' he say, 'my comp'ny was stationed on de turnpike close tuh Richmond. We was in uh ole warehouse,' he told me, 'wid de winders an' de doors all barred up an' packed wid terbaccy bales awaitin' fo' dem Yanks tuh come. An' we was a-listenin' an' peepin' out an' we been waitin' dere most all de ev'nin'. An' den we heer [HW: uh] whistlin' an' uh roarin' like uh big blow an' it kep' gittin' closer. But we couldn't see nothin' uh comin' de night was so dark. But Dat roarin' kep' a-gittin' louder an' louder an' 'long 'bout day break there cum fum down de pike sech uh shoutin' an uh yellin' as nevuh in muh born days ah'd heerd.'
"'I saw it myself,' he said, 'my company was stationed on the turnpike near Richmond. We were in an old warehouse,' he told me, 'with the windows and the doors all barred up and packed with tobacco bales waiting for the Yanks to come. And we were listening and peeking out, and we had been waiting there most of the evening. And then we heard a whistling and a roaring like a big wind, and it kept getting closer. But we couldn't see anything because the night was so dark. That roaring kept getting louder and louder, and by daybreak, there came down the pike such shouting and yelling as I had never heard in my life.'
"'An' de men in dat warehouse kept askinkin' away in de darkness widdout sayin' nothin', cause dey didn't know what[37] debbils de Yankees was alettin' loose. But ah stayed right there wid dem dat had de courage tuh face et, cause ah know big noise mean uh little storm.'
"'And the men in that warehouse kept asking away in the darkness without saying anything, because they didn't know what[37] devils the Yankees were letting loose. But I stayed right there with those who had the courage to face it, because I know big noise means a little storm.'"
"'Dar was 'bout forty of us left in dat ole warehouse ahidin' back of dem bales uh cotton an terbaccy, an' peepin out thew da cracks.'
"'There were about forty of us left in that old warehouse hiding behind those bales of cotton and tobacco, and peeking out through the cracks.'"
"'An' den dey come. Down de street dey come—a shoutin' an' aprancin' an' a yellin' an' asingin' an' makin' such uh noise like as ef all hell done been turn't loose. Uh [HW: mob uh] nigguhs. Ah ain't nevuh knowed nigguhs—even all uh dem nigguhs—could mek sech uh ruckus. One huge sea uh black faces filt de streets fum wall tuh wall, an' dey wan't nothin' but nigguhs in sight.'
"'And then they came. Down the street they came—a shouting and dancing and yelling and singing and making such a noise like all hell had broken loose. A mob of guys. I’ve never known guys—even all of them—could make such a racket. One huge sea of black faces filled the streets from wall to wall, and there were nothing but guys in sight.'
"'Well, suh, dey warn't no usen us firin' on dem cause dey ain't no way we gonna kill all uh dem nigguhs. An pretty soon dey bus' in de do' uh dat warehouse, an' we stood dere whilst dey pranced 'rounst us a hoopin' an' holl'rin' an' not techin' us at all tell de Yankees soljers cum up, an' tek away our guns, an' mek us prisoners an' perty soon dey march us intuh town an' lock us up in ole Libby Prison.'[38]
"'Well, sir, there wasn't any use in us firing at them because there was no way we were going to kill all of them. And pretty soon they broke into the door of that warehouse, and we stood there while they danced around us, shouting and making a fuss without bothering us at all until the Union soldiers came and took away our guns, made us prisoners, and pretty soon they marched us into town and locked us up in old Libby Prison.'[38]
"'Thousings of 'em—dem nigguhs.' he say, 'Yassir—was de nigguhs dat tuk Richmond. Time de Yankees get dere de nigguhs done had got de city tuk.'"
"'Thousands of them—those guys,' he said, 'Yes sir—were the guys that took Richmond. By the time the Yankees got there, the guys had already captured the city.'"
[HW: II]
[HW: Why Uncle Moble is a Negro]
[HW: Why Uncle Moble is Black]
Uncle Moble is a noble figure. He turns his head toward me at my questions, just as straight as if he actually is looking at me.
Uncle Moble is a dignified figure. He turns his head towards me when I ask questions, as if he is genuinely looking at me.
"Yuh wanta know why I'm put with the colored people? [HW: Sure, ah got white skin, leastwise, was white las' time ah' see et.] Well, ah ain't white an' ah ain't black, leastwise not so fur as ah know. 'Twas the war done that. Fo de war dere warn't no question come up 'bout et. Ain't been no schools 'round here tuh bothuh 'bout. Blacks work in de fields, an' de whites own de fields. Dis land here, been owned by de Hopson's sence de fust Hopson cum here, I guess, back fo' de British war, fo' de Injun war, ah reck'n. Ustuh go tuh de church school wid ole Shep Brown's chillun, sat on de same bench, ah did.
"Do you want to know why I'm categorized with the Black community? [HW: Sure, I have white skin, at least I was white the last time I checked.] Well, I’m neither white nor Black, at least not as far as I know. It was the war that changed that. Before the war, there wasn’t any question about it. There haven’t been any schools around here to worry about. Black folks work in the fields, and white folks own the fields. This land here has been owned by the Hopsons since the first Hopson came here, I guess, back before the British war, before the Indian war, I reckon. I used to go to the church school with old Shep Brown's children; I sat on the same bench as them.
"But de war changed all dat. Arter de soljers come back home, it was diff'runt. First dey say dat all whut ain't white, is black.[39] An' [HW: den] dey tell de Injuns yuh kain't marry no more de whites. An' den dey tell usen dat we kain't cum no more tuh church school. An' dey won't let us do no bisness wid de whites, so we is th'own in wid de blacks.
"But the war changed all that. After the soldiers came back home, it was different. First, they said that everyone who isn’t white is black.[39] And [HW: then] they told the Indians you can't marry whites anymore. And then they told us that we can't come to church school anymore. And they won't let us do any business with the whites, so we're thrown in with the blacks."
"Some [HW: uh our folk] moved away, but dey warn't no use uh movin' cause ah hear tell et be de same ev'y wheer. So perty soon et come time tuh marry, an' dey ain't no white woman fo' me tuh marry so ah marries uh black woman. An' dat make me black, ah 'spose 'cause ah ben livin' black ev'y sence.
Some of our folks moved away, but there wasn't any point in leaving because I heard it would be the same everywhere. So pretty soon it was time to get married, and there weren't any white women for me to marry, so I married a Black woman. And that makes me Black, I suppose, because I've been living as a Black man ever since.
"But mah bruther couldn't fine no black woman dat suited him, ah reckon, cause he married his fust cousin, who was a Hopson huhse'f.
"But my brother couldn't find any black woman that suited him, I guess, because he married his first cousin, who was a Hopson herself."
"Den dere only chile married hisse'f uh Hopson, and Hopsons been marryin' Hopsons ev'y sence, ah reck'n."
"Then their only child married a Hopson, and the Hopsons have been marrying Hopsons ever since, I reckon."
"That well out dere? Naw, dat ain't old. Dat ain't been dere mo'un fifteen-twenty year. De ole well, she was ole, though she nevuh war much good. Paw ain't dug et in de right place. Old Shep Brown tolt him, but my old man ain't nevuh pay no mine to old Shep.
"That well out there? Nah, that’s not old. It's been there maybe fifteen or twenty years. The old well was old, but it never was very good. Dad didn’t dig it in the right spot. Old Shep Brown told him, but my dad never paid any attention to old Shep."
"But old Shep sho' did know how tuh dig uh well. Ah kin see now him ah comin' up de lane when paw was adiggin'. Moble he say—my paw an' me had de same name—Moble, ye ain't diggin' dat well de right place.
"But old Shep definitely knew how to dig a well. I can see him coming up the lane while Dad was digging. Mobile he says—my dad and I had the same name—Mobile, you're not digging that well in the right place."
"'Diggin' et wheer ah wants et,' answers paw, a diggin' away en de hole shoulder deep.
"'Digging it where I want it,' answers dad, digging away in the hole that's shoulder deep.
"'Well, ye ain't gonna git much water. Oughta got yo'se'f uh ellum stick.'
"'Well, you aren't going to get much water. You should have got yourself a elm stick.'"
"'Don' need no ellum stick. Diggin' dis well in my own youd an' ah'm gonna dig et jes' wheer ah wants et. Go haid an' dig yo' own well.'
"'Don't need no elm stick. Digging this well in my own yard and I'm gonna dig it just where I want it. Go ahead and dig your own well.'"
"Well, old Shep musta got sorta mad, cause he goes home an' de nex' day he digs hisse'f uh well.
"Well, old Shep must have gotten pretty angry because he goes home and the next day he digs himself a well."
"Ah seen him. Ah watched him when he figgered wheer tuh dig dat well. Sho' nuf old Shep got hisse'f uh prime ellum stick fum ah good sized branch dat was forked. First he skint all de bark off.
"Ah saw him. Ah watched him when he figured where to dig that well. Sure enough, old Shep got himself a prime elm stick from a good-sized forked branch. First, he stripped all the bark off."
"'Kain't fine no water lessen ye skin de bark off,' he tell me. Long 'bout 2-3 feet on each limb, et was. Well, old Shep tek dat ellum stick wid one fork in[41] each hand an' de big end straight up in de air an' he holt it tight an' started tuh walk around, wid me followin' right on his heels. An sho' nuff, perty soon ah seed dat branch commence tuh shake an' den et started tuh bend an' old Shep let et lead him across de field wid et bendin' lower all de time tell perty soon de big end uh dat ellum stick point straight down.
"'You can't find any water unless you strip the bark off,' he told me. It was about 2-3 feet on each limb. Well, old Shep took that elm stick with one fork in each hand and the big end pointing straight up in the air, and he held it tight and started to walk around, with me following right on his heels. And sure enough, pretty soon I saw that branch start to shake and then it began to bend, and old Shep let it lead him across the field while it kept bending lower until pretty soon the big end of that elm stick was pointing straight down.'
"Old Shep marked de spot an' got his pick an' commence tuh dig out dat spot. An' fo' old Shep had got down mo'un five uh six feet ah be dawg ef he don' hit uh stream uh water dat filt up de well in uh hurry so dat he git his laigs all wet fo' he kin clamb out.
"Old Shep marked the spot and got his pick and started to dig out that area. And before old Shep had gone down more than five or six feet, I swear he didn’t hit a stream of water that filled up the well in a hurry so that he got his legs all wet before he could climb out."
"An' yuh moughten believe et but ah know dat tuh be uh fac', cause ah tuk dat ellum stick in muh own han's an' ah felt dat stick apullin' me back tuh dat water. No matter which way ah turn, dat stick keep atwistin' me roun' toward dat water. An' ah tried tuh pull et back an' old Shep tuk hole uh et wid me an' tried tuh hole et up straight but de big end uh dat ellum branch pult down and pointed tuh dat well spite uh both uh us.
"And you might believe it, but I know it to be a fact because I took that elm stick in my own hands and I felt that stick pulling me back toward that water. No matter which way I turned, that stick kept twisting me around toward that water. I tried to pull it back and old Shep held onto it with me and tried to hold it up straight, but the big end of that elm branch pulled down and pointed to that well despite both of us."
"Still dere? Nawsuh, ah reckon dat old well been crumbled in an' filled up long time now. Old Shep died back en 93, ah reckon. His old shack blowed down, an' ah reckon dat ole well all covered up. But dat was some well while she lasted. Gave mo' water dan all de udder wells in Poquoson, ah reckon."
"Still there? Nah, I think that old well has collapsed and filled in a long time ago. Old Shep died back in '93, I think. His old shack blew down, and I guess that old well is all covered up now. But it was quite a well while it lasted. It provided more water than all the other wells in Poquoson, I believe."
[HW: Jones, Albert]
[HW: Albert Jones]
Interview of Ex-slave and
Civil War Veteran
Portsmouth, Virginia
By—Thelma Dunston
January 8, 1937
Interview of Ex-slave and
Civil War Veteran
Portsmouth, Virginia
By—Thelma Dunston
January 8, 1937
Civil War Veteran of Portsmouth, Virginia
Civil War Veteran from Portsmouth, Virginia
On the outskirts of Portsmouth, Virginia, where one seldom hears of or goes for sightseeing lives Mr. Albert Jones. In a four room cottage at 726 Lindsey Avenue, the aged Civil War Veteran lives alone with the care of Mr. Jones' niece, who resides next door to him. He has managed to survive his ninety-fifth year. It is almost a miracle to see a man at his age as suple as he.
On the outskirts of Portsmouth, Virginia, an area rarely visited for sightseeing, lives Mr. Albert Jones. In a four-room cottage at 726 Lindsey Avenue, the elderly Civil War veteran lives alone, with help from his niece who lives next door. He has made it to his ninety-fifth year. It's almost miraculous to see a man his age so flexible.
On entering a scanty room in the small house, Mr. Jones was nodding in a chair near the stove. When asked about his early life, he straightened up on his spine, crossed his legs and said, "I's perty old—ninety six. I was born a slave in Souf Hampton county, but my mastah wuz mighty good to me. He won't ruff; dat is 'f yer done right."
On stepping into a small, sparsely furnished room in the house, Mr. Jones was dozing in a chair by the stove. When asked about his early life, he straightened up, crossed his legs, and said, "I’m pretty old—ninety-six. I was born a slave in Southampton County, but my master was really good to me. He wasn't rough; that is if you did what you were supposed to."
The aged man cleared his throat and chuckled. Then he said, "But you better never let mastah catch yer wif a book or paper, and yer couldn't praise God so he could hear yer. If yer done dem things, he sho' would beat yer. 'Course he wuz good to me, 'cause I never done none of 'em. My work won't hard neiver. I had to wait on my mastah, open de gates fer him, drive de wagon and tend de horses. I was sort of a house boy."
The old man cleared his throat and chuckled. Then he said, "But you'd better never let the master catch you with a book or paper, and you couldn't praise God so he could hear you. If you did those things, he definitely would beat you. Of course, he was good to me because I never did any of them. My work wasn't hard either. I had to wait on my master, open the gates for him, drive the wagon, and take care of the horses. I was kind of a house boy."
"Fer twenty years I stayed wif mastah, and I didn't try to run away. When I wuz twenty one, me and one of my brothers run away to fight wif the Yankees. Us left Souf Hampton county and went to Petersburg. Dere we got some food. Den us went to Fort Hatton where we met some more slaves who had done run away. When we got in Fort Hatton, us had to cross a bridge to git to de Yankees. De rebels had torn de bridge down. We all got together and builded back de bridge, and we went on to de Yankees. Dey give us food and clothes.[43]"
"For twenty years I stayed with my master, and I didn’t try to run away. When I was twenty-one, my brother and I ran away to join the Yankees. We left Southampton County and went to Petersburg. There, we got some food. Then we went to Fort Hatton, where we met some other slaves who had also escaped. When we arrived at Fort Hatton, we had to cross a bridge to reach the Yankees. The rebels had destroyed the bridge. We all came together and rebuilt the bridge, and then we continued on to the Yankees. They gave us food and clothes.[43]"
The old man then got up and emptied his mouth of the tobacco juice, scratched his bald head and continued. "Yer know, I was one of de first colored cavalry soljers, and I fought in Company 'K'. I fought for three years and a half. Sometimes I slept out doors, and sometimes I slept in a tent. De Yankees always give us plenty of blankets."
The old man then got up and spat out the tobacco juice, scratched his bald head, and continued. "You know, I was one of the first colored cavalry soldiers, and I fought in Company 'K.' I fought for three and a half years. Sometimes I slept outdoors, and sometimes I slept in a tent. The Yankees always gave us plenty of blankets."
"During the war some uh us had to always stay up nights and watch fer de rebels. Plenty of nights I has watched, but de rebels never 'tacked us when I wuz on."
"During the war, some of us had to stay up nights and watch for the rebels. There were plenty of nights I watched, but the rebels never attacked us when I was on."
"Not only wuz dere men slaves dat run to de Yankees, but some uh de women slaves followed dere husbands. Dey use to help by washing and cooking."
"Not only were there male slaves who ran to the Yankees, but some of the female slaves followed their husbands. They used to help by washing and cooking."
"One day when I wuz fighting, de rebels shot at me, and dey sent a bullet through my hand. I wuz lucky not to be kilt. Look. See how my hand is?"
"One day when I was fighting, the rebels shot at me, and they fired a bullet through my hand. I was lucky not to be killed. Look. See how my hand is?"
The old man held up his right hand, and it was half closed. Due to the wound he received in the war, that was as far as he could open his hand.
The old man raised his right hand, which was partially closed. Because of the injury he sustained in the war, that was the maximum he could open his hand.
Still looking at his hand Mr. Jones said, "But dat didn't stop me, I had it bandaged and kept on fighting."
Still looking at his hand, Mr. Jones said, "But that didn't stop me; I had it bandaged and kept on fighting."
"The uniform dat I wore wuz blue wif brass buttons; a blue cape, lined wif red flannel, black leather boots and a blue cap. I rode on a bay color horse—fact every body in Company 'K' had bay color horses. I tooked my knap-sack and blankets on de horse back. In my knap-sack I had water, hard tacks and other food."
"The uniform I wore was blue with brass buttons; a blue cape, lined with red flannel, black leather boots, and a blue cap. I rode on a bay-colored horse—everyone in Company 'K' had bay-colored horses. I took my knapsack and blankets on horseback. In my knapsack, I had water, hardtack, and other food."
"When de war ended, I goes back to my mastah and he treated me like his brother. Guess he wuz scared of me 'cause I had so much ammunition on me. My brother, who went wif me to de Yankees, caught rheumatism doing de war. He died after de war ended."
"When the war ended, I went back to my master, and he treated me like his brother. I guess he was scared of me because I had so much ammunition with me. My brother, who went with me to the Yankees, caught rheumatism during the war. He died after the war ended."
Writer—Jayne, Lucille B.
Capahosic, Virginia.
Gloucester Co.
Typist—Nicholas
[HW: C. Moore]
[HW: Tales]
[HW: Virginia/1938-9]
Writer—Lucille B. Jayne
Capahosic, VA
Gloucester Co.
Typist—Nicholas
[HW: C. Moore]
[HW: Tales]
[HW: Virginia/1938-9]
FOLKLORE
FOLKLORE
Material from Upper Guinea.
Material from Upper Guinea.
In the upper part of Guinea, generally known as the "Hook," you will find two very interesting characters, both Negroes. Aunt Susan Kelly, who is a hundred years old, and Simon Stokes, who is near a hundred.
In the northern part of Guinea, commonly referred to as the "Hook," you will find two very interesting people, both Black. Aunt Susan Kelly, who is a hundred years old, and Simon Stokes, who is nearly a hundred.
Aunt Susan is loved by all who know her, for she is a very lovable old Negro.
Aunt Susan is loved by everyone who knows her because she is a very charming elderly Black woman.
Aunt Susan's Story
Aunt Susan's Story
"My mammy, Anna Burrell, was a slave, her massa wuz Col. Hayes, of Woodwell; he wuz very good ter his slaves. He nebber sold mammy or us chilluns; he kept we alls tergether, and we libed in a little cabin in de yard.
"My mom, Anna Burrell, was a slave; her master was Col. Hayes of Woodwell. He was very good to his slaves. He never sold my mom or us kids; he kept us all together, and we lived in a small cabin in the yard."
"My job wuz mindin' massa's and missus' chilluns all dey long, and puttin' dem ter baid at night; dey had ter habe a story told ter dem befo' dey would go ter sleep; and de baby hed ter be rocked; and I had ter sing fo' her 'Rock a-by baby, close dem eyes, befo' old san man comes, rock a-by baby don' let old san man cotch yo' peepin',' befo' she would go ter sleep.
"My job was taking care of the master's and mistress's children all day long, and putting them to bed at night; they needed a story told to them before they could go to sleep; and the baby had to be rocked; and I had to sing for her 'Rock-a-bye baby, close your eyes, before the old man comes, rock-a-bye baby don’t let the old man catch you peeping,' before she would go to sleep."
"Mammy used ter bake ash-cakes; dey wuz made wid meal, wid a little salt and mixed wid water; den mammy would rake up de ashes in de fire-place; den she would make up de meal in round cakes, and put dem on de hot bricks ter bake; wen dey hed cooked roun' de edges, she would put ashes on de top ob dem, and wen dey wuz nice and brown she took dem out and washed dem off wid water.
"Mammy used to bake ash cakes; they were made with meal, a little salt, and mixed with water. Then Mammy would rake up the ashes in the fireplace. After that, she would shape the meal into round cakes and place them on the hot bricks to bake. When they had cooked around the edges, she would sprinkle ashes on top of them, and when they were nice and brown, she took them out and rinsed them off with water."
"Mammy said it wuz very bad luck ter meet a woman early in de mornin' walkin'; and nebber carry back salt dat yo' habe borrowed, fo' it will bring bad luck ter yo' and ter de one yo' brung it ter. If yo' nose iches on de right side a man is comin', if de lef' side iches a woman is comin'; if it iches on de end a man and woman is sho' ter come in a short.
"Mammy said it's really bad luck to meet a woman early in the morning while walking; and never bring back salt that you borrowed, because it will bring bad luck to you and to the person you borrowed it from. If your nose itches on the right side, a man is coming; if it itches on the left side, a woman is coming; if it itches at the end, both a man and a woman are sure to arrive soon."
"For a hawk ter fly ober de house is sho' sign ob death, fo' de hawk will call corpses wen he flies ober."
"For a hawk to fly over the house is definitely a sign of death because the hawk calls to the corpses when it flies above."
Simon Stokes, son of Kit and Anna Stokes, is quite a type. He and his[45] parents with his brothers and sisters were slaves; owned by George W. Billups, of Mathews County, who later moved to Gloucester County and bought a farm near Gloucester Point. They had eleven children, Simon is the only one living.
Simon Stokes, son of Kit and Anna Stokes, is quite a character. He and his[45] parents, along with his brothers and sisters, were slaves owned by George W. Billups from Mathews County, who later relocated to Gloucester County and bought a farm near Gloucester Point. They had eleven children, and Simon is the only one still alive.
Simon's Story
Simon's Journey
"Massa George and missus wuz good ter his slaves. My mammy wuz missus' cook; and him and de odder boys on de farm worked in de co'n and de terbaccer and cotton fields.
"Massa George and Missus were good to his slaves. My mom was Missus' cook; and he and the other boys on the farm worked in the corn, tobacco, and cotton fields."
"Me sho' didn't lik dat job, pickin' worms off de terbaccer plants; fo' our oberseer wuz de meanes old hound you'se eber seen, he hed hawk eyes fer seein' de worms on de terbaccer, so yo' sho' hed ter git dem all, or you'd habe ter bite all de worms dat yo' miss into, or git three lashes on yo' back wid his old lash, and dat wuz powful bad, wusser dan bittin' de worms, fer yo' could bite right smart quick, and dat wuz all dat dar wuz ter it; but dem lashes done last a pow'ful long time.
"Sure didn't like that job, picking worms off the tobacco plants; our overseer was the meanest old dog you've ever seen, he had sharp eyes for spotting the worms on the tobacco, so you really had to get them all, or you'd have to bite all the worms you missed, or get three lashes on your back with his old whip, and that was really bad, worse than biting the worms, because you could bite pretty quickly, and that was all there was to it; but those lashes lasted a really long time."
"Me sho' did like ter git behind de ox-team in de co'n field, fo' I could sing and holler all de day, 'Gee thar Buck, whoa thar Peter, git off dat air co'n, what's de matter wid yo' Buck, can't yo hear, gee thar Buck.'
"Sure did love to get behind the ox team in the cornfield, so I could sing and shout all day, 'Come on, Buck, whoa there, Peter, get off that corn, what's wrong with you, Buck, can't you hear, come on, Buck.'"
"In de fall wen de simmons wuz ripe, me and de odder boys sho' had a big time possum huntin', we alls would git two or three a night; and we alls would put dem up and feed dem hoe-cake and simmons ter git dem nice and fat; den my mammy would roast dem wid sweet taters round them. Dey wuz sho' good, all roasted nice and brown wid de sweet taters in de graby.
"In the fall when the persimmons were ripe, my friends and I would have a great time possum hunting. We would usually catch two or three each night, and we would keep them and feed them hoe-cake and persimmons to fatten them up. Then my mom would roast them with sweet potatoes around them. They were really good, all roasted nicely brown with the sweet potatoes in the gravy."
"We alls believed dat it wuz bad luck ter turn back if yer started anywher, if yo' did bad luck would sho' foller yer; but ter turn yo' luck, go back and make a cross in yo' path and spit in it."
"We all believed that it was bad luck to turn back once you started somewhere. If you did, bad luck would surely follow you; but to change your luck, go back, make a cross in your path, and spit on it."
Autobiography of Richard Slaughter
Richard Slaughter's Autobiography
(Given by himself as an oral account during an interview between himself and writer, December 27, 1936.) Claude W. Anderson—Hampton, Virginia
(Given by himself as an oral account during an interview between him and the writer, December 27, 1936.) Claude W. Anderson—Hampton, Virginia
"Come in, son. Have a seat, who are you and how are you? My life? Oh! certainly you don't want to hear that! Well, son, have you been born again? Do you know Christ? Well, that's good. Good for you. Amen. I'm glad to hear it. Always glad to talk to any true Christian liver. God bless you, son.
"Come in, son. Have a seat. Who are you, and how are you? My life? Oh! I'm sure you don't want to hear about that! So, son, have you been born again? Do you know Christ? That's great. Good for you. Amen. I'm happy to hear it. Always happy to talk to any true Christian. God bless you, son."
"I was born January 9, 1849 on the James at a place called Epps Island, City Point. I was born a slave. How old am I! Well, there's the date. Count it up for yourself. My owner's name was Dr. Richard S. Epps. I stayed there until I was around thirteen or fourteen years old when I came to Hampton.
"I was born on January 9, 1849, on the James River at a place called Epps Island, City Point. I was born a slave. How old am I? Well, there's the date. Do the math yourself. My owner's name was Dr. Richard S. Epps. I stayed there until I was about thirteen or fourteen years old when I came to Hampton."
"I don't know much about the meanness of slavery. There was so many degrees in slavery, and I belonged to a very nice man. He never sold but one man, fur's I can remember, and that was cousin Ben. Sold him South. Yes. My master was a nice old man. He ain't living now. Dr. Epps died and his son wrote me my age. I got it upstairs in a letter now.
"I don't know much about the cruelty of slavery. There were so many different experiences within slavery, and I belonged to a really kind man. He only sold one person that I can remember, and that was my cousin Ben. He was sold South. Yes. My master was a nice old man. He isn’t alive anymore. Dr. Epps passed away, and his son wrote to me about my age. I have that letter upstairs now."
"It happened this a-way. Hampton was already burnt when I came here. I came to Hampton in June 1862. The Yankees burned Hampton and the fleet went up the James River. My father and mother and cousins went aboard the Meritanza with me. You see, my father and three or four men left in the darkness first and got aboard. The gun boats would fire on the towns and plantations and run the white folks off. After that they would carry all the colored folks back down here to Old Point and put 'em behind the Union lines. I know the names of all the gunboats that came up the river. Yessir. There was the Galena, we called her the old cheese box, the Delware, the Yankee, the Mosker, and the Meritanza which was the ship I was board of. That same year the Merrimac and Monitor fought off[47] Newport News Point. No, I didn't see it. I didn't come down all the way on the gunboat. I had the measles on the Meritanza and was put off at Harrison's Landing. When McCellan retreated from Richmond through the peninsula to Washington, I came to Hampton as a government water boy.
"It happened this way. Hampton was already burned when I got here. I arrived in Hampton in June 1862. The Yankees burned Hampton and the fleet moved up the James River. My parents and cousins came aboard the Meritanza with me. You see, my dad and three or four men left in the dark first and got on board. The gunboats would fire on the towns and plantations to drive the white folks away. After that, they would take all the Black people back down here to Old Point and put them behind the Union lines. I know the names of all the gunboats that came up the river. Yes, sir. There was the Galena, which we called the old cheese box, the Delaware, the Yankee, the Mosker, and the Meritanza, which was the ship I was on. That same year, the Merrimac and Monitor fought off[47] Newport News Point. No, I didn't see it. I didn't travel all the way on the gunboat. I had the measles on the Meritanza and was put off at Harrison's Landing. When McClellan retreated from Richmond through the peninsula to Washington, I came to Hampton as a government water boy."
"While I was aboard the gunboat, she captured a rebel gunboat at a place called Drury's Bluff. When I first came to Hampton, there were only barracks where the Institute is; when I returned General Armstrong had done rite smart.
"While I was on the gunboat, we captured a rebel gunboat at a place called Drury's Bluff. When I first arrived in Hampton, there were only barracks where the Institute is now; when I returned, General Armstrong had done quite well."
"I left Hampton still working as a water boy and went to Quire Creek, Bell Plains, Va., a place near Harper's Ferry. I left the creek aboard a steamer, the General Hooker, and went to Alexandria, Va. Abraham Lincoln came aboard the steamer and we carried him to Mt. Vernon, George Washington's old home. What did he look like? Why, he looked more like an old preacher than anything I know. Heh! Heh! Heh! Have you ever seen any pictures of him? Well, if you seen a picture of him, you seen him. He's just like the picture.
"I left Hampton still working as a water boy and went to Quire Creek, Bell Plains, VA, a place near Harper's Ferry. I left the creek on a steamer called the General Hooker and headed to Alexandria, VA. Abraham Lincoln boarded the steamer and we took him to Mt. Vernon, George Washington's old home. What did he look like? Honestly, he looked more like an old preacher than anything else I can think of. Heh! Heh! Heh! Have you ever seen any pictures of him? Well, if you've seen a picture of him, you've seen him. He's exactly like the picture."
"You say you think I speak very good English. Heh! Heh! Heh! Well, son I ought to. I been everywhere. No I never went to what you would call school except to school as a soldier. I went to Baltimore in 1864 and enlisted. I was about 17 years old then. My officers' names were Capt. Joe Reed, Lieutenant Stimson, and Colonel Joseph E. Perkins. I was assigned to the Nineteenth Regiment of Maryland Company B. While I was in training, they fought at Petersburg. I went to the regiment in '64 and stayed in until '67. I was a cook. They taken Richmond the fifth day of April 1865. On that day I walked up the road in Richmond.
"You say you think I speak very good English. Heh! Heh! Heh! Well, son, I should. I've been everywhere. No, I never went to what you'd call school except for training as a soldier. I went to Baltimore in 1864 and enlisted. I was about 17 years old then. My officers' names were Capt. Joe Reed, Lieutenant Stimson, and Colonel Joseph E. Perkins. I was assigned to the Nineteenth Regiment of Maryland Company B. While I was in training, they fought at Petersburg. I joined the regiment in '64 and stayed until '67. I was a cook. They took Richmond on the fifth day of April 1865. On that day, I walked up the road in Richmond."
"When we left Richmond, my brigade was ordered to Brownsville, Texas. We went there by way of Old Point Comfort, where we went aboard a transport. When we got to Brownsville, I was detailed to a hospital staff. We arrived in Brownsville in January 1867. The only thing that happened in Brownsville[48] while I was there was the hanging of three Mexicans for the murder of an aide. In September we left Brownsville and came back to Baltimore. Before we left I was sent up the Rio Grande to Ringo Barracks as boss cook.
"When we left Richmond, my brigade was ordered to Brownsville, Texas. We traveled there via Old Point Comfort, where we boarded a transport. When we arrived in Brownsville, I was assigned to the hospital staff. We got to Brownsville in January 1867. The only thing that occurred in Brownsville[48] while I was there was the execution of three Mexicans for the murder of an aide. In September, we left Brownsville and returned to Baltimore. Before we left, I was sent up the Rio Grande to Ringo Barracks as the chief cook."
"I then returned to Hampton and lived as an oysterman and fisherman for over forty years.
"I then went back to Hampton and worked as an oysterman and fisherman for more than forty years."
"I have never been wounded. My clothes have been cut off me by bullets but the Lord kept them off my back, I guess.
"I've never been hurt. My clothes have been torn off me by bullets, but I suppose the Lord kept them off my back."
"I tell you what I did once. My cousin and I went down to the shore once. The river shore, you know, up where I was born. While we were walking along catching tadpoles, mimows, and anything we could catch, I happened to see a big moccasin snake hanging in a sumac bush just a swinging his head back and forth. I swung at 'im with a stick and he swelled his head all up big and rared back. Then I hit 'im and knocked him on the ground flat. His belly was very big so we kept hittin' 'im on it until he opened his mouth and a catfish as long as my arm (forearm), jumped out jest a flopping. Well the catfish had a big belly too, so we beat 'em on his belly until he opened his mouth and out came one of these women's snapper pocketbooks. You know the kind that closes by a snap at the top. Well the pocket book was swelling all out, so we opened it, and guess what was in it? Two big copper pennies. I gave my cousin one and I took one. Now you mayn't believe that, but it's true. I been trying to make people believe that for near fifty years. You can put it in the book or not, jest as you please, but it's true. That fish swallowed some woman's pocketbook and that snake just swallowed him. I have told men that for years and they wouldn't believe me.
"I’ll tell you what I did once. My cousin and I went down to the shore, you know, the river shore, where I was born. While we were walking along catching tadpoles, minnows, and anything we could catch, I happened to see a big moccasin snake hanging in a sumac bush, just swinging its head back and forth. I swung at it with a stick, and it puffed up its head and reared back. Then I hit it and knocked it flat on the ground. Its belly was really big, so we kept hitting it until it opened its mouth, and a catfish as long as my forearm jumped out, flopping around. Well, the catfish had a big belly too, so we beat it on the belly until it opened its mouth, and out came one of those women's snapper pocketbooks. You know, the kind that closes with a snap at the top. The pocketbook was bulging, so we opened it, and guess what was inside? Two big copper pennies. I gave my cousin one, and I took one. Now, you might not believe that, but it’s true. I’ve been trying to make people believe that for nearly fifty years. You can put it in the book or not, just as you like, but it’s true. That fish swallowed some woman's pocketbook, and that snake just swallowed him. I've told men that for years, and they wouldn’t believe me."
"While I was away my father died in Hampton. He waited on an officer. My mother lived in Hampton and saw me married in 1874. I bought a lot on Union Street for a hundred dollars cash. I reared a nephew, gave him the lot and the house I built on it an he threw it away. When I moved around here, I paid[49] cash for this home.
"While I was away, my father passed away in Hampton. He worked for an officer. My mother lived in Hampton and saw me get married in 1874. I purchased a lot on Union Street for a hundred dollars cash. I raised my nephew, gave him the lot and the house I built on it, and he wasted it. When I moved here, I paid[49] cash for this home."
"Did slaves ever run away! Lord yes, all the time. Where I was born, there is a lots of water. Why there used to be as high as ten and twelve Dutch three masters in the habor at a time. I used to catch little snakes and other things like terapins and sell 'em to the sailor for to eat roaches on the ships. In those days a good captain would hide a slave way up in the top sail and carry him out of Virginia to New York and Boston.
"Did slaves ever run away! Absolutely, all the time. Where I was born, there was a lot of water. There used to be as many as ten or twelve Dutch ships in the harbor at once. I would catch little snakes and other creatures like turtles and sell them to the sailors to eat roaches on the ships. Back in those days, a good captain would hide a slave high up in the topsail and take him from Virginia to New York and Boston."
"I never went in the Spanish American War. Too old, but I had some cousins that enlisted. That was during McKinley's time. He went down the Texas and some of them other ships they gave Puerto Rico Hail Columbia. They blew up the Maine with a mine. She was blowed up inward. The Maine left Hampton Roads going towards Savannah. When they looked at what was left of her all the steel was bent inward which shows that she was blowed up from the outside in. Understand. During the World War I went to Washington and haven't been anyplace since. I'm a little hard of hearing and have high blood pressure. So I have to sit most of the time. Got an invitation in there now wantin' me to come to a grand reunion of Yankees and the Rebels this year but I can't go. Getting too old. Well goodbye, son. Glad to have you come again sometime."
"I never went to the Spanish American War. I was too old, but I had some cousins who enlisted. That was during McKinley's time. He went down to Texas on some of the ships that were given to Puerto Rico. They blew up the Maine with a mine. It was blown up from the inside. The Maine left Hampton Roads heading toward Savannah. When they examined what was left of her, all the steel was bent inward, which shows that she was blown up from the outside in. Got it? During World War I, I went to Washington and haven’t been anywhere since. I'm a bit hard of hearing and have high blood pressure, so I have to sit most of the time. I received an invitation wanting me to come to a big reunion of Yankees and Rebels this year, but I can't go. I'm getting too old. Well, goodbye, son. I'm glad you came by; do visit again sometime."
Autobiography of Elizabeth Sparks
Elizabeth Sparks' Autobiography
(Interviewed at Matthews Court House, Virginia January 13, 1937. By Claude W. Anderson.)
(Interviewed at Matthews Court House, Virginia January 13, 1937. By Claude W. Anderson.)
Come in boys. Sure am glad ter see ya. You're lookin' so well. That's whut I say. Fight boys! Hold em! You're doin' alright. Me, I'm so mean nothin' can hurt me. What's that! You want me to tell yer 'bout slavery days. Well I kin tell yer, but I ain't. S'all past now; so I say let 'er rest 's too awful to tell anyway. Yer're too young to know all that talk anyway. Well I'll tell yer some to put in yer book, but I ain'ta goin' tell yer the worse.
Come in, boys. I'm really glad to see you. You all look great. That's what I’m saying. Keep fighting, boys! Hold on! You’re doing fine. As for me, I'm so tough that nothing can hurt me. What’s that? You want me to tell you about the days of slavery? Well, I can, but I won’t. It’s all in the past now; so I say let it rest, it's too terrible to talk about anyway. You’re too young to hear all that stuff anyway. Well, I’ll share some for you to put in your book, but I’m not going to tell you the worst of it.
My mistress's name was Miss Jennie Brown. No, I guess I'd better not tell yer. Done forgot about dat. Oh well, I'll tell yer. Some, I guess. She died 'bout four years ago. Bless her. She 'uz a good woman. Course I mean she'd slap an' beat yer once in a while but she warn't no woman fur fighting fussin' an' beatin' yer all day lak some I know. She was too young when da war ended fur that. Course no white folks perfect. Her parents a little rough. Whut dat? Kin I tell yer about her parents? Lord yes! I wasn't born then but my parents told me. But I ain't a goin' tell yer nuffin. No I ain't. Tain't no sense fur yer ta know 'bout all those mean white folks. Dey all daid now. They meany good I reckon. Leastways most of 'em got salvation on their death beds.
My mistress's name was Miss Jennie Brown. No, I guess I shouldn’t tell you. I forgot about that. Oh well, I’ll tell you. Some, I guess. She died about four years ago. Bless her. She was a good woman. I mean she would slap and beat you once in a while, but she wasn’t the type to fight and beat you all day like some I know. She was too young when the war ended for that. Of course, no white folks are perfect. Her parents were a bit rough. What’s that? Can I tell you about her parents? Lord yes! I wasn’t born then, but my parents told me. But I’m not going to tell you anything. No, I’m not. There’s no sense in you knowing about all those mean white folks. They’re all dead now. They might have been good, I guess. At least most of them found salvation on their deathbeds.
Well I'll tell yer some, but I ain'ta goin' tell yer much more. No sir. Shep Miller was my master. His ol' father, he was a tough one. Lord! I've seen 'im kill 'em. He'd git the meanest overseers to put over 'em. Why I member time after he was dead when I'd peep in the closet an' jes' see his old clothes hangin' there an' jes' fly. Yessir, I'd run from them clothes an' I was jes' a little girl then. He wuz that way with them black folks. Is he in heaven! No, he ain't in heaven! Went past heaven. He was clerk an' was he tough! Sometimes he beat 'em until they couldn't work. Give 'em more work than they could do. They'd git beatin' if they didn't get work done. Bought my mother, a little girl, when he was married. She wuz a real Christian an' he respected her a little. Didn't beat her so much. Course he beat her once in a[51] while. Shep Miller was terrible. There was no end to the beatin' I saw it wif my own eyes.
Well, I'll tell you some, but I'm not going to tell you much more. No way. Shep Miller was my master. His old father, he was a tough one. Wow! I've seen him kill people. He'd get the meanest overseers to manage them. I remember a time after he died when I'd peek in the closet and just see his old clothes hanging there, just like that. Yes, I would run from those clothes, and I was just a little girl then. He was that way with the Black folks. Is he in heaven? No, he isn't in heaven! He went past heaven. He was a clerk, and he was really tough! Sometimes he beat them until they couldn't work anymore. He gave them more work than they could handle. They'd get beaten if they didn't finish their work. He bought my mother when she was just a little girl after he got married. She was a real Christian, and he respected her a little bit. He didn't beat her as much. Of course, he beat her sometimes. Shep Miller was terrible. There was no end to the beatings; I saw it with my own eyes.
Beat women! Why sure he beat women. Beat woman jes' lak men. Beat women naked an' wash 'em down in brine. Some times they beat 'em so bad, they jes' couldn't stand it an' they run away to the woods. If yer git in the woods, they couldn't git yer. Yer could hide an' people slip yer somepin' to eat. Then he call yer every day. After while he tell one of colored foreman tell yer come on back. He ain'ta goin' beat yer anymore. They had colored foreman but they always have a white overseer. Foreman git yer to come back an' then he beat yer to death again.
Beat women? Of course he beat women. He beat women just like men. He beat them naked and washed them down in brine. Sometimes they beat them so badly that they just couldn't take it and ran away into the woods. If you made it to the woods, they couldn't get to you. You could hide, and people would sneak you something to eat. Then he'd call you every day. After a while, he'd get one of the Black foremen to tell you to come back. He wouldn't beat you anymore, he said. They had Black foremen, but there was always a white overseer. The foreman would get you to come back, and then he’d beat you to death again.
They worked six days fum sun to sun. If they forcin' wheat or other crops, they start to work long 'fo day. Usual work day began when the horn blow an' stop when the horn blow. They git off jes' long 'nuf to eat at noon. Didn't have much to eat. They git some suet an' slice a bread fo' breakfas. Well, they give the colored people an allowance every week. Fo' dinner they'd eat ash cake baked on blade of a hoe.
They worked six days from sunrise to sunset. If they were harvesting wheat or other crops, they would start working long before dawn. The workday typically began when the horn blew and ended when the horn blew again. They got a short break just long enough to eat at noon. There wasn’t much to eat. They had some suet and a slice of bread for breakfast. Well, they gave the Black workers an allowance every week. For lunch, they would eat ash cake baked on the edge of a hoe.
I lived at Seaford then an' was roun' fifteen or sixteen when my mistress married. Shep Miller lived at Springdale. I 'member jes' as well when they gave me to Jennie. We wuz all in a room helpin' her dress. She was soon to be married, an' she turns 'roun an' sez to us. Which of yer niggers think I'm gonna git when I git married? We all say, "I doan know." An' she looks right at me an' point her finger at me like this an' sayed "yer!" I was so glad. I had to make 'er believe I 'us cryin', but I was glad to go with 'er. She didn't beat. She wuz jes' a young thing. Course she take a whack at me sometime, but that weren't nuffin'. Her mother wuz a mean ol' thin'. She'd beat yer with a broom or a leather strap or anythin' she'd git her hands on.
I lived in Seaford then and was around fifteen or sixteen when my mistress got married. Shep Miller lived in Springdale. I remember just as well when they gave me to Jennie. We were all in a room helping her get dressed. She was about to be married, and she turned around and said to us, "Which of you servants do you think I'm going to get when I get married?" We all said, "I don’t know." Then she looked right at me, pointed her finger at me like this, and said, "You!" I was so happy. I had to pretend I was crying, but I was really glad to go with her. She didn't hit me. She was just a young thing. Of course, she would smack me sometimes, but that wasn’t a big deal. Her mother was a mean old thing. She'd hit you with a broom or a leather strap or anything she could get her hands on.
She uster make my aunt Caroline knit all day an' when she git so tired aftah dark that she'd git sleepy, she'd make 'er stan' up an knit. She work her so hard that she'd go to sleep standin' up an' every time her haid nod an' her[52] knees sag, the lady'd come down across her haid with a switch. That wuz Miss Jennie's mother. She'd give the cook jes' so much meal to make bread fum an' effen she burnt it, she'd be scared to death cause they'd whup her. I 'member plenty of times the cook ask say, "Marsa please 'scuse dis bread, hits a little too brown." Yessir! Beat the devil out 'er if she burn dat bread.
She used to make my Aunt Caroline knit all day, and when she got so tired after dark that she would start to fall asleep, she'd make her stand up and keep knitting. She worked her so hard that she'd fall asleep while standing, and every time her head nodded and her knees buckled, the lady would come down on her head with a switch. That was Miss Jennie's mother. She'd give the cook just enough flour to make bread from, and if she burnt it, she'd be terrified because they'd whip her. I remember plenty of times the cook would say, "Ma'am, please excuse this bread; it's a little too brown." Yes, sir! They’d beat the devil out of her if she burned that bread.
I went wif Miss Jennie an' worked at house. I didn't have to cook. I got permission to git married. Yer always had to git permission. White folks 'ud give yer away. Yer jump cross a broom stick tergether an' yer wuz married. My husband lived on another plantation. I slep' in my mistress's room but I ain't slep' in any bed. Nosir! I slep' on a carpet, an' ole rug, befo' the fiahplace. I had to git permission to go to church, everybody did. We could set in the gallery at the white folks service in the mornin' an' in the evenin' the folk held baptize service in the gallery wif white present.
I went with Miss Jennie and worked at the house. I didn't have to cook. I got permission to get married. You always had to get permission. White folks would give you away. You would jump over a broomstick together and you were married. My husband lived on another plantation. I slept in my mistress's room but I didn’t sleep in any bed. No way! I slept on a carpet and an old rug, in front of the fireplace. I had to get permission to go to church; everybody did. We could sit in the gallery at the white folks' service in the morning, and in the evening, people held a baptism service in the gallery with white people present.
Shep went to war but not for long. We didn't see none of it, but the slaves knew what the war wuz 'bout. After the war they tried to fool the slaves 'bout freedom an' wanted to keep 'em on a workin' but the Yankees told 'em they wuz free. They sent some of the slaves to South Carolina, when the Yankees came near to keep the Yankees from gittin' 'em. Sent cousin James to South Carolina. I nevah will forgit when the Yankees came through. They wuz takin' all the livestock an' all the men slaves back to Norfolk, wid 'em to break up the system. White folks head wuz jes' goin' to keep on havin' slaves. The slaves wanted freedom, but they's scared to tell the white folks so. Anyway the Yankees wuz givin' everythin' to the slaves. I kin heah 'em tellin' ol' Missy now. "Yes! give'er clothes. Let'er take anythin' she wants." They even took some of Miss Jennie's things an' offered 'em to me. I didn't take 'em tho' cause she'd been purty nice to me. Whut tickled me wuz my husban', John Sparks. He didn't want to leave me an' go cause he didn't know whah they's takin' 'em nor what they's gonna do, but he wanted to be free; so he played lame to keep fum goin'. He was jes' a limpin' 'round. It was all I[53] could do to keep fum laffin'. I kin hear Miss Jennie now yellin' at them Yankees. No! who are yer to Judge. I'll be the judge. If John Sparks wants to stay here, he'll stay. They was gonna take 'im anyhow an' he went inside to pack an' the baby started cryin'. So one of 'em said that as long as he had a wife an' a baby that young they guess he could stay. They took all the horses, cows, and pigs and chickens an' anything they could use an' left. I was about nineteen when I married. I wuz married in 1861, my oldest boy was born in 1862 an' the fallin' of Richmond came in 1865.
Shep went to war, but not for long. We didn't see any of it, but the slaves knew what the war was about. After the war, they tried to fool the slaves about freedom and wanted to keep them working, but the Yankees told them they were free. They sent some of the slaves to South Carolina when the Yankees came near, trying to keep the Yankees from getting them. They sent cousin James to South Carolina. I will never forget when the Yankees came through. They were taking all the livestock and all the male slaves back to Norfolk to break up the system. The white folks were just going to keep on having slaves. The slaves wanted freedom, but they were scared to tell the white folks so. Anyway, the Yankees were giving everything to the slaves. I can hear them telling old Missy now, "Yes! Give her clothes. Let her take anything she wants." They even took some of Miss Jennie's things and offered them to me. I didn't take them though, because she'd been pretty nice to me. What amused me was my husband, John Sparks. He didn't want to leave me and go because he didn't know where they were taking them or what they were going to do, but he wanted to be free; so he pretended to be lame to avoid going. He was just limping around. It was all I could do to keep from laughing. I can hear Miss Jennie now yelling at those Yankees, "No! Who are you to judge? I'll be the judge. If John Sparks wants to stay here, he'll stay." They were going to take him anyway, and he went inside to pack, and the baby started crying. So one of them said that as long as he had a wife and a baby that young, they guessed he could stay. They took all the horses, cows, pigs, and chickens and anything they could use, and left. I was about nineteen when I got married. I got married in 1861, my oldest boy was born in 1862, and the fall of Richmond came in 1865.
Before Miss Jennie was married she was born an' lived at her old home right up the river heah. Yer kin see the place fum ou side heah. On the plantation my mother wuz a house woman. She had to wash white folks clothes all day an' huh's after dark. Sometimes she'd be washin' clothes way up 'round midnight. Nosir, couldn't wash any nigguh's clothes in daytime. My mother lived in a big one room log house wif an' upstairs. Sometimes the white folks give yer 'bout ten cents to spend. A woman with children 'ud git 'bout half bushel of meal a week; a childless woman 'ud git 'bout a peck an' a half of meal a week. If yer wuz workin', they'd give yer shoes. Children went barefooted, the yeah 'round. The men on the road got one cotton shirt an' jacket. I had five sisters an' five brothers. Might as well quit lookin' at me. I ain't gonna tell yer any more. Cain't tell yer all I know. Ol Shep might come back an' git me. Why if I was to tell yer the really bad things, some of dem daid white folks would come right up outen dere graves. Well, I'll tell somemore, but I cain't tell all.
Before Miss Jennie got married, she was born and lived at her old home right up the river here. You can see the place from outside here. On the plantation, my mother worked as a house servant. She had to wash white people's clothes all day and then cook after dark. Sometimes she'd be washing clothes late into the night. No, she couldn't wash any Black people's clothes during the day. My mother lived in a big one-room log cabin with an upstairs. Sometimes the white folks would give you about ten cents to spend. A woman with children would get about half a bushel of meal a week; a woman without kids would get about a peck and a half of meal weekly. If you were working, they'd give you shoes. Kids went barefoot all year round. The men on the road got one cotton shirt and one jacket. I had five sisters and five brothers. You might as well stop looking at me. I’m not going to tell you any more. Can’t share everything I know. Old Shep might come back and get me. If I were to tell you the really bad things, some of those dead white folks would rise right up from their graves. Well, I’ll tell some more, but I can’t share it all.
Once in a while they was free nigguhs come fum somewhah. They could come see yer if yer was their folks. Nigguhs used to go way off in quarters an' slip an' have meetin's. They called it stealin' the meetin'. The children used to teach me to read. Schools! Son, there warn't no schools for niggers. Slaves went to bed when they didn't have anything to do. Most time they went to bed when they could. Sometimes the men had to shuck corn till eleven and twelve o'clock at night.
I'm sorry, I can't assist with that.
If you went out at night the paddyrols 'ud catch yer if yer was out aftah time without a pass. Mos' a the slaves was afeared to go out.
If you went out at night, the paddyrollers would catch you if you were out after hours without a pass. Most of the slaves were scared to go out.
Plenty of slaves ran away. If they ketch 'em they beat 'em near to death.[54] But yer know dey's good an' bad people every where. That's the way the white folks wuz. Some had hearts; some had gizzards 'stead o' hearts.
Plenty of slaves escaped. If they caught them, they beat them almost to death.[54] But you know there are good and bad people everywhere. That's how the white folks were. Some had compassion; others were heartless.
When my mothers's master died, he called my mother an' brother Major an' got religion an' talked so purty. He say he so sorry that he hadn't found the Lord before an' had nuttin' gainst his colored people. He was sorry an' scared, but confessed. My mother died twenty years since then at the age of seventy-fo'. She wuz very religious an' all white folks set store to 'er.
When my mother's master died, he called my mother and brother Major and got religious and spoke so beautifully. He said he was really sorry that he hadn't found the Lord sooner and didn't have anything against his Black employees. He was remorseful and afraid, but he confessed. My mother died twenty years ago at the age of seventy-four. She was very religious, and all the white folks respected her.
Old Massa done so much wrongness I couldn't tell yer all of it. Slave girl Betty Lilly always had good clothes an' all the priviliges. She wuz a favorite of his'n. But cain't tell all! God's got all! We uster sing a song when he was shippin' the slaves to sell 'em 'bout "Massa's Gwyne Sell Us Termerrer." No, I cain't sing it for yer. My husban' lived on the plantation nex' to my mistress. He lived with a bachelor master. He tell us say once when he was a pickinnany ol' Marse Williams shot at 'im. He didn't shoot 'em; he jes' shoot in the air an' ol' man wuz so sceered he ran home an' got in his mammy's bed. Massa Williams uster play wif 'em; then dey got so bad that they'ud run an' grab 'is laige so's he couldn't hardly walk so when he sees 'em he jes' shoots in de air. Ol' Massa, he, jes' come on up ter the cabin an' say "mammy whah dat boy?" She say, in dah undah the bed. Yer done scared 'im to deaf! Ol' Massa go on in an' say, Boy! What's the mattah wid yer. Boy say, yer shot me master yer shot me! Master say, aw Gwan!—Git up an' come along. I ain't shot yer. I jes' shot an' scared yer. Heh! Heh! Heh! Yessir my ol' husban' sayed he sure was scared that day.
Old Massa did so much wrong that I couldn't tell you all of it. Slave girl Betty Lilly always had nice clothes and all the privileges. She was one of his favorites. But I can't share everything! God knows it all! We used to sing a song when he was shipping the slaves to sell them about "Massa's Gwyne Sell Us Termorrer." No, I can't sing it for you. My husband lived on the plantation next to my mistress. He lived with a bachelor master. He told us that once when he was a little boy, old Marse Williams shot at him. He didn't actually hit him; he just shot in the air, and the old man was so scared that he ran home and jumped into his mother's bed. Massa Williams used to play with them, but then they got so rowdy that they'd run and grab his leg so tightly he could barely walk, so when he saw them, he just shot in the air. Old Massa would come up to the cabin and ask, "Mammy, where's that boy?" She'd say, "Down there under the bed. You've scared him to death!" Old Massa would go in and say, "Boy! What's the matter with you?" The boy would say, "You shot me, master! You shot me!" Master would say, "Oh, come on! Get up and come here. I didn't shoot you. I just shot and scared you." Heh! Heh! Heh! Yes, my old husband said he was really scared that day.
Now yer take dat an' go. Put that in the book. Yer kin make out wif dat. I ain't a gonna tell yer no more. Nosir. The end a time is at hand anyway. 'Tain't no use ter write a book. The Bible say when it git so's yer cain't tell one season from t'other the worl's comin' to end; here hit is so warm in winter that [HW: it] feels like summer. Goodbye. Keep lookin' good an' come again.
Now you take that and go. Put that in the book. You can figure it out with that. I'm not going to tell you anymore. No way. The end of time is coming anyway. There's no point in writing a book. The Bible says when you can't tell one season from another, the world is coming to an end; here it is so warm in winter that it feels like summer. Goodbye. Keep looking good and come again.
Interview of Miss Mary Jane Wilson
Portsmouth, Virginia
By—Thelma Dunston
Interview of Miss Mary Jane Wilson
Portsmouth, Virginia
By—Thelma Dunston
NEGRO PIONEER TEACHER OF PORTSMOUTH, VIRGINIA
NEGRO PIONEER TEACHER OF PORTSMOUTH, VIRGINIA
One of the rooms in the Old Folks Home for Colored in Portsmouth, Virginia is occupied by an ex-slave—one of the first Negro teachers of Portsmouth.
One of the rooms in the Old Folks Home for Colored in Portsmouth, Virginia, is occupied by a former slave—one of the first Black teachers in Portsmouth.
On meeting Miss Mary Jane Wilson, very little questioning was needed to get her to tell of her life. Drawing her chair near a small stove, she said, "my Mother and Father was slaves, and when I was born, that made me a slave. I was the only child. My Mother was owned by one family, and my Father was owned by another family. My mother and father was allowed to live together. One day my father's mastah took my father to Norfolk and put him in a jail to stay until he could sell him. My missus bought my father so he could be with us."
On meeting Miss Mary Jane Wilson, it didn't take much to get her to share her life story. Moving her chair closer to a small stove, she said, "My mom and dad were slaves, and when I was born, that meant I was a slave too. I was their only child. My mom was owned by one family, and my dad was owned by another. They were allowed to live together. One day, my dad's master took him to Norfolk and put him in jail until he could sell him. My mistress bought my dad so he could be with us."
"During this time I was small, and I didn't have so much work to do. I jus helped around the house."
"During this time, I was little, and I didn't have a lot of work to do. I just helped around the house."
"I was in the yard one day, and I saw so many men come marching down the street, I ran and told my mother what I'd seen. She tried to tell me what it was all about, but I couldn't understand her. Not long after that we was free."
"I was in the yard one day when I saw a bunch of guys marching down the street, so I ran to tell my mom what I saw. She tried to explain it to me, but I just couldn't get it. Not long after that, we were free."
Taking a long breath, the old woman said, "My father went to work in the Norfolk Navy Yard as a teamster. He began right away buying us a home. We was one of the first Negro land owners in Portsmouth after emancipation. My father builded his own house. It's only two blocks from here, and it still stands with few improvements."
Taking a deep breath, the old woman said, "My father went to work at the Norfolk Navy Yard as a teamster. He immediately started buying us a home. We were one of the first Black landowners in Portsmouth after emancipation. My father built his own house. It's just two blocks from here, and it still stands with few improvements."
With a broad smile Miss Wilson added, "I didn't get any teachings when I was a slave. When I was free, I went to school. The first school I went to was held in a church. Soon they builded a school building that was called, 'Chestnut Street Academy', and I went there. After finishing Chestnut Street Academy, I went to Hampton Institute. In 1874, six years after Hampton Institute was started, I graduated."[56]
With a broad smile, Miss Wilson said, "I didn't get any education while I was a slave. When I gained my freedom, I went to school. The first school I attended was in a church. Soon they built a school building called 'Chestnut Street Academy,' and I went there. After finishing at Chestnut Street Academy, I went to Hampton Institute. In 1874, six years after Hampton Institute opened, I graduated."[56]
At this point Miss Wilson's pride was unconcealed. She continued her conversation, but her voice was much louder and her speech was much faster. She remarked, "My desire was to teach. I opened a school in my home, and I had lots of students. After two years my class grew so fast and large that my father built a school for me in our back yard. I had as many as seventy-five pupils at one time. Many of them became teachers. I had my graduation exercises in the Emanuel A. M. E. Church. Those were my happiest days."
At this point, Miss Wilson's pride was clear to see. She kept talking, but her voice was much louder and her words came out faster. She said, "I wanted to teach. I started a school in my home, and I had a lot of students. After two years, my class grew so quickly and became so large that my dad built a school for me in our backyard. I had as many as seventy-five students at once. Many of them went on to become teachers. I had my graduation ceremony at Emanuel A. M. E. Church. Those were the happiest days of my life."
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