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THE SCIENCE SERIES
F.E. Beddard, M.A., F.R.S.
1. The Study of Man. By A. C. Haddon.
1. The Study of Man. By A.C. Haddon.
2. The Groundwork of Science. By St. George Mivart.
2. The Groundwork of Science. By St. George Mivart.
3. Rivers of North America. By Israel C. Russell.
3. Rivers of North America. By Israel C. Russell.
4. Earth Sculpture, or; The Origin of Land Forms. By James Geikie.
4. Earth Sculpture, or; The Origin of Land Forms. By James Geikie.
5. Volcanoes; Their Structure and Significance. By T. G. Bonney.
5. Volcanoes: Their Structure and Importance. By T.G. Bonney.
6. Bacteria. By George Newman.
6. Bacteria. By George Newman.
7. A Book of Whales. By F. E. Beddard.
7. A Book of Whales. By F.E. Beddard.
8. Comparative Physiology of the Brain, etc. By Jacques Loeb.
8. Comparative Physiology of the Brain, etc. By Jacques Loeb.
9. The Stars. By Simon Newcomb.
9. The Stars. By Simon Newcomb.
10. The Basis of Social Relations. By Daniel G. Brinton.
10. The Basis of Social Relations. By Daniel G. Brinton.
11. Experiments on Animals. By Stephen Paget.
11. Animal Experiments. By Stephen Paget.
12. Infection and Immunity. By George M. Sternberg.
12. Infection and Immunity. By George M. Sternberg.
13. Fatigue. By A. Mosso.
13. Tiredness. By A. Mosso.
14. Earthquakes. By Clarence E. Dutton.
14. Earthquakes. By Clarence E. Dutton.
15. The Nature of Man. By Élie Metchnikoff.
15. The Nature of Man. By Élie Metchnikoff.
16. Nervous and Mental Hygiene in Health and Disease. By August Forel.
16. Nervous and Mental Hygiene in Health and Disease. By August Forel.
17. The Prolongation of Life. By Élie Metchnikoff.
17. The Prolongation of Life. By Élie Metchnikoff.
18. The Solar System. By Charles Lane Poor.
18. The Solar System. By Charles Lane Poor.
19. Heredity. By J. Arthur Thompson, M.A.
19. Heredity. By J. Arthur Thompson, M.A.
20. Climate. By Robert DeCourcy Ward.
20. Climate. By Robert DeCourcy Ward.
21. Age, Growth, and Death. By Charles S. Minot.
21. Age, Growth, and Death. By Charles S. Minot.
22. The Interpretation of Nature. By C. Lloyd Morgan.
22. The Interpretation of Nature. By C. Lloyd Morgan.
23. Mosquito Life. By Evelyn Groesbeeck Mitchell.
23. Mosquito Life. By Evelyn Groesbeeck Mitchell.
24. Thinking, Feeling, Doing. By E. W. Scripture.
24. Thinking, Feeling, Doing. By E. W. Scripture.
25. The World's Gold. By L. de Launay.
25. The World's Gold. By L. de Launay.
26. The Interpretation of Radium. By F. Soddy.
26. The Interpretation of Radium. By F. Soddy.
27. Criminal Man. By Cesare Lombroso.
27. Criminal Man. By Cesare Lombroso.
The Science Series
CRIMINAL MAN

CRIMINAL MAN
ACCORDING TO THE CLASSIFICATION OF
CESARE LOMBROSO
BRIEFLY SUMMARISED BY HIS DAUGHTER
GINA LOMBROSO-FERRERO
WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
CESARE LOMBROSO
ILLUSTRATED
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK AND LONDON
The Knickerbocker Press
1911
Copyright, 1911
BY
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
The Knickerbocker Press, New York
CONTENTS
PART I.—THE CRIMINAL WORLD | ||
CHAPTER I | PAGE | |
The Born Offender | 3 | |
Classical and modern schools of penal jurisprudence—Physical anomalies of the born criminal—Senses and functions—Psychology—Intellectual manifestations—The criminal in proverbial sayings. | ||
CHAPTER II | ||
The Born Criminal and His Connection to Moral Insanity and Epilepsy | 52 | |
Identity of born criminals and the morally insane—Analogy of physical and psychic characters, origin and development—Epilepsy—Multiformity of disease—Equivalence of certain forms to criminality—Physical and psychic characters—Cases of moral insanity with latent epileptic phenomena. | ||
CHAPTER III | ||
The Unhinged Criminal | 74 | |
General forms of criminal insanity, imbecility, melancholia, general paralysis, dementia, monomania—Physical and psychic characters of the mentally deranged—Special forms of criminal insanity—Inebriate lunatics from inebriation—Physical and psychic characters—Specific crimes—Epileptic lunatics—Manifestations—Hysterical lunatics—Physical and functional characters—Psychology. | ||
[Pg iv] | ||
CHAPTER IV | ||
Criminals | 100 | |
Psychology—Tardy adoption of criminal career—Repentance—Confession—Moral sense and affections—Habitual criminals—Juridical criminals—Criminals of passion. | ||
PART II.—CRIME, ITS ORIGIN, CAUSE, AND CURE | ||
CHAPTER I | ||
Causes and Origins of Crime | 125 | |
Atavistic origin of crime—Criminality in children—Pathological origin of crime—Direct and indirect heredity—Illnesses, intoxications, and traumatism—Alcoholism—Social causes of crime—Education and environment—Atmospheric and climatic influences—Density of population—Imitation—Immigration—Prison life—Economic conditions—Sex—Age. | ||
CHAPTER II | ||
Crime Prevention | 153 | |
Preventive institutions for children and young people—Homes for orphans and destitute children—Colonies for unruly youths—Institutions for assisting adults—Salvation Army. | ||
CHAPTER III | ||
Methods for the Prevention and Control of Crime | 175 | |
Juvenile offenders—Children's Courts—Institutions for female offenders—Minor offenders, criminals of passion, political offenders, and criminaloids—Probation system and indeterminate sentence—Reformatories—Penitentiaries—Institutes for habitual criminals—Penal colonies—Institutions for born criminals and the morally insane—Asylums for insane criminals—Capital punishment—Symbiosis. | ||
[Pg v] | ||
PART III.—CHARACTERS AND TYPES OF CRIMINALS | ||
CHAPTER I | ||
Criminal Investigation | 219 | |
Antecedents and psychology—Methods of testing intelligence and emotions—Morbid phenomena—Speech, memory, and handwriting—Clothing—Physical examination—Tests of sensibility and senses—Excretions—Table of anthropological examination of criminals and the insane. | ||
CHAPTER II | ||
Summary of Main Types of Crime to Help Differentiate between Criminals and the Mentally Ill and in Identifying Faked Insanity | 258 | |
A few cases showing the practical application of criminal anthropology. | ||
APPENDIX | ||
Works of Cesare Lombroso (Summarized) | ||
I. | The Genius Man | 283 |
II. | Criminal Individual | 288 |
III. | The Woman Criminal. (In Collaboration with Guglielmo Ferrero.) | 291 |
IV. | Political crime. (In Collaboration with Rodolfo Laschi.) | 294 |
V. | Too Early: A Criticism of the New Italian Penal Code | 298 |
VI. | Prison Overwrites: Studies in Prison Inscriptions | 300 |
VII. | Old and New Crimes | 302 |
VIII. | Legal Psychiatry Diagnostic Methods | 303 |
IX. | Anarchists | 305 |
X. | Legal Medicine Lectures | 307 |
XI. | Recent Discoveries in Psychiatry and Criminal Anthropology and Their Practical Applications | 309 |
[Pg vi] | ||
Bibliography of the Major Works of Cesare Lombroso | 310 | |
Index | 315 |
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE | ||
Fig. 1. | Occipital Fossette | 6 |
Fig. 2. | Skull Design | 11 |
Fig. 3. | Skull Structure | 11 |
Fig. 4. | Criminal Division Chief | 16 |
Fig. 5. | Head of Criminal Justice | 16 |
Fig. 6. | Layers of the Front Area | 23 |
Fig. 7. | Figures Created in Prison. Killing of an Unconscious Victim | 32 |
Fig. 8. | Crucifix Dagger | 32 |
Fig. 9. | Water bottles | 42 |
Fig. 10. | Drawings in Script. Found by De Blasio | 44 |
Fig. 11. | Alphabet. Discovered by De Blasio | 45 |
Fig. 12. | Boy is morally insane. | 56 |
Fig. 13. | Boy Morally Unstable | 56 |
Fig. 14. | A Boy with Epilepsy | 60 |
[Pg viii]Fig. 15. | Fernando. Has epilepsy. | 60 |
Fig. 16. | Italian Criminal: A Case of Alcoholism | 82 |
Fig. 17. | Criminals' Signatures | 163 |
Fig. 18. | Criminal Girl | 114 |
Fig. 19. | The Bandit Salomone | 114 |
Fig. 20. | Gangster Gasparone | 166 |
Fig. 21. | Caserio the Bandit | 120 |
Fig. 22. | Terra-cotta Bowls. Created by a Criminal | 134 |
Fig. 23. | Art Made in Prison | 136 |
Fig. 24. | A Fight between Bandits and Police Officers. Created by a Criminal | 136 |
Fig. 25. | A 3D Glove | 224 |
Fig. 26. | Criminal Leader. Epileptic | 224 |
Fig. 27. | Anton Otto Krauser. Apache | 236 |
Fig. 28. | A Criminal's Hearing | 224 |
Fig. 29. | Anthropometer | 237 |
Fig. 30. | Anfossi Craniograph | 238 |
Fig. 31. | Pelvimeter | 239 |
Fig. 32. | Skull Diagram | 241 |
[Pg ix]Fig. 33. | Skull Diagram | 241 |
Fig. 34. | Sensory testing device | 245 |
Fig. 35. | Pain measurement tool | 248 |
Fig. 36. | Landolt Campimeter (Modified) | 248 |
Fig. 37. | Diagram of Normal Vision | 250 |
Fig. 38. | Dynamometer | 253 |
Fig. 39. | Italian Crime Boss | 254 |
INTRODUCTION
BY CESARE LOMBROSO
[Professor Lombroso was able before his death to give his personal attention to the volume prepared by his daughter and collaborator, Gina Lombroso Ferrero (wife of the distinguished historian), in which is presented a summary of the conclusions reached in the great treatise by Lombroso on the causes of criminality and the treatment of criminals. The preparation of the introduction to this volume was the last literary work which the distinguished author found it possible to complete during his final illness.]
[Professor Lombroso was able before his death to give his personal attention to the volume prepared by his daughter and collaborator, Gina Lombroso Ferrero (wife of the distinguished historian), which presents a summary of the conclusions reached in Lombroso's comprehensive work on the causes of criminal behavior and the treatment of offenders. The preparation of the introduction to this volume was the last piece of writing that the respected author managed to finish during his final illness.]
It will, perhaps, be of interest to American readers of this book, in which the ideas of the Modern Penal School, set forth in my work, Criminal Man, have been so pithily summed up by my daughter, to learn how the first outlines of this science arose in my mind and gradually took shape in a definite work—how, that is, combated by some, the object of almost fanatical adherence on the part of others, especially in America, where tradition has little hold, the Modern Penal School came into being.
It might be of interest to American readers of this book, where my daughter has succinctly summarized the ideas of the Modern Penal School from my work, Criminal Man, to learn how the initial concepts of this field developed in my mind and eventually formed a cohesive body of work—how, despite facing opposition from some, it gained almost fanatical support from others, particularly in America, where tradition has less influence, leading to the emergence of the Modern Penal School.
On consulting my memory and the documents relating to my studies on this subject, I find that its two fundamental ideas—that, for instance, which[Pg xii] claims as an essential point the study not of crime in the abstract, but of the criminal himself, in order adequately to deal with the evil effects of his wrong-doing, and that which classifies the congenital criminal as an anomaly, partly pathological and partly atavistic, a revival of the primitive savage—did not suggest themselves to me instantaneously under the spell of a single deep impression, but were the offspring of a series of impressions. The slow and almost unconscious association of these first vague ideas resulted in a new system which, influenced by its origin, has preserved in all its subsequent developments the traces of doubt and indecision, the marks of the travail which attended its birth.
Reflecting on my memory and the documents related to my studies on this topic, I realize that its two main ideas—that, for example, which[Pg xii] argues as a key point, the focus should be on the criminal rather than on crime itself, in order to effectively address the negative consequences of their actions, and the one that categorizes the congenital criminal as an anomaly, partly due to pathology and partly due to atavism, a throwback to primitive savagery—didn't come to me all at once from a single strong impression. Instead, they emerged from a series of impressions. The gradual and almost subconscious connection of these initial vague ideas led to a new system that, influenced by its origins, has retained in all its later developments signs of uncertainty and hesitation, as well as the marks of the struggle that accompanied its creation.
The first idea came to me in 1864, when, as an army doctor, I beguiled my ample leisure with a series of studies on the Italian soldier. From the very beginning I was struck by a characteristic that distinguished the honest soldier from his vicious comrade: the extent to which the latter was tattooed and the indecency of the designs that covered his body. This idea, however, bore no fruit.
The first idea came to me in 1864, when I was an army doctor and spent my free time studying the Italian soldier. Right from the start, I noticed a quality that set the honest soldier apart from his corrupt fellow: the degree to which the latter was tattooed and the indecency of the designs that covered his body. Unfortunately, this idea didn’t lead to anything.
The second inspiration came to me when on one occasion, amid the laughter of my colleagues, I sought to base the study of psychiatry on experimental methods. When in '66, fresh from the atmosphere of clinical experiment, I had begun to study psychi[Pg xiii]atry, I realised how inadequate were the methods hitherto held in esteem, and how necessary it was, in studying the insane, to make the patient, not the disease, the object of attention. In homage to these ideas, I applied to the clinical examination of cases of mental alienation the study of the skull, with measurements and weights, by means of the esthesiometer and craniometer. Reassured by the result of these first steps, I sought to apply this method to the study of criminals—that is, to the differentiation of criminals and lunatics, following the example of a few investigators, such as Thomson and Wilson; but as at that time I had neither criminals nor moral imbeciles available for observation (a remarkable circumstance since I was to make the criminal my starting-point), and as I was skeptical as to the existence of those "moral lunatics" so much insisted on by both French and English authors, whose demonstrations, however, showed a lamentable lack of precision, I was anxious to apply the experimental method to the study of the diversity, rather than the analogy, between lunatics, criminals, and normal individuals. Like him, however, whose lantern lights the road for others, while he himself stumbles in the darkness, this method proved useless for determining the differences between criminals and lunatics, but served instead to[Pg xiv] indicate a new method for the study of penal jurisprudence, a matter to which I had never given serious thought. I began dimly to realise that the a priori studies on crime in the abstract, hitherto pursued by jurists, especially in Italy, with singular acumen, should be superseded by the direct analytical study of the criminal, compared with normal individuals and the insane.
The second inspiration came to me when, one day, surrounded by the laughter of my colleagues, I aimed to ground the study of psychiatry on experimental methods. In '66, fresh from a clinical experiment environment, I began studying psychiatry and realized how inadequate the previously respected methods were. I understood that in studying the insane, it was crucial to focus on the patient rather than the disease itself. In honor of these ideas, I applied the study of the skull, including measurements and weights, to the clinical examination of cases of mental illness, using tools like the esthesiometer and craniometer. Encouraged by the outcomes of these initial efforts, I sought to use this approach in studying criminals—specifically to differentiate between criminals and the mentally ill—following the lead of a few researchers like Thomson and Wilson. However, I found myself without access to either criminals or moral imbeciles for observation (a notable situation since I aimed to start from the criminal perspective), and I was doubtful about the existence of those "moral lunatics" emphasized by both French and English authors, whose arguments showed a troubling lack of accuracy. I was eager to apply the experimental method to explore the differences, rather than the similarities, between the insane, criminals, and normal individuals. Yet, like someone whose lantern brightens the path for others while they stumble in darkness, this method ended up being unhelpful in distinguishing criminals from the mentally ill. Instead, it pointed to a new approach for studying penal law, a subject I had never seriously considered before. I began to vaguely realize that the abstract studies on crime previously conducted by legal scholars, especially in Italy, with notable insight, should be replaced by direct analytical studies of criminals, as compared to normal individuals and the insane.
I, therefore, began to study criminals in the Italian prisons, and, amongst others, I made the acquaintance of the famous brigand Vilella. This man possessed such extraordinary agility, that he had been known to scale steep mountain heights bearing a sheep on his shoulders. His cynical effrontery was such that he openly boasted of his crimes. On his death one cold grey November morning, I was deputed to make the post-mortem, and on laying open the skull I found on the occipital part, exactly on the spot where a spine is found in the normal skull, a distinct depression which I named median occipital fossa, because of its situation precisely in the middle of the occiput as in inferior animals, especially rodents. This depression, as in the case of animals, was correlated with the hypertrophy of the vermis, known in birds as the middle cerebellum.
I started studying criminals in Italian prisons, and among them, I met the famous bandit Vilella. This guy had such amazing agility that he was known to climb steep mountains while carrying a sheep on his shoulders. His brazen confidence was incredible; he openly bragged about his crimes. When he died one cold, gray November morning, I was assigned to perform the post-mortem, and when I opened up the skull, I found a distinct depression on the back of the skull, exactly where the spine is located in a normal skull. I named this median occipital fossa because it was positioned right in the middle of the occiput, similar to what is seen in lower animals, particularly rodents. This depression, like in animals, was linked to the enlargement of the vermis, referred to in birds as the middle cerebellum.
This was not merely an idea, but a revelation. At the sight of that skull, I seemed to see all of a[Pg xv] sudden, lighted up as a vast plain under a flaming sky, the problem of the nature of the criminal—an atavistic being who reproduces in his person the ferocious instincts of primitive humanity and the inferior animals. Thus were explained anatomically the enormous jaws, high cheek-bones, prominent superciliary arches, solitary lines in the palms, extreme size of the orbits, handle-shaped or sessile ears found in criminals, savages, and apes, insensibility to pain, extremely acute sight, tattooing, excessive idleness, love of orgies, and the irresistible craving for evil for its own sake, the desire not only to extinguish life in the victim, but to mutilate the corpse, tear its flesh, and drink its blood.
This wasn't just an idea; it was a breakthrough. When I saw that skull, everything suddenly became clear, like a vast plain under a fiery sky. It illuminated the issue of what makes a criminal—someone who embodies the brutal instincts of primitive humans and lower animals. This explained, from an anatomical perspective, the huge jaws, high cheekbones, prominent brow ridges, unique lines in the palms, oversized eye sockets, ear shapes found in criminals, savages, and apes, lack of sensitivity to pain, sharp eyesight, tattoos, extreme laziness, a love for wild parties, and an uncontrollable desire for evil for its own sake—the urge not just to take life from the victim but to mutilate the body, tear its flesh, and drink its blood.
I was further encouraged in this bold hypothesis by the results of my studies on Verzeni, a criminal convicted of sadism and rape, who showed the cannibalistic instincts of primitive anthropophagists and the ferocity of beasts of prey.
I was also motivated in this bold theory by the results of my studies on Verzeni, a criminal convicted of sadism and rape, who displayed the cannibalistic instincts of early human eaters and the brutality of predatory animals.
The various parts of the extremely complex problem of criminality were, however, not all solved hereby. The final key was given by another case, that of Misdea, a young soldier of about twenty-one, unintelligent but not vicious. Although subject to epileptic fits, he had served for some years in the army when suddenly, for some trivial cause, he attacked and killed eight of his superior officers and[Pg xvi] comrades. His horrible work accomplished, he fell into a deep slumber, which lasted twelve hours and on awaking appeared to have no recollection of what had happened. Misdea, while representing the most ferocious type of animal, manifested, in addition, all the phenomena of epilepsy, which appeared to be hereditary in all the members of his family. It flashed across my mind that many criminal characteristics not attributable to atavism, such as facial asymmetry, cerebral sclerosis, impulsiveness, instantaneousness, the periodicity of criminal acts, the desire of evil for evil's sake, were morbid characteristics common to epilepsy, mingled with others due to atavism.
The different aspects of the very complicated issue of criminality weren't completely resolved by this. The final piece was revealed by another case, that of Misdea, a young soldier around twenty-one years old, who was not very smart but not malevolent either. Despite having epileptic seizures, he had served in the army for several years when, suddenly, over something trivial, he attacked and killed eight of his superior officers and[Pg xvi] fellow soldiers. After committing this horrific act, he fell into a deep sleep that lasted twelve hours and, upon waking, seemed to have no memory of what had occurred. Misdea embodied the most brutal type of creature, and in addition, exhibited all the symptoms of epilepsy, which seemed to be hereditary in his family. It occurred to me that many criminal traits not linked to ancestral instincts, such as facial asymmetry, cerebral sclerosis, impulsiveness, spontaneity, the regularity of criminal behavior, and the inclination toward evil for its own sake, were pathological traits associated with epilepsy, combined with others due to ancestral instincts.
Thus were traced the first clinical outlines of my work which had hitherto been entirely anthropological. The clinical outlines confirmed the anthropological contours, and vice versâ; for the greatest criminals showed themselves to be epileptics, and, on the other hand, epileptics manifested the same anomalies as criminals. Finally, it was shown that epilepsy frequently reproduced atavistic characteristics, including even those common to lower animals.
Thus were outlined the initial clinical aspects of my work, which until now had been purely anthropological. The clinical aspects reinforced the anthropological features, and vice versa; the most notorious criminals turned out to be epileptics, while epileptics exhibited the same abnormalities as criminals. Ultimately, it was demonstrated that epilepsy often brought back primitive traits, including some that are even found in lower animals.
That synthesis which mighty geniuses have often succeeded in creating by one inspiration (but at the risk of errors, for a genius is only human and in[Pg xvii] many cases more fallacious than his fellow-men) was deduced by me gradually from various sources—the study of the normal individual, the lunatic, the criminal, the savage, and finally the child. Thus, by reducing the penal problem to its simplest expression, its solution was rendered easier, just as the study of embryology has in a great measure solved the apparently strange and mysterious riddle of teratology.
That combination that brilliant minds have often managed to create in a moment of inspiration (though not without mistakes, because a genius is still human and in[Pg xvii] many cases more deluded than others) was developed by me gradually from various sources—the study of the typical person, the insane, the criminal, the primitive, and finally the child. By breaking down the issue of punishment to its most basic form, its solution became simpler, just like how studying embryology has largely clarified the apparently strange and mysterious puzzle of teratology.
But these attempts would have been sterile, had not a solid phalanx of jurists, Russian, German, Hungarian, Italian, and American, fertilised the germ by correcting hasty and one-sided conclusions, suggesting opportune reforms and applications, and, most important of all, applying my ideas on the offender to his individual and social prophylaxis and cure.
But these attempts would have been unproductive if it weren't for a strong group of legal experts from Russia, Germany, Hungary, Italy, and America, who refined the initial ideas by addressing rushed and biased conclusions, proposing timely reforms and applications, and, most importantly, applying my concepts about the offender to their individual and social prevention and treatment.
Enrico Ferri was the first to perceive that the congenital epileptoid criminal did not form a single species, and that if this class was irretrievably doomed to perdition, crime in others was only a brief spell of insanity, determined by circumstances, passion, or illness. He established new types—the occasional criminal and the criminal by passion,—and transformed the basis of the penal code by asking if it were more just to make laws obey facts instead of altering facts to suit the laws, solely[Pg xviii] in order to avoid troubling the placidity of those who refused to consider this new element in the scientific field. Therefore, putting aside those abstract formulæ for which high talents have panted in vain, like the thirsty traveller at the sight of the desert mirage, the advocates of the Modern School came to the conclusion that sentences should show a decrease in infamy and ferocity proportionate to the increase in length and social safety. In lieu of infamy they substituted a longer period of segregation, and for cases in which alienists were unable to decide between criminality and insanity, they advocated an intermediate institution, in which merciful treatment and social security were alike considered. They also emphasised the importance of certain measures which hitherto had been universally regarded as a pure abstraction or an unattainable desideratum—measures for the prevention of crime by tracing it to its source, divorce laws to diminish adultery, legislation of an anti-alcoholistic tendency to prevent crimes of violence, associations for destitute children, and co-operative associations to check the tendency to theft. Above all, they insisted on those regulations—unfortunately fallen into disuse—which indemnify the victim at the expense of the aggressor, in order that society, having suffered once for the crime, should not be obliged to suffer pecuniarily[Pg xix] for the detention of the offender, solely in homage to a theoretical principle that no one believes in, according to which prison is a kind of baptismal font in whose waters sin of all kinds is washed away.
Enrico Ferri was the first to recognize that criminals with congenital epileptoid tendencies didn't form a single category, and while this group might be irrevocably doomed, crime in others was often just a temporary bout of insanity caused by circumstances, passion, or illness. He identified new types—occasional criminals and criminals driven by passion—and changed the foundation of the penal code by questioning whether it was more just to create laws that reflected reality rather than attempting to reshape reality to fit the laws, solely[Pg xviii] to maintain the comfort of those unwilling to engage with this new scientific perspective. Thus, setting aside the abstract theories that brilliant minds have pursued in vain, like a thirsty traveler deceived by a mirage in the desert, the advocates of the Modern School concluded that sentences should reduce stigma and brutality in proportion to the increase in duration and societal safety. Instead of stigma, they suggested longer periods of confinement, and for cases where psychiatrists couldn't determine whether someone was criminal or insane, they proposed an intermediate facility that balanced compassionate care with social safety. They also highlighted the importance of certain initiatives that had previously been seen as mere abstractions or unrealistic goals—initiatives aimed at preventing crime by addressing its root causes, divorce laws to reduce adultery, anti-alcohol legislation to help curb violent crimes, groups for destitute children, and cooperative associations to combat theft. Above all, they stressed the need for regulations—sadly no longer in practice—that would compensate victims at the cost of the aggressor, so that society wouldn't bear the financial burden of detaining the offender, merely to uphold a theoretical principle that no one truly believes in, which suggests that prison serves as a place where all sins are washed away.
Thus the edifice of criminal anthropology, circumscribed at first, gradually extended its walls and embraced special studies on homicide, political crime, crimes connected with the banking world, crimes by women, etc.
Thus the framework of criminal anthropology, initially limited, gradually expanded its boundaries to include specialized studies on homicide, political crimes, crimes related to the banking sector, crimes committed by women, and more.
But the first stone had been scarcely laid when from all quarters of Europe arose those calumnies and misrepresentations which always follow in the train of audacious innovations. We were accused of wishing to proclaim the impunity of crime, of demanding the release of all criminals, of refusing to take into account climatic and racial influences and of asserting that the criminal is a slave eternally chained to his instincts; whereas the Modern School, on the contrary, gave a powerful impetus to the labors of statisticians and sociologists on these very matters. This is clearly shown in the third volume of Criminal Man, which contains a summary of the ideas of modern criminologists and my own.
But the first stone had just been laid when all across Europe, accusations and misrepresentations sprang up, as they always do with bold new ideas. We were charged with wanting to excuse crime, demanding the freedom of all criminals, ignoring climate and racial influences, and claiming that criminals are forever trapped by their instincts; while the Modern School, on the other hand, gave a strong boost to the work of statisticians and sociologists on these very issues. This is clearly illustrated in the third volume of Criminal Man, which summarizes the views of modern criminologists, including my own.
One nation, however—America,—gave a warm and sympathetic reception to the ideas of the Modern School which they speedily put into practice, with the brilliant results shown by the Reformatory at[Pg xx] Elmira, the Probation System, Juvenile Courts, and the George Junior Republic. They also initiated the practice, now in general use, of anthropological co-operation in every criminal trial of importance.
One nation, though—America—welcomed the ideas of the Modern School with open arms and quickly put them into action, resulting in the impressive outcomes demonstrated by the Reformatory at[Pg xx] Elmira, the Probation System, Juvenile Courts, and the George Junior Republic. They also started the now widely used practice of involving anthropological cooperation in all major criminal trials.
For this reason, and in view of the fact that America does not possess a complete translation of my works—The Criminal, Male and Female, and Political Crime (translation and distribution being alike difficult on account of the length of these volumes)—I welcome with pleasure this summary, in which the principal points are explained with precision and loving care by my daughter Gina, who has worked with me from childhood, has seen the edifice of my science rise stone upon stone, and has shared in my anxieties, insults, and triumphs; without whose help I might, perhaps, never have witnessed the completion of that edifice, nor the application of its fundamental principles.
For this reason, and considering that America doesn't have a complete translation of my works—The Criminal, Male and Female, and Political Crime (translation and distribution are both challenging due to the length of these volumes)—I’m happy to present this summary, where the main points are clearly and lovingly explained by my daughter Gina. She has worked alongside me since childhood, has seen the foundation of my work built piece by piece, and has shared in my worries, insults, and victories; without her support, I might not have seen the completion of my work or the application of its core principles.
PART I
THE CRIMINAL WORLD
CHAPTER I
THE BORN CRIMINAL
A criminal is a man who violates the laws decreed by the State to regulate the relations between its citizens, but the voluminous codes which in past times set forth these laws treat only of crime, never of the criminal. That ignoble multitude whom Dante relegated to the Infernal Regions were consigned by magistrates and judges to the care of gaolers and executioners, who alone deigned to deal with them. The judge, immovable in his doctrine, unshaken by doubts, solemn in all his inviolability and convinced of his wisdom, which no one dared to question, passed sentence without remission according to his whim, and both judge and culprit were equally ignorant of the ultimate effect of the penalties inflicted.
A criminal is a person who breaks the laws created by the State to manage the relationships between its citizens. However, the lengthy laws from earlier times focused only on crime and never on the criminal. The despicable group that Dante banished to the Infernal Regions were handed over by magistrates and judges to the care of jailers and executioners, who were the only ones willing to handle them. The judge, steadfast in his beliefs, unwavering in his doubts, serious in his authority, and convinced of his own wisdom—which no one dared to challenge—delivered sentences without leniency based on his whims. Both the judge and the offender were equally unaware of the true impact of the punishments handed out.
In 1764, the great Italian jurist and economist, Cesare Beccaria first called public attention to those wretched beings, whose confessions (if statements[Pg 4] extorted by torture can thus be called) formed the sole foundation for the trial, the sole guide in the application of the punishment, which was bestowed blindly, without formality, without hearing the defence, exactly as though sentence were being passed on abstract symbols, not on human souls and bodies.
In 1764, the renowned Italian lawyer and economist, Cesare Beccaria, first highlighted the plight of those unfortunate individuals whose confessions (if we can call statements[Pg 4] extracted through torture that) were the only basis for their trial, the only guidance in deciding the punishment, which was handed out indiscriminately, without any formality or consideration for a defense, as if a verdict were being made on mere symbols rather than actual human lives.
The Classical School of Penal Jurisprudence, of which Beccaria was the founder and Francesco Carrara the greatest and most glorious disciple, aimed only at establishing sound judgments and fixed laws to guide capricious and often undiscerning judges in the application of penalties. In writing his great work, the founder of this School was inspired by the highest of all human sentiments—pity; but although the criminal incidentally receives notice, the writings of this School treat only of the application of the law, not of offenders themselves.
The Classical School of Penal Jurisprudence, founded by Beccaria and greatly represented by Francesco Carrara, aimed to create solid judgments and consistent laws to help unpredictable and often unthinking judges apply penalties. In writing his significant work, Beccaria was inspired by the noblest human emotion—compassion; however, while criminals are mentioned, the focus of this School's writings is solely on how the law is applied, not on the offenders themselves.
This is the difference between the Classical and the Modern School of Penal Jurisprudence. The Classical School based its doctrines on the assumption that all criminals, except in a few extreme cases, are endowed with intelligence and feelings like normal individuals, and that they commit misdeeds consciously, being prompted thereto by their unrestrained desire for evil. The offence alone was considered,[Pg 5] and on it the whole existing penal system has been founded, the severity of the sentence meted out to the offender being regulated by the gravity of his misdeed.
This is the difference between the Classical and the Modern School of Penal Jurisprudence. The Classical School based its theories on the belief that all criminals, except in a few extreme cases, have intelligence and feelings just like regular people, and that they commit crimes knowingly, driven by their unchecked desire for wrongdoing. The offense itself was the primary focus,[Pg 5] and the entire existing penal system has been built on this premise, with the severity of the punishment given to the offender determined by the seriousness of their crime.
The Modern, or Positive, School of Penal Jurisprudence, on the contrary, maintains that the anti-social tendencies of criminals are the result of their physical and psychic organisation, which differs essentially from that of normal individuals; and it aims at studying the morphology and various functional phenomena of the criminal with the object of curing, instead of punishing him. The Modern School is therefore founded on a new science, Criminal Anthropology, which may be defined as the Natural History of the Criminal, because it embraces his organic and psychic constitution and social life, just as anthropology does in the case of normal human beings and the different races.
The Modern, or Positive, School of Penal Jurisprudence, on the other hand, believes that the anti-social behaviors of criminals stem from their physical and psychological makeup, which is fundamentally different from that of typical individuals. This school focuses on studying the structure and various functional aspects of criminals with the goal of rehabilitating them rather than punishing them. Thus, the Modern School is built on a new science called Criminal Anthropology, which can be defined as the Natural History of the Criminal, since it encompasses their physical and mental constitution as well as their social life, similar to how anthropology studies normal human beings and different races.
If we examine a number of criminals, we shall find that they exhibit numerous anomalies in the face, skeleton, and various psychic and sensitive functions, so that they strongly resemble primitive races. It was these anomalies that first drew my father's attention to the close relationship between the criminal and the savage and made him suspect that criminal tendencies are of atavistic origin.
If we look at several criminals, we’ll see that they show many differences in their facial features, skeleton structure, and various mental and sensory functions, making them resemble primitive cultures. It was these differences that first caught my father's attention to the strong link between criminals and savages, leading him to believe that criminal behaviors have ancient origins.
When a young doctor at the Asylum in Pavia, he[Pg 6] was requested to make a post-mortem examination on a criminal named Vilella, an Italian Jack the Ripper, who by atrocious crimes had spread terror in the Province of Lombardy. Scarcely had he laid open the skull, when he perceived at the base, on the spot where the internal occipital crest or ridge is found in normal individuals, a small hollow, which he called median occipital fossa (see Fig. 1). This abnormal character was correlated to a still greater anomaly in the cerebellum, the hypertrophy of the vermis, i.e., the spinal cord which separates the cerebellar lobes lying underneath the cerebral hemispheres. This vermis was so enlarged in the case of Vilella, that it almost formed a small, intermediate cerebellum like that found in the lower types of apes, rodents, and birds. This anomaly is very rare among inferior races, with the exception of the South American Indian tribe of the Aymaras of Bolivia and Peru, in whom it is not infrequently found (40%). It is seldom met with in the insane or other degenerates, but later investigations have shown it to be prevalent in criminals.
When he was a young doctor at the Asylum in Pavia, he[Pg 6] was asked to perform a post-mortem examination on a criminal named Vilella, who was like an Italian Jack the Ripper and had spread terror throughout the Province of Lombardy with his horrific crimes. As soon as he opened the skull, he noticed a small hollow at the base, where the internal occipital crest or ridge is typically found in normal individuals. He called this the median occipital fossa (see Fig. 1). This unusual feature was associated with a more significant anomaly in the cerebellum, specifically the hypertrophy of the vermis, which is the part of the spinal cord that separates the two cerebellar lobes lying beneath the cerebral hemispheres. In Vilella's case, this vermis was so enlarged that it nearly resembled a small, intermediate cerebellum like those seen in lower primates, rodents, and birds. This anomaly is very rare among lower races, except for the South American Indian tribe of the Aymaras from Bolivia and Peru, where it occurs in about 40% of individuals. It's not commonly found in the insane or other degenerates, but later studies have indicated that it is more prevalent in criminals.
This discovery was like a flash of light. "At the sight of that skull," says my father, "I seemed to see all at once, standing out clearly illumined as in a vast plain under a flaming sky, the problem of the nature of the criminal, who reproduces in civilised[Pg 7] times characteristics, not only of primitive savages, but of still lower types as far back as the carnivora."
This discovery was like a lightbulb moment. "When I saw that skull," my father says, "it felt like suddenly everything was clear, laid out in front of me like a vast plain under a blazing sky. It made me think about the nature of the criminal, who, even in civilized[Pg 7] times, shows traits not just of primitive savages, but even of lower species dating back to carnivores."

Thus was explained the origin of the enormous jaws, strong canines, prominent zygomæ, and strongly developed orbital arches which he had so frequently remarked in criminals, for these peculiarities are common to carnivores and savages, who tear and devour raw flesh. Thus also it was easy to understand why the span of the arms in criminals so often exceeds the height, for this is a characteristic of apes, whose fore-limbs are used in walking and climbing. The other anomalies exhibited by criminals—the scanty beard as opposed to the general hairiness of the body, prehensile foot, diminished number of lines in the palm of the hand, cheek-pouches, enormous development of the middle incisors and frequent absence of the lateral ones, flattened nose and angular or sugar-loaf form of the skull, common to criminals and apes; the excessive size of the orbits, which, combined with the hooked nose, so often imparts to criminals the aspect of birds of prey, the projection of the lower part of the face and jaws (prognathism) found in negroes and animals, and supernumerary teeth (amounting in some cases to a double row as in snakes) and cranial bones (epactal bone as in the Peruvian Indians): all these characteristics pointed to one conclusion, the[Pg 8] atavistic origin of the criminal, who reproduces physical, psychic, and functional qualities of remote ancestors.
Thus was explained the origin of the huge jaws, strong canines, prominent cheekbones, and well-developed eye sockets that he had often noticed in criminals. These traits are commonly found in carnivores and primitive people, who tear and eat raw flesh. It was also easy to see why the arm span in criminals frequently exceeds their height, as this is a trait of apes, who use their forelimbs for walking and climbing. The other unusual features seen in criminals—the sparse beard compared to the overall hairiness of the body, prehensile foot, reduced number of lines on the palm, cheek pouches, oversized middle incisors, and often missing lateral incisors, flattened nose, and the angular or sugar-loaf shape of the skull, shared by criminals and apes; the large size of the eye sockets, which, combined with the hooked nose, often gives criminals a bird of prey appearance; the protrusion of the lower face and jaws (prognathism) found in certain ethnic groups and animals; and extra teeth (sometimes amounting to a double row like snakes) and cranial bones (epactal bone as seen in the Peruvian Indians): all these traits pointed to one conclusion, the[Pg 8] ancestral origin of the criminal, who exhibits the physical, mental, and functional characteristics of their distant ancestors.
Subsequent research on the part of my father and his disciples showed that other factors besides atavism come into play in determining the criminal type. These are: disease and environment. Later on, the study of innumerable offenders led them to the conclusion that all law-breakers cannot be classed in a single species, for their ranks include very diversified types, who differ not only in their bent towards a particular form of crime, but also in the degree of tenacity and intensity displayed by them in their perverse propensities, so that, in reality, they form a graduated scale leading from the born criminal to the normal individual.
Subsequent research by my father and his followers revealed that other factors beyond atavism play a role in determining the criminal type. These factors include disease and environment. As they studied countless offenders, they concluded that not all lawbreakers can be categorized into a single type, as their ranks include a diverse range of individuals who differ not only in their inclination towards specific crimes but also in the intensity and persistence of their deviant behaviors. In reality, they represent a spectrum that ranges from born criminals to normal individuals.
Born criminals form about one third of the mass of offenders, but, though inferior in numbers, they constitute the most important part of the whole criminal army, partly because they are constantly appearing before the public and also because the crimes committed by them are of a peculiarly monstrous character; the other two thirds are composed of criminaloids (minor offenders), occasional and habitual criminals, etc., who do not show such a marked degree of diversity from normal persons.
Born criminals make up about one-third of all offenders, but despite being fewer in number, they are the most significant part of the entire criminal population. This is partly because they frequently come into the public eye and also because the crimes they commit are particularly heinous. The other two-thirds consist of criminaloids (lesser offenders), occasional criminals, and habitual offenders, who don't differ as much from normal individuals.
Let us commence with the born criminal, who as[Pg 9] principal nucleus of the wretched army of law-breakers, naturally manifests the most numerous and salient anomalies.
Let’s start with the born criminal, who as[Pg 9] the main part of the unfortunate group of lawbreakers, clearly shows the most noticeable and significant abnormalities.
The median occipital fossa and other abnormal features just enumerated are not the only peculiarities exhibited by this aggravated type of offender. By careful research, my father and others of his School have brought to light many anomalies in bodily organs, and functions both physical and mental, all of which serve to indicate the atavistic and pathological origin of the instinctive criminal.
The median occipital fossa and the other unusual traits already mentioned aren’t the only oddities shown by this extreme type of criminal. Through thorough research, my father and others in his field have uncovered many abnormalities in bodily organs and both physical and mental functions, all of which point to the primitive and pathological roots of the instinctive criminal.
It would be incompatible with the scope of this summary, were I to give a minute description of the innumerable anomalies discovered in criminals by the Modern School, to attempt to trace such abnormal traits back to their source, or to demonstrate their effect on the organism. This has been done in a very minute fashion in the three volumes of my father's work Criminal Man and his subsequent writings on the same subject, Modern Forms of Crime, Recent Research in Criminal Anthropology, Prison Palimpsests, etc., etc., to which readers desirous of obtaining a more thorough knowledge of the subject should refer.
It wouldn't fit the purpose of this summary for me to provide a detailed description of the countless anomalies found in criminals by the Modern School, to try to trace these abnormal traits back to their origins, or to show their impact on the organism. This has been thoroughly covered in my father's three volumes of work, Criminal Man, and his later writings on the same topic, Modern Forms of Crime, Recent Research in Criminal Anthropology, Prison Palimpsests, and others. Readers interested in gaining a deeper understanding of the subject should refer to those works.
The present volume will only touch briefly on the principal characteristics of criminals, with the object[Pg 10] of presenting a general outline of the studies of criminologists.
The current volume will only briefly cover the main characteristics of criminals, with the aim[Pg 10] of providing a general overview of criminologist studies.
Physical Traits of the Born Criminal
The Head. As the seat of all the greatest disturbances, this part naturally manifests the greatest number of anomalies, which extend from the external conformation of the brain-case to the composition of its contents.
The Head. As the center of all major disruptions, this area naturally shows the most anomalies, which range from the outer shape of the skull to what’s inside it.
The criminal skull does not exhibit any marked characteristics of size and shape. Generally speaking, it tends to be larger or smaller than the average skull common to the region or country from which the criminal hails. It varies between 1200 and 1600 c.c.; i.e., between 73 and 100 cubic inches, the normal average being 92. This applies also to the cephalic index; that is, the ratio of the maximum width to the maximum length of the skull[1] multiplied by 100, which serves to give a concrete idea of the form of the skull, because the higher the index, the nearer the skull approaches a spherical form, and the lower the index, the more elongated it becomes. The skulls of criminals have no characteristic cephalic index, but tend to an exaggeration of the ethnical type prevalent in their native countries. In regions where dolichocephaly (index less[Pg 11] than 80) abounds, the skulls of criminals show a very low index; if, on the contrary, they are natives of districts where brachycephaly (index 80 or more) prevails, they exhibit a very high index.
The skull of a criminal doesn't show any distinct features in size or shape. Generally, it is either larger or smaller than the average skull typical for the area or country where the criminal is from. It ranges between 1200 and 1600 c.c.; i.e., between 73 and 100 cubic inches, with the normal average being 92. This also applies to the cephalic index, which is the ratio of the maximum width to the maximum length of the skull[1] multiplied by 100. This gives a clear idea of the skull's shape: the higher the index, the closer the skull is to a spherical shape, and the lower the index, the more elongated it becomes. Criminals' skulls don't have a specific cephalic index but tend to exaggerate the ethnic type common in their home countries. In areas where dolichocephaly (index less[Pg 11] than 80) is common, criminals usually have a very low index; conversely, if they are from regions with brachycephaly (index 80 or more), they tend to have a very high index.
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Fig. 2 | Fig. 3 |
In 15.5% we find trochocephalous or abnormally round heads (index 91). A very high percentage (nearly double that of normal individuals) have submicrocephalous or small skulls. In other cases the skull is excessively large (macrocephaly) or abnormally small and ill-shaped with a narrow, receding forehead (microcephaly, 0.2%). More rarely the skull is of normal size, but shaped like the keel of a boat (scaphocephaly, 0.1% and subscaphocephaly 6%). (See Fig. 2.) Sometimes the anomalies are still more serious and we find wholly asymmetrical skulls with protuberances on either side (plagiocephaly[Pg 12] 10.9%, see Fig. 3), or terminating in a peak on the bregma or anterior fontanel (acrocephaly, see Fig. 4), or depressed in the middle (cymbocephaly, sphenocephaly). At times, there are crests or grooves along the sutures (11.9%) or the cranial bones are abnormally thick, a characteristic of savage peoples (36.6%) or abnormally thin (8.10%). Other anomalies of importance are the presence of Wormian bones in the sutures of the skull (21.22%), the bone of the Incas already alluded to (4%), and above all, the median occipital fossa. Of great importance also are the prominent frontal sinuses found in 25% (double that of normal individuals), the semicircular line of the temples, which is sometimes so exaggerated that it forms a ridge and is correlated to an excessive development of the temporal muscles, a common characteristic of primates and carnivores. Sometimes the forehead is receding, as in apes (19%), or low and narrow (10%).
In 15.5%, we see trochocephalous or unusually round heads (index 91). A very high percentage (almost double that of typical individuals) have submicrocephalous or small skulls. In other cases, the skull is excessively large (macrocephaly) or abnormally small and oddly shaped with a narrow, receding forehead (microcephaly, 0.2%). More rarely, the skull is normal in size but shaped like the keel of a boat (scaphocephaly, 0.1% and subscaphocephaly 6%). (See Fig. 2.) Sometimes the anomalies are even more severe, resulting in completely asymmetrical skulls with bulges on either side (plagiocephaly[Pg 12] 10.9%, see Fig. 3), or ending in a point at the bregma or anterior fontanel (acrocephaly, see Fig. 4), or having a depression in the center (cymbocephaly, sphenocephaly). Occasionally, there are ridges or grooves along the sutures (11.9%) or the cranial bones are unusually thick, a trait observed in primitive peoples (36.6%) or abnormally thin (8.10%). Other significant anomalies include the presence of Wormian bones in the sutures of the skull (21.22%), the bone of the Incas previously mentioned (4%), and especially, the median occipital fossa. Also noteworthy are the prominent frontal sinuses found in 25% (twice that of normal individuals), the semicircular line of the temples, which can sometimes be so exaggerated that it forms a ridge and is linked to an excessive development of the temporal muscles, a common trait among primates and carnivores. Occasionally, the forehead is receding, similar to apes (19%), or low and narrow (10%).
The Face. In striking contrast to the narrow forehead and low vault of the skull, the face of the criminal, like those of most animals, is of disproportionate size, a phenomenon intimately connected with the greater development of the senses as compared with that of the nervous centres. Prognathism, the projection of the lower portion of the face beyond the forehead, is found in 45.7% of criminals.[Pg 13] Progeneismus, the projection of the lower teeth and jaw beyond the upper, is found in 38%, whereas among normal persons the proportion is barely 28%. As a natural consequence of this predominance of the lower portion of the face, the orbital arches and zygomæ show a corresponding development (35%) and the size of the jaws is naturally increased, the mean diameter being 103.9 mm. (4.09 inches) as against 93 mm. (3.66 inches) in normal persons. Among criminals 29% have voluminous jaws.
The Face. In sharp contrast to the narrow forehead and low skull shape, the face of a criminal, similar to many animals, is noticeably larger. This is closely linked to the greater development of the senses compared to the nervous system. Prognathism, which is the protrusion of the lower part of the face beyond the forehead, is seen in 45.7% of criminals.[Pg 13] Progeneismus, the protrusion of the lower teeth and jaw past the upper ones, occurs in 38%, while among typical individuals it’s only about 28%. Due to this prevalence of the lower face, the orbital arches and cheekbones also show corresponding growth (35%), and the jaw size is naturally larger, with an average diameter of 103.9 mm (4.09 inches) compared to 93 mm (3.66 inches) in normal individuals. Among criminals, 29% have prominent jaws.
The excessive dimensions of the jaws and cheek-bones admit of other explanations besides the atavistic one of a greater development of the masticatory system. They may have been influenced by the habit of certain gestures, the setting of the teeth or tension of the muscles of the mouth, which accompany violent muscular efforts and are natural to men who form energetic or violent resolves and meditate plans of revenge.
The large size of the jaws and cheekbones can be explained in ways other than just a throwback to a more developed chewing system. They might have been shaped by certain habits, like the positioning of the teeth or the tension of the mouth muscles, that come with intense physical efforts and are common in people who make forceful decisions or think about revenge plans.
Asymmetry is a common characteristic of the criminal physiognomy. The eyes and ears are frequently situated at different levels and are of unequal size, the nose slants towards one side, etc. This asymmetry, as we shall see later, is connected with marked irregularities in the senses and functions.
Asymmetry is a common trait of criminal appearance. The eyes and ears are often at different levels and vary in size, the nose tilts to one side, and so on. This asymmetry, as we will explore later, is linked to significant irregularities in the senses and functions.
The Eye. This window, through which the mind[Pg 14] opens to the outer world, is naturally the centre of many anomalies of a psychic character, hard expression, shifty glance, which are difficult to describe but are, nevertheless, apparent to all observers (see Fig. 4). Side by side with peculiarities of expression, we find many physical anomalies—ptosis, a drooping of the upper eyelid, which gives the eye a half-closed appearance and is frequently unilateral; and strabismus, a want of parallelism between the visual axes, which is insignificant if it arises from errors of refraction, but is very serious if it betokens progressive or congenital diseases of the brain or its membranous coverings. Other anomalies are asymmetry of the iris, which frequently differs in colour from its fellow; oblique eyelids, a Mongolian characteristic, with the edge of the upper eyelid folding inward or a prolongation of the internal fold of the eyelid, which Metchnikoff regards as a persistence of embryonic characters.
The Eye. This window, through which the mind[Pg 14] connects to the outside world, is naturally the center of many psychological anomalies—harsh expressions, shifting glances—that are hard to describe but are, nevertheless, noticeable to anyone observing (see Fig. 4). Alongside these odd expressions, we see various physical anomalies: ptosis, a drooping of the upper eyelid that makes the eye look half-closed and is often one-sided; and strabismus, a lack of alignment of the visual axes, which is minor if caused by refractive errors but is serious if it indicates progressive or congenital brain diseases or issues with its coverings. Other anomalies include iris asymmetry, where one iris often differs in color from the other; slanted eyelids, a characteristic associated with Mongolian traits, where the upper eyelid folds inward or has an extended inner fold, which Metchnikoff believes is a remnant of embryonic features.
The Ear. The external ear is often of large size; occasionally also it is smaller than the ears of normal individuals. Twenty-eight per cent. of criminals have handle-shaped ears standing out from the face as in the chimpanzee: in other cases they are placed at different levels. Frequently too, we find misshapen, flattened ears, devoid of helix, tragus, and anti-tragus, and with a protuberance on the upper[Pg 15] part of the posterior margin (Darwin's tubercle), a relic of the pointed ear characteristic of apes. Anomalies are also found in the lobe, which in some cases adheres too closely to the face, or is of huge size as in the ancient Egyptians; in other cases, the lobe is entirely absent, or is atrophied till the ear assumes a form like that common to apes.
The Ear. The outer ear is often quite large; sometimes, it’s even smaller than that of typical people. Twenty-eight percent of criminals have ears shaped like handles that stick out from the face, similar to those of chimpanzees; in some cases, the ears are positioned at different heights. We also often see oddly shaped, flattened ears that lack the helix, tragus, and anti-tragus, with a bump on the upper[Pg 15] part of the back edge (Darwin's tubercle), which is a remnant of the pointed ears typical of apes. There are also irregularities in the lobe; in some instances, it sticks too closely to the face, while in others, it’s excessively large like in ancient Egyptians. Additionally, the lobe may be completely missing or shriveled, resulting in an ear shape resembling that commonly seen in apes.
The Nose. This is frequently twisted, up-turned or of a flattened, negroid character in thieves; in murderers, on the contrary, it is often aquiline like the beak of a bird of prey. Not infrequently we meet with the trilobate nose, its tip rising like an isolated peak from the swollen nostrils, a form found among the Akkas, a tribe of pygmies of Central Africa. All these peculiarities have given rise to popular saws, of a character more or less prevalent everywhere.
The Nose. Thieves often have noses that are twisted, upturned, or flat and broad. In contrast, murderers tend to have noses that are hooked like a bird of prey's beak. It's also common to see a trilobate nose, which has a tip that rises like a lone peak above the rounded nostrils; this is a shape found among the Akkas, a pygmy tribe from Central Africa. All these features have led to common sayings that are somewhat widespread everywhere.
The Mouth. This part shows perhaps a greater number of anomalies than any other facial organ. We have already alluded to the excessive development of the jaws in criminals. They are sometimes the seat of other abnormal characters,—the lemurine apophysis, a bony elevation at the angle of the jaw, which may easily be recognised externally by passing the hand over the skin; and the canine fossa, a depression in the upper jaw for the attachment of the canine muscle. This muscle, which is strongly[Pg 16] developed in the dog, serves when contracted to draw back the lip leaving the canines exposed.
The Mouth. This part shows maybe more irregularities than any other facial feature. We've already mentioned the excessive growth of the jaws in criminals. They can also show other unusual traits—the lemur-like growth, a bony bump at the angle of the jaw, which can easily be felt by running a hand over the skin; and the canine fossa, a dip in the upper jaw where the canine muscle attaches. This muscle, which is well-developed in dogs, works to pull back the lip and expose the canine teeth when it contracts.
The lips of violators of women and murderers are fleshy, swollen and protruding, as in negroes. Swindlers have thin, straight lips. Hare-lip is more common in criminals than in normal persons.
The lips of people who commit violence against women and murderers are thick, swollen, and prominent, similar to certain traits seen in some individuals of African descent. Swindlers tend to have thin, straight lips. A cleft lip is more common among criminals than in the general population.
The Cheek-pouches. Folds in the flesh of the cheek which recall the pouches of certain species of mammals, are not uncommon in criminals.
The Cheek-pouches. Folds in the flesh of the cheek that resemble the pouches of some mammal species are not rare among criminals.
The Palate. A central ridge (torus palatinus), more easily felt than seen, may sometimes be found on the palate, or this part may exhibit other peculiarities, a series of cavities and protuberances corresponding to the palatal teeth of reptiles. Another frequent abnormality is cleft palate, a fissure in the palate, due to defective development.
The Palate. A central ridge (torus palatinus), which is easier to feel than see, can sometimes be found on the palate. This area may also show other unique features, including a series of cavities and bumps that correspond to the palatal teeth of reptiles. Another common abnormality is a cleft palate, which is a split in the palate caused by improper development.
The Teeth. These are specially important, for criminals rarely have normal dentition. The incisors show the greatest number of anomalies. Sometimes both the lateral incisors are absent and the middle ones are of excessive size, a peculiarity which recalls the incisors of rodents. The teeth are frequently striated transversely or set very wide apart (diastema) with gaps on either side of the upper canines into which the lower ones fit, a simian characteristic. In some cases, these spaces[Pg 17] occur between the middle incisors or between these and the lateral ones.
The Teeth. These are particularly important because criminals rarely have typical teeth. The incisors often show the most abnormalities. Sometimes, both lateral incisors are missing, and the middle ones are oversized, similar to the incisors of rodents. The teeth are often cross-striped or spaced very far apart (diastema), with gaps on either side of the upper canines that fit the lower ones, which is a trait seen in primates. In some cases, these gaps[Pg 17] appear between the middle incisors or between them and the lateral ones.
Fig. 4 | Fig. 5 | |
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Head of Crime (see page 14) | Criminal Chief (see page 18) |
Very often the teeth show a strange uniformity, which recalls the homodontism of the lower vertebrates. In some cases, however, this uniformity is limited to the premolars, which are furnished with tubercles like the molars, a peculiarity of gorillas and orang-outangs. In 4% the canines are very strongly developed, long, sharp, and curving inwardly as in carnivores. Premature caries is common.
Very often, the teeth display a peculiar uniformity that reminds us of the homodontism seen in lower vertebrates. In some instances, this uniformity is only found among the premolars, which have tubercles similar to the molars, a characteristic of gorillas and orangutans. In 4%, the canines are highly developed, long, sharp, and curving inward like those of carnivores. Premature tooth decay is common.
The Chin. Generally speaking, this part of the face projects moderately in Europeans. In criminals it is often small and receding, as in children, or else excessively long, short or flat, as in apes.
The Chin. In general, this part of the face sticks out moderately in Europeans. In criminals, it is often small and set back, like in children, or it can be extremely long, short, or flat, similar to apes.
Wrinkles. Although common to normal individuals, the abundance, variety, and precocity of wrinkles almost invariably manifested by criminals, cannot fail to strike the observer. The following are the most common: horizontal and vertical lines on the forehead, horizontal and circumflex lines at the root of the nose, the so-called crow's-feet on the temple at the outer corners of the eyes, naso-labial wrinkles around the region of the mouth and nose.
Wrinkles. While they are common in regular people, the number, variety, and early appearance of wrinkles typically seen in criminals can’t help but catch the observer's attention. The most common types include: horizontal and vertical lines on the forehead, horizontal and curved lines at the base of the nose, crow's-feet at the outer corners of the eyes, and naso-labial wrinkles around the mouth and nose.
The Hair. The hair of the scalp, cheeks and chin, eyebrows, and other parts of the body, shows a number of anomalies. In general it may be said[Pg 18] that in the distribution of hair, criminals of both sexes tend to exhibit characteristics of the opposite sex. Dark hair prevails especially in murderers, and curly and woolly hair in swindlers. Both grey hair and baldness are rare and when found make their appearance later in life than in the case of normal individuals. The beard is scanty and frequently missing altogether. On the other hand, the forehead is often covered with down. The eyebrows are bushy and tend to meet across the nose. Sometimes they grow in a slanting direction and give the face a satyr-like expression (see Fig. 5).
The Hair. The hair on the scalp, cheeks, chin, eyebrows, and other body parts shows several irregularities. Generally, it can be said[Pg 18] that the distribution of hair in criminals of both genders tends to reflect characteristics of the opposite gender. Dark hair is more common, especially among murderers, while curly and woolly hair is typical in swindlers. Both gray hair and baldness are uncommon and, when they do occur, appear later in life compared to normal individuals. The beard is usually sparse and often completely absent. In contrast, the forehead is often covered with fine hair. The eyebrows are thick and often meet in the middle over the nose. Sometimes they grow at an angle, giving the face a satyr-like appearance (see Fig. 5).
The blemishes peculiar to the delinquent are not only confined to the face and head, but are found in the trunk and limbs.
The flaws unique to the delinquent aren't just on the face and head; they're also present on the torso and arms.
The Thorax. An increase or decrease in the number of ribs is found in 12% of criminals. This is an atavistic character common to animals and lower or prehistoric human races and contrasts with the numerical uniformity characteristic of civilised mankind.
The Thorax. An increase or decrease in the number of ribs is found in 12% of criminals. This is an ancient trait common to animals and lower or prehistoric human races and stands in contrast to the numerical uniformity typical of civilized humans.
Polymastia, or the presence of supernumerary nipples (which are generally placed symmetrically below the normal ones as in many mammals) is not an uncommon anomaly. Gynecomastia or hypertrophy of the mammæ is still more frequent in male criminals. In female criminals, on the contrary,[Pg 19] we often find imperfect development or absence of the nipples, a characteristic of monotremata or lowest order of the mammals; or the breasts are flabby and pendent like those of Hottentot women.
Polymastia, which refers to having extra nipples (usually located symmetrically below the regular ones, similar to many mammals), is a fairly common condition. Gynecomastia, or the enlargement of the breasts, is even more prevalent among male criminals. In female criminals, however, [Pg 19] we often see underdeveloped or absent nipples, a feature seen in monotremes or the lowest order of mammals; alternatively, the breasts may be droopy and sagging, resembling those of Hottentot women.
The chest is often covered with hair which gives the subject the appearance of an animal.
The chest is often covered in hair, making the person look like an animal.
The Pelvis and Abdomen. The abdomen, pelvis, and reproductive organs sometimes show an inversion of sex-characters. In 42% the sacral canal is uncovered, and in some cases there is a prolongation of the coccyx, which resembles the stump of a tail, sometimes tufted with hair.
The Pelvis and Abdomen. The abdomen, pelvis, and reproductive organs can sometimes show a reversal of sexual traits. In 42% of cases, the sacral canal is not covered, and in some instances, the coccyx may be elongated, resembling a small tail, which is occasionally tufted with hair.
The Upper Limbs. One of the most striking and frequent anomalies exhibited by criminals is the excessive length of the arms as compared with the lower limbs, owing to which the span of the arms exceeds the total height, an ape-like character.
The Upper Limbs. One of the most noticeable and common features seen in criminals is the unusually long arms compared to their legs, which causes the arm span to be greater than their overall height, giving them an ape-like appearance.
Six per cent. exhibit an anomaly which is extremely rare among normal individuals—the olecranon foramen, a perforation in the head of the humerus where it articulates with the ulna. This is normal in the ape and dog and is frequently found in the bones of prehistoric man and in some of the existing inferior races of mankind.
Six percent show a rare anomaly not typically seen in normal individuals—the olecranon foramen, which is a hole in the head of the humerus where it meets the ulna. This is considered normal in apes and dogs and is often found in the bones of prehistoric humans and some existing lower races of humanity.
Several abnormal characters, which point to an atavistic origin, are found in the palm and fingers. Supernumerary fingers (polydactylism) or a reduction[Pg 20] in the usual number are not uncommon. Sometimes we find syndactylism, or palmate fingers, a continuation of the interdigital skin to the second phalanx. The length of the fingers varies according to the type of crime to which the individual is addicted. Those guilty of crimes against the person have short, clumsy fingers and especially short thumbs. Long fingers are common to swindlers, thieves, sexual offenders, and pickpockets. The lines on the palmar surfaces of the finger-tips are often of a simple nature as in the anthropoids. The principal lines on the palm are of special significance. Normal persons possess three, two horizontal and one vertical, but in criminals these lines are often reduced to one or two of horizontal or transverse direction, as in apes.
Several unusual features, suggesting a primitive origin, can be seen in the palms and fingers. Extra fingers (polydactyly) or a reduction in the usual number are fairly common. Occasionally, we observe syndactyly, where the skin between the fingers continues to the second bone. The length of the fingers varies based on the type of crime the person is involved in. Those who commit violent crimes tend to have short, awkward fingers, especially short thumbs. Long fingers are typical of con artists, thieves, sexual offenders, and pickpockets. The lines on the palm surfaces of the fingertips are often simple, similar to those found in apes. The main lines on the palm are particularly important. Normal individuals have three lines—two horizontal and one vertical—but in criminals, these lines are often reduced to one or two horizontal lines, resembling those in apes.
The Lower Limbs. Of a number of criminals examined, 16% showed an unusual development of the third trochanter, a protuberance on the head of the femur where it articulates with the pelvis. This distinctly atavistic character is connected with the position of the hind-limb in quadrupeds.
The Lower Limbs. Among several criminals examined, 16% displayed an unusual development of the third trochanter, a bump on the head of the femur where it connects with the pelvis. This clearly primitive feature relates to the position of the hind limb in four-legged animals.
The Feet. Spaces between the toes like the interdigital spaces of the hand are very common, and in conjunction with the greater mobility of the toes and greater length of the big-toe, produce the prehensile foot, of the quadrumana, which is used for[Pg 21] grasping. The foot is often flat, as in negroes. In the feet, as in the hands, there is frequently a tendency to greater strength or dexterity on the left side, contrary to what happens in normal persons, and this tendency is manifested in many cases where there is no trace of functional and motorial left-handedness.
The Feet. The spaces between the toes, similar to the spaces between the fingers, are quite common. Together with the increased mobility of the toes and the longer big toe, this creates a prehensile foot, like that of some primates, which is used for[Pg 21] grasping. The foot is often flat, as seen in some individuals of African descent. In the feet, as in the hands, there’s often a noticeable strength or dexterity on the left side, which is the opposite of what is usual in most people. This tendency can be seen in many cases where there is no indication of functional or motor left-handedness.
The Cerebrum and the Cerebellum. The chief and most common anomaly is the prevalence of macroscopic anomalies in the left hemisphere, which are correlated to the sensory and functional left-handedness common to criminals and acquired through illness. The most notable anomaly of the cerebellum is the hypertrophy of the vermis, which represents the middle lobe found in the lower mammals. Anomalies in the cerebral convolutions consist principally of anastomotic folds, the doubling of the fissure of Rolando, the frequent existence of a fourth frontal convolution, the imperfect development of the precuneus (as in many types of apes), etc. Anomalies of a purely pathological character are still more common. These are: adhesions of the meninges, thickening of the pia mater, congestion of the meninges, partial atrophy, centres of softening, seaming of the optic thalami, atrophy of the corpus callosum, etc.
The Cerebrum and the Cerebellum. The main and most common abnormality is the presence of noticeable anomalies in the left hemisphere, which are linked to the sensory and functional left-handedness often found in criminals and developed due to illness. The most significant anomaly in the cerebellum is the enlargement of the vermis, which is the middle lobe seen in lower mammals. Anomalies in the cerebral folds mainly include interconnected folds, a doubling of the Rolando fissure, the frequent presence of a fourth frontal fold, the incomplete development of the precuneus (similar to many types of apes), and so on. Pathological anomalies are even more common. These include: adhesions of the meninges, thickening of the pia mater, swelling of the meninges, partial atrophy, softening areas, fusion of the optic thalami, atrophy of the corpus callosum, and more.
Of great importance, too, are the histological anomalies discovered by Roncoroni in the brains of[Pg 22] criminals and epileptics. In normal individuals the layers of the frontal region are disposed in the following manner:
Of great importance, too, are the histological abnormalities found by Roncoroni in the brains of[Pg 22] criminals and people with epilepsy. In healthy individuals, the layers of the frontal region are arranged as follows:
1. Molecular layer. 2. Superficial layer of small cells. 3. Layer of small pyramidal cells. 4. Deep layer of small nerve cells. 5. Layer of polymorphous cells (see Fig. 6).
1. Molecular layer. 2. Top layer of small cells. 3. Layer of small pyramidal cells. 4. Bottom layer of small nerve cells. 5. Layer of varied cells (see Fig. 6).
In certain animals, the dog, ape, rabbit, ox, and domestic fowl, the superficial layer is frequently non-existent and the deep one is found only to some extent in the ape.
In some animals, like dogs, apes, rabbits, oxen, and domestic chickens, the outer layer is often missing, and the inner layer is only partially present in apes.
In born criminals and epileptics there is a prevalence of large, pyramidal, and polymorphous cells, whereas in normal individuals small, triangular, and star-shaped cells predominate. Also the transition from the small superficial to the large pyramidal cells is not so regular, and the number of nervous cells is noticeably below the average. Whereas, moreover, in the normally constituted brain, nervous cells are very scarce or entirely absent in the white substance, in the case of born criminals and epileptics they abound in this part of the brain.
In people born to be criminals and those with epilepsy, there are more large, pyramid-shaped, and varied cells, while in typical individuals, smaller, triangular, and star-shaped cells are more common. Additionally, the shift from small, surface cells to large pyramid cells is less consistent, and the number of nerve cells is noticeably lower than average. In a normally structured brain, nerve cells are very few or completely absent in the white matter, but in the brains of born criminals and epileptics, there are many nerve cells in this area.
The abnormal morphological arrangement described by Roncoroni is probably the anatomical expression of hereditary alterations, and reveals disorders in nervous development which lead to moral insanity or epilepsy according to the gravity of the morbid conditions which give rise to them.
The unusual way that Roncoroni described is likely a physical sign of inherited changes and shows issues in nervous development that can result in moral insanity or epilepsy, depending on how severe the underlying conditions are.

a) Cortical strata of the circumvolutions of the parietal lobes of a normal person.
a) The layers of the brain's outer surface in the folds of the parietal lobes of a normal person.
b) Cortical strata of the circumvolutions of the parietal lobes of a criminal epileptic.
b) Cortex layers of the folds in the parietal lobes of a criminal epileptic.
[Pg 24] These anomalies in the limbs, trunk, skull and, above all, in the face, when numerous and marked, constitute what is known to criminal anthropologists as the criminal type, in exactly the same way as the sum of the characters peculiar to cretins form what is called the cretinous type. In neither case have the anomalies an intrinsic importance, since they are neither the cause of the anti-social tendencies of the criminal nor of the mental deficiencies of the cretin. They are the outward and visible signs of a mysterious and complicated process of degeneration, which in the case of the criminal evokes evil impulses that are largely of atavistic origin.
[Pg 24] These unusual traits in the limbs, torso, skull, and especially in the face, when numerous and pronounced, make up what criminal anthropologists refer to as the criminal type, just as the unique characteristics of cretins form what is termed the cretinous type. In both instances, the anomalies themselves aren’t inherently significant, as they are neither the cause of the criminal's antisocial behavior nor the reason for the cretin's mental shortcomings. They are merely the outward and visible signs of a complex and mysterious process of degeneration, which in the case of the criminal triggers harmful urges that mostly have primitive origins.
Sensory and Functional Characteristics of the Born Criminal
The above-mentioned physiognomical and skeletal anomalies are further supplemented by functional peculiarities, and all these abnormal characteristics converge, as mountain streams to the hollow in the plain, towards a central idea—the atavistic nature of the born criminal.
The physiognomic and skeletal differences mentioned above are also supported by unique functional traits, and all these unusual characteristics come together, like mountain streams flowing into a valley, towards a central idea—the inherited nature of the born criminal.
An examination of the senses and sensibility of criminals gives the following results:
An analysis of the feelings and awareness of criminals reveals the following findings:
General Sensibility. Tested simply by touching[Pg 25] with the finger, a certain degree of obtuseness is noted. By using an apparatus invented by Du Bois-Reymond and adopted by my father, the degree of sensibility obtained was 49.6 mm. in criminals as against 64.2 mm. in normal individuals. Criminals are more sensitive on the left side, contrary to normal persons, in whom greater sensibility prevails on the right.
General Sensibility. When simply tested by touching[Pg 25] with a finger, a certain level of dullness is observed. Using a device created by Du Bois-Reymond and utilized by my father, the sensitivity measured was 49.6 mm in criminals compared to 64.2 mm in typical individuals. Criminals are more sensitive on their left side, which is the opposite of normal individuals, who show greater sensitivity on the right.
Sensibility to Pain. Compared with ordinary individuals, the criminal shows greater insensibility to pain as well as to touch. This obtuseness sometimes reaches complete analgesia or total absence of feeling (16%), a phenomenon never encountered in normal persons. The mean degree of dolorific sensibility in criminals is 34.1 mm. whereas it is rarely lower than 40 mm. in normal individuals. Here again the left-handedness of criminals becomes apparent, 39% showing greater sensibility on the left.
Sensibility to Pain. Compared to regular people, criminals are less sensitive to pain and touch. This lack of sensitivity can sometimes lead to complete numbness or total absence of feeling (16%), which is something not seen in normal individuals. The average level of pain sensitivity in criminals is 34.1 mm, while it's usually no lower than 40 mm in normal individuals. Again, the left-handedness of criminals is evident, with 39% showing greater sensitivity on the left side.
Tactile Sensibility. The distance at which two points applied to the finger-tips are felt separately is more than 4 mm. in 30% of criminals, a degree of obtuseness only found in 4% of normal individuals. Criminals exhibit greater tactile sensibility on the left. Tactile obtuseness varies with the class of crime practised by the individual. While in burglars, swindlers, and assaulters, it is double that of normal[Pg 26] persons, in murderers, violators, and incendiaries it is often four or five times as great.
Tactile Sensibility. The distance at which two points touching the fingertips are felt separately is more than 4 mm in 30% of criminals, a level of dullness experienced by only 4% of normal individuals. Criminals show greater tactile sensitivity on the left side. Tactile dullness varies depending on the type of crime committed by the individual. For burglars, con artists, and assaulters, it is double that of normal[Pg 26] people, while for murderers, rapists, and arsonists, it is often four or five times greater.
Sensibility to the Magnet, which scarcely exists in normal persons, is common to a marked degree in criminals (48%).
Sensibility to the Magnet, which is rarely found in typical individuals, is quite common among criminals (48%).
Meteoric Sensibility. This is far more apparent in criminals and the insane than in normal individuals. With variations of temperature and atmospheric pressure, both criminals and lunatics become agitated and manifest changes of disposition and sensations of various kinds, which are rarely experienced by normal persons.
Meteoric Sensibility. This is much more evident in criminals and people with mental health issues than in regular individuals. With changes in temperature and atmospheric pressure, both criminals and those who are mentally ill become restless and show shifts in their mood and sensations, which are rarely felt by normal people.
Sight is generally acute, perhaps more so than in ordinary individuals, and in this the criminal resembles the savage. Chromatic sensibility, on the contrary, is decidedly defective, the percentage of colour-blindness being twice that of normal persons. The field of vision is frequently limited by the white and exhibits much stranger anomalies, a special irregularity of outline with deep peripheral scotoma, which we shall see is a special characteristic of the epileptic.
Vision is usually sharp, maybe even sharper than that of most people, and in this way, the criminal is similar to the primitive. However, the ability to perceive colors is definitely lacking, with the rate of color-blindness being double that of typical individuals. The field of vision is often restricted by light and shows some unusual irregularities, including a distinct outline irregularity with significant peripheral blind spots, which we will see is a unique trait of those with epilepsy.
Hearing, Smell, Taste are generally of less than average acuteness in criminals. Cases of complete anosmia and qualitative obtuseness are not uncommon.[2]
Hearing, Smell, Taste are typically less sharp than average in criminals. Instances of total loss of smell and reduced sensitivity are fairly common.[2]
[Pg 27]Agility. Criminals are generally agile and preserve this quality even at an advanced age. When over seventy, Vilella sprang like a goat up the steep rocks of his native Calabria, and the celebrated thief "La Vecchia," when quite an old man, escaped from his captors by leaping from a high rampart at Pavia.
[Pg 27]Agility. Criminals are usually nimble and maintain this quality even as they get older. At over seventy, Vilella jumped like a goat up the steep rocks of his hometown in Calabria, and the famous thief "La Vecchia," when he was quite old, managed to escape from his captors by leaping from a high wall in Pavia.
Strength. Contrary to what might be expected, tests by means of the dynamometer show that criminals do not usually possess an extraordinary degree of strength. There is frequently a slight difference between the strength of the right and left limbs, but more often ambidexterity, as in children, and a greater degree of strength in the left limbs.
Strength. Contrary to what you might think, tests using a dynamometer show that criminals typically do not have an exceptional level of strength. There's often a small difference between the strength of the right and left limbs, but more frequently, there's ambidexterity, similar to children, and a greater degree of strength in the left limbs.
Psychology of the Born Criminal
The physical type of the criminal is completed and intensified by his moral and intellectual physiognomy, which furnishes a further proof of his relationship to the savage and epileptic.
The physical characteristics of the criminal are enhanced and emphasized by his moral and intellectual traits, which provide additional evidence of his connection to primitive and epileptic individuals.
Natural Affections. These play an important part in the life of a normally constituted individual and are in fact the raison d'être of his existence, but the criminal rarely, if ever, experiences emotions of this kind and least of all regarding his own kin. On the other hand, he shows exaggerated and abnormal fondness for animals and strangers. La Sola, a female criminal, manifested about as much[Pg 28] affection for her children as if they had been kittens and induced her accomplice to murder a former paramour, who was deeply attached to her; yet she tended the sick and dying with the utmost devotion.
Natural Affections. These are crucial in the life of a well-adjusted person and are basically the reason for being in their existence, but a criminal rarely, if ever, feels these kinds of emotions, especially towards their own family. Instead, they often display excessive and unusual affection for animals and strangers. La Sola, a female criminal, showed about as much[Pg 28] affection for her children as if they were kittens and encouraged her accomplice to murder a former lover who was deeply attached to her; nonetheless, she cared for the sick and dying with the utmost devotion.
In the place of domestic and social affections, the criminal is dominated by a few absorbing passions: vanity, impulsiveness, desire for revenge, licentiousness.
In the realm of home and social connections, the criminal is driven by a few intense emotions: vanity, impulsiveness, a desire for revenge, and a lack of restraint.
Moral Compass
The ability to discriminate between right and wrong, which is the highest attribute of civilised humanity, is notably lacking in physically and psychically stunted organisms. Many criminals do not realise the immorality of their actions. In French criminal jargon conscience is called "la muette," the thief "l'ami," and "travailler" and "servir" signify to steal. A Milanese thief once remarked to my father: "I don't steal. I only relieve the rich of their superfluous wealth." Lacenaire, speaking of his accomplice Avril, remarked, "I realised at once that we should be able to work together." A thief asked by Ferri what he did when he found the purse stolen by him contained no money, replied, "I call them rogues." The notions of right and wrong appear to be completely inverted in such minds. They seem to think they have a right to[Pg 29] rob and murder and that those who hinder them are acting unfairly. Murderers, especially when actuated by motives of revenge, consider their actions righteous in the extreme.
The ability to tell right from wrong, which is the highest quality of civilized society, is often missing in people who are physically and mentally impaired. Many criminals don’t recognize the wrongness of their actions. In French criminal slang, conscience is referred to as "la muette," a thief is "l'ami," and "travailler" and "servir" mean to steal. A thief from Milan once told my father, "I don’t steal. I just free the rich from their excess wealth." Lacenaire, talking about his partner Avril, said, "I realized right away that we could work well together." When asked by Ferri what he did if he found the purse he stole was empty, a thief replied, "I call them rogues." The concepts of right and wrong seem completely twisted in such minds. They believe they have a right to rob and kill, and that anyone who stops them is being unfair. Murderers, especially when driven by revenge, see their actions as completely justified.
Repentance and Remorse. We hear a great deal about the remorse of criminals, but those who come into contact with these degenerates realise that they are rarely, if ever, tormented by such feelings. Very few confess their crimes: the greater number deny all guilt in a most strenuous manner and are fond of protesting that they are victims of injustice, calumny, and jealousy. As Despine once remarked with much insight, nothing resembles the sleep of the just more closely than the slumbers of an assassin.
Repentance and Remorse. We hear a lot about criminals feeling remorse, but those who deal with these individuals understand that they are seldom, if ever, troubled by such emotions. Very few admit to their crimes; the majority deny any guilt in a very vigorous way and like to claim that they are victims of unfairness, slander, and jealousy. As Despine once wisely noted, nothing resembles the peaceful sleep of the innocent more than the rest of a murderer.
Many criminals, indeed, allege repentance, but generally from hypocritical motives; either because they hope to gain some advantage by working on the feelings of philanthropists, or with a view to escaping, or, at any rate, improving their condition while in prison. Thus Lacenaire, when convicted for the first time, wrote in a moving strain to his friend Vigouroux in order to get money and help from him, "Repentance is the only course left open to me. You may well feel pleased at having turned a man from a path of crime for which he was not intended by nature." A few hours later he committed another theft, and before he died remarked cynically[Pg 30] that he had never experienced remorse. When tried at the Assizes at Pavia, Rognoni pronounced a touching discourse on his repentance and refused the wine brought him in prison for some days because it reminded him of his murdered brother. But he obtained it surreptitiously from his fellow-prisoners, and when one of them grumbled at having to give up his own portion, Rognoni threatened him saying, "I have already murdered four, and shall make no bones about killing a fifth."
Many criminals claim to be sorry, but usually their motives are hypocritical; either they want to manipulate the feelings of generous people for some benefit, or they’re looking to escape, or at least improve their situation while in prison. For example, Lacenaire, when he was convicted for the first time, wrote a heartfelt letter to his friend Vigouroux to ask for money and help, saying, "Repentance is the only option left for me. You must be pleased to have turned a man away from a life of crime he wasn’t meant for." A few hours later, he committed another theft, and before he died, he cynically remarked that he had never felt remorse. When Rognoni was tried at the Assizes in Pavia, he delivered an emotional speech about his remorse and refused the wine brought to him in prison for several days because it reminded him of his murdered brother. But he secretly obtained it from his fellow inmates, and when one of them complained about giving up his own portion, Rognoni threatened him, saying, "I've already murdered four, and I won't hesitate to kill a fifth."
Sometimes remorse is advanced by criminals as a palliation of their crimes. Michelieu justified the coup de grace inflicted on his victim by saying, "When I saw her in that state, I felt such terrible remorse that I shot her dead in order not to meet her glance."
Sometimes criminals use remorse as a way to lessen the severity of their crimes. Michelieu justified the coup de grace he delivered to his victim by saying, "When I saw her in that state, I felt such overwhelming remorse that I shot her dead to avoid meeting her gaze."
Sometimes an appearance of remorse is produced by hallucinations due to alcoholism. Philippe and Lucke imagined they saw the spectres of the persons they had murdered a short time before, but in reality they were suffering from the effects of drink and so little true remorse did they feel that on being sentenced, Philippe remarked, "If they had not sent me to Cayenne, I should have done it again." Generally speaking, what seems to be repentance is only the fear of death or some superstitious dread, which assumes an appearance of remorse, but is devoid of real feeling.
Sometimes, what looks like remorse is actually a result of hallucinations caused by alcoholism. Philippe and Lucke thought they saw the ghosts of the people they had killed recently, but in reality, they were just feeling the effects of alcohol. They felt so little genuine remorse that when they were sentenced, Philippe said, "If they hadn’t sent me to Cayenne, I would have done it again." Generally, what appears to be repentance is often just the fear of death or some superstitious anxiety that gives the illusion of remorse but lacks true emotion.
[Pg 31]A typical instance of hypocrisy and cynicism is furnished by the Marquise de Brinvilliers, the notorious poisoner, who succeeded in deceiving the venerable prison-chaplain so completely that he regarded her as a model of penitence, yet in her last moments she wrote to her husband denying her guilt and exhibited lascivious and revengeful feelings.
[Pg 31]A prime example of hypocrisy and cynicism is the Marquise de Brinvilliers, the infamous poisoner, who managed to deceive the honorable prison chaplain so thoroughly that he saw her as a paragon of repentance. Yet in her final moments, she wrote to her husband, insisting on her innocence and revealed lascivious and vengeful emotions.
Many criminals, when in prison, model sculptural representations of their crimes with crumbs of bread (see Fig. 7).
Many criminals, when in prison, create sculptural representations of their crimes using crumbs of bread (see Fig. 7).
Cynicism. The strongest proof of the total lack of remorse in criminals and their inability to distinguish between good and evil is furnished by the callous way in which they boast of their depraved actions and feign pious sentiments which they do not feel. One criminal humbly entreated to be allowed to retain his own crucifix while in prison. It was subsequently discovered that the sacred image served as a sheath for his dagger (see Fig. 8).
Cynicism. The clearest evidence of the complete lack of remorse in criminals and their inability to tell right from wrong is shown in the insensitive way they brag about their immoral actions and pretend to have feelings of piety that they don’t actually possess. One criminal modestly asked to keep his own crucifix while in prison. It was later found out that the sacred image was used to hide his dagger (see Fig. 8).
Philippe made the following statement to one of his female companions. "My way of loving women is a very strange one. After enjoying their caresses, I take the greatest delight in strangling them or cutting their throats. Soon you will hear everyone talking about me." Shortly before he murdered his father, Lachaud said to his friends, "This evening I[Pg 32] shall dig a grave and lay my father there to rest eternally."
Philippe said this to one of his female friends: "The way I love women is pretty unusual. After I enjoy their affection, I actually find great pleasure in strangling them or cutting their throats. Soon, everyone will be talking about me." Just before he killed his father, Lachaud told his friends, "Tonight I[Pg 32] will dig a grave and put my father to rest forever."
Sometimes, indeed, a criminal realises dimly the depravity of his actions; he rarely judges them, however, as a normal person would, but seeks to explain and justify them after his own fashion. When asked by the magistrate if he denied having stolen a horse, Ansalone replied, "Surely you do not call that a theft; a leader of brigands could hardly be expected to go on foot!"
Sometimes, a criminal realizes, albeit vaguely, how wrong his actions are; he doesn’t usually judge them like an ordinary person would, but instead tries to rationalize and justify them in his own way. When the magistrate asked him if he denied stealing a horse, Ansalone replied, “Surely you don’t consider that theft; a leader of brigands could hardly be expected to walk!”
Others consider that their actions are less criminal if their intentions were good; like Holland, who murdered to obtain food for his wife and children. Others, again, think themselves excused by the fact that many do worse things with impunity. Any circumstance, the lack or insufficiency of evidence against them or the fact that they are accused of an offence different from the one they have really committed, is seized upon as a mitigation of their guilt, and they always manifest much resentment against those who administer the law. "London thieves," observes Mayhew, "realise that they do wrong, but think that they are no worse than ordinary bankrupts."
Others believe their actions are less criminal if their intentions were good, like Holland, who killed to provide food for his wife and kids. Some think they're excused because many people get away with worse things. Any circumstance, like a lack or insufficiency of evidence against them or the fact that they are charged with a different crime than the one they actually committed, is seen as a reason to lessen their guilt, and they often show a lot of resentment toward those who enforce the law. "London thieves," Mayhew notes, "know they are doing wrong, but think they are no worse than regular bankrupts."
The constant perusal of newspaper reports leads criminals to believe that there are a great many rogues in higher circles, and by taking exceptions to[Pg 33] be the rule, they flatter themselves that their own actions are not very reprehensible, because the wealthy are not censured for similar actions.
The ongoing reading of newspaper articles makes criminals think there are a lot of wrongdoers in high society, and by seeing exceptions as the norm[Pg 33], they convince themselves that what they do isn’t that bad since rich people aren't criticized for similar behavior.
Fig. 7 | Fig. 8 | |
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Figures made in Prison Murder of a sleeping victim Work of a Prisoner (see page 31) | Crucifix Dagger (see page 31) |
These instances show that criminals are not entirely unable to distinguish between right and wrong. Nevertheless, their moral sense is sterile because it is suffocated by passions and the deadening force of habit.
These examples demonstrate that criminals can sometimes tell the difference between right and wrong. However, their moral sense is ineffective because it's stifled by strong emotions and the numbing effect of routine.
In the cant of Spanish thieves, justice is called "la justa" (the just), and this name is given in French slang to the Assizes, but, as Mayor observes, it may be applied ironically.
In the slang of Spanish thieves, justice is referred to as "la justa" (the just), and this term is also used in French slang for the Assizes. However, as Mayor points out, it can be used ironically.
In alluding to the unknown author of the crimes committed in reality by himself, the murderer Prévost remarked, "Whoever it is, he is bound to end by the guillotine sooner or later." In such cases, although a sense of truth and justice exists, the desire to act according to it is lacking.
In referring to the unknown author of the crimes he committed, the murderer Prévost said, "Whoever it is, they’re bound to end up at the guillotine sooner or later." In situations like these, even though there’s a sense of truth and justice, the motivation to act on it is missing.
"It is one thing [observes Harwick] to possess a theoretical notion of what is right and wrong, but quite another to act according to it. In order that the knowledge of good should be transformed into an ardent desire for its triumph, as food is converted into chyle and blood, it must be urged to action by elevated sentiments, and these are generally lacking in the criminal. If, on the contrary, good feelings really exist, the individual desires to do right and his convictions are translated into action with the same energy that he displayed in doing wrong."
"It’s one thing [observes Harwick] to have a theoretical understanding of what’s right and wrong, but quite another to actually act on it. For the knowledge of good to turn into a strong desire for its success, like food is turned into chyle and blood, it needs to be motivated by higher feelings, which are usually absent in criminals. On the other hand, if good feelings are truly present, the person wants to do the right thing, and their beliefs are acted upon with the same energy they used when doing wrong."
[Pg 34]A philanthropist once invited a number of young London thieves to a friendly gathering, and it was noticed that the most hardened offenders were greeted with the greatest amount of applause from the company. Nevertheless, when the President requested one of them to change a gold coin outside, and he did not return, those present showed great indignation and anxiety, abusing and threatening their absent companion, whose ultimate return was hailed with genuine relief. In this case, no doubt, envy and vanity played as great a part as a sense of integrity, in the resentment shown at this fancied breach of faith.
[Pg 34]A philanthropist once invited a group of young thieves from London to a casual gathering, and it was noticeable that the toughest criminals received the most applause from everyone there. However, when the President asked one of them to step outside to change a gold coin and he didn't come back, the others expressed significant anger and worry, criticizing and threatening their missing friend. When he eventually returned, everyone felt a genuine sense of relief. In this situation, it’s clear that envy and vanity played just as much of a role as a sense of integrity in the resentment displayed over this imagined betrayal.
In the prisons at Moscow, offences against discipline are dealt with by the offenders' fellow-prisoners. The convict population on the island of San Stefano compiled spontaneously a Draconian code to quell internal discord arising from racial jealousies.
In the prisons in Moscow, violations of discipline are handled by the other inmates. The convict population on the island of San Stefano created a strict code on their own to stop internal conflicts caused by racial jealousy.
Treachery. This species of morality and justice, which unexpectedly makes its appearance in the midst of a naturally unrighteous community, can only be forced and temporary. When, instead of reaping advantages, interests and passions are injured by acting rightly, these notions of justice, unsustained by innate integrity suddenly fail. Contrary to universal belief, criminals are very prone to[Pg 35] betray their companions and accomplices, and are easily induced to act as informers in the hope of gaining some personal advantage or of injuring those they envy or suspect of treachery towards themselves.
Treachery. This kind of morality and justice that unexpectedly shows up in a naturally corrupt community can only be forced and temporary. When acting rightly leads to harm instead of benefits for one's interests and passions, these ideas of justice, which lack inherent integrity, quickly collapse. Contrary to popular belief, criminals are very likely to[Pg 35] betray their friends and partners in crime, and they are easily persuaded to inform on others in the hope of getting some personal gain or of hurting those they envy or suspect of being disloyal to them.
"Many thieves," says Vidocq, "consider it a stroke of luck to be consulted by the police." In fact, Bouscaut, one of a notorious band of malefactors in France, was chiefly instrumental in causing the arrest of the gang; and the brigand Caruso aided the authorities in capturing his former companions.
"Many thieves," says Vidocq, "see it as a lucky break when the police consult them." In fact, Bouscaut, a member of a notorious criminal gang in France, played a major role in getting the gang arrested; and the criminal Caruso helped the authorities capture his former accomplices.
Vanity. Pride, or rather vanity, and an exaggerated notion of their own importance, which we find in the masses, generally in inverse proportion to real merit, is especially strong in criminals. In the cell occupied by La Gala, the following notice was found in his handwriting: "March 24th. On this date La Gala learnt to knit." Another criminal, Crocco, tried hard to save his brother, "Lest," he said, "my race should die out." Lacenaire was less troubled by the death-sentence than by adverse criticisms of his bad verse and the fear of public contempt. "I do not fear being hated," he is reported to have said, "but I dread being despised—the tempest leaves traces of its passage, but unobserved the humble flower fades."
Vanity. Pride, or more accurately vanity, along with an inflated sense of their own importance, is something we see in the masses, typically in a way that's less than what they actually deserve, and it’s particularly strong in criminals. In the cell where La Gala was held, a note was found written by him: "March 24th. On this date La Gala learned how to knit." Another criminal, Crocco, worked hard to save his brother, saying, "Otherwise, my family line will die out." Lacenaire was less worried about his death sentence than he was about negative feedback on his bad poetry and the fear of being looked down upon. "I don’t mind being hated," he supposedly said, "but I fear being despised—while a storm leaves visible signs of its passage, unnoticed, the humble flower wilts away."
Thus thieves are loth to confess that they are[Pg 36] guilty of only petty larceny, and are sometimes prompted by vanity to commit more serious robberies. The same false shame is common to fallen women, among whom contempt is incurred, not by excess of depravity but by the failure to command high prices. Grellinier, a petty thief, boasted in court of imaginary offences, with the desire of appearing in the light of a great criminal. The crimes in the haunted castle, attributed by Holmes to himself, were certainly in part inventions. The female poisoner, Buscemi, when writing to her accomplice, signed herself, "Your Lucrezia Borgia."
Thus, thieves are reluctant to admit that they're guilty of only minor theft, and sometimes their vanity pushes them to commit more serious crimes. The same false sense of shame is also seen in fallen women, who face contempt not for being overly depraved but for not being able to charge high prices. Grellinier, a petty thief, boasted in court about imaginary offenses, wanting to be seen as a major criminal. The crimes in the haunted castle, which Holmes claimed were committed by him, were certainly partly made up. The female poisoner, Buscemi, when writing to her accomplice, signed herself, "Your Lucrezia Borgia."
One of the most frequent causes of modern crime is the desire to gratify personal vanity and to become notorious.
One of the most common reasons for modern crime is the urge to feed personal vanity and gain fame.
Impulsiveness. This is another and almost pathognomonical characteristic of born criminals, and also, as we shall see later on, of epileptics and the morally insane. That which in ordinary individuals is only an eccentric and fugitive suggestion vanishing as soon as it arises, in the case of abnormal subjects is rapidly translated into action, which, although unconscious, is not the less dangerous. A youth of this impulsive type, returning home one evening flushed with wine, met a peasant leading his ass and cried out, "As I have not come to blows with anyone to-day, I must vent my rage on this beast,"[Pg 37] at the same time drawing his knife and plunging it several times into the poor animal's body (Ladelci, Il Vino, Rome, 1868). Pinel describes a morally insane subject, who was in the habit of giving way to his passions, killing any horses that did not please him and thrashing his political opponents. He even went to the length of throwing a lady down a well, because she ventured to contradict him.
Impulsiveness. This is another almost definitive trait of born criminals, and also, as we will see later, of people with epilepsy and those who are morally insane. What in normal individuals is just a quirky and fleeting thought that disappears as soon as it comes up, in abnormal individuals quickly turns into action, which, although unconscious, is still quite dangerous. A young man of this impulsive type, coming home one evening while drunk, encountered a peasant leading his donkey and shouted, "Since I haven't fought with anyone today, I need to take my anger out on this animal,"[Pg 37] as he pulled out his knife and stabbed the poor creature multiple times (Ladelci, Il Vino, Rome, 1868). Pinel describes a morally insane person who often gave in to his urges, killing any horses he didn't like and beating his political rivals. He even took it so far as to throw a woman down a well just because she dared to disagree with him.
"The most trifling causes [remarks Tamburini, speaking of Sbro...] that stand in the way of his wishes, provoke a fit of rage in which he appears to lose all self-control, like little children, who in resenting any offence show no sense of proportion. The most trivial reasons for disliking anyone awaken in him an irresistible desire to kill the object of his aversion, and if any new blasphemy rises to his lips, he feels constrained to repeat it."
"The smallest things [says Tamburini, talking about Sbro...] that get between him and what he wants set off a rage in him where he seems to completely lose control, much like young children who, when upset, can’t see the bigger picture. Even the most minor reasons for disliking someone trigger an overpowering urge in him to harm that person, and if any new curse comes to his lips, he can’t help but say it."
A thief once said to my father: "It is in our very blood. It may be only a pin, but I cannot help taking it, although I am quite ready to give it back to its owner." The pickpocket Bor... confessed that at the age of twelve he had begun to steal in the streets and at school, to the extent of taking things from under his schoolfellows' pillows, and that it was impossible for him to resist stealing, even when his pockets were full. If he had not stolen some article before going to bed, he was unable to sleep, and when midnight struck, he felt obliged to take the first thing that came to his[Pg 38] hand, destroying it frequently as soon as he had appropriated it.
A thief once told my father, "It's in our blood. It might just be a pin, but I can't help taking it, even though I'm totally willing to give it back to its owner." The pickpocket Bor... admitted that at twelve years old he started stealing in the streets and at school, even taking items from his classmates' pillows. He said it was impossible for him to resist stealing, even when his pockets were already full. If he hadn't stolen something before going to bed, he couldn't sleep, and when midnight struck, he felt the need to grab the first thing he could get his hands on, often destroying it right after he took it.
"To give up stealing," said Deham to Lauvergne, "would be like ceasing to exist. Stealing is a passion that burns like love and when I feel the blood seething in my brain and fingers, I think I should be capable of robbing myself, if that were possible." When sentenced to the galleys, he stole the bands from the masts, nails, and copper plates, and he himself fixed the number of lashes he was to receive after each of these exploits, which did not prevent his recommencing stealing directly afterward (Les Forçats, p. 358).
"Giving up stealing," Deham said to Lauvergne, "would be like stopping my own existence. Stealing is a passion that burns like love, and when I feel the blood boiling in my brain and fingers, I think I could even rob myself if that were possible." When he was sentenced to the galleys, he stole the bands from the masts, nails, and copper plates, and he personally determined the number of lashes he would get after each of these acts, which didn’t stop him from starting to steal again right afterward (Les Forçats, p. 358).
Ponticelli once saw a thief, who was dying of consumption, steal an old slipper from his neighbour and hide it under the bedclothes.
Ponticelli once saw a thief, who was dying of tuberculosis, steal an old slipper from his neighbor and hide it under the bedclothes.
Vindictiveness. Closely allied to this impulsiveness and exaggerated personal vanity, we find an extraordinary thirst for revenge. Lebuc murdered a man who had stolen some matches from him. Baron R... caused the death of a man, because he had failed to order a religious procession to halt under the windows of his palace.
Vindictiveness. Closely tied to this impulsiveness and inflated personal pride, we notice an intense desire for revenge. Lebuc killed a man who had stolen some matches from him. Baron R... caused a man's death because he didn’t have a religious procession stop under the windows of his palace.
"To see expire the one you hate—
Such is the joy of the gods.
My sole desire is to hate and be avenged."
"Watching the person you hate die—
That's the enjoyment of the gods.
"All I want is to feel hatred and get my revenge."
wrote Lacenaire.
wrote Lacenaire.
[Pg 39]After a slight dispute with Voit, whose hospitality he had enjoyed, Renaud threw his friend down a well. He was arrested, and when Voit, who had been rescued, pardoned him, he said, "I only regret not having finished him, but when I come out of prison, I will do so." And he kept his word.
[Pg 39]After a small argument with Voit, whose hospitality he had enjoyed, Renaud threw his friend down a well. He was arrested, and when Voit, who had been rescued, forgave him, he said, "I only regret not finishing him off, but when I get out of prison, I will." And he kept his promise.
The tattooing on the persons of criminals and their writings while in prison are full of solemn oaths of vengeance. A female thief once said, "If it were true that those who refuse to pardon will be damned eternally, I should still withhold my forgiveness."
The tattoos on criminals and their writings while in prison are filled with serious vows of revenge. A female thief once said, "If it were true that those who refuse to forgive will be damned forever, I would still hold back my forgiveness."
Cruelty depends on moral and physical insensibility, those incapable of feeling pain being indifferent to the sufferings of others.
Cruelty relies on a lack of moral and physical sensitivity; those who can't feel pain are indifferent to the sufferings of others.
The post of executioner was eagerly competed for at the prison of Rochefort. Mammon used to drink the blood of his victims and when this was not to be had, he drank his own. The executioner Jean became so maddened by the sight of blood flowing beneath his lash, that guards were stationed to prevent undue prolongation of the punishment. Dippe wrote: "My chief pleasure is beheading. When I was young, stabbing was my sole pastime."
The role of executioner was highly sought after at the Rochefort prison. Mammon would drink the blood of his victims, and when he couldn’t get that, he drank his own. The executioner Jean became so crazed by the sight of blood flowing from his strikes that guards had to be stationed to stop the punishment from dragging on too long. Dippe wrote: “My greatest pleasure is beheading. When I was younger, stabbing was my only hobby.”
It has often been observed that the ferocity of women exceeds that of men. Rulfi killed her own niece, whom she detested, by thrusting long pins[Pg 40] into her, and the female brigand Ciclope reproached her lover for murdering his victims too quickly.
It has often been noted that women's intensity surpasses that of men. Rulfi killed her own niece, whom she hated, by stabbing her with long pins[Pg 40], and the female bandit Ciclope criticized her boyfriend for killing his victims too fast.
Idleness. Like savages, criminals are dominated by an incorrigible laziness, which in certain cases leads them to prefer death from starvation to regular work. This idleness alternates with periods of ferocious impulsiveness, during which they display the greatest energy. Like savages, too, they are passionately fond of alcohol, orgies, and sensual pleasures, which alone rouse them to activity.
Idleness. Like wild animals, criminals are driven by a stubborn laziness, which in some cases makes them choose death by starvation over doing regular work. This idleness is interspersed with bursts of extreme impulsiveness, during which they show remarkable energy. Like wild animals, they also have a strong craving for alcohol, parties, and physical pleasures, which are the only things that get them motivated.
Orgies. Those who have observed children absorbed all day long by a game that pleases them, can understand the meaning of these words, spoken by a woman: "Criminals are grown-up children." The love of habitual debauch is so intense that, as soon as thieves have made some great haul or escaped from prison, they return to their haunts to carouse and make merry, in spite of the evident danger of falling once more into the hands of the police.
Orgies. Anyone who's seen children completely immersed in a game they enjoy can grasp the meaning behind these words from a woman: "Criminals are just grown-up kids." The desire for constant indulgence is so strong that as soon as thieves pull off a big heist or break out of jail, they rush back to their old spots to party and have fun, despite the clear risk of getting caught by the police again.
Gambling. The passion for gambling is so strong that the criminal is always in a penniless condition, no matter how much treasure he has appropriated, and cases of starvation in prison are not unknown, prisoners having sold their rations in order to gratify this vice.
Gambling. The obsession with gambling is so intense that the criminal is always broke, no matter how much wealth they've stolen, and there are known instances of starvation in prison, where inmates have sold their food to indulge this habit.
Games. Many primitive and cruel amusements, similar to the pastimes of savages, have been preserved[Pg 41] or reconstructed by criminals. Such are the games known to Italian offenders as "La Patta," in which one of the players tries to avoid being struck while passing his head between two points brought together horizontally by another, who stands with his arms outstretched; and "La Rota," in which the players run in a circle, one behind the other, seeking to escape, by dodging, the blows from a stout stick, aimed at them by one of their companions.
Games. Many brutal and savage games, similar to the pastimes of early humans, have been kept alive[Pg 41] or recreated by criminals. For example, there's a game known to Italian offenders as "La Patta," where one player tries to avoid being hit while passing their head between two points brought together horizontally by another player standing with their arms outstretched. Then there's "La Rota," where the players run in a circle, one behind the other, trying to dodge blows from a thick stick aimed at them by one of their friends.
Intelligence is feeble in some and exaggerated in others. Prudence and forethought are generally lacking. A very common characteristic is recklessness, which leads criminals to run the risk of arrest for the sake of being witty, or to leave some blood-stained weapon on the very spot where they have committed a crime, notwithstanding the fact that they have taken a hundred precautions to avoid detection. This same recklessness prompts them, when the danger is scarcely past, to make verses or pictures of their exploits or to tattoo them upon their persons, heedless of consequences.
Intelligence varies—some people have very little, while others have too much. Commonly, they lack common sense and planning. A frequent trait is recklessness, which drives criminals to risk getting caught just to show off or to leave behind a bloody weapon right where they committed the crime, even after taking a hundred precautions to avoid getting caught. This same recklessness leads them, soon after the danger has passed, to create poems or drawings of their crimes or even tattoo them on their bodies, ignoring the consequences.
Zino relates the story of a Sicilian schoolboy, who illustrated his criminal relations with his schoolfellows by a series of sketches in his album. A certain Cavaglia, called "Fusil" robbed and murdered an accomplice and hid the body in a cupboard. He was arrested and in prison decided to commit[Pg 42] suicide a hundred days after the date of his crime, but before doing so, he adorned his water-jug with an account of his misdeed, partly in pictures and partly in writing, as though he desired to raise a monument to himself (see Fig. 9). The clearest and strangest instance of this recklessness was furnished by a photograph discovered by the police, in which, at the risk of arrest and detection, three criminals had had themselves photographed in the very act of committing a murder.
Zino tells the story of a Sicilian schoolboy who showed his criminal ties with his classmates through a series of sketches in his album. A guy named Cavaglia, nicknamed "Fusil," robbed and killed an accomplice and hid the body in a cupboard. He got arrested and, while in prison, decided to commit[Pg 42] suicide a hundred days after his crime. Before doing that, he decorated his water jug with an account of his wrongdoing, using both pictures and writing, as if he wanted to create a monument for himself (see Fig. 9). The clearest and most bizarre example of this recklessness was a photograph found by the police, in which, risking arrest and detection, three criminals had themselves photographed right in the act of committing a murder.
Intellectual Expressions
Slang. This is a peculiar jargon used by criminals when speaking among themselves. The syntax and grammatical construction of the language remain unchanged, but the meanings of words are altered, many being formed in the same way as in primitive languages; i.e., an object frequently receives the name of one of its attributes. Thus a kid is called "jumper," death "the lean or cruel one," the soul "the false or shameful one," the body "the veil," the hour "the swift one," the moon "the spy," a purse "the saint," alms "the rogue," a sermon "the tedious one," etc. Many words are formed as among savages, by onomatopoeia, as "tuff" (pistol), "tic" (watch), "guanguana" (sweetheart), "fric frac" (lottery).
Slang. This is a unique language used by criminals when they talk to each other. The grammar and sentence structure stay the same, but the meanings of the words change, with many being created similarly to how primitive languages work; i.e., an object often gets named after one of its characteristics. For example, a kid is called "jumper," death is referred to as "the lean or cruel one," the soul is "the false or shameful one," the body is "the veil," the hour is "the swift one," the moon is "the spy," a purse is "the saint," alms are "the rogue," a sermon is "the tedious one," and so on. Many words are created like those among primitive cultures, using sound mimicry, like "tuff" (pistol), "tic" (watch), "guanguana" (sweetheart), "fric frac" (lottery).

[Pg 43]The necessity of eluding police investigations is the reason usually given for the origin of this slang. No doubt it was one of the chief causes, but does not explain the continued use of a jargon which is too well known now to serve this purpose; moreover, it is employed in poems, the object of which is to invite public attention, not to avoid it, and by criminals in their homes where there is no need for secrecy.
[Pg 43]The need to avoid police investigations is typically cited as the reason for this slang's origin. While that's certainly one of the main reasons, it doesn't account for why this jargon is still used today, as it's now too recognizable to serve that purpose. Additionally, it's found in poems meant to draw public attention rather than hide from it, and criminals use it in their homes where secrecy isn't a concern.
Pictography. One of the strangest characteristics of criminals is the tendency to express their ideas pictorially. While in prison, Troppmann painted the scene of his misdeed, for the purpose of showing that it had been committed by others. We have already mentioned the rude illustrations engraved by the murderer Cavaglia on his pitcher, representing his crime, imprisonment, and suicide. Books, crockery, guns, all the utensils criminals have in constant use, serve as a canvas on which to portray their exploits.
Pictography. One of the oddest traits of criminals is their tendency to express their thoughts through pictures. While in prison, Troppmann painted a picture of his crime to suggest that it was carried out by someone else. We've already talked about the crude drawings made by the murderer Cavaglia on his pitcher, depicting his crime, time in prison, and suicide. Books, dishes, guns—everything criminals use regularly—become a canvas for showcasing their adventures.
From pictography it is but an easy step to hieroglyphics like those used by ancient peoples. The hieroglyphics of criminals are closely allied to their slang, of which in fact they are only a pictorial representation, and, although largely inspired by the necessity for secrecy, show, in addition, evident atavistic tendencies.
From pictography, it's just a small jump to hieroglyphics similar to those used by ancient cultures. The hieroglyphics used by criminals are closely related to their slang, which is essentially just a visual form of it. While largely driven by a need for secrecy, they also display clear primitive instincts.
De Blasio has explained the meaning of the hieroglyphics used by the "camorristi" (members[Pg 44] of the camorra at Naples), especially when they are in prison. For instance, to indicate the President of the Tribunal, they use a crown with three points; to indicate a judge, the judge's cap (see Fig. 10). The following is a list of some of the hieroglyphics mentioned by De Blasio:
De Blasio has explained what the hieroglyphics used by the "camorristi" (members[Pg 44] of the camorra in Naples) mean, especially when they're in prison. For example, to represent the President of the Tribunal, they use a crown with three points; to represent a judge, they use the judge's cap (see Fig. 10). Here’s a list of some of the hieroglyphics mentioned by De Blasio:

Drawings in Script. Discovered by De Blasio
Police Inspector—a hat like those worn by the Italian soldiers who are called Alpini (a helmet with flat top and an upright feather on the left side).
Police Inspector—a hat like those worn by the Italian soldiers known as Alpini (a helmet with a flat top and a feather sticking up on the left side).
Public Prosecutor—an open-mouthed viper (see Fig. 10).
Public Prosecutor—an open viper (see __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__).
Carabineer—a bugle.
Carabineer—a bugle.
Theft—a skull and cross-bones.
Robbery—a skull and crossbones.
Commissary of the Police—a dwarf with the three-cornered hat worn by the carabinieri.
Commissary of the Police—a short man wearing a three-cornered hat typical of the carabinieri.
Arts and Industries of the Criminal. Although habitual criminals show a strong aversion to any kind of useful labour, in prison and at large, they, nevertheless, apply themselves with great diligence to certain tasks, sometimes of an illegal nature, such as the manufacture of implements to aid them in escaping,[Pg 45] sometimes merely artistic, such as modelling, with breadcrumbs, brickdust, or soap, the figures of persons. Sometimes they make baskets, machines, dominoes, draughts, playing-cards, etc., or form means of communication with their fellow-prisoners and construct weapons for executing their schemes of vengeance. They also devote themselves to eccentric and useless occupations, like the training of animals, such as mice, marmosets, birds, and even fleas (Lattes). This morbid and misguided activity, which frequently shows gleams of talent, might well be utilised for increasing the scope of prison industries.
Arts and Industries of the Criminal. While habitual criminals have a strong dislike for any kind of useful work, both in prison and outside of it, they still diligently engage in certain tasks, sometimes illegal, like making tools to help them escape,[Pg 45] and sometimes purely artistic, like sculpting figures of people from breadcrumbs, brick dust, or soap. They also create baskets, machines, dominoes, checkers, playing cards, and other items, or establish ways to communicate with fellow inmates, even constructing weapons to carry out their revenge plots. Additionally, they spend time on odd and pointless hobbies, like training animals such as mice, marmosets, birds, and even fleas (Lattes). This strange and misguided energy, which often reveals flashes of talent, could be harnessed to expand prison industries.
Tattoos
This personal decoration so often found on great criminals is one of the strangest relics of a former state. It consists of designs, hieroglyphics, and words punctured in the skin by a special and very painful process.
This personal adornment, commonly seen on notorious criminals, is one of the oddest remnants of a bygone era. It includes designs, hieroglyphics, and words that are inscribed into the skin through a specific and very painful process.

Alphabet Discovered by De Blasio
Among primitive peoples, who live in a more or less nude condition, tattooing takes the place of decorations or ornamental garments, and serves as a mark of distinction or rank. When an[Pg 46] Eskimo slays an enemy, he adorns his upper-lip with a couple of blue stripes, and the warriors of Sumatra add a special sign to their decorations for every foe they kill. In Wuhaiva, ladies of noble birth are more extensively tattooed than women of humbler rank. Among the Maoris, tattooing is a species of armorial bearings indicative of noble birth.
Among primitive peoples, who live in a mostly nude state, tattooing replaces clothing or decorative garments and acts as a symbol of status or rank. When an[Pg 46] Eskimo kills an enemy, he marks his upper lip with a couple of blue stripes, and the warriors of Sumatra add a specific symbol to their decorations for each enemy they defeat. In Wuhaiva, women of noble birth are more heavily tattooed than those of lower rank. Among the Maoris, tattooing serves as a form of heraldry that indicates noble lineage.
According to ancient writers, tattooing was practised by Thracians, Picts, and Celts. Roman soldiers tattooed their arms with the names of their generals, and artisans in the Middle Ages were marked with the insignia of their crafts. In modern times this custom has fallen into disuse among the higher classes and only exists among sailors, soldiers, peasants, and workmen.
According to ancient writers, tattooing was practiced by Thracians, Picts, and Celts. Roman soldiers tattooed their arms with the names of their generals, and artisans in the Middle Ages were marked with the symbols of their trades. In modern times, this custom has largely faded among the upper classes and is now mainly found among sailors, soldiers, peasants, and laborers.
Although not exclusively confined to criminals, tattooing is practised by them to a far larger extent than by normal persons: 9% of adult criminals and 40% of minors are tattooed; whereas, in normal persons the proportion is only 0.1%. Recidivists and born criminals, whether thieves or murderers, show the highest percentage of tattooing. Forgers and swindlers are rarely tattooed.
Although not limited to criminals, tattooing is much more common among them than among ordinary people: 9% of adult criminals and 40% of minors have tattoos; meanwhile, only 0.1% of regular people are tattooed. Repeat offenders and individuals labeled as born criminals, whether they are thieves or murderers, have the highest rates of tattooing. However, forgers and con artists are rarely tattooed.
Sometimes tattooing consists of a motto symbolical of the career of the criminal it adorns. Tardieu found on the arm of a sailor who had served various terms of imprisonment, the words, "Pas de chance."[Pg 47] The notorious criminal Malassen was tattooed on the chest with the drawing of a guillotine, under which was written the following prophecy: "J'ai mal commencé, je finirai mal. C'est la fin qui m'attend."
Sometimes, tattoos represent a saying that symbolizes the criminal's profession. Tardieu discovered on the arm of a sailor who had been in and out of prison the words, "No luck."[Pg 47] The infamous criminal Malassen had a tattoo on his chest depicting a guillotine, with the following prophecy written underneath: "I started badly, I will end badly. It's the end that awaits me."
Tattooing frequently bears witness to indecency. Of 142 criminals examined by my father, the tattooing on five showed obscenity of design and position and furnished also a remarkable proof of the insensibility to pain characteristic of criminals, the parts tattooed being the most sensitive of the whole body, and therefore left untouched even by savages.
Tattooing often reflects indecency. Out of 142 criminals examined by my father, five had tattoos that displayed obscene designs and placements, which also provided a striking indication of the insensitivity to pain common among criminals. The areas that were tattooed were the most sensitive parts of the body and are typically avoided even by savages.
Another fact worthy of mention is the extent to which criminals are tattooed. Thirty-five out of 378 criminals examined by Lacassagne were decorated literally from head to foot.
Another noteworthy fact is how much criminals are tattooed. Thirty-five out of 378 criminals studied by Lacassagne were covered literally from head to toe.
In a great many cases, the designs reveal violence of character and a desire for revenge. A Piedmontese sailor, who had perpetrated fraud and murder from motives of revenge, bore on his breast between two daggers, the words: "I swear to revenge myself." Another had written on his forehead, "Death to the middle classes," with the drawing of a dagger underneath. A young Ligurian, the leader of a mutiny in an Italian Reformatory, was tattooed with designs representing all the most important episodes of his life, and the idea of revenge was[Pg 48] paramount. On his right forearm figured two crossed swords, underneath them the initials M. N. (of an intimate friend), and on the inner side, traced longitudinally, the motto: "Death to cowards. Long live our alliance."
In many cases, the tattoos show a violent personality and a thirst for revenge. A Piedmontese sailor, who committed fraud and murder out of revenge, had the words "I swear to get my revenge" tattooed on his chest between two daggers. Another had "Death to the middle classes" inked on his forehead, with a dagger drawn underneath. A young Ligurian, who led a mutiny in an Italian Reformatory, was covered in tattoos depicting the key events of his life, with revenge being the most important theme. On his right forearm, two crossed swords were inked, underneath which were the initials M. N. (of a close friend), and on the inner side, running along it, the motto: "Death to cowards. Long live our alliance."
Tattooing, as practised by criminals, is a perfect substitute for writing with symbols and hieroglyphics, and they take a keen pleasure in this mode of adorning their skins.
Tattooing, as done by criminals, is a great alternative to using symbols and hieroglyphics for writing, and they really enjoy this way of decorating their skin.
Of atavistic origin, also, is the practice, common to members of the camorra, of branding their sweethearts on the face, not from motives of revenge, but as a sign of proprietorship, like the chiefs of savage tribes, who mark their wives and other belongings; and the form of tattooing called "Paranza," which distinguishes the various bands of malefactors,—the band of the "banner," of the "three arrows," of the "bell-ringer," of the "Carmelites," etc.
The practice of branding their girlfriends on the face, common among members of the camorra, has primitive origins. It's not done out of revenge but as a sign of ownership, similar to how leaders of tribal societies mark their wives and possessions. There's also a type of tattooing known as "Paranza," which identifies different groups of criminals—the group of the "banner," the "three arrows," the "bell-ringer," the "Carmelites," and so on.
The Criminal Mind
All the physical and psychic peculiarities of which we have spoken are found singly in many normal individuals. Moreover, crime is not always the result of degeneration and atavism; and, on the other hand, many persons who are considered perfectly normal are not so in reality. However, in normal individuals, we never find that accumulation[Pg 49] of physical, psychic, functional, and skeletal anomalies in one and the same person, that we do in the case of criminals, among whom also entire freedom from abnormal characteristics is more rare than among ordinary individuals.
All the physical and mental traits we've discussed are present individually in many normal people. Additionally, crime isn't always caused by degeneration or ancestral traits; conversely, many people who appear completely normal are actually not. However, in normal individuals, we never see that buildup of physical, mental, functional, and skeletal anomalies in one person that we observe in criminals, among whom being completely free from abnormal characteristics is much rarer than in average individuals.[Pg 49]
Just as a musical theme is the result of a sum of notes, and not of any single note, the criminal type results from the aggregate of these anomalies, which render him strange and terrible, not only to the scientific observer, but to ordinary persons who are capable of an impartial judgment.
Just like a musical theme comes from a combination of notes rather than just one, the criminal type emerges from the collection of these anomalies, which make them bizarre and frightening, not only to the scientific observer but also to everyday people who can judge fairly.
Painters and poets, unhampered by false doctrines, divined this type long before it became the subject of a special branch of study. The assassins, executioners, and devils painted by Mantegna, Titian, and Ribera the Spagnoletto embody with marvellous exactitude the characteristics of the born criminal; and the descriptions of great writers, Dante, Shakespeare, Dostoyevsky, and Ibsen, are equally faithful representations, physically and psychically, of this morbid type.
Painters and poets, unrestricted by misguided beliefs, understood this type long before it became the focus of a specific field of study. The assassins, executioners, and demons depicted by Mantegna, Titian, and Ribera the Spagnoletto perfectly capture the traits of the natural-born criminal. Similarly, the portrayals by great writers like Dante, Shakespeare, Dostoyevsky, and Ibsen faithfully represent this disturbed type, both physically and psychologically.
The Criminal in Common Sayings
The conclusions of instinctive observers have found expression in many proverbs, which warn the world against the very characteristics we have noted in criminals.
The insights of instinctive observers have been captured in many proverbs that caution the world about the very traits we've observed in criminals.
[Pg 50]A proverb common in Romagna, says: "Poca barba e niun colore, sotto il cielo non vi ha peggiore" (There is nothing worse under Heaven than a scanty beard and a colourless face), and in Piedmont there is a saying, "Faccia smorta, peggio che scabbia" (An ashen face is worse than the itch). The Venetians have a number of proverbs expressing distrust of the criminal type: "Uomo rosso e femina barbuta da lontan xe megio la saluta" (Greet from afar the red-haired man and the bearded woman); "Vàrdete da chi te parla e guarda in la, e vàrdete da chi tiene i oci bassi e da chi camina a corti passi" (Beware of him who looks away when he speaks to you, and of him who keeps his eyes cast down and takes mincing steps); "El guerzo xe maledetto per ogni verso" (The squint-eyed are on all sides accursed); "Megio vendere un campo e una cà che tor una dona dal naso levà" (Better sell a field and a house than take a wife with a turned-up nose); "Naso che guarda in testa è peggior che la tempesta" (A turned-up nose is worse than hail); etc.
[Pg 50]A common saying in Romagna goes: "A scraggly beard and a pale face, there's nothing worse under the sky." In Piedmont, they say, "An ashen face is worse than the itch." Venetians have several proverbs that show distrust of shady characters: "Greet the red-haired man and the bearded woman from a distance"; "Watch out for whoever looks away while talking to you, and for those who keep their eyes down and take short steps"; "The squint-eyed are cursed in every way"; "It's better to sell a field and a house than to marry a woman with a turned-up nose"; "A turned-up nose is worse than a storm"; etc.
There are innumerable cases on record, in which persons quite ignorant of criminology have escaped robbery or murder, thanks to the timely distrust awakened in them by the appearance of individuals who had tried to win their confidence. My father once placed before forty children, twenty portraits[Pg 51] of thieves and twenty representing great men, and 80% recognised in the first the portraits of bad and deceitful people.
There are countless documented cases where people who know nothing about criminology have avoided robbery or murder because they felt an instinctive distrust due to the presence of individuals trying to gain their trust. My father once showed forty children twenty portraits[Pg 51] of thieves and twenty of notable individuals, and 80% identified the former as images of dishonest and deceitful people.
In conclusion, the born criminal possesses certain physical and mental characteristics, which mark him out as a special type, materially and morally diverse from the bulk of mankind.
In conclusion, the born criminal has specific physical and mental traits that set him apart as a unique type, both materially and morally different from most people.
Like the little cage-bred bird which instinctively crouches and trembles at the sight of the hawk, although ignorant of its ferocity, an honest man feels instinctive repugnance at the sight of a miscreant and thus signalises the abnormality of the criminal type.
Like a small cage-raised bird that instinctively hunches down and shakes at the sight of a hawk, even without understanding its danger, an honest person feels an instinctive aversion when they see a wrongdoer, thereby highlighting the abnormality of the criminal type.
CHAPTER II
THE BORN CRIMINAL AND HIS RELATION TO MORAL INSANITY AND EPILEPSY
No one, before my father, had ever recognised in the criminal an abnormal being driven by an irresistible atavistic impulse to commit anti-social acts, but many had observed (cases of the kind were too frequent to escape notice) the existence of certain individuals, nearly always members of degenerate families, who seemed from their earliest infancy to be prompted by some fatal impulse to do evil to their fellow-men. They differed from ordinary people, because they hated the very persons who to normal beings are the nearest and dearest, parents, husbands, wives, and children, and because their inhuman deeds seemed to cause them no remorse. These individuals, who were sometimes treated as lunatics, sometimes as diseased persons, and sometimes as criminals, were said by the earliest observers to be afflicted with moral insanity.
No one, before my father, had ever recognized that criminals were abnormal individuals driven by an uncontrollable instinct to commit anti-social acts. However, many had noticed (such cases were too common to ignore) that certain people, typically from dysfunctional families, appeared from a young age to be compelled by a destructive impulse to harm others. They were different from ordinary people because they harbored hatred for those who are usually the closest and most beloved, like parents, spouses, and children, and their horrific actions seemed to leave them without guilt. These individuals, sometimes seen as insane, sometimes as ill, and sometimes as criminals, were described by early observers as suffering from moral insanity.
[Pg 53]Analogy. Those who are familiar with all that Pinel, Morel, Richard Connon, and other great alienists have written on the morally insane cannot help remarking the analogy, nay identity, of the physical, intellectual, and moral characteristics of this type of lunatic and those of the born criminal.
[Pg 53]Analogy. Those who are familiar with everything that Pinel, Morel, Richard Connon, and other prominent psychiatrists have written about the morally insane can't help but notice the similarities, even the identity, of the physical, intellectual, and moral traits of this type of lunatic and those of the born criminal.
The same physical anomalies already observed in criminals, as described in the first chapter (cranial deformities, asymmetry, physical and functional left-handedness, anomalies in the teeth, hands, and feet), are described by these older writers as being characteristic of the morally insane, as are also those mental and moral qualities already noted in the born criminal—vanity, want of affection, cruelty, idleness, and love of orgies.
The same physical features already noted in criminals, as mentioned in the first chapter (skull deformities, asymmetry, physical and functional left-handedness, irregularities in the teeth, hands, and feet), are described by these earlier writers as typical of the morally insane. They also point out the same mental and moral traits seen in born criminals— vanity, lack of affection, cruelty, laziness, and a love for wild parties.
Only the analogy of the origin and early manifestations was lacking to complete the proof of the identity of the two forms. It is true that moral insanity is more often found in the descendants of insane, neurotic, or dipsomaniac forebears than in those of criminals, and that the characteristics are manifested at an earlier age than is the case with born criminals, but these differences are not of fundamental importance.
Only the comparison of the origin and early appearances was missing to fully prove that the two forms are the same. It's true that moral insanity is more frequently seen in the descendants of those who were insane, neurotic, or alcoholic than in the descendants of criminals, and that these traits tend to show up at a younger age compared to those in born criminals, but these differences aren't fundamentally important.
Cases. During many years of observation, my father was able to follow innumerable cases of moral[Pg 54] insanity in which perversity was manifested literally from the cradle, and in which the victims of this disease grew up into delinquents in no wise distinguishable from born criminals.
Cases. After years of observation, my father was able to track countless instances of moral[Pg 54] insanity where deviance appeared right from infancy, and where the individuals affected by this condition developed into offenders that were indistinguishable from those who were born criminals.
A typical instance is that of a certain Rizz... who was brought to him by the mother because, while still at the breast, he bit his nurse so viciously that bottle-feeding had to be substituted. At the age of two years, careful training and medical treatment notwithstanding, this child was separated from his brothers, because he stuck pins into their pillows and played dangerous tricks on them. Two years later, he broke open his father's cash-box and stole money to buy sweets; at six, although decidedly intelligent, he was expelled from every private school in the town, because he instigated the others to mischief or ill-treated them. At fourteen, he seduced a servant and ran away, and at twenty he killed his fiancée by throwing her out of a window. Thanks to the testimony of a great many doctors, Rizz... was declared to be morally insane, but if the family had been poor instead of well-to-do, and the mother had neglected to have her child examined in infancy by a medical man, thus obtaining ample proof of the pathological nature of his perversity, Rizz... would have been condemned as an ordinary criminal, because, like all morally insane persons, he [Pg 55]was very intelligent and able to reason clearly, like a normal individual.
A typical example is a certain Rizz... who was brought to him by his mother because, even as a baby, he bit his nurse so hard that she had to switch to bottle-feeding. By age two, despite careful training and medical treatment, this child was separated from his brothers because he stuck pins into their pillows and played dangerous tricks on them. Two years later, he broke open his father's cash box and stole money to buy candy; at six, even though he was quite smart, he was kicked out of every private school in town for encouraging others to cause trouble or bullying them. At fourteen, he seduced a maid and ran away, and by twenty, he killed his fiancée by throwing her out of a window. Thanks to the testimony of many doctors, Rizz... was declared morally insane, but if the family had been poor instead of well-off, and his mother hadn’t taken him to see a doctor as a baby to get clear evidence of his pathological issues, Rizz... would have been treated as just another criminal because, like all morally insane individuals, he [Pg 55]was very intelligent and could reason clearly, just like a normal person.
Another typical case is that of a child named Rav... (see Fig. 12) a native of the Romagna, who was brought to my father at the age of eight, because his parents were convinced that his conduct was due to a morbid condition. Unlike the above-mentioned case, his evil acts were always carried out in an underhand way. He showed great spite towards his brothers and sisters, especially the smaller ones, whom he attempted to strangle on several occasions, and was expelled from school on account of the bad influence he exercised over his schoolfellows. He delighted above everything in robbing his parents, employers, and the neighbours and in falsely accusing others, and so cleverly did he manage this that he caused a great deal of mischief before his double-dealing was discovered. When only eight, on leaving home early every morning to go to work, he would secretly throw all the milk left at the neighbours' doors into the dust-bin, then he accused the janitor of stealing it and got him dismissed. A year later, he nearly succeeded in causing the arrest of a pawnbroker, whom he accused of having lent him money on a cloak, it being illegal in Italy to accept anything in pawn from a minor. The cloak, however, was discovered by his[Pg 56] mother hidden in the cellar. At ten years of age, he alleged that his father had brutally ill-treated him, and as severe marks and bruises on his body gave colour to the accusation, the poor man was arrested. The marks, however, were self-inflicted.
Another typical case is that of a child named Rav... (see Fig. 12) from Romagna, who was brought to my father at the age of eight because his parents believed his behavior was due to a troubling condition. Unlike the previously mentioned case, his bad actions were always done sneakily. He had a lot of resentment toward his brothers and sisters, especially the younger ones, whom he tried to strangle on several occasions, and he was expelled from school because of the negative influence he had on his classmates. He especially enjoyed stealing from his parents, employers, and neighbors, and he was good at falsely accusing others. He created a lot of chaos before his deceit was uncovered. At just eight years old, after leaving home early every morning to go to work, he would secretly throw all the milk left at neighbors' doors into the trash and then blame the janitor for stealing it, resulting in the janitor's dismissal. A year later, he almost caused a pawnbroker to be arrested by accusing him of lending him money on a coat, which is illegal in Italy since minors can't pawn items. However, the coat was found by his[Pg 56] mother hidden in the cellar. By the age of ten, he claimed that his father had severely abused him, and since serious marks and bruises on his body seemed to support his accusation, the poor man was arrested. However, the marks were self-inflicted.
Another boy, a certain Man..., a peasant from the Val d'Aosta, an Alpine valley in Piedmont, where cretinism is indigenous, exhibited perverse tendencies from his earliest infancy. When twelve years old, he killed his companion in a squabble over an egg. (See Fig. 13.)
Another boy, a certain Man..., a peasant from the Val d'Aosta, an Alpine valley in Piedmont, where cretinism is common, showed strange tendencies from a very young age. At twelve years old, he killed his friend in a fight over an egg. (See Fig. 13.)
In the above-mentioned cases, the subjects all belonged to well-to-do or honest families and the pathological heredity was therefore exclusively nervous, not criminal. For this reason, the parents were struck by the abnormal depravity of their sons and had them medically examined and treated, thus discovering that they were morally insane. If, on the other hand, the parents had been criminals and had, themselves, set a bad example, nobody would have supposed that these depraved tendencies were innate in the children or had developed precociously. The fact of the prevalence of moral insanity in neurotic families (with frequent cases of lunacy, alcoholism, etc.) rather than in those of criminal tendencies appears at first sight strange, but according to the new theory advanced by my father,[Pg 57] the criminal is a mentally diseased person; and we shall see in a later chapter that the heredity of insane, neurotic, and dipsomaniac parents is completely equivalent to a criminal heredity.
In the cases mentioned above, all the individuals came from wealthy or decent families, so their hereditary issues were purely nervous, not criminal. Because of this, the parents were alarmed by their sons' unusual behavior and had them evaluated and treated by medical professionals, which led to the discovery that they were morally insane. On the flip side, if the parents had been criminals and set a negative example, no one would have thought that these depraved tendencies were innate or developed early in the children. It may seem odd at first that moral insanity is more common in neurotic families (with frequent instances of mental illness, alcoholism, etc.) rather than in criminal families, but according to the new theory proposed by my father,[Pg 57] a criminal is actually someone with a mental illness. We will see in a later chapter that the hereditary patterns from insane, neurotic, and alcoholic parents are equivalent to a criminal background.
Fig. 12 | Fig. 13 |
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Boy is morally insane. (see page 55) | Boy is morally insane. (see page 56) |
Proofs of Analogy. Thus the genesis and early manifestations, which might have been diverse, really constitute a counter-proof. Careful anamnesis shows that both born criminals and the morally insane begin at a very early age to exhibit symptoms of the morbid tendencies which make them such a danger to society, and if the general public and the police, when such cases are brought to their notice, usually fail to realise that they arise from precocious perversity, it is because atrocious actions are excused on the ground of extreme youth and attributed to this cause rather than to vicious propensities. In many cases, indeed, they are revealed only to the physician.
Proofs of Analogy. Therefore, the origins and early signs, which could have varied, actually serve as a counter-evidence. Careful recollection shows that both born criminals and those with moral insanity start to show signs of the harmful tendencies that make them a threat to society at a very young age. When the public and the police are made aware of such cases, they often fail to recognize that these behaviors come from early-onset perversion; instead, they tend to excuse these awful actions due to the person's extreme youth and attribute them to this reason rather than to bad inclinations. In many instances, these cases are only fully understood by medical professionals.
A counter-proof is likewise furnished by investigations of the origin of these pathological cases, since the study of born criminals shows that they, as well as the morally insane, are as frequently the offspring of insane, epileptic, neurotic, and drunken parents as of criminals, but in the latter case, the morbid origin of their perversity is seldom brought to light owing to the criminality of the parents, who naturally view with indifference symptoms of vice in their children.
A counterargument is also provided by studies of the origins of these pathological cases, as research on people born into crime shows that they, like those with moral insanity, often come from insane, epileptic, neurotic, or alcoholic parents just as frequently as from criminal parents. However, in the latter situation, the unhealthy background of their deviance rarely gets exposed because the criminal parents typically ignore signs of wrongdoing in their children.
Epileptics and Their Connection to Born Criminals and the Morally Insane
We have already stated that the physical and psychic characteristics of born criminals coincide with those of the morally insane. Both are identical with those of another class of degenerates, known to the world as epileptics.
We have already mentioned that the physical and mental traits of born criminals match those of the morally insane. Both are identical to those of another group of degenerates, known to the world as epileptics.
The term epilepsy was applied to a malady frequently studied but little understood by the ancient medical world, the chief symptoms of which were repeated tonic and clonic fits, preceded by the so-called "epileptic aura" and followed by a deep sleep. It was called morbus sacer and believed to be of divine origin.
The term epilepsy referred to a condition often studied but not well understood by ancient medicine, characterized mainly by repeated stiffening and convulsing seizures, preceded by what was known as the "epileptic aura" and followed by a deep sleep. It was called morbus sacer and was thought to be of divine origin.
Careful examination of epileptics by clinical and mental experts, showed that in addition to the characteristic seizure, these unfortunate beings were subject to other phenomena, which sometimes took the place of the convulsive fit and in other cases preceded or followed it. These were pavor nocturnus, sudden sweats, heat, neuralgia, sialorrhea, periodical cephalalgia and, above all, vertigo; and these symptoms were not always accompanied by unconsciousness nor followed by coma. Sometimes the seizure was only manifested by paroxysms of rage or ferocious and brutal impulses (devouring animals[Pg 59] alive), which, if consciously committed, would be considered criminal. This fact led doctors and mental experts to examine other patients, and they were able to advance positive proof that a certain number of epileptics never experience the typical seizure, the disease being manifested in this milder form with cephalalgia, sialorrhea, delirious ferocity, and above all, giddiness.
A close look at people with epilepsy by clinical and mental health experts revealed that, besides the typical seizures, these individuals also experienced other symptoms. Sometimes these symptoms replaced the convulsive episode, while in other cases they occurred before or after it. These included night terrors, sudden sweating, heat, nerve pain, excessive drooling, periodic headaches, and especially dizziness. Not always did these symptoms come with unconsciousness or end in a coma. Occasionally, the seizure would only show up as outbursts of anger or aggressive and violent urges (like devouring animals[Pg 59] alive), which, if done knowingly, would be seen as criminal behavior. This led doctors and mental health experts to look into other patients, and they found clear evidence that some people with epilepsy never have the typical seizure. Instead, the condition shows up in a milder form with headaches, drooling, wild aggression, and especially dizziness.
The multiformity of epilepsy has been fully confirmed by the experiments of Luciani, Zehen, and others, who produced various forms of epilepsy by submitting different cerebral zones to varying degrees of irritation. By graduating the electric current, Rosenbach was able to provoke the whole series of epileptic phenomena described above, from the mildest to the most serious manifestations. A slight irritation of the motor areas gave rise to tetanic contractions and clonic convulsions in a given joint; an increase in the strength of the current produced more violent movements which spread over the whole limb, and by intensifying the current still further, to half the body. Finally, on the application of a very strong current, the typical fit was produced with clonic spasms in all the body, unconsciousness, nystagmus, and rigidity of the pupils.
The variety of epilepsy has been thoroughly confirmed by experiments from Luciani, Zehen, and others, who caused different types of epilepsy by applying varying levels of irritation to different areas of the brain. By adjusting the electric current, Rosenbach was able to trigger the entire range of epileptic symptoms mentioned earlier, from the mildest to the most severe. A slight irritation in the motor regions caused muscle contractions and clonic seizures in a specific joint; increasing the current led to more intense movements that affected the entire limb, and further intensifying the current impacted half the body. Ultimately, when a very strong current was applied, it resulted in a typical seizure with clonic spasms throughout the body, loss of consciousness, eye movements (nystagmus), and stiffness of the pupils.
By irritating the frontal lobes of dogs, Richet[Pg 60] and Bernard produced vertigo and certain physical phenomena (snuffing, barking, and biting).
By irritating the frontal lobes of dogs, Richet[Pg 60] and Bernard caused vertigo and various physical reactions (sniffing, barking, and biting).
Taking these investigations as a basis, Jackson came to the conclusion that epileptic fits are due to a rapid and excessive explosion of the grey matter, which, instead of developing its force gradually, develops it all of a sudden because it is irritated. And as it has been shown conclusively that the disease can be manifested in such varied forms—vertigo, twitching of the muscles, sialorrhea, cephalalgia, fits of rage, and ferocious actions—which appear to be the equivalent of the typical seizure, individuals subject to these forms of neurosis should be classed as epileptics, even if they never experience the typical motor attack.
Taking these investigations as a basis, Jackson concluded that epileptic seizures are caused by a sudden and intense burst of grey matter activity, which, rather than increasing gradually, escalates all at once due to irritation. Furthermore, since it's been clearly shown that the disease can manifest in various forms—such as dizziness, muscle twitches, excessive drooling, headaches, outbursts of anger, and aggressive behaviors—which seem to be similar to the typical seizure, individuals who experience these types of neurological issues should be categorized as epileptics, even if they never undergo the classic motor attack.
It is in this category, which may be called attenuated epilepsy, that we should place criminals, who in addition to the psychic and physical characteristics of the epileptic, possess others peculiar to themselves. Physical anomalies (plagiocephaly, microcephaly, macrocephaly, strabismus, facial and cranial asymmetry, prominent frontal sinuses, median occipital fossa, receding forehead, projecting ears, progeneismus, and badly shaped teeth) are characteristic both of criminals and epileptics, as was demonstrated in certain epileptics treated by my father (Figs. 14 and 15), and the same holds[Pg 61] good of functional and histological anomalies. The histological anomaly discovered by Roncoroni in the frontal lobe of born criminals, consisting of the atrophy of the deep granular layer, the inversion of the pyramidal layers and small cells with enlargement and rarefaction of the pyramidal cells, and the existence of nervous cells in the white substance, is found in about the same proportion in cases of non-criminal epileptics. We find also in the same proportion in the field of vision of epileptics, as of born criminals, the anomaly discovered by Ottolenghi, consisting of peripheral scotoma intersecting the nearly uniform line of varying size common to normal eyes.
It is in this category, which we might call attenuated epilepsy, that we should classify criminals who, in addition to the mental and physical traits of epileptics, have other unique characteristics. Physical anomalies (plagiocephaly, microcephaly, macrocephaly, strabismus, facial and cranial asymmetry, prominent frontal sinuses, median occipital fossa, receding forehead, protruding ears, underbite, and poorly shaped teeth) are common to both criminals and epileptics, as shown in certain epileptics treated by my father (Figs. 14 and 15), and the same is true for functional and histological anomalies. The histological anomaly found by Roncoroni in the frontal lobe of born criminals, which includes the atrophy of the deep granular layer, the inversion of the pyramidal layers, small cells with enlargement and thinning of the pyramidal cells, and the presence of nerve cells in the white matter, occurs at about the same rate in cases of non-criminal epileptics. We also observe, at the same rate in the visual fields of both epileptics and born criminals, the anomaly identified by Ottolenghi, which consists of peripheral scotoma intersecting the nearly uniform line of varying size typical of normal eyes.

Psychological Characteristics. The complete identity of epileptics, born criminals and the morally insane becomes evident as soon as we study their psychology.
Psychological Characteristics. The full identity of people with epilepsy, born criminals, and those with moral insanity becomes clear as soon as we examine their psychology.
Epilepsy, congenital criminality, and moral insanity alone are capable of comprising in one clinical form intellectual divergencies which range from genius to imbecility. In epileptics, this divergence is sometimes manifested in one and the same person in the space of twenty-four hours. An individual at one time afflicted with loss of will-power and amnesia, and incapable of formulating the simplest notion, will shortly afterwards give expression to original ideas and reason logically.
Epilepsy, inherent criminal tendencies, and moral insanity alone can represent a clinical condition where intellectual differences span from genius to mental deficiency. In people with epilepsy, this variation can sometimes be seen in one person within just twenty-four hours. Someone who may at one moment struggle with a lack of willpower and memory loss, unable to form the simplest idea, can shortly after express original thoughts and reason clearly.
[Pg 62]Contradictions and exaggerations of sentiment are salient characteristics of epileptics as of born criminals and the morally insane. Quarrelsome, suspicious, and cynical individuals suddenly become gentle, respectful, and affectionate. The cynic expresses religious sentiments, and the man who has brutally ill-treated his first wife, kneels before the second. An epileptic observed by Tonnini fancied himself at times to be Napoleon; at others, he would lick the ground like the humblest slave.
[Pg 62]Contradictions and exaggerations of feelings are noticeable traits of people with epilepsy, just like those seen in born criminals and the morally insane. Argumentative, distrustful, and cynical individuals can suddenly turn gentle, respectful, and loving. The cynic shows religious feelings, and the man who treated his first wife cruelly can kneel before his second. An epileptic observed by Tonnini sometimes believed he was Napoleon; at other times, he would kiss the ground like the most submissive slave.
The extreme excitability manifested by born criminals is shared by epileptics. Distrustful, intolerant, and incapable of sincere attachment, a gesture or a look is sufficient to infuriate them and incite them to the most atrocious deeds.
The intense impulsiveness shown by born criminals is also found in people with epilepsy. Distrustful, intolerant, and unable to form genuine attachments, even a gesture or a glance is enough to provoke them and push them to commit the most horrific acts.
Epilepsy has a disastrous effect on the character. It destroys the moral sense, causes irritability, alters the sensations through constant hallucinations and delusions, deadens the natural feelings or leads them into morbid channels.
Epilepsy has a devastating impact on a person's character. It undermines their moral compass, leads to irritability, distorts sensations through ongoing hallucinations and delusions, numbs natural emotions, or directs them into unhealthy paths.
Affection for Animals. The hatred frequently manifested by criminals and epileptics towards the members of their own families is in many cases accompanied by an extraordinary fondness for animals as is shown by the cases of Caligula, Commodus, Lacenaire, Rosas, Dr. Francia, and La Sola,—who preferred kittens to her own children. A morally[Pg 63] insane individual known to my father would spend months in training dogs, horses, birds, geese, and other fowls. He was wont to remark that all animals were friendly to him as though they recognised in him one of their own kind. Dostoyevsky's fellow-convicts showed great fondness for a horse, an eagle, and a number of geese. They were so attached to a goat that they wanted to gild its horns.
Affection for Animals. The hatred often shown by criminals and people with epilepsy towards their own families is sometimes paired with a surprising affection for animals, as seen in cases like Caligula, Commodus, Lacenaire, Rosas, Dr. Francia, and La Sola—who preferred kittens over her own children. A morally insane person known to my father would spend months training dogs, horses, birds, geese, and other fowl. He would often say that all animals were friendly to him, as if they recognized him as one of their own. Dostoyevsky's fellow inmates showed great affection for a horse, an eagle, and several geese. They were so fond of a goat that they wanted to gild its horns.

Somnambulism. This is a frequent characteristic of epileptics. Krafft-Ebing says:
Sleepwalking. This is a common trait among people with epilepsy. Krafft-Ebing states:
"The seizure is often followed by a condition approaching somnambulism. The patient appears to have recovered consciousness, talks coherently, behaves in an orderly manner, and resumes his ordinary occupations. Yet he is not really conscious as is shown by the fact that, later he is entirely ignorant of what he has been doing during this stage. This peculiar state of mental daze may last a long time, sometimes during the whole interval between two seizures."
"The seizure is often followed by a state similar to sleepwalking. The patient seems to regain consciousness, talks clearly, behaves normally, and goes back to their usual activities. However, they are not truly aware, as evident by the fact that later they have no memory of what they were doing during this time. This unusual state of confusion can last for a long time, sometimes throughout the entire period between two seizures."
Many of the criminals observed by Dostoyevsky were given to gesticulating and talking agitatedly in their sleep.
Many of the criminals that Dostoyevsky observed would gesture wildly and talk restlessly in their sleep.
Obscenity is a common characteristic. Kowalewsky (Archivio di Psichiatria, 1885) notes the resemblance between the reproductive act and the epileptic seizure, the tonic tension of the muscles, loss of consciousness and mydriasis in both cases, and remarks also on the frequency with which epileptic attacks are accompanied by sexual propensities.
Obscenity is a common trait. Kowalewsky (Archivio di Psichiatria, 1885) points out the similarities between sexual activity and epileptic seizures, such as muscle tension, loss of consciousness, and pupil dilation in both situations. He also notes how often epileptic attacks are associated with sexual urges.
[Pg 64]The desire for sexual indulgence, like the taste for alcohol, is distinguished by the precocity peculiar to criminals and the morally insane. Precocious sexual instincts have been observed in children of four years, and in one case obscenity was manifested by an infant of one year.
[Pg 64]The desire for sexual pleasure, like the craving for alcohol, is marked by an early development that is often seen in criminals and those with moral insanity. Early sexual urges have been noted in children as young as four years old, and in one instance, inappropriate behavior was shown by a one-year-old infant.
Marro (Annali di Freniatria, 1890) describes a child of three years and ten months, who had exhibited signs of epilepsy from birth and was of a jealous, irascible disposition. He was in the habit of scratching and biting his brothers and sisters, knocking over the furniture, hiding things, and tearing his clothes, and when unable to hurt or annoy others, would vent his rage upon himself. If punished, he would continue his misdeeds in an underhand way.
Marro (Annali di Freniatria, 1890) talks about a child who was three years and ten months old, showing signs of epilepsy since birth and having a jealous, quick-tempered personality. He would scratch and bite his siblings, knock over furniture, hide things, and tear his clothes. When he couldn't hurt or bother others, he'd take out his frustration on himself. Even when punished, he would carry on with his bad behavior in a sneaky way.
Another child had been afflicted with convulsions from his earliest infancy, in consequence of which his character deteriorated, and while still a mere infant, he behaved with the utmost violence. He killed a cat, attempted to strangle his brother, and to set fire to the house.
Another child had been having seizures since he was a baby, which caused his behavior to worsen. Even as a little one, he acted with extreme aggression. He killed a cat, tried to strangle his brother, and attempted to start a fire in the house.
Invulnerability, another characteristic common to criminals, has been observed by Tonnini in epileptics, whose wounds and injuries heal with astonishing rapidity, and he is inclined to regard this peculiarity in the light of a reversion to a stage[Pg 65] of evolution, at which animals like lizards and salamanders were able to replace severed joints by new growths. This invulnerability is shared by all degenerates: epileptics, imbeciles, and the morally insane.
Invulnerability, another trait often seen in criminals, has been noted by Tonnini in people with epilepsy, whose wounds and injuries heal at an astonishing rate. He tends to view this peculiarity as a throwback to an earlier stage[Pg 65] of evolution, when animals like lizards and salamanders could regrow lost limbs. This invulnerability is a common feature among all degenerates: people with epilepsy, those with intellectual disabilities, and the morally insane.
"One of these latter," says Tonnini, "tore out his moustache bodily and with it a large piece of skin. In a few days the wound was nearly healed."
"One of these later ones," says Tonnini, "ripped out his mustache completely along with a big chunk of skin. In a few days, the wound was almost healed."
Very characteristic is the almost automatic tendency to destroy animate and inanimate objects, which results in frequent wounding, suicides, and homicides. This desire to destroy is also common to children. Fernando P. (Fig. 15), an epileptic treated by my father, when enraged was in the habit of smashing all the furniture within his reach and throwing the pieces over a wall some twenty-five feet high.
Very characteristic is the almost automatic tendency to destroy living and non-living things, which leads to frequent injuries, suicides, and homicides. This urge to destroy is also common among children. Fernando P. (Fig. 15), an epileptic treated by my father, would smash all the furniture he could reach and throw the pieces over a wall about twenty-five feet high when he was angry.
Misdea, a regimental barber, to whom we shall refer later, roused to fury by dismissal from his post, broke four razors into small pieces with his teeth. Another epileptic, Piz... used to break all the crockery in his cell regularly every other day, "just to give vent to his feelings."
Misdea, a regimental barber, whom we will mention later, was driven to fury after being fired from his job and broke four razors into tiny pieces with his teeth. Another person with epilepsy, Piz... would regularly smash all the dishes in his cell every other day, "just to let out his emotions."
This tendency to destroy everything in the cell is common also to ordinary criminals.
This habit of destroying everything in the cell is also common among regular criminals.
Cases of Moral Insanity with Latent Epileptic Phenomena. The following cases, which were treated[Pg 66] by my father and which were subject to careful observation and study, will serve to give a clear idea of the criminal form of epilepsy.
Cases of Moral Insanity with Latent Epileptic Phenomena. The following cases, which were treated[Pg 66] by my father and carefully observed and studied, will provide a clear understanding of the criminal type of epilepsy.
Subject: Giuliano Celestino, age 16. Yellow skin abundantly tattooed, absence of hair on face or body. Cranium: plagiocephaly on the left frontal and right parietal regions, obliquely-placed eyes, narrow forehead, prominent orbital arches, line of the mouth horizontal as in apes, lateral incisors of upper jaw resembling the canines with rugged margins, excessive zygomatic and maxillary development, tactile sensibility very obtuse, dolorific sensibility non-existent on the right, very obtuse on the left, rotular reflex action exaggerated on the right, very feeble on the left. Devoid of natural feeling. When asked if he was fond of his mother, he replied: "When she brings me cigars and money." When questioned concerning his crimes he showed neither shame nor confusion. On the contrary, he confessed with a smile that when only ten he had tried to kill his youngest brother, who was then an infant in the cradle, and when hindered by his mother, had struck and bitten her. His father was a drunkard afflicted with syphilis, and Giuliano had suffered from epilepsy from the age of seven. At this age he began to indulge in alcohol and self-abuse, and stole from his parents in order[Pg 67] to buy sweets. He appears to have been subject to an ambulatory mania, which caused him to wander aimlessly about the country, and if kept within doors he would let himself down from the windows, climb up the chimney, or, failing in these attempts to escape, would break the furniture and attract the attention of the neighbours by his terrific yells. From the age of eight, despite his parents' efforts to apprentice him, he was always immediately dismissed by his employers. He ran away with a strolling company of acrobats, and later apprenticed himself to a butcher in order to revel in the horrors of the slaughter-house. At fifteen he was confined in a reformatory, where he twice attempted to escape and to set fire to the building, and was sentenced to two years' imprisonment. For the space of a few days, he appears to have suffered from epileptic attacks, although in a masked form, accompanied by various attempts at suicide. These were renewed every other month for a whole year. When asked what he would do for a living when released, he would reply laughingly that there was plenty of money in other people's pockets.
Subject: Giuliano Celestino, age 16. Yellow skin heavily tattooed, no hair on his face or body. Head: plagiocephaly on the left frontal and right parietal areas, eyes slanting, narrow forehead, pronounced brow ridges, mouth line horizontal like an ape’s, upper jaw lateral incisors resembling canines with rough edges, excessive development of the cheekbones and jaw, very dull sense of touch, no pain sensitivity on the right side, very dull on the left, exaggerated knee reflex on the right, very weak on the left. Lacks natural feelings. When asked if he liked his mother, he responded: "When she gives me cigars and money." When questioned about his crimes, he showed no shame or embarrassment. In fact, he grinned as he confessed that when he was only ten, he had tried to kill his youngest brother, who was then a baby in the crib, and when his mother stopped him, he hit and bit her. His father was a drunk who had syphilis, and Giuliano had epilepsy since he was seven. At that age, he started drinking alcohol and engaging in self-destructive behavior, stealing from his parents to buy candy. He seemed to have a wandering mania, often aimlessly roaming around, and if kept indoors, he would lower himself from windows, try to climb the chimney, or, if those attempts failed, break furniture and yell to get the neighbors' attention. From age eight on, despite his parents' attempts to train him in a job, he was always let go by employers right away. He ran away with a traveling group of acrobats and later became an apprentice to a butcher just to experience the gruesome sights of the slaughterhouse. At fifteen, he was locked up in a reformatory, where he tried to escape twice and attempted to set the building on fire, receiving a two-year prison sentence. For a few days, he seemed to suffer from epileptic seizures, albeit in a concealed form, paired with various suicide attempts. These occurred every other month for an entire year. When asked what he would do for work once released, he would laugh and say there was plenty of money in other people's pockets.
L... a morally insane subject, age 16, native of Turin, the son of an aged, but extremely respectable man. Height 1.50 m., weight, 46.2 kg., with abundant hair, and down on the forehead, incisors[Pg 68] crowded together, excessive development of the canines, and exaggerated orbital angle of the frontal bone. He was entirely devoid of affection for his family, remarking cynically that he was fond of his father when he gave him money and did not worry him. Sometimes he kicked the poor old man and otherwise abused him. When unable to obtain money, he would smash all the furniture in the house, until, for the sake of economy, his family gave him what he wanted. In order to get a five-pound note from money-lenders he would sign promissory notes for ten times that amount. He changed his ideas from one hour to another. Sometimes he wanted to enter the army, at others to emigrate to France, etc. When only fourteen he frequented houses of ill-fame, where he played the bully.
L... a morally disturbed individual, 16 years old, originally from Turin, is the son of an elderly but very respected man. He stands at 1.50 m tall and weighs 46.2 kg, with a lot of hair and heavy coverage on his forehead. His incisors[Pg 68] are crowded together, there’s an excessive development of his canines, and he has a pronounced orbital angle of the frontal bone. He shows absolutely no affection for his family, cynically stating he cares for his dad only when he gives him money and doesn’t bother him. Sometimes he even kicks the poor old man and abuses him in other ways. When he can’t get money, he destroys all the furniture in the house until, for the sake of saving money, his family gives him what he wants. To borrow a five-pound note from money-lenders, he would sign promissory notes for ten times that amount. His ideas change from one hour to the next. Sometimes he wants to join the army, other times he wants to move to France, etc. By the time he was just fourteen, he was already hanging out in brothels, where he acted like a tough guy.
Although this case may be regarded as a typical instance of moral insanity, there were apparently no symptoms of vertigo or convulsions. At the age of sixteen, however, while suffering from rheumatism, this subject tried to throw himself from the balcony of his bedroom at the same hour three nights running. After this he seems to have suffered from amnesia.
Although this case can be seen as a typical example of moral insanity, there were seemingly no signs of dizziness or seizures. At the age of sixteen, though, while dealing with rheumatism, this person attempted to jump off the balcony of his bedroom three nights in a row at the same time. After that, he appears to have experienced memory loss.
These frenzied attempts at self-destruction, which seem to have taken the place of the epileptic seizure, were related to my father casually by the[Pg 69] boy's mother; but in other cases, similar incidents, although of the utmost importance to the criminologist, often pass unnoticed.
These chaotic attempts at self-destruction, which seem to have replaced the epileptic seizure, were mentioned to my father casually by the[Pg 69] boy's mother; however, in other situations, similar events, while extremely significant to criminologists, often go unnoticed.
In the Actes du Congrès d'Anthropologie, Angelucci describes another typical case of epileptic moral insanity. E. G. (brother a criminal epileptic, father a sufferer from cancer) was sentenced several times for assaulting people often without motive. Tattooed with the figure of a naked woman, microcephalous (39.2 cubic inches = 589 c.c.), having cranial and facial asymmetry, he was vain, deceitful, and violent, and made great show of scepticism although he wore a great many medals of the Virgin. This subject was over twenty-five when the first epileptic seizure took place.
In the Actes du Congrès d'Anthropologie, Angelucci discusses another typical case of moral insanity caused by epilepsy. E. G. (brother of a criminal epileptic, father suffering from cancer) was sentenced multiple times for assaulting people, often for no reason. He was tattooed with the image of a naked woman, had a small head (39.2 cubic inches = 589 c.c.), and displayed cranial and facial asymmetry. He was vain, deceitful, and violent, and he put on a big show of skepticism even though he wore many medals of the Virgin. This individual was over twenty-five when his first epileptic seizure occurred.
The connection between epilepsy and crime is one of derivation rather than identity. Epilepsy represents the genus of which criminality and moral insanity are the species.
The link between epilepsy and crime is more about origin than equivalence. Epilepsy is the broader category from which criminal behavior and moral insanity emerge as specific types.
The born criminal is an epileptic, inasmuch as he possesses the anatomical, skeletal, physiognomical, psychological, and moral characteristics peculiar to the recognised form of epilepsy, and sometimes also its motorial phenomena, although at rare intervals. More frequently he exhibits its substitutes (vertigo, twitching, sialorrhea, emotional attacks). But the criminal epileptic possesses other characteristics[Pg 70] peculiar to himself; in particular, that desire of evil for its own sake, which is unknown to ordinary epileptics. In view of this fact this form of epilepsy must be considered apart from the purely nervous anomaly, both in the clinical diagnosis and the methods of cure and social prophylaxis.
The born criminal is someone with epilepsy because they have the specific anatomical, skeletal, physical, psychological, and moral traits that are typical of recognized epilepsy, and occasionally display its motor symptoms, though rarely. More often, they show similar signs like dizziness, twitching, excessive salivation, and emotional outbursts. However, the criminal with epilepsy has other traits[Pg 70] unique to them, particularly a desire to do harm just for the sake of it, which isn’t found in regular epileptics. Because of this, this type of epilepsy should be viewed separately from purely nervous disorders, both in clinical diagnosis and in terms of treatment and social prevention.
Moreover, the nervous anomaly, which in the case of criminals appears on the scene from time to time, accentuating the criminal tendency till it reaches the atavistic form and producing morbid complications which sometimes prove fatal, serves to point out the true nature of the disease and to emphasise the fact that while it is attenuated so far as motor attacks are concerned, it is aggravated on the other hand by criminal impulses, which render the patient semi-immune and permit him a longer and less troubled existence, but provoke a constant brain irritation, which clouds and disturbs his intellectual and moral nature.
Moreover, the nervous disorder that occasionally appears in criminals highlights their criminal tendencies until they become more primitive and can lead to serious issues, sometimes even death. This points to the real nature of the problem and underscores that while the physical symptoms may be less severe, on the other hand, the criminal urges worsen the situation. These impulses make the individual somewhat immune, allowing for a longer and more uneventful life, but they also cause ongoing irritation in the brain, which muddles and disrupts their mental and moral character.
In order better to understand these two forms of epilepsy, we must recall two analogous forms of another and equally multiform disease, tuberculosis in its forms of quick consumption and scrofula. The etiology is identical and the symptoms frequently alike, but while the latter proceeds very slowly and allows the patient a long life, the former is rapid and severs life in its prime.
To better understand these two types of epilepsy, we need to think about two similar forms of another complex disease, tuberculosis, in its quick consumption and scrofula forms. The causes are the same, and the symptoms often resemble each other, but while the latter develops very slowly and lets the patient live a long life, the former is quick and cuts life short in its prime.
[Pg 71]In motory epilepsy, the irritation is manifested on a sudden, but leaves the mind healthy in the interval, although the attacks may lead to rapid dementia. In criminal epilepsy this irritation does not break out in violent seizures and is compatible with a long life, but it changes the whole physical and psychic complexion of the individual.
[Pg 71]In motor epilepsy, the irritation shows up suddenly, but the mind stays clear in between episodes, even though the attacks can cause quick dementia. In criminal epilepsy, this irritation doesn't result in violent seizures and can allow for a long life, but it alters the entire physical and mental state of the individual.
The epileptic origin of criminality explains many characteristics of the criminal, the genesis of which was previously obscure. Many of the moral and physical peculiarities of born criminals and the morally insane may be classed as professional characteristics acquired through the habit of evil-doing, especially the naso-labial and zygomatic wrinkles, cynical expression, tapering fingers, etc. Many anomalies also in the bones, hair, ears, eyes, and the monstrous development of the jaws and teeth, must be explained by arrested development in the fifth or sixth month of ultra-uterine existence, corresponding to the characteristics of inferior races by the usual law of ontogeny which recapitulates phylogeny. But there is a final series of anomalies, the origin of which was formerly wrapped in mystery: plagiocephaly, sclerosis, the thickening of the meninges, cranial asymmetry, and other changes in the cerebral layers, which can be explained only by a disease altering[Pg 72] precociously the whole cerebral conformation, as is exactly the case in epilepsy.
The epileptic roots of criminality explain many traits of criminals that were previously unclear. A lot of the moral and physical traits of born criminals and the morally insane can be categorized as professional characteristics developed through a pattern of wrongdoing, like the naso-labial and zygomatic wrinkles, cynical expressions, tapered fingers, and so on. Many oddities in bones, hair, ears, eyes, and the unusual growth of jaws and teeth can be explained by developmental issues that happened during the fifth or sixth month of fetal development, which align with characteristics of less developed races according to the normal law of ontogeny recapitulating phylogeny. However, there is a final group of anomalies whose origins were once a mystery: plagiocephaly, sclerosis, thickening of the meninges, cranial asymmetry, and other changes in the brain layers, which can only be explained by a disease that alters[Pg 72] the whole brain structure at an early stage, precisely like what happens in epilepsy.
The born criminal is an epileptic, not however afflicted with the common form of this disease, but with a special kind. The pathological basis, the etiology, and the anatomical and psychological characteristics are identical, but there are many differences. While in the ordinary form motor anomalies are very common, in the criminal form they are very rare, while in ordinary epilepsy the mental explosions are accompanied by unconsciousness, in the other form they are weakened and spread over the whole existence, and consciousness is, relatively speaking, preserved; and while, finally, the ordinary epileptic has not always the tendency to do evil for its own sake—nay, may even achieve holiness—in the hidden form the bent towards evil endures from birth to death. The perversity concentrated in one second in the motor attack, is attenuated in the second form, but spread over the whole existence. We have therefore an epilepsy sui generis, a variety of epilepsy which may be called criminal.
The born criminal is an epileptic, but not in the usual sense of the disease; they have a unique type. The pathological basis, causes, and both anatomical and psychological traits are the same, but there are significant differences. In regular epilepsy, motor anomalies are quite common, while in the criminal type, they are rare. Furthermore, in typical epilepsy, mental outbursts often come with unconsciousness, whereas in this type, they are less intense and affect the entire existence, and consciousness is relatively maintained. Finally, while a regular epileptic may not always have a tendency to do evil just for its own sake—and can even attain holiness—the hidden version harbors a persistent inclination toward evil from birth to death. The perverse behavior that surfaces momentarily during a seizure is less intense in the latter type but permeates the entire life. This means we have a unique form of epilepsy, a variety that can be termed criminal.
Thus the primitive idea of crime has become organic and complete. The criminal is only a diseased person, an epileptic, in whom the cerebral malady, begun in some cases during prenatal existence,[Pg 73] or later, in consequence of some infection or cerebral poisoning, produces, together with certain signs of physical degeneration in the skull, face, teeth, and brain, a return to the early brutal egotism natural to primitive races, which manifests itself in homicide, theft, and other crimes.
Thus, the basic idea of crime has become complex and well-defined. The criminal is essentially just a sick person, like someone with epilepsy, where the brain condition might have started before birth in some cases, or later on due to an infection or brain damage. This results in physical signs of deterioration in the skull, face, teeth, and brain, and causes a regression to the primitive selfishness typical of early civilizations, which shows up in acts like murder, theft, and other crimes.[Pg 73]
CHAPTER III
THE INSANE CRIMINAL
Common Types of Criminal Insanity
Epileptic born criminals and the morally insane may be classed as lunatics under certain aspects, but only by the scientific observer and professional psychologist. Outside these two forms, there is an important series of offenders, who are not criminals from birth, but become such at a given moment of their lives, in consequence of an alteration of the brain, which completely upsets their moral nature and makes them unable to discriminate between right and wrong. They are really insane; that is, entirely without responsibility for their actions.
Seizure disorder born criminals and the morally insane can be considered lunatics in certain contexts, but only by scientific observers and professional psychologists. Beyond these two categories, there is a significant group of offenders who are not criminals from birth but become one at a specific point in their lives due to a change in their brain, which completely disrupts their moral judgment and makes it impossible for them to tell right from wrong. They are genuinely insane; that is, completely without responsibility for their actions.
Nearly every class of mental derangement contributes a special form of crime.
Nearly every type of mental disorder leads to a specific kind of crime.
The Idiot is prompted by paroxysms of rage to commit murderous attacks on his fellow-creatures. His exaggerated sexual propensities incite him to[Pg 75] rape, and his childish delight at the sight of flames, to arson.
The Idiot is driven by bursts of anger to carry out violent attacks on others. His extreme sexual desires lead him to [Pg 75] commit rape, while his childish fascination with fire pushes him toward arson.
The Imbecile, or weak-minded individual, yields to his first impulse, or, dominated by the influence of others, becomes an accomplice in the hope of some trivial reward.
The Imbecile, or someone lacking intelligence, acts on their first impulse or, swayed by the influence of others, becomes a part of their schemes in hopes of receiving some small reward.
The victims of Melancholia are driven to suicide by suppressed grief, precordial agitation, or hallucinations. Sometimes the suicidal attempt is indirect and takes the form of the murder of some important personage or their own kin, in the hope that their own condemnation may follow, or it is to save those dear to them from the miseries of life.
The victims of Melancholia are pushed to suicide by repressed grief, heart-related distress, or hallucinations. At times, the suicide attempt is indirect and manifests as the murder of a significant figure or a family member, expecting that their own punishment will come after, or to spare their loved ones from life's hardships.
Persons afflicted with General Paralysis frequently steal, in the belief that everything they see belongs to them, or because they are incapable of understanding the meaning of property. If accused of theft, they deny their guilt or assert that the stolen articles have been hidden on their persons by others. They are inclined to forgery and fraudulent bankruptcy, and when their misdeeds are brought home to them they show no shame. Unnatural sexual offences and crimes against the authorities are also common. While they are seldom guilty of murder, they frequently commit arson, through carelessness, or with the idea of destroying their homes because they think them[Pg 76] too small, or wish to get rid of the vermin in them, such as rats.
People suffering from General Paralysis often steal, believing that everything they see belongs to them, or because they can't grasp the concept of ownership. When accused of theft, they deny being guilty or claim that the stolen items have been hidden on them by others. They tend to engage in forgery and fraudulent bankruptcy, and when their wrongdoings are proven, they show no shame. Unnatural sexual offenses and crimes against authorities are also common. While they are rarely guilty of murder, they often commit arson, whether due to carelessness or in an attempt to destroy their homes because they think they are too small, or to eliminate pests like rats.
The sufferer from Dementia forgets his promises, however serious they may be. Cerebral irritability often leads him to commit violent acts, homicide, etc.
The person with Dementia forgets their promises, no matter how serious they might be. Brain agitation often drives them to commit violent acts, including homicide, etc.
In some cases, mental alienation is manifested in a mania for litigation, which urges the sufferer to offend statesmen, state lawyers, and judges.
In some cases, mental alienation shows up as a compulsion to sue, pushing the person to confront politicians, lawyers, and judges.
A common symptom of Pellagra is the tendency to unpremeditated murder or suicide, without the slightest cause. The sight of water suggests drowning, in the form of murder or suicide.
A common symptom of Pellagra is the urge to commit impulsive murder or suicide, with no apparent reason. Seeing water evokes thoughts of drowning, either as murder or suicide.
Young persons at the approach of puberty and women subject to amenorrhea often exhibit a tendency to arson and crimes of an erotic nature. Similar tendencies are sometimes displayed during pregnancy, and an inclination to theft is not uncommon.
Young people approaching puberty and women experiencing amenorrhea often show a tendency towards arson and erotic crimes. Similar behaviors can sometimes occur during pregnancy, and a tendency towards theft is also fairly common.
Maniacs are prone to satyriasis and bacchanalian excesses. They commit rape and indecent acts in public and often appropriate strange objects, hair or wearing apparel, with the idea of obtaining means to satisfy their vices, either because they are unconscious of doing wrong or because, like true megalomaniacs, they believe the stolen goods to be their own property. Sometimes a feverish activity[Pg 77] prompts them to steal; "I felt a kind of uneasiness, a demon in my fingers," said one, "which forced me to move them and carry off something."
Maniacs tend to experience intense sexual desires and wild parties. They commit sexual assaults and public indecency and often take unusual objects, hair, or clothing, believing it's a way to get what they want to satisfy their urges, either because they're unaware they're doing something wrong or because, like true megalomaniacs, they think the items they've taken are rightfully theirs. Sometimes a restless energy[Pg 77] drives them to steal; "I felt a kind of discomfort, a demon in my fingers," one person said, "that made me move them and take something."
Monomaniacs, especially if subject to hallucinations, frequently manifest a tendency to homicide, either to escape imaginary persecutions or in obedience to equally imaginary injunctions. The same motives prompt them to commit special kinds of theft and arson. Na... (see Fig. 16) murdered his friend without any reason, after suffering from delusions for one year.
Monomaniacs, especially those experiencing hallucinations, often show a tendency toward homicide, either to get away from imagined persecutions or because of equally imagined commands. The same motivations lead them to commit specific types of theft and arson. Na... (see Fig. 16) murdered his friend for no reason after enduring delusions for a year.
The characteristics of insane criminals are so marked that it is not difficult to distinguish them from habitual delinquents. They seldom show any fear of the penalty incurred nor do they try to escape. They take little trouble to hide their misdeeds, or to get rid of any clue. If poisoners, they leave poison about in their victim's room; if forgers, they take no trouble to make their signatures appear genuine; if thieves, they exhibit stolen goods in public, or appropriate them in the presence of witnesses. They frequently manifest unbounded rage and assault those present, entirely forgetting the stolen objects. Once their crime is accomplished, not only do they give themselves no trouble to hide it, but are prone to confess it immediately, and are eager to talk about it, saying with satisfaction that[Pg 78] they feel relieved at what they have done, that they have obeyed the order of superior beings and consider their actions praiseworthy. They deny that they are insane, or if they admit it in some cases, it is only because they are persuaded to do so by their lawyers or fellow-prisoners. And even then, they are ready at the first opportunity to contradict the idea, eulogising and exaggerating their criminal acts.
The traits of insane criminals are so distinct that it's easy to tell them apart from repeat offenders. They rarely show any fear of the consequences they face or make any attempts to escape. They don’t bother to conceal their crimes or get rid of evidence. If they're poisoners, they leave poison lying around in their victim's room; if they're forgers, they don't even try to make their signatures look real; if they're thieves, they flaunt stolen goods in public or take them in front of witnesses. They often display extreme anger and attack those nearby, completely forgetting about the stolen items. Once they commit their crime, they not only don't try to hide it, but they often confess right away and eagerly discuss it, expressing satisfaction that[Pg 78] they feel relieved about what they've done, claim they are following orders from higher powers, and consider their actions commendable. They deny being insane, or if they admit it on occasion, it's usually because their lawyers or fellow inmates have convinced them to. Even then, they’re ready to dispute that notion at the first chance, praising and embellishing their criminal behaviors.
A full confession in court is not uncommon, and in the case of impulsive monomaniacs, epileptics, and insane inebriates, the descriptions are full of characteristic expressions, showing what was the offender's state of mind when dominated by criminal frenzy.
A complete confession in court isn’t unusual, and with impulsive monomaniacs, people with epilepsy, and chronic drunks, the accounts are filled with distinctive phrases that reveal the offender’s mindset while being overwhelmed by a criminal frenzy.
Rom..., an impulsive monomaniac, who stabbed an acquaintance, felt "the blood rushing to his head, which seemed to be in flames."
Rom..., an impulsive person obsessed with his thoughts, who stabbed a friend, felt "the blood rushing to his head, which seemed to be on fire."
Tixier narrates that, on seeing the old man he afterward murdered pass him on a country road, "something went to his head." Frequently such criminals are quick to give themselves up to justice.
Tixier recounts that when he saw the old man he later murdered walk past him on a country road, "something went to his head." It's common for criminals like this to quickly turn themselves in to the authorities.
Antecedents. Unlike the ordinary offender, insane criminals are often perfectly law-abiding up to the moment of the crime.
Antecedents. Unlike regular offenders, mentally ill criminals are often completely law-abiding right up until the crime occurs.
Motive. Perhaps the greatest difference between born criminals and insane criminals lies in the motive for the act, which in the case of the latter is[Pg 79] not only entirely disproportionate to it, but nearly always absurd and depends far less on personal susceptibility.
Motive. The biggest difference between born criminals and insane criminals is in the motive for their actions. In the case of insane criminals, the motive is[Pg 79] not only completely out of proportion to the act, but almost always absurd and relies much less on personal vulnerability.
Here are a few typical cases: A father fancies he hears a voice bidding him kill his favourite child. He goes home, has the little victim dressed in its best clothes and cuts off its head with perfect calmness. A lady, ignorant of horticulture, plants some flowers on her husband's grave. A day or two later, noticing that they are drooping, she imagines that the gardener has watered them with boiling water, and after reproaching him bitterly, wounds him with a pair of scissors.
Here are a few typical cases: A father thinks he hears a voice telling him to kill his favorite child. He goes home, dresses the little victim in their best clothes, and calmly cuts off their head. A woman who doesn’t know much about gardening plants some flowers on her husband’s grave. A day or two later, noticing they are drooping, she imagines the gardener has watered them with boiling water, and after harshly scolding him, she stabs him with a pair of scissors.
These unfortunate beings frequently show perfect mental clearness before the crime and even in the act of striking the fatal blow; yet their action is purely instinctive and not prompted by passion or any other cause. Although such individuals appear to reason, can it be said that they are in full possession of their mental faculties? If they are, how shall we explain the wholesale destruction of those they hold most dear? A husband kills the wife to whom he is sincerely attached; a father, the son he loves most; or a mother, the infant at her breast.
These unfortunate individuals often demonstrate clear mental awareness before committing the crime and even while delivering the fatal blow; however, their actions are purely instinctive and not driven by passion or any other motive. Although these people seem to think clearly, can we really say they are fully in control of their mental faculties? If they are, how do we explain the complete destruction of those they cherish the most? A husband kills the wife he truly loves; a father kills his beloved son; or a mother kills the baby at her breast.
Such an extraordinary phenomenon can only be explained by a sudden suspension of the intellectual and moral faculties and of the powers of the will.
Such an incredible event can only be explained by a sudden halt in thinking, ethics, and willpower.
Forms of Criminal Insanity
ALCOHOLISM
In addition to these casual forms of lunacy, in which the individual is led to commit crime by a momentary alteration of his moral nature, we find other forms which might be called specific, because the criminal act forms the culminating point of the malady. The sufferers from these forms are less easily distinguished from ordinary criminals and normal persons than are the lunatics of whom we have just spoken. These mental diseases, which should be studied separately, are alcoholism, hysteria, and epilepsy.
In addition to these casual types of insanity, where a person commits a crime due to a temporary change in their moral character, we also find other types that could be labeled specific, as the criminal act represents the peak of the disorder. People with these specific conditions are less easily identified as different from regular criminals and normal individuals than the mentally ill we just discussed. These mental illnesses, which should be examined on their own, include alcoholism, hysteria, and epilepsy.
It is well known that temporary drunkenness may transform an honest, peacable individual into a rowdy, a murderer, or a thief.
It’s well known that temporary drunkenness can turn an honest, peaceful person into a troublemaker, a murderer, or a thief.
Gall narrates the case of a certain Petri, who manifested homicidal tendencies when excited by alcohol. Locatelli mentions a workman of thirty, who, when under the influence of drink, would smash everything around him and stab the companions who sought to restrain his drunken fury. Ladelci and Carmignani cite the case of a miner, who was repeatedly arrested for drunken brawls, and when reproved replied: "I cannot help it. As soon as I drink, I must start fighting."
Gall tells the story of a man named Petri, who showed violent behavior when he drank alcohol. Locatelli talks about a thirty-year-old worker who, while intoxicated, would break everything in sight and stab anyone who tried to stop his rage. Ladelci and Carmignani refer to a miner who was frequently arrested for getting into fights while drunk, and when he was scolded, he said, "I can't help it. As soon as I start drinking, I have to fight."
[Pg 81]Very characteristic is the case of a certain Papor... who was imprisoned for some time at Turin. His father was a drunkard and ill treated his wife. The son became a soldier, then an excise officer, fireman, and finally nurse in an infirmary, and was known as a respectable, temperate man. In 1876, he was transferred to the Island of Lipari, where malvoisie only costs 25 centimes a litre, and there he acquired a taste for wine, without, however, drinking to excess. But a year later, a change in the hospital regulations gave him longer hours of leisure, and he began to drink deeply. In 1881, while intoxicated, he accosted a sportsman and pretending to be a police officer, ordered him to give up his gun. At that moment he was arrested by a genuine constable and taken to the barracks, where he was sentenced, without any one's observing his drunken condition. After his release, he committed other offences of the same type, which were followed by confession and repentance.
[Pg 81] A notable example is the case of a certain Papor... who was imprisoned for a while in Turin. His father was an alcoholic and mistreated his mother. The son became a soldier, then an excise officer, firefighter, and finally a nurse in a clinic, earning a reputation as a respectable and moderate man. In 1876, he was assigned to the Island of Lipari, where malvoisie only costs 25 cents a liter, and he developed a taste for wine, though he didn't drink excessively. However, a year later, a change in the hospital rules gave him more free time, and he started drinking heavily. In 1881, while drunk, he approached a sportsman and, pretending to be a police officer, demanded that he hand over his gun. At that moment, he was arrested by a real officer and taken to the station, where he was sentenced without anyone noticing his drunken state. After his release, he committed other similar offenses, which were followed by confession and regret.
Chronic Alcoholism. The phenomena developed by chronic inebriety are, however, still more important from the point of view of the criminologist than the immediate effects of alcohol on certain constitutions.
Chronic Alcoholism. The issues arising from long-term alcohol use are, in fact, even more significant for criminologists than the short-term effects of alcohol on specific individuals.
Physical and Functional Characteristics of Chronic Inebriety. The habitual drunkard rarely exhibits[Pg 82] traces of congenital degeneracy, but frequently that of an acquired character, especially paresis, facial hemiparesis, slight exophthalmia (see Fig. 6), inequality of the pupils, insensibility to touch and pain, which is often unilateral, especially in the tongue, thermoanalgesia, hyperæsthesia, experienced at various points not corresponding to the nervous territories and modified spontaneously or by esthesiogenic agents (Grasset), alphalgesia (sensation of pain at contact with painless bodies), a deficiency of urea in the urine, out of proportion to the general state of nourishment, and a proneness of the symptoms to return after trauma, poisoning, agitation, or serious illness.
Physical and Functional Characteristics of Chronic Inebriety. The habitual drunk often shows[Pg 82] signs of acquired issues rather than congenital ones, particularly conditions like paresis, facial hemiparesis, mild exophthalmia (see Fig. 6), uneven pupils, and a lack of sensitivity to touch and pain, which often affects just one side, especially the tongue. There may also be thermoanalgesia, hyperesthesia, felt in various areas that don’t align with nervous zones and can change on their own or when influenced by certain stimuli (Grasset), alphalgesia (feeling pain when touching objects that aren’t painful), a low level of urea in the urine that doesn’t match the overall nutritional status, and a tendency for symptoms to reappear after trauma, poisoning, stress, or serious illness.
The gravest phenomena, however, are atrophy or degeneration in the liver, heart, stomach, seminal canaliculi, and central nervous system, which give rise to serious functional disturbances; most of all, in the digestion—as manifested by the characteristic gastric catarrh, matutinal vomit and cramp—and in the reproductive system, with resulting impotence.
The most serious issues, however, are the wasting away or decline of the liver, heart, stomach, seminal canals, and central nervous system, which lead to significant functional problems; particularly in digestion, as shown by typical gastric inflammation, morning vomiting, and cramps—and in the reproductive system, causing impotence.
Psychic Disturbances—Hallucinations. The most frequent and precocious symptoms are delusions and hallucinations, generally of a gloomy or even of a terrible nature, and extremely varied and fleeting, which, like dreams, in nearly every instance[Pg 83] arise from recent and strong impressions. The most characteristic hallucinations are those which persuade the patient that he experiences the contact of disgusting vermin, corpses, or other horrible objects. He is gnawed by imaginary worms, burnt by matches, or persecuted by spies and the police.
Psychic Disturbances—Hallucinations. The most common and early symptoms are delusions and hallucinations, usually dark or even terrifying, and extremely varied and fleeting, which, like dreams, nearly always[Pg 83] stem from recent and intense experiences. The most typical hallucinations are those that convince the patient they feel the presence of disgusting bugs, corpses, or other horrifying things. They feel as if imaginary worms are eating away at them, they are burned by matches, or they are being hunted by spies and the police.

The strange pathological conditions resulting from chronic alcoholism give rise to other fearful hallucinations. Cutaneous anæsthesia and alcoholic anaphrodisia make the sufferers fancy they have lost the generative organs, nose, legs, etc.; dyspepsia, exhaustion, and paresis, that they have been poisoned or are being persecuted. The reaction following excessively prolonged stimuli causes furious lypemania and gloomy fancies. Sometimes chronic inebriates believe that they are accused of imaginary crimes and loaded with chains amid heaps of corpses. They implore mercy and try to kill themselves in order to escape from their shame; or they remain motionless, bewildered, and terrified. Not infrequently, because of the profound faith, which, unlike many other lunatics, they have in their hallucinations, they pass from melancholy broodings to a fit of mad energy, often of a homicidal or suicidal nature. They imagine they are struggling with thieves or wild beasts and hurl themselves from the[Pg 84] window or rush naked through the streets, killing the first person that crosses their path. In some, this delirium of energy breaks out suddenly like an epileptic attack, which it resembles in its brevity and intensity. With hair standing on end, they rush about like savage beasts, grinding their teeth, biting, rending their clothes, or tearing up the sod, or hurling themselves from some height. These symptoms are preceded by vertigo, periodical cephalalgia, and flushing of the face, and are manifested more frequently by those who are already predisposed through trauma to the head, or through typhus or heredity, or after great agitation and prolonged fasting, and often bear no relation to the quantity of alcohol imbibed, which may be small, or to the general physical state; but depend on cerebral irritation caused by chronic alcoholism. The attacks may disappear in a few hours without leaving the slightest recollection in the mind of the patient (Krafft-Ebing, p. 182). They are, in short, a species of disguised epilepsy, and thus they may well be styled, since true alcoholic epilepsy is noted in many inebriates, specially in absinthe-drinkers.
The strange health issues caused by chronic alcoholism lead to terrifying hallucinations. People with skin numbness and reduced sexual desire often feel like they’ve lost their reproductive organs, nose, legs, and more; those suffering from upset stomachs, fatigue, and weakness believe they’ve been poisoned or are being persecuted. The reaction to prolonged stimulation can trigger intense agitation and dark thoughts. Sometimes, chronic drinkers think they are being accused of nonexistent crimes and are chained among piles of corpses. They plead for mercy and may attempt suicide to escape their shame, or they may remain frozen, confused, and frightened. Often, due to their deep belief in their hallucinations—unlike many other mentally ill individuals—they swing from deep sadness to bursts of extreme energy, which can be violent or self-destructive. They may think they are fighting off thieves or wild animals, throwing themselves out of a window or running naked through the streets, attacking the first person they encounter. In some cases, this surge of energy appears suddenly like an epileptic seizure, sharing its brief and intense nature. With hair standing on end, they behave like wild animals, grinding their teeth, biting, tearing their clothes, or ripping up the ground, or jumping from heights. These episodes are preceded by dizziness, occasional headaches, and facial flushing, and they occur more often in those already vulnerable due to head injuries, typhus, genetics, or after severe stress and prolonged lack of food. They often have no connection to the amount of alcohol consumed, which can be minimal, or to the person's overall health; instead, they stem from brain irritation linked to chronic alcoholism. The episodes may end within hours, leaving the patient with absolutely no memory of them (Krafft-Ebing, p. 182). In essence, they are a form of disguised epilepsy, and they can be considered as such since true alcoholic epilepsy is observed in many heavy drinkers, especially those who consume absinthe.
Apathy. Another characteristic almost invariably found in inebriates who have committed a crime, is a strange apathy and indifference, a total lack of concern regarding their state—a trait common[Pg 85] also to ordinary criminals, but in a less marked degree. They make themselves at home in prison without showing the faintest interest in their trial or in the offence which has caused their arrest, and only when brought before the judge do they rouse themselves for a moment from their lethargy.
Apathy. Another trait almost always seen in drunk individuals who have committed a crime is a strange apathy and indifference, a complete lack of concern about their situation—a characteristic also common[Pg 85] to regular criminals, but to a lesser extent. They settle into prison comfortably without showing the slightest interest in their trial or the crime that led to their arrest, and only when brought before the judge do they snap out of their lethargy for a moment.
A well-educated man, after a varied career as doctor, chemist, and clerk, during which time he had been constantly dismissed from his posts for drunkenness, met a policeman in the street and killed him, in the belief that the officer wanted to arrest him. When taken to prison, the first thing he did was to write to his mother begging her to send him some pomade. When interrogated, he informed the examining magistrate that the interrogatory was useless, since he had already chosen a fresh trade, that of photographer. It was only after several months of total abstinence in prison, that he began to come to his senses and to realise the gravity of his situation. (Tardieu, De la Folie, 1870.)
A well-educated man, after having a diverse career as a doctor, chemist, and clerk—during which he was repeatedly fired for being drunk—ran into a policeman on the street and killed him, thinking the officer wanted to arrest him. Once he was taken to prison, the first thing he did was write to his mother asking her to send him some hair pomade. When questioned, he told the examining magistrate that the interrogation was pointless since he had already decided to pursue a new career as a photographer. It wasn't until several months of complete sobriety in prison that he began to regain his senses and understand the seriousness of his situation. (Tardieu, De la Folie, 1870.)
Contrast between Apathy and Impulsiveness. This apathy alternates with strange impulses, which, although strongly at variance with the patient's former habits, he is unable to control, even when he is aware that they are criminal.
Contrast between Apathy and Impulsiveness. This apathy comes and goes with odd impulses that, although completely different from the patient’s usual behavior, he can’t control, even when he knows they are wrong.
Crimes peculiar to Inebriates. Since modification of the reproductive organs is a common cause of[Pg 86] hallucinations, inebriate criminals frequently suffer from a species of erotic delirium, during which they murder those whom they believe guilty of offences against themselves—generally their wives or mistresses. This is partly owing to the sexual nature of their hallucinations and partly to the wretchedness of their homes, which are in such striking contrast to the rosy dreams inspired by alcohol and which tend to increase the melancholy natural to drunkards. They imagine they are being deceived and their impotence derided, the most innocent gestures being interpreted as deadly insults.
Crimes specific to Drunkards. Since changes in the reproductive organs often lead to[Pg 86] hallucinations, intoxicated offenders frequently experience a type of erotic delirium, during which they kill those they think have wronged them—usually their wives or lovers. This is partly due to the sexual nature of their hallucinations and partly because of the miserable state of their homes, which starkly contrasts with the blissful fantasies triggered by alcohol and tends to worsen the sadness typical of drunks. They believe they are being betrayed and ridiculed for their impotence, with even the most innocent gestures seen as severe insults.
In the prison at Turin, my father had under observation two of these unfortunate beings, one a man of sixty and the other quite young. Both had murdered their wives with the most revolting cruelty, because they believed them to be unfaithful, although in reality both the women led blameless lives.
In the prison in Turin, my father was observing two of these unfortunate individuals, one a sixty-year-old man and the other quite young. Both had brutally murdered their wives under the most horrifying circumstances, thinking that they were unfaithful, even though the women were actually leading innocent lives.
Course of the Disease. The continued abuse of alcohol ends at last in complete dementia or general pseudo-paralysis. The body is at first obese, but rapidly loses flesh, the skin becomes greasy and damp, owing to hypersecretion of the sebaceous and sudoriparous glands, and soils the garments. Memory becomes enfeebled, speech uncertain and defective (dysarthria), the association of ideas sluggish,[Pg 87] sensibility blunted, perception confused, judgment erroneous, and every species of regular and continued application impossible. The earlier hallucinations reappear, but in a less vivid form and only at long intervals; then paralysis more or less rapidly becomes general and ends in death.
Course of the Disease. The ongoing misuse of alcohol ultimately leads to complete dementia or general pseudo-paralysis. The body is initially overweight but quickly loses weight; the skin becomes oily and damp due to excessive secretion from the sebaceous and sweat glands, which stains clothing. Memory weakens, speech becomes unclear and flawed (dysarthria), the connections between thoughts become slow, [Pg 87] sensitivity is dulled, perception is muddled, judgment is faulty, and any consistent or focused effort becomes impossible. Earlier hallucinations return, but in a less intense form and only after long breaks; then paralysis gradually becomes widespread and leads to death.
EPILEPSY
We have spoken of this disease in another chapter and have shown that the born criminal is in reality an epileptic, in whom the malady, instead of manifesting itself suddenly in strange muscular contortions or terrible spasms, develops slowly in continual brain irritation, which causes the individual thus affected to reproduce the ferocious egotism natural to primitive savages, irresistibly bent on harming others.
We talked about this disease in another chapter and showed that a born criminal is actually an epileptic. In this case, the illness doesn’t show up suddenly with bizarre muscle contractions or horrible seizures; instead, it develops gradually through ongoing brain irritation, which leads the affected person to display the brutal self-centeredness typical of primitive savages, driven to hurt others.
But besides these epileptics, who are morally insane from their birth and pass their lives in prisons and lunatic asylums, without any one being able to mark the exact boundary between their perversity and their irresponsibility; besides these individuals, whom society has a right, nay a moral obligation, to remove from its midst because they are ever a source of danger there are those who are afflicted with other forms of epilepsy;—forms in which irritation is manifested in seizures exactly similar to the typical[Pg 88] convulsive fit, which they resemble also with regard to variation in intensity and duration. Generally speaking, they are likewise accompanied by complete loss of memory and consciousness, but in some cases there may be partial or complete consciousness, and yet the sufferer is not responsible for his actions. This variety of epilepsy, termed by Samt psychic epilepsy (epilepsy with psychic seizures), manifests itself at long intervals, sometimes only once, but more frequently twice or thrice in the course of a lifetime, and during the attack the personality of the individual undergoes a complete change.
But aside from these individuals with epilepsy, who are born morally insane and spend their lives in prisons and mental hospitals, with no one able to clearly define the line between their wickedness and their lack of responsibility; in addition to these people, whom society has both the right and a moral duty to remove from its midst because they always pose a danger, there are others who suffer from different kinds of epilepsy. These forms show irritation through seizures that are exactly like typical[Pg 88] convulsive fits, resembling them in terms of intensity and duration as well. Generally, these attacks are also accompanied by a complete loss of memory and awareness, but in some cases, there can be partial or complete awareness, and yet the person still isn't accountable for their actions. This type of epilepsy, referred to by Samt as psychic epilepsy (epilepsy with psychic seizures), happens at long intervals, sometimes occurring only once, but more often two or three times throughout a lifetime, and during these episodes, the individual's personality completely changes.
The attack is described by Samt as follows: During the seizure, the individual behaves like a somnambulist. Sometimes he is dazed, mute, and immovable; at others, he talks incessantly; at still others, he goes on with his ordinary occupations, travelling, reading, and writing: but in every case his personality suffers a complete metamorphosis, his habits, actions, and even handwriting assume a different character. Sometimes he is seized by a mania for walking and tramps for miles; at others, he undertakes interminable railway journeys. Tissié (Les aliénés voyageurs, 1887) cites cases of epileptics who travelled from Paris to Bombay, who covered 71 kilometres on foot, and who wandered unconscious for 31 months.
The attack is described by Samt as follows: During the seizure, the individual acts like a sleepwalker. Sometimes they seem dazed, mute, and motionless; at other times, they talk nonstop; and at still other times, they continue with their usual activities, like traveling, reading, and writing. However, in every instance, their personality undergoes a complete transformation; their habits, actions, and even handwriting take on a different quality. Occasionally, they are overwhelmed by an urge to walk and trek for miles; at other times, they undertake endless train journeys. Tissié (Les aliénés voyageurs, 1887) cites examples of epileptics who traveled from Paris to Bombay, who walked 71 kilometers, and who wandered in a daze for 31 months.
[Pg 89]Sometimes epilepsy is manifested only by the tendency to undertake purposeless journeys, as in the case of Ferretti and a certain M... who visited the Mahdi in Africa and from thence travelled aimlessly to Australia.
[Pg 89]Sometimes epilepsy shows up only as a tendency to take aimless trips, like in the case of Ferretti and someone named M... who went to meet the Mahdi in Africa and then traveled without purpose to Australia.
This ambulatory form of epilepsy is very common amongst lads of fourteen or fifteen. Scarcely a week passes without the police receiving information from parents that their son has disappeared from home with only a few pence in his pocket. The wanderer is discovered later, frequently in some small provincial town, which he has reached after tramping aimlessly for days, sleeping in barns, and living on charity. When questioned, the boy usually displays total ignorance regarding all that has happened to him during the interval.
This type of epilepsy that causes people to wander is really common among boys around fourteen or fifteen years old. Almost every week, the police get calls from parents saying their son has gone missing, usually with just a little money in his pocket. The boy is often found later in a small town, having walked aimlessly for days, slept in barns, and relied on the kindness of strangers for food. When asked about what happened during that time, the boy typically has no idea.
Dr. Maccabruni in his Notes on Hidden Forms of Epilepsy, 1886, narrates the case of an epileptic, who during childhood received an injury to his skull. Later, he started out on a series of wanderings to Venice, Padua, Rome, Milan, Monaco, and Mentone. His journeys, especially those to distant parts, were undertaken in a state of unconsciousness and generally a short time before the commencement of a fit.
Dr. Maccabruni in his Notes on Hidden Forms of Epilepsy, 1886, describes the case of an epileptic who suffered a head injury during childhood. Later, he embarked on a series of trips to Venice, Padua, Rome, Milan, Monaco, and Mentone. His travels, especially to faraway places, were often done while he was unconscious and usually just before he had a seizure.
These attacks may last any length of time, from a few minutes to several months. In one of[Pg 90] the cases observed by my father, the attack lasted a fortnight. The patient, a young officer with whom we were personally acquainted, was one of the quietest persons possible, but suddenly he was seized with a mania for writing innumerable letters, especially on stamped paper, in exaggeratedly large writing very different from his usual style. These letters, which were full of absurdities, were posted by the writer from the different towns he passed through on his aimless journeyings, which lasted a whole fortnight. During one of these seizures, he was arrested as a deserter and was unable to give any explanation of his conduct.
These episodes can last anywhere from a few minutes to several months. In one of[Pg 90] the cases my father observed, the episode lasted for two weeks. The patient, a young officer we knew personally, was typically very mild-mannered, but suddenly he became obsessed with writing countless letters, especially on stamped paper, in ridiculously large handwriting that was completely different from his usual style. These letters, filled with nonsense, were mailed from the various towns he visited during his aimless travels, which lasted a full two weeks. During one of these episodes, he was arrested as a deserter and couldn't explain his behavior.
In this particular patient, the disease assumed the mild form of absurd letters and still more absurd journeys, but other individuals in the same state may commit criminal acts like homicide, equally without reason or gain to themselves. Once the fit is passed, these unfortunate individuals have generally no recollection of their past actions, and since in their normal state they are quiet, law-abiding persons, it is extremely difficult to trace back the deed to the right source, or to discover the disease, because they show no other symptoms of epilepsy, apart from the particular criminal act.
In this specific patient, the condition took on a mild form characterized by nonsensical letters and even more nonsensical trips. However, other people in the same situation might commit serious crimes like murder, also without any apparent reason or personal benefit. Once the episode is over, these unfortunate individuals usually have no memory of their previous actions, and since they are generally calm, law-abiding citizens in their normal lives, it's incredibly challenging to link the crime to the correct source or to identify the condition, as they show no other symptoms of epilepsy besides the specific criminal act.
Samt describes a still more complicated form of this psychic seizure, in which the personality is[Pg 91] altered without there being any loss of consciousness. In a case of this kind, a servant, after forty years of faithful service, murdered his old mistress during the night, having previously cut all the bell-wires to prevent communication with the other servants. He escaped with some valuables, but returned in a few days and gave himself up to the police, to whom he gave a detailed account of his crime without showing either horror or remorse. He was tried and condemned, and a few months later was again seized with epileptic fits during one of which he died. Samt, who saw him in this state, came to the conclusion that the murder had been committed during a similar seizure and he was able to prove that attacks of this kind are not necessarily accompanied by loss of consciousness.
Samt describes an even more complicated version of this psychic seizure, in which the personality is[Pg 91] changed without any loss of consciousness. In this case, a servant, after forty years of loyal service, murdered his elderly mistress during the night, having previously cut all the bell wires to prevent contact with the other servants. He escaped with some valuables but returned a few days later and turned himself in to the police, where he gave a detailed account of his crime without displaying any horror or remorse. He was tried and sentenced, and a few months later, he experienced epileptic fits during one of which he died. Samt, who observed him in this condition, concluded that the murder had occurred during a similar seizure and was able to demonstrate that these types of attacks do not always involve a loss of consciousness.
As in the above case, these psychic attacks are sometimes accompanied by an insatiable thirst for blood, destruction and violence of all kinds, as well as by an extraordinary development of muscular strength with apparent lucidity of mind. They may last from a few minutes to half an hour, after which the patient falls into a sound sleep and forgets everything that has happened, or else retains only a vague recollection.
As in the above case, these psychic attacks are sometimes accompanied by an unquenchable thirst for blood, destruction, and all kinds of violence, along with an incredible increase in muscular strength and a clear mind. They can last from a few minutes to half an hour, after which the person falls into a deep sleep and forgets everything that happened, or only remembers a vague impression.
Such was the case of the epileptic Misdea, which first suggested to my father the idea of a link between[Pg 92] crime and epilepsy. As this case has become famous in the annals of crime in Italy, it will perhaps be of interest to the reader. Misdea, the son of degenerate parents, manifested a series of typical epileptic anomalies—asymmetry, vaso-motor disturbances, impulsiveness, ferocity, etc. At the age of twenty, while serving in the army, for some trivial motive he suddenly attacked and killed his superior officer and eight or ten soldiers who tried to overpower him. Finally he was bound and placed in a cell, where he fell into a sound slumber and on awaking had entirely forgotten what he had done. He was condemned to death, but my father, who examined him medically, was able to prove conclusively that the crime had been committed during an attack of epilepsy.
Such was the case of the epileptic Misdea, which first made my father consider a connection between[Pg 92] crime and epilepsy. Since this case has become well-known in Italy's crime history, it might interest the reader. Misdea, the son of troubled parents, displayed a number of typical epileptic symptoms—such as asymmetry, blood vessel issues, impulsiveness, and aggression. At twenty, while serving in the army, he suddenly attacked and killed his superior officer and eight or ten soldiers who tried to restrain him for some trivial reason. Eventually, he was tied up and put in a cell, where he fell into a deep sleep and, upon waking, had completely forgotten what he had done. He was sentenced to death, but my father, who examined him medically, managed to prove that the crime occurred during an epileptic seizure.
The physical and psychic characters of this class of epileptic are those common to all non-criminal epileptics, and indeed we are justified in considering them insane rather than criminal, because, with the exception of the attack, which assumes this terrible form, they do not manifest criminal tendencies.
The physical and psychological traits of this group of epileptics are similar to those found in all non-criminal epileptics. In fact, we are right to view them as insane rather than criminal, because, except for the seizure that takes on this horrific form, they do not show any criminal tendencies.
HYSTERIA
Hysteria is a disease allied to epilepsy, of which it appears to be a milder form, and is much more common among women than men in the ratio of[Pg 93] twenty to one. The disease may frequently be traced to hereditary influences, similar to those found in epilepsy, transmitted by epileptic, neurotic, or inebriate parents, frequently also, to some traumatic or toxic influence, such as typhus, meningitis, a blow, a fall, or fright.
Hysteria is a condition related to epilepsy, which seems to be a milder version of it, and it occurs much more often in women than in men at a rate of[Pg 93] twenty to one. This condition is often linked to hereditary factors, like those seen in epilepsy, passed down from parents who are epileptic, neurotic, or have issues with alcohol. It can also be triggered by some traumatic or toxic influences, such as typhus, meningitis, an injury, a fall, or a severe scare.
Physical Characteristics. These are fewer than in epileptics. The most common peculiarities are small, obliquely-placed eyes of timid glance, pale, elongated face, crowded or loosened teeth, nervous movements of the face and hands, facial asymmetry, and black hair.
Physical Characteristics. There are fewer of these in people with epilepsy. The most common traits are small, slanted eyes with a timid look, a pale, elongated face, crowded or sparse teeth, shaky movements of the face and hands, facial asymmetry, and black hair.
Functional Characteristics. These are of great importance. Hysterical subjects manifest special sensibility to the contact of certain metals such as magnetised iron, copper, and gold. Characteristic symptoms are the insensibility of the larynx or the sensation of a foreign body in it (globus hystericus), neuralgic pains, which disappear with extreme suddenness, reappearing often on the side opposite that where they were first felt, the prevalence of sensory and motor anomalies on one side (hemianæsthesia), the confusion of different colours (dyschromatopsia); greater sensibility in certain parts of the body, such as the ovary and the breasts, which when subjected to pressure give rise to neuropathic phenomena (hysterogenous points); a sense of pleasure in the[Pg 94] presence of pain, the abolition of pharyngeal reflex action, the absence of the sensation of warmth in certain parts of the body and a tendency to the so-called attacks of "hysterics." These characteristics, which are closely allied, if not precisely similar to those of epilepsy, are preceded by a number of premonitory symptoms—hallucinations, sudden change of character, contractions, laryngeal spasms, strabismus, frequent spitting, inordinate laughter or yawning, cardiac palpitations, loss of strength, trembling, anæsthesia and (just before the attack,) pains in some fixed spot, generally in the head, ovary, or nape of the neck.
Functional Characteristics. These are very important. People with hysterical tendencies show a heightened sensitivity to contact with certain metals like magnetized iron, copper, and gold. Characteristic symptoms include numbness in the larynx or the feeling of a foreign body in it (globus hystericus), neuralgic pain that disappears suddenly, often reappearing on the opposite side from where it was first felt, and a dominance of sensory and motor issues on one side (hemianæsthesia). There may also be confusion with colors (dyschromatopsia), increased sensitivity in certain body areas like the ovaries and breasts, which, when pressed, lead to neuropathic reactions (hysterogenous points); a feeling of pleasure in the presence of pain, loss of pharyngeal reflexes, lack of warm sensation in specific body parts, and a tendency toward so-called hysterical attacks. These traits, which are closely related, if not exactly the same as those seen in epilepsy, are preceded by various warning symptoms—hallucinations, sudden personality changes, contractions, laryngeal spasms, strabismus, frequent spitting, excessive laughter or yawning, heart palpitations, weakness, trembling, numbness, and (just before an attack) pain in a fixed spot, usually in the head, ovary, or neck.
Psychology. The psychological manifestations of hysterical subjects are of still greater interest and importance.
Psychology. The psychological behaviors of hysterical individuals are even more fascinating and significant.
They show, on the whole, a fair amount of intelligence, although little power of concentration. In disposition they are profoundly egotistical and so preoccupied with their own persons that they will do anything to arouse attention and obtain notoriety. They are exceedingly impressionable, therefore easily roused to anger and cruelty, and are prone to take sudden and unreasonable likes and dislikes. They are fickle and easily swayed. They take special delight in slandering others, and when unable to excite public notice by unfounded accusations, to[Pg 95] which they resort as a means of revenge, they embitter the lives of those around them by continual quarrels and dissensions.
They generally display a decent amount of intelligence, though they struggle with focus. They are highly self-absorbed and so caught up in their own lives that they will do anything to grab attention and gain notoriety. They are very impressionable, which makes them easily provoked to anger and cruelty, and they often develop sudden and irrational likes and dislikes. They are fickle and easily influenced. They take particular pleasure in gossiping about others, and when they can't attract public attention through baseless accusations—something they resort to for revenge—they make life miserable for those around them through constant fighting and disagreements.
Susceptibility to Suggestion. Of still greater importance for the criminologist is the facility with which hysterical women are dominated by hypnotic suggestion. Their wills become entirely subordinated to that of the hypnotiser, by whose influence they can be induced to believe that they have changed their sex so that they forthwith adopt habits of the opposite sex, or to entertain idées fixes—strange, impulsive, or even criminal ideas. They are, in fact, obedient automatons when under hypnotic influence, but they cannot be prevailed upon to perform acts contrary to their nature, to commit crimes or reveal secrets entrusted to them, if they are naturally upright.
Susceptibility to Suggestion. Even more significant for criminologists is how easily hysterical women can be controlled by hypnotic suggestion. Their wills become completely subject to that of the hypnotist, who can lead them to believe they've changed their gender, causing them to adopt behaviors typical of the opposite sex, or to entertain idées fixes—strange, impulsive, or even criminal thoughts. In fact, they act like obedient automatons when under hypnosis, but they cannot be forced to do things that go against their nature, such as committing crimes or revealing secrets they have been trusted with, if they are inherently honest.
Variability. Mobility of mood is a still more salient characteristic of hysteria. The subject passes with extraordinary rapidity from laughter to tears "like children," says Richet, "who laugh immoderately before their tears are dry."
Variability. The ability to change moods is an even more noticeable trait of hysteria. The person shifts from laughter to tears at incredible speed, "like children," says Richet, "who laugh uncontrollably before their tears have dried."
"For one hour," says Sydenham, "they will be irascible and discontented; the next, they are cheerful and follow their friends about with all the signs of the old attachment."
"For one hour," says Sydenham, "they'll be irritable and unhappy; the next, they're cheerful and follow their friends around, showing all the signs of their old bond."
Their sensibility is affected by the most trifling[Pg 96] causes. A word will grieve them like some real misfortune. Their impulses are not lacking in intellectual control, but are followed by action with excessive rapidity. Although of such changeable disposition, they are subject to fixed ideas, to which they cling with a kind of cataleptic intensity. A woman will be dumb or motionless for months, on the pretext that speech or motion would injure her. But this is the only form of constancy they exhibit, otherwise they are indolent by nature. Sometimes they will show activity for a few days only to relapse again into idleness.
Their feelings can be easily influenced by the smallest[Pg 96] things. A single word can upset them like a real tragedy. While their impulses do have some intellectual control, they act on them too quickly. Despite their fickle nature, they can become fixated on certain ideas, holding onto them with an almost catatonic intensity. A woman might be silent or still for months, claiming that speaking or moving would harm her. But this is the only kind of consistency they display; otherwise, they tend to be lazy. Occasionally, they might be active for a few days before falling back into their usual inactivity.
Erotomania. This is almost a pathognomonical symptom and is shown in hallucinations and nightmares of an erotic character, preceded by epigastric aura. This erotomania is so impulsive that hysterical women frequently engage in a liaison, from a desire of adventure or of experiencing sudden emotions. The criminality of the hysterical is always connected with the sexual functions.
Erotomania. This is almost a defining symptom and is seen in hallucinations and nightmares of a sexual nature, preceded by a feeling of discomfort in the upper abdomen. This erotomania is so impulsive that women with hysteria often enter into a liaison, driven by a desire for adventure or seeking intense emotions. The criminal behavior of those with hysteria is always linked to sexual functions.
Of twenty-one women found guilty of slander, nine made false accusations of rape, four accused their husbands of sexual violence, and one of sodomy. Such accusations, when made by minors, are generally full of disgusting details, which would be repugnant to any adult.
Of the twenty-one women convicted of slander, nine falsely accused men of rape, four claimed their husbands had committed sexual violence, and one accused someone of sodomy. These accusations, especially when made by minors, often include repulsive details that would be offensive to any adult.
Mendacity. Another peculiarity of hysterical[Pg 97] women is the irresistible tendency to lie, which leads them to utter senseless falsehoods just for the pleasure of deceiving and making believe. They sham suicide and sickness or write anonymous letters full of inventions. Many, from motives of spite or vanity, accuse servants of dishonesty, in order to revel in their disgrace and imprisonment. The favourite calumny, however, is always an accusation of indecent behaviour, sometimes made against their fathers and brothers, but generally against a priest or medical man. The accusations, in most cases, are so strange and fantastic as to be quite unworthy of belief, but sometimes, unfortunately, they obtain credence. The commonest method adopted for spreading these calumnies is by means of anonymous letters. In one case, a young girl of twenty-five belonging to a distinguished family, pestered a respectable priest with love-letters and shortly afterwards accused him of seduction. Another girl of eighteen informed the Attorney for the State that she had frequently been the victim of immoral priests and accused one of her female cousins of complicity. According to her story, while praying at church, a certain Abbot R... took her into the sacristy and entreated her to elope with him to Spain. She refused indignantly, and hoping to soften her, he twice stabbed himself in her[Pg 98] presence, whereat she fainted, and on recovering consciousness, found the priest at her feet, begging forgiveness. She further accused the same cousin of having taken her to a convent, where she was seduced by a priest, the nuns acting as accomplices. A subsequent medical examination proved that no seduction had taken place and that she was suffering from hysteria.
Mendacity. Another peculiar trait of hysterical[Pg 97] women is their overwhelming tendency to lie, which drives them to tell ridiculous falsehoods just for the thrill of deceiving others. They fake suicide and illness or send anonymous letters filled with fabrications. Many, driven by spite or vanity, accuse their servants of theft just to revel in their shame and punishment. However, the most common slander is an accusation of inappropriate behavior, sometimes aimed at their fathers and brothers, but mostly at a priest or doctor. These accusations are often so bizarre and far-fetched that they are hard to believe, yet sometimes, sadly, they are taken seriously. The typical way they spread these slanders is through anonymous letters. In one instance, a twenty-five-year-old woman from a prominent family harassed a respectable priest with love letters and then accused him of seduction. Another eighteen-year-old informed the Attorney for the State that she had frequently been victimized by immoral priests and accused one of her female cousins of being involved. According to her story, while praying in church, a certain Abbot R... took her to the sacristy and begged her to run away with him to Spain. She indignantly refused, and in an attempt to sway her, he stabbed himself twice in her[Pg 98] presence, causing her to faint. When she regained consciousness, she found the priest at her feet, pleading for forgiveness. She also accused the same cousin of taking her to a convent, where a priest seduced her, with the nuns as accomplices. A later medical examination showed that no seduction occurred and that she was actually suffering from hysteria.
In another case, a girl of sixteen, the daughter of an Italian general, complained to her father that a certain lieutenant, her neighbour at table, had used indecent language to her. Shortly afterwards, a shower of anonymous letters troubled the peace of the household—declarations of love addressed to the girl's mother and threats to the daughter. It was discovered that the girl herself was the writer of all these letters.
In another situation, a sixteen-year-old girl, the daughter of an Italian general, told her father that a lieutenant, who sat next to her at dinner, had spoken to her inappropriately. Soon after, the family started receiving a flood of anonymous letters—love declarations meant for the girl’s mother and threats directed at the daughter. It turned out that the girl was the one writing all those letters.
Anonymous letter-writing is so common among hysterical persons, that it may be considered a pathognomonical characteristic. The handwriting is of a peculiar character, or rather it shows a peculiar tendency to vary from excessive size to extreme smallness, a characteristic we have noticed in epileptics.
Anonymous letter-writing is so common among overly emotional people that it can be seen as a defining trait. The handwriting has a distinctive quality; it tends to fluctuate from very large to extremely small, a trait we've also observed in people with epilepsy.
Delirium. Hysterical, like epileptic, subjects often suffer from melancholia or monomaniacal delirium. Indeed, according to Morel, this symptom[Pg 99] is more frequent when the other morbid phenomena are absent.
Delirium. Hysterical individuals, similar to those with epilepsy, often experience feelings of deep sadness or obsessive delirium. In fact, according to Morel, this symptom[Pg 99] occurs more often when other unhealthy conditions are not present.
Psychic hysteria, like epilepsy, may exist unaccompanied by the characteristic hysterical attack, and then, as is the case with epilepsy, it is most dangerous to society.
Psychic hysteria, similar to epilepsy, can occur without the typical hysterical attack, and like epilepsy, it poses a significant risk to society.
In conclusion, although up to the present, medical men have been disposed to consider hysteria as a disease distinct from epilepsy, careful study of this malady inclined my father to class it as a variation of epilepsy, prevalent among women, who in this disease, as in many others, manifest an attenuated form.
In conclusion, even though doctors today tend to see hysteria as a separate condition from epilepsy, my father's detailed examination of this illness led him to categorize it as a variation of epilepsy that is common among women, who often display a milder version of the disease, just like with many other conditions.
CHAPTER IV
CRIMINALOIDS
We have seen how, owing to disease, alcoholism and epilepsy, physically and psychically degenerate individuals make their appearance in a community of normal persons. But a large proportion of the crimes committed cannot be attributed to lunatics, epileptics, or the morally insane, nor do all criminals show that aggregate of atavistic and morbid characters,—the cruelty and bestial insensibility of the savage, the impulsiveness of the epileptic, the licentiousness, delusions, and impetuosity of the madman,—which we find united in the born criminal.
We have seen how, due to disease, alcoholism, and epilepsy, physically and mentally degenerate individuals emerge in a community of normal people. However, a significant portion of crimes committed cannot be attributed to those who are mentally ill, epileptics, or morally insane, nor do all criminals exhibit that combination of primitive and unhealthy traits—the cruelty and animalistic insensitivity of savages, the impulsiveness of epileptics, the promiscuity, delusions, and recklessness of the insane—which we find in born criminals.
According to statistics obtained by my father, the share contributed to the sum total of criminality by this latter type is only 33%, which appears to be a magic figure for the criminal, since it corresponds to the percentage of the histological anomaly discovered by Roncoroni and to that of all important anomalies,[Pg 101] including those of the field of vision. But besides this percentage of born criminals, doomed even before birth to a career of crime, whom all educational efforts fail to redeem and who therefore should be segregated at once; besides the epileptic, hysterical, and inebriate lunatics and those insane from alcoholisation, of whom we have already spoken, there remain a number of criminals, amounting to a full half, in whom the virus is, so to speak, attenuated, who, although they are epileptoids, suffer from a milder form of the disease, so that without some adequate cause (causa criminis) criminality is not manifested. The inhibitory centres are somewhat obtuse, but not altogether absent, so that a healthy environment, careful training, habits of industry, the inculcation of moral and humane sentiments may prevent these individuals from yielding to dishonest impulses, provided always that no special temptation to sin comes in their path.
According to stats my dad gathered, the share contributed to the total crime rate by this latter type is only 33%, which seems to be a magical number for the criminal, as it corresponds to the percentage of the histological anomaly discovered by Roncoroni and to that of all major anomalies,[Pg 101] including those related to vision. But besides this percentage of born criminals, who are doomed even before birth to a life of crime and whom all educational efforts fail to save, and those suffering from epilepsy, hysteria, or intoxication-related insanity that we’ve already discussed, there remains a group of criminals, making up about half, in whom the virus is, so to speak, weakened. These individuals, while they are epileptoids, experience a milder version of the disease, so that without some significant cause (causa criminis), their criminality does not show. Their inhibitory centers are somewhat dull but not completely gone, meaning that a healthy environment, proper training, good habits, and fostering moral and humane values may keep these individuals from giving in to dishonest urges, as long as no specific temptation to sin crosses their path.
We have said that education is not sufficient to convert a criminal into an honest man. Conversely, trials and difficulties and the want of education are powerless to make a criminal of an honest individual. Hypnotism, the most powerful means of suggestion possible, cannot induce a good man to commit a crime during the hypnotic sleep, but vicious training has an enormous influence on weak natures,[Pg 102] who are candidates for good or evil according to circumstances. Such individuals were classified by my father as criminaloids.
We have said that education alone isn't enough to turn a criminal into an honest person. On the flip side, challenges and lack of education can't turn an honest person into a criminal. Hypnotism, the strongest form of suggestion, can't make a good person commit a crime while under hypnosis, but negative experiences can have a huge impact on impressionable people,[Pg 102] who can go either way depending on the situation. My father referred to these individuals as criminaloids.
Physical Characteristics. Criminaloids have no special skeletal, anatomical, or functional peculiarities. As the criminaloid represents a milder type of the born criminal, he may possess the same physical defects in the skull, hair, beard, ears, eyes, teeth, lips, joints, hands, and feet, as well as all the sensory anomalies, lessened sensibility to touch and pain, hyper-sensibility to the magnet and barometrical variations, etc.; but all these anomalies are never found in the same proportion as in born criminals; that is, criminaloids never manifest the aggregate of physical and psychic peculiarities which distinguish born criminals and the morally insane. On the other hand, we find in criminaloids certain characteristics, such as premature greyness and baldness, etc., which are never exhibited by the born criminal. The real distinction between the criminaloid and the born criminal is psychological rather than physical.
Physical Characteristics. Criminaloids don't have any unique skeletal, anatomical, or functional traits. Since the criminaloid is a milder version of the born criminal, they may have similar physical defects in the skull, hair, beard, ears, eyes, teeth, lips, joints, hands, and feet, along with various sensory issues, reduced sensitivity to touch and pain, oversensitivity to magnets and barometric changes, etc.; however, these issues are never found to the same degree as in born criminals. In other words, criminaloids don’t display the full range of physical and psychological traits that distinguish born criminals and the morally insane. Conversely, criminaloids do show certain traits, like premature graying and baldness, which are never seen in born criminals. The key difference between the criminaloid and the born criminal is psychological, not physical.
Psychological Characteristics. The difference between born criminals and criminaloids becomes apparent directly on considering the age at which the latter enter on their anti-social career and the motives which cause them to adopt it. While the born criminal begins to perpetrate crimes from the[Pg 103] very cradle, so to speak, and always for very trivial motives, the criminaloid commits his initial offence later in life and always for some adequate reason.
Psychological Characteristics. The difference between natural-born criminals and criminaloids is clear when you look at the age they start their anti-social careers and the reasons behind their choices. While the born criminal tends to commit crimes from a very young age, often for minor reasons, the criminaloid usually commits their first crime later in life and always for a more significant reason.
A criminal of this attenuated type, a certain Salvador, without cranial or facial anomalies, had led an honest life for many years, but on returning home after a prolonged absence on business, he found his house ransacked by his wife, who had deserted him. From that time he seems to have deliberately adopted a career of dishonesty, as the leader of a band of thieves.
A criminal of this kind, a guy named Salvador, without any noticeable head or face abnormalities, had lived a decent life for many years. However, when he returned home after being away on business for a long time, he discovered his house had been messed up by his wife, who had left him. From that point on, he appears to have intentionally chosen a life of crime, becoming the leader of a group of thieves.
In another case, an engraver who showed no pathological anomalies, except excessive frontal sinuses, was ordered by a society to strike a medal for them. This happened to be exactly similar to a coin current in his country and the coincidence incited him to the making of counterfeit coin.
In another case, an engraver who had no noticeable health issues, other than large frontal sinuses, was asked by a society to create a medal for them. Interestingly, this medal resembled a coin commonly used in his country, and this similarity led him to create counterfeit coins.
But the most characteristic case, which aroused much interest in its time, is that of Olivo. He was a man of handsome appearance, with normal olfactory acuteness and sensibility to touch and pain. He had, however, inherited from neurotic and insane forebears secondary epileptic phenomena, which subsequently developed into convulsive epilepsy, and certain indications of degeneracy (facial and cranial asymmetry, abnormal capillary vortices and length of arm, scotoma in the field of vision and exaggerated[Pg 104] tendinous reflex action). Up to the age of thirty he led an irreproachable life; in fact, he was scrupulous to excess, and this, coupled with pronounced conceit and stinginess, was his only fault. He married a woman of common origin, who was not really depraved, but she was coarse and unfaithful, and, worst of all in his eyes, unscrupulous and wasteful. These defects, and her habits of lying and trickery embittered the poor man's existence. One night, feeling very ill, probably owing to an approaching seizure, he appealed to his wife for assistance and received an unfeeling reply, whereupon he sprang out of bed, picked up a knife and stabbed her. Afterwards he fell into a deep sleep. In order to obliterate all traces of the crime, he cut the corpse into small pieces, packed it into a portmanteau and threw it into the sea. Two months later, when he was arrested, he immediately made a full confession, showing deep repentance and sincere attachment to his victim, whose merits he celebrated in a poem of his own composition. At the trial, he made no attempt to defend himself; during the hearing of evidence, which appeared greatly to agitate him, he was seized with an epileptic fit. He was absolved by the jury and returned to his former peaceful occupation of bookkeeper, nor did he again come into conflict with the law.
But the most distinctive case, which generated a lot of interest at the time, is that of Olivo. He was a handsome man with a normal sense of smell and sensitivity to touch and pain. However, he had inherited secondary epileptic symptoms from neurotic and insane ancestors, which later developed into convulsive epilepsy, along with certain signs of degeneration (facial and head asymmetry, abnormal capillary patterns, long arms, blind spots in his vision, and exaggerated reflex actions). Until he turned thirty, he lived a blameless life; in fact, he was overly meticulous, and this, combined with significant pride and stinginess, was his only flaw. He married a woman of modest background, who wasn't truly depraved, but she was rough and unfaithful, and, worst of all in his view, unscrupulous and wasteful. These flaws, along with her tendency to lie and deceive, made his life miserable. One night, feeling extremely ill, likely due to an impending seizure, he asked his wife for help and received a callous response, which caused him to leap out of bed, grab a knife, and stab her. Afterwards, he fell into a deep sleep. To erase any evidence of the crime, he dismembered her body, stuffed the pieces into a suitcase, and threw it into the sea. Two months later, when he was arrested, he confessed right away, expressing deep remorse and genuine affection for his victim, whose qualities he celebrated in a poem he wrote himself. At the trial, he made no effort to defend himself; during the presentation of evidence, which clearly upset him, he suffered an epileptic seizure. The jury acquitted him, and he returned to his quiet job as a bookkeeper, without ever running into trouble with the law again.
[Pg 105]Reluctance to Commit Crimes. Another trait characteristic of criminaloids is the hesitation they show before committing a crime, especially the first time, when it is not done, as in the above mentioned case, during an epileptic seizure.
[Pg 105]Reluctance to Commit Crimes. Another characteristic of criminaloids is the reluctance they feel before committing a crime, particularly the first time, when it doesn't happen, as in the previously mentioned case, during an epileptic seizure.
Feuerbach's fine collection contains a description of the brothers Kleinroth, whose father cruelly ill-treated and starved his wife and family while lavishing his money on low women and their bastards. The sons were unwilling to run away and leave the invalid mother to bear the brunt of her husband's fury, and while they were in this terrible situation, a certain individual offered to assassinate their tormentor. After great hesitation this offer was accepted; when arrested, the youths immediately confessed their complicity and manifested deep repentance.
Feuerbach's impressive collection includes a description of the Kleinroth brothers, whose father cruelly abused and starved his wife and family while showering his money on low women and their illegitimate children. The sons were reluctant to leave their sick mother to face their father's anger alone, and while stuck in this awful situation, someone offered to kill their abuser. After a lot of hesitation, they accepted the offer; when arrested, the young men quickly confessed their involvement and showed genuine remorse.
Confession. The criminaloid is easily induced to confess his misdeed.
Confession. The criminal is easily convinced to admit his wrongdoing.
A certain C... on returning from abroad, found his former mistress married to his father. The pair resumed their liaison, but after a time, fearing a scandal, the woman threatened to drown herself unless her lover could find some means of adjusting matters on a satisfactory basis. C..., who disliked his father, poisoned him and disappeared with the widow taking with him a few valuables belonging to[Pg 106] his father. A year later, the woman having died meanwhile, he returned home and made full confession, first to his sister and subsequently in court.
A guy named C... came back from abroad and discovered that his ex-girlfriend had married his dad. They picked up their affair again, but after a while, worried about the gossip, the woman threatened to drown herself unless he found a way to resolve things properly. C..., who wasn’t fond of his dad, poisoned him and ran off with the widow, taking some of his dad's valuables with him. A year later, after the woman had died, he returned home and confessed everything, first to his sister and then in court.
Moral Sense—Intelligence. In the place of a weak, clouded, or unbalanced mind and that cynicism and absence of moral sense and natural feelings which distinguish born criminals of the most elevated type and even geniuses, criminaloids generally possess lucidity and balance of mind and may show themselves worthy of guiding the destinies of a nation. The men implicated in the French Panama Scandal and the case of the Banca Romana (Bank of Rome) are instances. When under a cloud of disgrace, instead of that insensibility, cynicism, or levity common to true criminals, they show deep sorrow, shame, and remorse, which not infrequently result in serious illness or death. Their natural affections and other sentiments are normal.
Moral Sense—Intelligence. Instead of a weak, confused, or imbalanced mind, along with the cynicism and lack of moral sense and natural feelings often seen in the most sophisticated born criminals and even some geniuses, criminaloids typically have clarity and balance of mind and can even prove themselves capable of guiding a nation's future. The individuals involved in the French Panama Scandal and the Banca Romana case serve as examples. When facing disgrace, rather than displaying the insensitivity, cynicism, or flippancy typical of true criminals, they express deep sorrow, shame, and remorse, which can sometimes lead to serious illness or death. Their natural affections and other emotions are normal.
It is notorious, too, that as soon as accusations were made against those implicated in the French Panama Scandal and the affair of the Bank of Rome, the greater number became ill and two died suddenly at the end of the trial.
It is well-known that as soon as accusations were made against those involved in the French Panama Scandal and the Bank of Rome affair, many fell ill, and two of them died unexpectedly at the end of the trial.
Unlike born criminals, criminaloids manifest deep repugnance towards common offenders. They demand solitary confinement and forego exercise, the[Pg 107] only recreation prison life affords, in order to avoid all contact with their fellow-prisoners.
Unlike born criminals, criminaloids have a strong dislike for common offenders. They insist on solitary confinement and skip exercise, the[Pg 107] only form of recreation that prison life offers, to avoid any interaction with their fellow inmates.
Social Position and Culture of the Criminaloid. Criminaloids, as we have seen, are recruited from all ranks of society and strike every note in the scale of criminality, from petty larceny to complicated and premeditated murder, from minting spurious coins to compassing gigantic frauds, which inflict incalculable damage upon the community. The magnitude of a crime does not imply greater criminality on the part of its author, but rather that he is a man of brilliant endowments, whose culture and talents multiply his opportunities and means for evil. In all cases where opportunity plays an important part, the crime must necessarily be committed by individuals exposed to special temptations: cashiers who handle other people's money, which they may be tempted to spend with the illusory idea of being able later to replace what they have taken, officials and public men, who possess a certain amount of power and an apparent impunity, and bankers who are entrusted with wealth belonging to others, of which in that capacity they are accustomed to make use. Thus is explained why men of great talent and only slight criminal tendencies have taken part in gigantic frauds, such as the affairs of the Bank of Rome and the French Panama Canal.
Social Position and Culture of the Criminaloid. Criminaloids, as we’ve seen, come from all walks of life and cover the entire spectrum of criminal behavior, from small thefts to complex and premeditated murder, from counterfeiting money to orchestrating massive frauds that cause immense harm to society. The severity of a crime doesn’t indicate that the perpetrator is more criminally inclined; instead, it suggests that they are talented individuals whose skills and education give them more opportunities to do wrong. Whenever opportunity is a key factor, crimes are often committed by those who face unique temptations: cashiers managing other people's money, who might be tempted to spend it with the false hope of being able to replace it later; officials and public figures who have some power and a sense of invincibility; and bankers handling others’ wealth, which they may misuse in their role. This explains why highly talented individuals, with only minor criminal inclinations, have been involved in major frauds, such as the cases of the Bank of Rome and the French Panama Canal.
[Pg 108]A characteristic case is that of Lord S——, First Lord of the Treasury, who committed forgeries to the extent of half a million sterling. "No torture," he writes, "would be an adequate punishment for my crime. Step by step, I have become the author of innumerable misdeeds and ruined more than ten thousand families. With less talent and greater uprightness, I might be now what I once was, an honest man. Now remorse is in vain."
[Pg 108]A notable example is that of Lord S——, First Lord of the Treasury, who committed forgery amounting to half a million pounds. "No torture," he writes, "could ever be a fitting punishment for my crime. Little by little, I've turned into the cause of countless wrongs and have destroyed more than ten thousand families. If I had less skill and more integrity, I could be what I once was—an honest man. Now, feeling regret is pointless."
In Lord S—— we find united all the characteristics of the criminaloid: repentance, the desire to confess, irreproachable antecedents, a strong incentive to dishonesty, and great intelligence.
In Lord S——, we see all the traits of the criminal type: remorse, the urge to confess, a spotless background, a powerful motivation for dishonesty, and high intelligence.
Although the damage inflicted on society by this man was probably far greater than any evil wrought by a vulgar born criminal could have been, his criminality is nevertheless of an attenuated type. The mischief he wrought owed its gravity, not to the intensity of his criminal tendencies, but to his remarkable talents, which increased his power for evil as for good.
Although the harm this man caused society was likely much greater than any damage a typical criminal could have done, his type of criminal behavior is still somewhat less severe. The seriousness of his actions came not from the strength of his criminal inclinations, but from his exceptional skills, which amplified his potential for both harm and good.
In this category of criminals must be inscribed those clever swindlers, who set the whole world talking of their exploits: Madame Humbert, Lemoine, and the cobbler-captain of Köpenick.
In this category of criminals should be included those clever con artists who get everyone talking about their actions: Madame Humbert, Lemoine, and the cobbler-captain of Köpenick.
Sometimes, especially in political or commercial criminals, we find cases of an auto-illusion, of which[Pg 109] the author of the crime is as much a victim as the public. Sometimes it is some device or mechanism which an inventor is convinced he has invented or is about to invent, an enterprise, in which the promoter imagines he will gain enormous wealth. Sometimes it is a trick in which the cupidity of the victims and their readiness to swallow promises of large and immediate profits play as important a part as the ability of the swindler. Sometimes it is a gigantic hoax, in which the deviser himself becomes keenly interested and for the carrying out of which he spends as much talent and energy as would suffice, if employed honestly, to acquire considerable wealth; but the swindler delights in his ingenious fraud as though he were taking part in some thrilling drama.
Sometimes, especially in cases involving political or corporate fraud, we encounter instances of self-deception, where[Pg 109] the perpetrator is as much a victim as the public. Occasionally, it’s an idea or invention that the creator genuinely believes they have come up with or are close to creating, a venture where the promoter imagines they'll achieve massive wealth. Other times, it’s a scheme where the greed of the victims and their tendency to believe in promises of quick and huge returns play just as crucial a role as the swindler's skill. Sometimes, it's a huge scam, where the creator becomes deeply invested and dedicates as much talent and energy to it as they could have used productively to earn significant wealth; yet the con artist finds joy in their clever deception as if they are participating in a thrilling performance.
A typical instance is that of a certain C... who was imprisoned about twenty years ago for defrauding a woman. My father undertook to cure him while in prison and was able to follow him in his subsequent career. This C... was a young man of good family, intelligent, honest, and a good linguist. His countenance was pleasing and bore no trace of precocious criminality. At the age of twenty he developed an unrestrained love of gambling and in order to indulge this vice, promised to marry a rich woman considerably older than himself, from whom he borrowed large sums, on the understanding that they[Pg 110] should be paid back. However, shortly afterwards, he fell in love with a young girl and married her. His ex-fiancée brought legal action against him and he was sentenced to two years' imprisonment. During this time he shrank from seeing anybody and refused to exercise in order to avoid all contact with his fellow-prisoners. He showed great affection for his wife and declared his intention of turning over a new leaf. The offence he had committed, however seemed to cause him little or no regret, because, as he said, he would never have continued the deception had not his victim shown such willingness to be gulled. From prison he went to London, where lack of funds caused him to perpetrate another swindle, but this time he was able to escape to Naples. Here for twelve years, he worked honestly in a large hotel, but once again a pressing need of money made him engage in a third fraud of considerable importance, for which he is still undergoing imprisonment.
A typical case is that of a certain C... who was jailed about twenty years ago for defrauding a woman. My father took on the task of helping him while he was in prison and was able to track his life afterward. This C... was a young man from a good family, smart, honest, and a skilled linguist. He had a pleasing appearance and showed no signs of early criminality. At the age of twenty, he developed an uncontrollable gambling addiction and to feed this habit, he promised to marry a wealthy woman much older than him, borrowing large amounts of money from her with the understanding that it would be paid back. However, shortly after, he fell in love with a younger girl and married her. His former fiancée sued him, and he was sentenced to two years in prison. During this time, he avoided seeing anyone and refused to exercise to stay away from his fellow inmates. He expressed deep affection for his wife and claimed he wanted to change his ways. However, he seemed to feel little regret for his crime because, as he mentioned, he wouldn't have kept lying if his victim hadn't been so eager to be deceived. After prison, he went to London, where a lack of money led him to commit another scam, but he managed to flee to Naples. There, he worked honestly in a large hotel for twelve years, but once again, a pressing need for cash pushed him into committing a significant fraud, for which he is currently still serving time.
Repeat Offenders
The degrading influence of prison life and contact with vulgar criminals, or the abuse of alcohol, to which better natures frequently have recourse in order to stifle the pangs of conscience, may cause criminaloids who have committed their initial offences[Pg 111] with repugnance and hesitation, to develop later into habitual criminals,—that is, individuals who regard systematic violation of the law in the light of an ordinary trade or occupation and commit their offences with indifference.
The degrading impact of prison life and interaction with crude criminals, or the misuse of alcohol that many good-natured people often turn to in order to quiet their guilty feelings, can lead minor offenders who initially committed their crimes[Pg 111] with reluctance and hesitation to eventually become habitual criminals. This means individuals who see regular lawbreaking as just a normal job and carry out their crimes without any concern.
Physically, habitual criminals do not resemble born criminals, but they exhibit some of the characteristics of those offenders from whom their ranks are recruited, besides, in a more marked degree, certain acquired characters, like sinister wrinkles and a shifty and sneaking look.
Physically, habitual criminals don't look like born criminals, but they show some traits of the offenders from whom they come, along with more pronounced acquired traits, like ominous wrinkles and a shifty, sneaky appearance.
Psychologically, criminaloids tend to resemble born criminals, whose habits, tastes, slang, tattooing, orgies, idleness, etc., they gradually develop, in the same way as old couples, living isolated in the country, adopt identical habits, gestures, and tone of voice.
Psychologically, criminaloids tend to be similar to born criminals, gradually adopting their habits, tastes, slang, tattoos, partying, laziness, etc., just like older couples living alone in the countryside develop identical habits, gestures, and tones of voice.
The type of criminaloid, who develops into an habitual criminal is well illustrated by the case of Eyraud, who in conjunction with Gabrielle Bompard, murdered Gouffré and packed the corpse in a trunk. Through his marked weakness for women, Eyraud became successively a deserter, a thief, and a murderer. He certainly possessed a few of the characteristics peculiar to degenerates—long, projecting ears, excessive development, amounting to asymmetry, of the left frontal sinus, prognathism,[Pg 112] exaggerated brachycephaly, and the span of the arms exceeding the total height, but he had not the general criminal type, his teeth were regular, beard abundant, and hair scanty.
The kind of criminal who turns into a repeat offender is well shown by the case of Eyraud, who, along with Gabrielle Bompard, murdered Gouffré and stuffed the body in a trunk. Because of his strong weakness for women, Eyraud became a deserter, a thief, and a murderer. He certainly had some traits typical of degenerates—long, protruding ears, an unevenly developed left frontal sinus, prognathism,[Pg 112] exaggerated brachycephaly, and arms longer than his total height—but he didn't fit the overall criminal type; his teeth were straight, he had a thick beard, and his hair was thin.
His psychology corresponds exactly to his physical individuality. During infancy and youth, he showed nothing abnormal, except an unusual predominance of the sexual instincts. He exhibited no signs of that love of evil for its own sake, so characteristic of criminals, above all, of murderers. According to all accounts, he was a jovial individual, fond of making merry, but at the same time, brusque and violent and easily roused to passionate fury. His extreme susceptibility to the attractions of the opposite sex made him regardless of all moral considerations. In order to gratify this weakness, he became a deserter, dissipated all the money he had earned in a distillery and as a dealer in skins, and finally committed murder. At his trial, it was shown that before his escape to America, he had attempted to kill a woman who refused to leave her husband for him. He became violently enamoured of his accomplice, Gabrielle Bompard, to whom, like many criminaloids, he was attracted by reason of her greater depravity.
His psychology perfectly matches his physical traits. During his childhood and teenage years, he didn’t show anything abnormal, except for a strong focus on sexual desires. He didn’t display the love for evil just for the sake of it that’s common among criminals, especially murderers. By all accounts, he was a cheerful person who enjoyed having a good time, but he was also abrupt, violent, and easily provoked into intense rage. His extreme sensitivity to the allure of women made him ignore all moral considerations. To satisfy this weakness, he deserted, squandered all the money he earned from working in a distillery and dealing in hides, and ultimately committed murder. During his trial, it was revealed that before he fled to America, he had tried to kill a woman who wouldn’t leave her husband for him. He became passionately infatuated with his accomplice, Gabrielle Bompard, who, like many criminals, attracted him because of her greater depravity.
The extreme levity displayed by Eyraud seems to be the strongest link between him and the born criminal. He passed with extraordinary facility[Pg 113] from gaiety to melancholy. His intellect was well developed, he spoke three or four languages, and was successful in most things he undertook, though he seems to have been incapable of remaining constant to anything for long. As a business man he wasted his capital, and even in the execution of his crimes he showed frivolity and incoherence. At Lyons, he hired a carriage, in which he placed the corpse of Gouffré and after driving about the streets with Gabrielle Bompard like a madman, left the body of his victim in a spot near which people were constantly passing.
The extreme lightheartedness shown by Eyraud seems to be the strongest connection between him and a born criminal. He shifted with remarkable ease[Pg 113] from happiness to sadness. His intellect was well-developed; he spoke three or four languages and was successful in most things he tried, although he appeared to be incapable of staying committed to anything for long. As a businessman, he squandered his resources, and even in carrying out his crimes, he showed a lack of seriousness and consistency. In Lyons, he hired a carriage, placed Gouffré's corpse in it, and after driving around the streets with Gabrielle Bompard like a lunatic, left his victim's body in a location where people frequently passed by.
Eyraud appears to have been a dissolute criminaloid whose unbridled passions and connection with Gabrielle Bompard caused him to develop into an habitual criminal. This diagnosis is confirmed by the absence of morbid heredity.
Eyraud seems to have been a reckless criminal whose uncontrollable desires and relationship with Gabrielle Bompard led him to become a habitual offender. This assessment is supported by the lack of any inherited conditions.
It would be futile to cite a long series of cases, in which, although the details may vary, we always find the same phenomenon, the gradual development of a criminaloid into a criminal. It will suffice to name a large class of criminals, in whom this phenomenon may often be observed—the brigands common to Spain and Italy.
It would be pointless to list a long series of cases, where, although the specifics might differ, we consistently see the same pattern: the gradual transformation of a criminaloid into a criminal. It’s enough to mention a large group of criminals where this phenomenon can often be seen—the bandits typical of Spain and Italy.
These outlaws, and particularly their leaders, notwithstanding the gravity of their offences, are seldom born criminals, nor do they (except in rare[Pg 114] cases) begin their career at a very early age. They possess, moreover, good qualities[3] and are capable of affection, generosity, and chivalry, which explains why their memories are cherished by the common people long after good and law-abiding men have been forgotten.
These outlaws, especially their leaders, despite the seriousness of their crimes, are rarely born criminals, nor do they (except in rare[Pg 114] cases) start their lives of crime at a very young age. They also have good qualities[3] and are capable of love, generosity, and honor, which is why the common people remember them long after upstanding citizens have been forgotten.
The brigand Mandrin, known as the "Smuggler General" is remembered with love and affection in Dauphiné and other regions of France, Switzerland, and Savoy; and this feeling is easy to understand, since he was the enemy of the "fermiers généraux," who, in the eighteenth century, leased from the French Government the right to levy excise duties, and sorely oppressed the people.
The bandit Mandrin, known as the "Smuggler General," is fondly remembered in Dauphiné and other areas of France, Switzerland, and Savoy. This affection is easy to understand because he was the opponent of the "fermiers généraux," who, in the eighteenth century, rented the right to collect excise duties from the French Government and heavily oppressed the people.
Louis Mandrin, who in early life showed no signs of perversity nor possessed criminal traits, became a bandit, because he had been unjustly treated by these same "fermiers généraux" who refused him payment for work done. He became the chief of a small band of smugglers and spread terror among excise officers and gendarmes. He used to bring smuggled goods openly into the vicinity of villages and towns and invite the people to buy them, and the buying and selling went on without either gendarmes' or excise officers' daring to interfere. The Administration of the "fermiers généraux"[Pg 115] promulgated a terrible edict against all purchasers of contraband goods; whereupon Mandrin, who was not without a sense of humour, declared he would force the Administration itself to buy the merchandise, and from time to time he would oblige the excise officers to buy smuggled wares at a fair price.
Louis Mandrin, who showed no signs of wrongdoing or criminal tendencies in his early life, turned into a bandit because he was unfairly treated by the same "fermiers généraux" who refused to pay him for his work. He became the leader of a small group of smugglers and instilled fear in excise officers and police. He would bring smuggled goods right into nearby villages and towns and invite people to buy them, with the trading happening without any interference from the police or excise officers. The Administration of the "fermiers généraux"[Pg 115] issued a harsh edict against anyone buying contraband goods; in response, Mandrin, who had a good sense of humor, claimed he would make the Administration itself purchase the merchandise, and from time to time, he would compel the excise officers to buy smuggled goods at a fair price.
Fig. 18 | Fig. 19 |
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Crime Girl | The Bandit Salomone |
The brigand Gasparone (Fig. 20), whose memory is still held in great esteem by Sicilians, was an individual of much the same disposition.
The bandit Gasparone (Fig. 20), whose memory is still highly regarded by Sicilians, was a person of a similar nature.
Legal Offenders
This category comprises individuals who break the law, not because of any natural depravity, nor owing to distressing circumstances, but by mere accident. They may be divided into two classes:
This category includes people who break the law, not because of any inherent evil or due to difficult situations, but purely by accident. They can be divided into two groups:
First, the authors of accidental misdeeds, such as involuntary homicide or arson, who are not considered criminal by public opinion or by anthropologists, but who are obliged by the law to make compensation for the damage caused. Naturally, this class of law-breaker is in no way distinguishable, physically or psychically, from normal individuals, except that he is generally lacking in prudence, care, and forethought.
First, the people who commit accidental acts, like unintentional homicide or arson, are not viewed as criminals by society or by anthropologists, yet the law requires them to compensate for the damage they cause. Naturally, this group of law-breakers isn't physically or mentally different from ordinary individuals, except that they usually lack caution, care, and foresight.
Second, the authors of offences, which do not cause any damage socially, nor are they considered[Pg 116] criminal by the general public, but have been deemed such by the law, in obedience to some dominating opinion or prejudice. Bad language, seditious writings, atheism, drunkenness, evasion of customs, and any violation of petty by-laws come under this head. Instances of such offences are too well known to need citation. They may best be summed up in the words of an American judge, who pointed out how easy it would be to sentence the most honest citizen of the Republic to imprisonment for a hundred years and fines exceeding a thousand dollars for breaking a number of petty local regulations against spitting, drinking, disrobing near a window, swearing, opening places of amusement on Sunday, or employing persons on certain days or under certain conditions prohibited by the law, etc.
Second, the perpetrators of offenses that don’t cause any social harm, nor are they seen as criminal by the general public, but have been labeled as such by law due to some prevailing opinion or bias. Profanity, seditious texts, atheism, drunkenness, evading taxes, and minor violations of local laws fall into this category. Examples of such offenses are well-known enough that they don’t need to be listed. They can be summed up by the words of an American judge, who highlighted how easy it would be to sentence the most honest citizen of the Republic to a hundred years in prison and fines over a thousand dollars for violating several minor local regulations against spitting, drinking, undressing near a window, swearing, opening entertainment venues on Sunday, or hiring people on certain days or under specific conditions forbidden by law, etc.
Although persons who commit these acts are often in no wise distinguishable from ordinary individuals, both criminals and criminaloids are more often guilty of such offences than are normal persons, who instinctively avoid coming into conflict with the law.
Although people who commit these acts are often not distinguishable from regular individuals, both criminals and potential offenders are more likely to engage in such offenses than normal individuals, who instinctively steer clear of conflicts with the law.
The difficulty of judging these misdeeds lies in the necessity for careful weighing of the motive which gives rise to them, whether, that is, they have been unwittingly committed by an honest individual, or whether they are but an item in the long list of offences perpetrated by a criminal. This differential[Pg 117] diagnosis should be based principally on the antecedents of the offender.
The challenge of judging these wrongdoings comes from the need to carefully consider the motives behind them, whether they were accidentally committed by a genuinely honest person or if they are just one more crime in a long list of offenses by a criminal. This distinction[Pg 117] should primarily rely on the background of the offender.
To this group belong also the authors of more serious infractions of the law that are not generally considered such at the time, or in the district in which they take place. Misdeeds of this nature are: thefts of fuel in rural districts, poaching, the petty dishonesty current in commerce and in certain professions, and in countries where secret societies like the camorra at Naples and the mafia in Sicily, exist, a connection with such organisations, which to a certain extent is necessary in self-defence. Such, too, are theft and homicide during revolutions, insurrections, wars, and the conquest and exploitation of new territories and mines.
To this group also belong the authors of more serious law violations that aren't usually seen as such at the time, or in the area where they happen. Misdeeds like these include theft of fuel in rural areas, poaching, the minor dishonesty common in business and certain professions, and in countries where secret societies like the camorra in Naples and the mafia in Sicily exist, a connection with these organizations, which is somewhat necessary for self-defense. This also includes theft and murder during revolutions, uprisings, wars, and the conquest and exploitation of new territories and mines.
Rochefort and Whitman have pointed out that during the gold-fever in Australia and California there was an enormous increase in crime. Individuals of good antecedents engaged in deadly struggles for the possession of the most valuable territories, and unbridled orgies followed these bloody affrays.
Rochefort and Whitman have noted that during the gold rush in Australia and California, there was a huge rise in crime. People with good backgrounds got into violent fights over the most valuable land, and unchecked parties followed these bloody encounters.
During the expedition of Europeans to China in 1900, looting was carried on by soldiers of previously blameless career.
During the 1900 expedition of Europeans to China, soldiers who had previously been innocent engaged in looting.
Love Crimes
This type of criminal, if indeed such he may be[Pg 118] called, represents the antithesis of the common offender, whose evil acts are the outcome of his ferocious and egotistical impulses, whereas criminals from passion are urged to violate the law by a pure spirit of altruism. In fact, they stand in no relation whatsoever to ordinary delinquents, and it is only by a legislative compromise that they are classed together. They represent the ultra-violet ray of the criminal spectrum, of which the vulgar criminal represents the ultra-red. Not only are they free from the egotism, insensibility, laziness, and lack of moral sense peculiar to the ordinary criminal, but their abnormality consists in the excessive development of noble qualities, sensibility, altruism, integrity, affection, which if carried to an extreme, may result in actions forbidden by law, or worse still, dangerous to society.
This type of criminal, if that’s what you want to call him[Pg 118], is the complete opposite of the typical offender, whose harmful actions stem from his aggressive and selfish instincts. In contrast, passion-driven criminals break the law out of a genuine spirit of altruism. They have no real connection to regular delinquents, and they are only grouped together due to a compromise in the legal system. They represent the ultra-violet part of the criminal spectrum, while the common criminal is like the ultra-red. Not only are they free from the selfishness, insensitivity, laziness, and moral indifference typical of ordinary criminals, but their unusual traits come from an excessive development of noble qualities like sensitivity, altruism, integrity, and affection, which, when taken to extremes, can lead to actions that are illegal or, even worse, harmful to society.
Physical Characteristics. These, too, are in complete contrast to those of the born criminal. The countenance is frequently handsome, with lofty forehead, serene and gentle expression, and the beard is abundant. The sensibility is extremely acute; there is a high degree of excitability and exaggerated reflex action, all characteristics of the normal (or rather hypernormal) individual, from whom nothing distinguishes the criminal of passion except the anti-social effects of his action.
Physical Characteristics. These are also in stark contrast to those of the born criminal. The face is often attractive, with a high forehead, calm and gentle expression, and a thick beard. Sensitivity is very sharp; there is a high level of excitability and heightened reflex actions, all traits of a normal (or more accurately, hypernormal) individual, from whom the criminal of passion is distinguished only by the negative social impact of their actions.
[Pg 119]Psychology. Here, as in all physical characteristics, criminals of passion are scarcely distinguishable from their fellow-men, except that we find in an excessive degree those qualities we consider peculiar to good and holy persons—love, honour, noble ambitions, patriotism. In fact, the motive of the crime is always adequate, frequently noble, and sometimes sublime. Love prompts certain natures to kill those who insult their beloved ones or are the cause of their dishonour and, in some cases, even the object of their affection who proves unfaithful. Crimes of this character are the murder by brothers of the man who dishonours their sister, the murder of an infant by its unmarried mother, the murder of an unfaithful wife by her husband. Sometimes the motive is a patriotic one, as in the cases of Charlotte Corday, Orsini Sand, and Caserio (Fig. 21) all of whom had been persons of gentle disposition and blameless conduct up to the moment of their crimes.
[Pg 119]Psychology. Just like with any physical traits, people who commit crimes of passion are not significantly different from everyone else, except that they often possess, to an extreme degree, qualities we usually associate with good and virtuous individuals—like love, honor, noble ambitions, and patriotism. In fact, the reasons behind these crimes are often understandable, sometimes even noble, and occasionally truly grand. Love can drive certain individuals to harm those who dishonor their loved ones or cause their shame, and in some instances, even to hurt the object of their affection if they are unfaithful. Examples of this include brothers killing the man who dishonors their sister, a mother killing her own infant, or a husband killing his unfaithful wife. Sometimes, the motivation is patriotic, as seen with Charlotte Corday, Orsini Sand, and Caserio (Fig. 21), all of whom were gentle and upright people until the moment they committed their crimes.
This class of offender not infrequently commits suicide after his crime, or, if this is prevented, he seeks to expiate it by long years of remorse and self-inflicted martyrdom.
This type of offender often commits suicide after their crime, or if that is prevented, they try to atone for it through many years of regret and self-imposed suffering.
The deed is almost always unpremeditated and committed publicly, without accomplices and with the simplest means at hand—be they nails, teeth,[Pg 120] scissors, or a stick. The previous career is always blameless.
The act is usually spontaneous and done out in the open, without anyone helping and using whatever tools are available—whether that's nails, teeth,[Pg 120] scissors, or a stick. The individual's past is always unblemished.
Cumano, Verano, Guglielmotti, Harry, Curti, Milani, Brenner, Mari, Zucca, Bechis, Bouley, Tacco, Berruto and Sand, and Camicia, Vinci, and Leoni (these last three women), all attacked their victims single-handed and in public.
Cumano, Verano, Guglielmotti, Harry, Curti, Milani, Brenner, Mari, Zucca, Bechis, Bouley, Tacco, Berruto and Sand, and Camicia, Vinci, and Leoni (the last three being women), all confronted their victims alone and in public.
In the case of Chalanton, the woman he had rescued by marriage from a low life, not content with betraying her benefactor, covered him in public with abuse and persecuted him with anonymous accusations. His demand for a separation was unsuccessful and at last, finding himself, in spite of his integrity, involved in a scandalous action, in which his wife figured as a go-between, and tormented by public curiosity and the implacable questionings of reporters, he murdered the cause of all his misfortunes. Another murderer, Del Prete, was prompted to kill his victim, an old woman with a reputation for witchcraft, because he believed she had caused the illness of his mother, to whom he was greatly attached.
In the case of Chalanton, the woman he had rescued from a low life by marrying her, not only betrayed her benefactor but also publicly insulted him and harassed him with anonymous accusations. His request for a separation didn’t go through, and eventually, despite his integrity, he found himself caught up in a scandalous situation where his wife acted as a middleman. Tormented by public curiosity and relentless questioning from reporters, he ended up murdering the source of all his troubles. Another murderer, Del Prete, was driven to kill his victim, an old woman known for being a witch, because he believed she was responsible for his mother's illness, to whom he was deeply attached.
The motive for the crime is generally a serious one and in most cases immediately precedes it. Bouley committed his crime only a few hours after receiving the news which prompted it; Bounin, Bechis, and Verano, only a few minutes; Milani,[Pg 121] twenty-four hours, Zucca eight hours; Curti, a few days. Thus the crime is seldom premeditated, or if so, for only a short space of time, never for months or years.
The motive for the crime is usually serious and often happens right before it. Bouley committed his crime just a few hours after getting the news that triggered it; Bounin, Bechis, and Verano acted within minutes; Milani,[Pg 121] waited twenty-four hours, and Zucca took eight hours; Curti took a few days. So, the crime is rarely premeditated, and if it is, it’s only for a short time—not for months or years.

Homicide forms 91% of the criminality of this group of offenders. There is a certain proportion also of infanticide, owing to the prevailing prejudice which condemns immorality more harshly when the results are evident. Arson and theft form only 2%. Such cases are however possible. A young girl, whom my father had under observation in prison, seeing her family in dire poverty, committed arson in order to get the insurance money.
Homicide accounts for 91% of the crimes committed by this group of offenders. There’s also a certain amount of infanticide, driven by the prevailing bias that harshly condemns immorality when the outcomes are clear. Arson and theft make up only 2%. However, these cases do happen. A young girl, whom my father observed while she was in prison, set fire to a building to collect the insurance money after seeing her family struggling with poverty.
In another case a woman of refinement, education, and of gentle disposition, who had fallen from prosperity into extreme want, stole in order to pay her son's school-fees. When arrested, she refused to give her name so that the lad should not be dishonoured, and her identity might never have been discovered had she not been recognised by a lawyer in court. She died of a broken heart a few days after her trial.
In another case, a refined and educated woman with a gentle nature, who had gone from being prosperous to experiencing extreme poverty, stole in order to pay her son's school fees. When she was arrested, she refused to disclose her name so her son wouldn't be shamed, and her identity might never have been uncovered if a lawyer hadn't recognized her in court. She died of a broken heart a few days after her trial.
PART II
CRIME, ITS ORIGIN, CAUSE, AND CURE
CHAPTER I
ORIGIN AND CAUSES OF CRIME
In order to determine the origin of actions which we call criminal, we shall be forced to hark back to a very remote period in the history of the human race. In all the epochs of which records exist, we find traces of criminal actions. In fact, if we study minutely the customs of savage peoples, past and present, we find that many acts that are now considered criminal by civilised nations were legitimate in former times, and are to-day reputed such among primitive races.
To understand where actions we label as criminal come from, we need to look back to a time long ago in human history. Throughout all known periods, we can find evidence of criminal behavior. In fact, if we closely examine the practices of both historical and contemporary tribes, we'll see that many actions considered illegal by modern societies were once acceptable and are still viewed that way by more primitive cultures today.
According to Pictet the Latin word crimen is derived from the Sanscrit karman, which signifies action corresponding to kri to do. This is contradicted by Vanicek who derives it from kru, to hear, croemen (accusation). At any rate, the Sanscrit word apaz, which means sin, corresponds to apas, work (opus), the Latin facinus derives from facere, and culpa according to Pictet and Pott, from the Sanscrit kalp, to do or execute. The Latin word fur[Pg 126] (thief) which Vanicek derives from bahr, to carry, the Hebrew ganav and the Sanscrit sten only signify to put aside, to hide, to cover (gonav). The Greek word peirao (πειράω) from which pirate is derived, signifies to risk; the Greek chleptein (χλέπτειν) to hide or steal, is derived from the Sanscrit harp-hlap to hide and steal (Vanicek).
According to Pictet, the Latin word crimen comes from the Sanskrit karman, which means action related to kri, to do. Vanicek disagrees and traces it back to kru, to hear, and croemen (accusation). Regardless, the Sanskrit word apaz, meaning sin, corresponds to apas, work (opus), and the Latin facinus comes from facere. The word culpa comes, according to Pictet and Pott, from the Sanskrit kalp, meaning to do or execute. The Latin word fur[Pg 126] (thief) is derived by Vanicek from bahr, to carry, as well as the Hebrew ganav and the Sanskrit sten, which all mean to put aside, to hide, to cover (gonav). The Greek word peirao (πειράω), from which "pirate" is derived, means to risk; the Greek chleptein (χλέπτειν), meaning to hide or steal, comes from the Sanskrit harp-hlap, which also means to hide and steal (Vanicek).
In India, from Ceylon to the Himalayas, infanticide is sanctified by religion, not only among the more barbarous races, but also among the Rajputs, the nobles, who think themselves dishonoured if one of their daughters remains unmarried. The inhabitants of the Island of Tikopia, kill more male children than female, a fact that accounts for their practice of polygamy.
In India, from Ceylon to the Himalayas, infanticide is supported by religion, not only among the more primitive groups but also among the Rajputs, the nobility, who believe they are dishonored if one of their daughters stays single. The people of Tikopia Island kill more male children than female ones, which explains their practice of polygamy.
Marco Polo speaks of the infanticide practised in Japan and China, which was then, as it is now, a means of regulating the population. The same practice—common to Bushmen, Hottentots, Fijians, also existed among the natives of Hawaii and America. In the Island of Tahiti, according to the testimony of missionaries, two thirds of the children born are destroyed by their parents.
Marco Polo talks about the infanticide practiced in Japan and China, which was a way to control the population back then, just like it is today. This practice—common among Bushmen, Hottentots, and Fijians—also occurred among the natives of Hawaii and America. In Tahiti, according to missionaries' reports, two-thirds of the children born are killed by their parents.
"Amongst the Guaranys," says D'Azara, "mothers kill a large proportion of their female infants, in order that the survivors may be more highly valued." (Travels in America, 1835.)
"Among the Guaranys," says D'Azara, "mothers kill a large number of their female infants so that the ones who survive may be more highly valued." (Travels in America, 1835.)
[Pg 127]The Carthaginians had originally the custom of offering the noblest and most beautiful children to Kronos (Moloch), but later victims were always bought and bred for the purpose. After their defeat at the hand of Agathokles they sacrificed two hundred children belonging to the noblest Carthaginian families, in order to appease the Divine wrath.
[Pg 127]The Carthaginians initially had a practice of offering their most noble and beautiful children to Kronos (Moloch), but later, victims were always purchased and raised for this purpose. After their defeat by Agathokles, they sacrificed two hundred children from the most prestigious Carthaginian families to appease the Divine wrath.
Phœnicians, Egyptians, Cretans, Cypriotes, Rhodians, and Persians had similar practices.
Phoenicians, Egyptians, Cretans, Cypriots, Rhodians, and Persians had similar practices.
Among the Lydians, the sacred courtesans were so numerous and wealthy that their contributions to the Mausoleum of Alyattes exceeded those of the artists and merchants combined (Herodotus, Book I.); in Armenia (Strabo XII.) the priestesses alone were permitted to practise polyandry, and in Media, a woman boasting of five husbands was greatly honoured, which shows that polyandry was not only allowed, but esteemed.
Among the Lydians, the sacred courtesans were so many and affluent that their donations to the Mausoleum of Alyattes surpassed those of all the artists and merchants put together (Herodotus, Book I.); in Armenia (Strabo XII.), only the priestesses were allowed to practice polyandry, and in Media, a woman with five husbands was highly respected, indicating that polyandry was not just accepted but valued.
In Thibet, the eldest male of a family shares his wife with his brothers, the whole family live in the bride's house and the children inherit from her. Among the Todas, the wife espouses all her husband's younger brothers as they attain their majority, and they in their turn become the husbands of her younger sisters (Short).
In Tibet, the oldest man in a family shares his wife with his brothers, and the whole family lives in the bride's home, with the children inheriting from her. Among the Todas, the wife marries all of her husband's younger brothers as they reach adulthood, and in return, they become the husbands of her younger sisters (Short).
Among the Nairs, a noble negro caste of Malabar, it is customary for one woman to have five or[Pg 128] six husbands, the maximum number allowed being ten.
Among the Nairs, a noble Black caste from Malabar, it's common for one woman to have five or[Pg 128] six husbands, with a maximum of ten allowed.
In Egypt, the business of thief was a recognised one. Those who wished to exercise this calling inscribed their names on a public tablet, collected all the stolen goods in one spot and restored them to their owners in exchange for a certain coin. The ancient Germans encouraged the youthful portion of the population to make raids on the property of neighbouring peoples, so that they should not develop habits of idleness. Thucydides states that the Greeks, as well as the barbarous peoples inhabiting the islands and along the coasts, were pirates, and the calling was a noble one.
In Egypt, being a thief was an accepted profession. Those who wanted to pursue this trade wrote their names on a public tablet, gathered all the stolen goods in one place, and returned them to their owners for a fee. The ancient Germans encouraged young people to raid the property of neighboring tribes to keep them from becoming lazy. Thucydides mentions that the Greeks, along with the barbaric tribes living on the islands and coasts, engaged in piracy, and this profession was considered honorable.
Amongst Spartans, as is well known, theft was allowed, but the unlucky marauder who was caught in the act, was punished, not for the deed itself, but for his want of skill. In East Africa, according to Burton (First Footsteps in East Africa, p. 176), robbery is considered honourable. In Caramanza (Portuguese Guinea) in Africa, side by side with the peaceful rice-cultivating Bagnous dwell the Balantes who subsist upon the chase and the spoils of their raids. While they kill the individual who presumes to steal in his native village, they encourage depredations upon the other tribes (Revue d' Anthropologie, 1874). The cleverest thieves are greatly esteemed,[Pg 129] are paid for instructing boys in their profession, and are chosen to lead the expeditions.
Among Spartans, it’s well known that stealing was allowed, but the unfortunate thief caught in the act was punished not for the act itself, but for lacking skill. In East Africa, according to Burton (First Footsteps in East Africa, p. 176), robbery is seen as honorable. In Caramanza (Portuguese Guinea) in Africa, alongside the peaceful rice-farming Bagnous live the Balantes, who survive through hunting and the spoils of their raids. While they execute anyone who dares to steal in their own village, they actually promote raiding other tribes (Revue d' Anthropologie, 1874). The most skilled thieves are highly respected,[Pg 129] are compensated for teaching young boys their craft, and are chosen to lead the raids.
In India the tribe Zakka Khel is devoted to this dishonest calling, and at birth every male child is consecrated to thievish practices by a peculiar ceremony, in which the new-born infant is passed through a breach in the wall of his father's house, whilst the words "Become a thief" are chanted three times in chorus. Amongst the ancient Germans, according to Tacitus, thefts perpetrated outside the boundary of the tribe itself were by no means infamous. In the midst of a great assembly, the chief called upon those he wished to follow him; they showed their willingness by rising to their feet amid the applause of the crowd. Those who refused to take part were looked upon as deserters and traitors (Spencer, Principles of Ethics, 1895). Among the Comanches (Mülhausen, Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Pacific) no man was considered worthy of being numbered among the warriors of the tribe, unless he had taken part in some successful pillaging expedition. The cleverest thieves were the most respected members of the tribe. No Patagonian is deemed worthy of a wife unless he has graduated in the art of despoiling a stranger (Snow, Two Years' Cruise round Tierra del Fuego). Among the Kukis (Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal) skill in stealing is the most esteemed[Pg 130] talent. In Mongolia (Gilmour, Among the Mongols), thieves are regarded as respectable members of the community, provided they steal cleverly and escape detection.
In India, the Zakka Khel tribe is dedicated to this untrustworthy profession, and when a male child is born, he is initiated into a life of thievery through a unique ceremony. During this ritual, the newborn is passed through a break in the wall of his father's house while the phrase "Become a thief" is chanted three times in unison. Among the ancient Germans, as noted by Tacitus, stealing outside the tribe's territory was not considered disgraceful. In the middle of a large gathering, the chief would invite those he wanted to follow him; they would show their willingness by standing up to the cheers of the crowd. Those who declined to participate were viewed as deserters and traitors (Spencer, Principles of Ethics, 1895). For the Comanches (Mülhausen, Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Pacific), no man was deemed worthy of joining the tribe's warriors unless he had participated in a successful raid. The smartest thieves earned the highest respect among the tribe. No Patagonian is considered deserving of a wife unless he has mastered the skill of robbing a stranger (Snow, Two Years' Cruise round Tierra del Fuego). Among the Kukis (Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal), being skilled in stealing is the most valued talent. In Mongolia (Gilmour, Among the Mongols), thieves are seen as respectable members of society, as long as they steal smartly and avoid getting caught.
Youth Offending
The criminal instincts common to primitive savages would be found proportionally in nearly all children, if they were not influenced by moral training and example. This does not mean that without educative restraints, all children would develop into criminals. According to the observations made by Prof. Mario Carrara at Cagliari, the bands of neglected children who run wild in the streets of the Sardinian capital and are addicted to thievish practices and more serious vices, spontaneously correct themselves of these habits as soon as they have arrived at puberty.
The criminal instincts typical of primitive savages can be seen in almost all children if they aren't shaped by moral guidance and role models. This doesn't mean that without educational boundaries, all children would turn into criminals. Observations by Prof. Mario Carrara in Cagliari show that groups of neglected children roaming the streets of the Sardinian capital, engaging in theft and more serious misbehavior, naturally outgrow these habits as soon as they hit puberty.
This fact, that the germs of moral insanity and criminality are found normally in mankind in the first stages of his existence, in the same way as forms considered monstrous when exhibited by adults, frequently exist in the fœtus, is such a simple and common phenomenon that it eluded notice until it was demonstrated clearly by observers like Moreau, Perez, and Bain. The child, like certain adults, whose abnormality consists in a lack of moral[Pg 131] sense, represents what is known to alienists as a morally insane being and to criminologists as a born criminal, and it certainly resembles these types in its impetuous violence.
This fact, that the seeds of moral insanity and criminality are typically found in humans during the early stages of life, just as forms considered monstrous in adults often appear in the fetus, is such a simple and common phenomenon that it went unnoticed until it was clearly demonstrated by observers like Moreau, Perez, and Bain. The child, like certain adults whose abnormality is a lack of moral[Pg 131] sense, represents what alienists refer to as a morally insane individual and criminologists call a born criminal, and it certainly shares similarities with these types in its uncontrollable violence.
Perez (Psychologie de l'enfant, 2d ed., 1882) remarks on the frequency and precocity of anger in children:
Perez (Psychologie de l'enfant, 2d ed., 1882) notes how common and early anger can be in children:
"During the first two months, it manifests by movements of the eyebrows and hands undoubted fits of temper when undergoing any distasteful process, such as washing or when deprived of any object it takes a fancy to. At the age of one, it goes to the length of striking those who incur its displeasure, of breaking plates or throwing them at persons it dislikes, exactly like savages."
"During the first two months, it shows through movements of the eyebrows and hands, along with clear outbursts of anger when it has to deal with something unpleasant, like washing or when it loses something it really likes. By the age of one, it even goes as far as hitting people who upset it, breaking plates, or throwing them at those it doesn't like, just like little savages."
Moreau (De l'Homicide chez les enfants, 1882) cites numerous cases of children who fly into a passion if their wishes are not complied with immediately. In one instance observed by him a very intelligent child of eight, when reproved, even in the mildest manner by his parents or strangers, would give way to violent anger, snatching up the nearest weapon, or if he found himself unable to take revenge, would break anything he could lay his hands on.
Moreau (De l'Homicide chez les enfants, 1882) discusses several cases of children who throw temper tantrums if their demands aren't met right away. In one example he witnessed, a very smart eight-year-old, when criticized, even in the gentlest way by his parents or strangers, would explode in rage, grabbing the closest object as a weapon, or if he couldn't retaliate, would destroy anything within reach.
A baby girl showed an extremely violent temper, but became of gentle disposition after she had reached the age of two (Perez). Another, observed by the[Pg 132] same author, when only eleven months old, flew into a towering rage, because she was unable to pull off her grandfather's nose. Yet another, at the age of two, tried to bite another child who had a doll like her own, and she was so much affected by her anger that she was ill for three days afterwards.
A baby girl had a really bad temper, but she became gentle after turning two (Perez). Another baby, noted by the[Pg 132] same author, threw a huge tantrum at just eleven months old because she couldn't pull off her grandfather's nose. Yet another girl, at two years old, tried to bite a child who had a doll just like hers, and she was so overwhelmed by her anger that she got sick for three days afterward.
Nino Bixio, when a boy of seven (Vita, Guerzoni, 1880) on seeing his teacher laugh because he had written his exercise on office letter-paper, threw the inkstand at the man's face. This boy was literally the terror of the school, on account of the violence he displayed at the slightest offence.
Nino Bixio, at the age of seven (Vita, Guerzoni, 1880), once saw his teacher laugh after he wrote his assignment on official letterhead, and in response, he threw the inkstand at the man's face. This boy was truly the nightmare of the school due to the aggression he showed at the slightest provocation.
Infants of seven or eight months have been known to scratch at any attempt to withdraw the breast from them, and to retaliate when slapped.
Infants around seven or eight months old have been known to scratch at any effort to pull the breast away from them and to react when slapped.
A backward and slightly hydrocephalous boy whom my father had under observation, began at the age of six to show violent irritation at the slightest reproof or correction. If he was able to strike the person who had annoyed him, his rage cooled immediately; if not, he would scream incessantly and bite his hands with gestures similar to those often witnessed in caged bears who have been teased and cannot retaliate.
A slow and somewhat hydrocephalic boy that my dad was keeping an eye on started to show intense anger at the smallest criticism or correction when he turned six. If he could hit the person who upset him, he would calm down right away; if not, he would scream nonstop and bite his hands with movements similar to those often seen in caged bears that have been provoked and can't fight back.
The above cases show that the desire for revenge is extremely common and precocious in children. Anger is an elementary instinct innate in human[Pg 133] beings. It should be guided and restrained, but can never be extirpated.
The above cases show that the desire for revenge is very common and develops early in children. Anger is a basic instinct that is natural in human[Pg 133] beings. It should be managed and held back, but can never be completely eliminated.
Children are quite devoid of moral sense during the first months or first years of their existence. Good and evil in their estimation are what is allowed and what is forbidden by their elders, but they are incapable of judging independently of the moral value of an action.
Children lack a moral sense during their early months or years. To them, what is good and bad is simply what their parents allow or forbid, and they can't independently assess the moral value of an action.
"Lying and disobedience are very wrong," said a boy to Perez, "because they displease mother." Everything he was accustomed to was right and necessary.
"Lying and disobedience are really wrong," said a boy to Perez, "because they upset mom." Everything he was used to was right and important.
A child does not grasp abstract ideas of justice, or the rights of property, until he has been deprived of some possession. He is prone to detest injustice, especially when he is the victim. Injustice, in his estimation, is the discord between a habitual mode of treatment and an accidental one. When subjected to altered conditions, he shows complete uncertainty. A child placed under Perez's care modified his ways according to each new arrival. He began ordering his companions about and refused to obey any one but Perez.
A child doesn't understand abstract concepts like justice or property rights until they lose something they own. They tend to hate injustice, especially when they're the one affected. For them, injustice feels like a mismatch between what they're used to and something unexpected. When faced with new situations, they often feel completely unsure. A child under Perez's care changed his behavior with every new arrival. He started bossing his friends around and refused to listen to anyone except Perez.
Affection is very slightly developed in children. Their fancy is easily caught by a pleasing exterior or by anything that contributes to their amusement; like domestic animals that they enjoy teasing and[Pg 134] pulling about, and they exhibit great antipathy to unfamiliar objects that inspire them with fear. Up to the age of seven or even after, they show very little real attachment to anybody. Even their mothers, whom they appear to love, are speedily forgotten after a short separation.
Affection is not very developed in children. They’re easily attracted to a nice appearance or anything that entertains them, much like pets that they love to tease and play with. They also show strong dislike towards unfamiliar things that scare them. Until around the age of seven or even beyond, they demonstrate very little genuine attachment to anyone. Even their mothers, whom they seem to love, are quickly forgotten after a brief separation.[Pg 134]
In conclusion, children manifest a great many of the impulses we have observed in criminals; anger, a spirit of revenge, idleness, volubility and lack of affection.
In conclusion, kids show many of the same impulses we've seen in criminals: anger, a desire for revenge, laziness, talkativeness, and a lack of affection.
We have also pointed out that many actions considered criminal in civilised communities, are normal and legitimate practices among primitive races. It is evident, therefore, that such actions are natural to the early stages, both of social evolution and individual psychic development.
We have also noted that many actions viewed as criminal in civilized societies are normal and acceptable behaviors among primitive cultures. It is clear, then, that such actions are characteristic of the early stages of both social evolution and individual psychological development.
In view of these facts, it is not strange that civilised communities should produce a certain percentage of adults who commit actions reputed injurious to society and punishable by law. It is only an atavistic phenomenon, the return to a former state. In the criminal, moreover, the phenomenon is accompanied by others also natural to a primitive stage of evolution. These have already been referred to in the first chapter, which contains a description of many strange practices common to delinquents, and evidently of primitive origin—tattooing, cruel games,[Pg 135] love of orgies, a peculiar slang resembling in certain features the languages of primitive peoples, and the use of hieroglyphics and pictography.
Given these facts, it's not surprising that civilized societies produce a certain percentage of adults who engage in actions considered harmful to society and punishable by law. This is just a throwback to an earlier state of development. In criminals, this phenomenon is also accompanied by other traits typical of a more primitive stage of evolution. These were mentioned in the first chapter, which describes many strange practices common among delinquents that clearly have primitive roots—tattooing, violent games, a love for orgies, a peculiar slang that shares some features with the languages of primitive peoples, and the use of hieroglyphics and pictography.[Pg 135]

The artistic manifestations of the criminal show the same characteristics. In spite of the thousands of years which separate him from prehistoric savages, his art is a faithful reproduction of the first, crude artistic attempts of primitive races. The museum of criminal anthropology created by my father contains numerous specimens of criminal art, stones shaped to resemble human figures, like those found in Australia, rude pottery covered with designs that recall Egyptian decorations (Fig. 22) or scenes fashioned in terra-cotta (Fig. 23) that resemble the grotesque creations of children or savages.
The creative expressions of criminals share the same features. Even with the thousands of years that separate them from prehistoric people, their art closely resembles the early, rough artistic efforts of primitive cultures. The museum of criminal anthropology established by my father includes many examples of criminal art, such as stones carved to look like human figures, similar to those discovered in Australia, rough pottery adorned with designs that remind us of Egyptian patterns (Fig. 22) or scenes made from terra-cotta (Fig. 23) that resemble the bizarre creations of children or primitive people.
The criminal is an atavistic being, a relic of a vanished race. This is by no means an uncommon occurrence in nature. Atavism, the reversion to a former state, is the first feeble indication of the reaction opposed by nature to the perturbing causes which seek to alter her delicate mechanism. Under certain unfavourable conditions, cold or poor soil, the common oak will develop characteristics of the oak of the Quaternary period. The dog left to run wild in the forest will in a few generations revert to the type of his original wolf-like progenitor, and the cultivated garden roses when neglected show a tendency to[Pg 136] reassume the form of the original dog-rose. Under special conditions produced by alcohol, chloroform, heat, or injuries, ants, dogs, and pigeons become irritable and savage like their wild ancestors.
The criminal is a primitive being, a leftover from a bygone era. This isn’t unusual in nature. Atavism, which is the return to an earlier state, is the first weak sign of nature's pushback against the disruptive forces that try to change her fragile balance. In certain unfavorable conditions, like cold or poor soil, the common oak will show traits of the oak from the Quaternary period. A dog left to roam freely in the wild will, after a few generations, revert back to the type of its original wolf-like ancestor, and garden roses, when neglected, tend to[Pg 136] revert to the form of the original dog-rose. Under specific conditions caused by alcohol, chloroform, heat, or injuries, ants, dogs, and pigeons can become irritable and aggressive like their wild ancestors.
This tendency to alter under special conditions is common to human beings, in whom hunger, syphilis, trauma, and, still more frequently, morbid conditions inherited from insane, criminal, or diseased progenitors, or the abuse of nerve poisons, such as alcohol, tobacco, or morphine, cause various alterations, of which criminality—that is, a return to the characteristics peculiar to primitive savages—is in reality the least serious, because it represents a less advanced stage than other forms of cerebral alteration.
This tendency to change under specific conditions is common among humans, where factors like hunger, syphilis, trauma, and even more often, unhealthy traits passed down from mentally ill, criminal, or sick ancestors, or the misuse of substances like alcohol, tobacco, or morphine, lead to various changes. Of these changes, criminal behavior—which reflects a regression to traits typical of primitive savages—is actually the least concerning, as it represents a less developed stage compared to other forms of brain alteration.
The ætiology of crime, therefore, mingles with that of all kinds of degeneration: rickets, deafness, monstrosity, hairiness, and cretinism, of which crime is only a variation. It has, however, always been regarded as a thing apart, owing to a general instinctive repugnance to admit that a phenomenon, whose extrinsications are so extensive and penetrate every fibre of social life, derives, in fact, from the same causes as socially insignificant forms like rickets, sterility, etc. But this repugnance is really only a sensory illusion, like many others of widely diverse nature.
The causes of crime, therefore, are intertwined with various forms of degeneration: rickets, deafness, physical deformities, excessive hairiness, and cretinism, with crime being just one variation. However, it has always been seen as distinct because of a general instinctive aversion to accept that a phenomenon, whose effects are so widespread and impact every aspect of social life, actually stems from the same causes as socially minor issues like rickets and infertility. But this aversion is actually just a sensory illusion, similar to many others of different kinds.


[Pg 137]Pathological Origin of Crime. The atavistic origin of crime is certainly one of the most important discoveries of criminal anthropology, but it is important only theoretically, since it merely explains the phenomenon. Anthropologists soon realised how necessary it was to supplement this discovery by that of the origin, or causes which call forth in certain individuals these atavistic or criminal instincts, for it is the immediate causes that constitute the practical nucleus of the problem and it is their removal that renders possible the cure of the disease.
[Pg 137]Pathological Origin of Crime. The primitive roots of crime are definitely one of the key findings in criminal anthropology, but they only matter in theory because they simply explain the phenomenon. Anthropologists quickly understood how essential it was to build on this discovery by exploring the origins or causes that trigger these primitive or criminal instincts in certain individuals. It’s the immediate causes that form the practical core of the issue, and removing them is what makes it possible to treat the problem.
These causes are divided into organic and external factors of crime: the former remote and deeply rooted, the latter momentary but frequently determining the criminal act, and both closely related and fused together.
These causes are split into organic and external factors of crime: the former being distant and deeply ingrained, the latter being temporary but often influencing the criminal act, and both being closely connected and intertwined.
Heredity is the principal organic cause of criminal tendencies. It may be divided into two classes: indirect heredity from a generically degenerate family with frequent cases of insanity, deafness, syphilis, epilepsy, and alcoholism among its members; direct heredity from criminal parentage.
Heredity is the main biological factor behind criminal tendencies. It can be split into two categories: indirect heredity from a genetically impaired family that has many cases of mental illness, deafness, syphilis, epilepsy, and alcoholism among its members; and direct heredity from criminal parents.
Indirect Heredity. Almost all forms of chronic, constitutional diseases, especially those of a nervous character: chorea, sciatica, hysteria, insanity, and above all, epilepsy, may give rise to criminality in the descendants.
Indirect Heredity. Almost all types of chronic, constitutional diseases, particularly those related to the nervous system—such as chorea, sciatica, hysteria, insanity, and especially epilepsy—can lead to criminal behavior in their offspring.
[Pg 138]Of 559 soldiers convicted of offences, examined by Brancaleone Ribaudo, 10% had epileptic parents. According to Dejerine, this figure reaches 74.6% among criminal epileptics. Arthritis and gout have been known to generate criminality in the descendants. But the most serious, and at the same time most common, form of indirect heredity is alcoholism, which, contrary to general belief, wreaks destruction in all classes of society, amongst the rich and poor without distinction of sex, for alcohol may insinuate itself everywhere under the most refined and pleasant disguises, in liqueurs, sweets, and coffee.
[Pg 138]Out of 559 soldiers found guilty of offenses, examined by Brancaleone Ribaudo, 10% had parents with epilepsy. According to Dejerine, this number jumps to 74.6% among criminals with epilepsy. Arthritis and gout have also been known to lead to criminal behavior in their offspring. However, the most serious and common form of indirect heredity is alcoholism, which, contrary to popular belief, causes harm across all social classes, affecting both the wealthy and the poor, regardless of gender, since alcohol can infiltrate every aspect of life in the most refined and appealing forms, like liqueurs, desserts, and coffee.
According to calculations made by my father, 20% of Italian criminals descend from inebriate families; according to Penta the percentage is 27 and in dangerous criminals, 33%. The Jukes family, of whom we shall speak later, descended from a drunkard.
According to calculations made by my father, 20% of Italian criminals come from families with drinking problems; according to Penta, the percentage is 27% and for serious criminals, it's 33%. The Jukes family, which we will discuss later, came from a drunkard.
The first salient characteristic in hereditary alcoholism is the precocious taste for intoxicants; secondly, the susceptibility to alcohol, which is infinitely more injurious to the offspring of inebriates than to normal individuals; and thirdly, the growth of the craving for strong drinks, which inevitably undermine the constitution.
The first obvious trait of hereditary alcoholism is an early attraction to alcohol; second, the vulnerability to alcohol, which is much more harmful for the children of alcoholics than for those from non-alcoholic families; and third, the development of a craving for strong drinks, which ultimately weakens the body.
Direct Heredity. The effects of direct heredity are still more serious, for they are aggravated by[Pg 139] environment and education. Official statistics show that 20% of juvenile offenders belong to families of doubtful reputation and 26% to those whose reputation is thoroughly bad. The criminal Galletto, a native of Marseilles, was the nephew of the equally ferocious anthropophagous violator of women, Orsolano. Dumollar was the son of a murderer; Patetot's grandfather and great-grandfather were in prison, as were the grandfathers and fathers of Papa, Crocco, Serravalle and Cavallante, Comptois and Lempave; the parents of the celebrated female thief Sans Refus, were both thieves.
Direct Heredity. The effects of direct heredity are even more serious because they’re made worse by the[Pg 139] environment and education. Official statistics show that 20% of juvenile offenders come from families with questionable reputations and 26% from those with completely bad reputations. The criminal Galletto, who was from Marseilles, was the nephew of the equally brutal cannibalistic rapist, Orsolano. Dumollar was the son of a murderer; Patetot's grandfather and great-grandfather were in prison, just like the grandfathers and fathers of Papa, Crocco, Serravalle, and Cavallante, Comptois, and Lempave; the parents of the infamous female thief Sans Refus were both thieves.
The genealogical study of certain families has shown that there are whole generations, almost all the members of which belong to the ranks of crime, insanity, and prostitution (this last being amongst women the equivalent of criminality amongst men). A striking example is furnished by the notorious Jukes family, with 77 criminal descendants.
The genealogical study of certain families has shown that there are entire generations, almost all of whose members are involved in crime, mental illness, and prostitution (the latter being the female equivalent of criminal behavior among men). A striking example is the infamous Jukes family, which has 77 criminal descendants.
Ancestor, Max Jukes: 77 criminals; 142 vagabonds; 120 prostitutes; 18 keepers of houses of ill-fame; 91 illegitimates; 141 idiots or afflicted with impotency or syphilis; 46 sterile females.
Ancestor, Max Jukes: 77 criminals; 142 homeless individuals; 120 sex workers; 18 operators of brothels; 91 illegitimate children; 141 individuals with mental disabilities or affected by impotence or syphilis; 46 infertile women.
A like criminal contingent may be found in the pedigrees of Chrêtien, the Lemaires, the Fieschi family, etc.
A similar criminal group can be found in the backgrounds of Chrêtien, the Lemaires, the Fieschi family, and others.
Race. This is of great importance in view of the[Pg 140] atavistic origin of crime. There exist whole tribes and races more or less given to crime, such as the tribe Zakka Khel in India. In all regions of Italy, whole villages constitute hot-beds of crime, owing, no doubt, to ethnical causes: Artena in the province of Rome, Carde and San Giorgio Canavese in Piedmont, Pergola in Tuscany, San Severo in Apulia, San Mauro and Nicosia in Sicily. The frequency of homicide in Calabria, Sicily, and Sardinia is fundamentally due to African and Oriental elements.
Race. This is very important considering the[Pg 140] primitive roots of crime. There are entire tribes and races that seem more prone to crime, like the Zakka Khel tribe in India. In various parts of Italy, entire villages are hotspots for crime, likely due to ethnic factors: Artena in the province of Rome, Carde and San Giorgio Canavese in Piedmont, Pergola in Tuscany, San Severo in Apulia, San Mauro and Nicosia in Sicily. The high rates of homicide in Calabria, Sicily, and Sardinia are mainly related to African and Oriental influences.
In the gipsies we have an entire race of criminals with all the passions and vices common to delinquent types: idleness, ignorance, impetuous fury, vanity, love of orgies, and ferocity. Murder is often committed for some trifling gain. The women are skilled thieves and train their children in dishonest practices. On the contrary, the percentage of crimes among Jews is always lower than that of the surrounding population; although there is a prevalence of certain specific forms of offences, often hereditary, such as fraud, forgery, libel, and chief of all, traffic in prostitution; murder is extremely rare.
In the gypsies, we see a whole group of criminals with all the passions and vices typical of delinquent types: laziness, ignorance, impulsive rage, vanity, a love for parties, and brutality. Murders are often committed for minor gains. The women are skilled thieves and teach their children dishonest practices. In contrast, the crime rate among Jews is consistently lower than that of the surrounding population; although there are certain specific types of offenses, often passed down, such as fraud, forgery, defamation, and especially trafficking in prostitution; murder is very rare.
Illnesses, Intoxications, Injuries
These causes, although apparently as important as heredity, are in fact, decidedly less so. Both disease and trauma may intensify or call forth latent[Pg 141] perversity, but they are less frequently the cause of it. There are, however, certain cases in which traumatism meningitis, typhus, or other diseases that affect the brain have undoubtedly evoked criminal tendencies in individuals hitherto normal. Twenty out of 290 criminals studied by my father with minute care had suffered from injury to the head in childhood; and recently a case came under his notice in which a youth of good family and excellent character received an injury to his head at the age of fourteen and became epileptic, developing subsequently into a gambler, thief, and murderer. Such cases, however, are not very common.
These causes, while seemingly as significant as heredity, are actually much less so. Both illness and injury can amplify or trigger hidden [Pg 141] deviance, but they're less often the root of it. There are certain instances, however, where trauma, meningitis, typhus, or other brain-affecting illnesses have clearly triggered criminal behavior in people who were previously normal. Out of the 290 offenders my father meticulously studied, 20 had experienced head injuries in childhood. Recently, he observed a case where a well-raised and upstanding young man sustained a head injury at fourteen; he later became epileptic and eventually turned into a gambler, thief, and murderer. Nonetheless, such cases are not very common.
There is one disease that without other causes—either inherited degeneracy or vices resulting from a bad education and environment—is capable of transforming a healthy individual into a vicious, hopelessly evil being. That disease is alcoholism, which has been discussed in a previous chapter, but to which I must refer briefly again, because it is such an important factor of criminality.
There is one disease that, without any other causes—like inherited weakness or negative behaviors stemming from poor upbringing and environment—can turn a healthy person into a morally corrupt and hopelessly evil individual. That disease is alcoholism, which was covered in a previous chapter, but I need to mention it briefly again because it plays such a significant role in criminal behavior.
Temporary drunkenness alone will give rise to crime, since it inflames the passions, obscures the mental and moral faculties, and destroys all sense of decency, causing men to commit offences in a state of automatism or a species of somnambulism. Sometimes drunkenness produces kleptomania. A[Pg 142] slight excess in drinking will cause men of absolute honesty to appropriate any objects they can lay their hands upon. When the effects of drink have worn off, they feel shame and remorse and hasten to restore the stolen goods. Alcohol, however, more often causes violence. An officer known to my father, when drunk, twice attempted to run his sword through his friends and his own attendant.
Temporary drunkenness alone can lead to crime because it stirs up strong emotions, clouds judgment and morality, and wipes out any sense of decency, leading people to commit acts in a kind of automatic or sleepwalking state. Sometimes, being drunk even triggers kleptomania. A[Pg 142] little too much drinking might cause even the most honest people to take things they can grab. Once the effects of the alcohol fade, they feel shame and regret and rush to return what they stole. However, alcohol more frequently results in violence. An officer known to my father, when drunk, twice tried to stab both his friends and his own servant.
Among Oriental sects of murderers, as is well known, homicidal fury was excited and maintained by a drink brewed for the purpose from hemp-seed.
Among Eastern groups of killers, as is well known, deadly rage was triggered and sustained by a drink made from hemp seeds.
Büchner shows that dishonest instincts can be developed in bees by a special food consisting of honey mixed with brandy. The insects acquire a taste for this drink in the same way as human beings do, and under its influence cease to work. Ants show similar symptoms after narcosis by means of chloroform. Their bodies remain motionless, with the exception of their heads, with which they snap at all who approach them.
Büchner demonstrates that dishonest tendencies can be encouraged in bees through a special food made of honey mixed with brandy. The bees develop a taste for this concoction just like humans do, and under its influence, they stop working. Ants exhibit similar behavior after being anesthetized with chloroform. Their bodies become still, except for their heads, which they use to snap at anyone who comes near.
The above cited cases show that there exists a species of alcoholic psychic epilepsy, similar to congenital epilepsy, in which after alcoholic poisoning, the individual is incited to raise his hand against himself or others without any due cause. But besides the crimes of violence committed during a drunken fit, the prolonged abuse of alcohol, opium,[Pg 143] morphia, coca, and other nervines may give rise to chronic perturbation of the mind, and without other causes, congenital or educative, will transform an honest, well-bred, and industrious man into an idle, violent, and apathetic fellow,—into an ignoble being, capable of any depraved action, even when he is not directly under the influence of the drug.
The cases mentioned above demonstrate that there is a form of alcoholic psychic epilepsy, similar to congenital epilepsy, where after alcohol poisoning, a person may harm themselves or others without any real reason. In addition to the violent crimes that occur during a drunken episode, the long-term misuse of alcohol, opium,[Pg 143] morphine, cocaine, and other nerve-affecting substances can lead to chronic mental disturbances. Without other factors, either genetic or educational, this can change a decent, well-mannered, and hardworking person into a lazy, aggressive, and indifferent individual—into a morally bankrupt person, capable of any immoral act, even when they're not actively under the influence of the substance.
When we were children, a frequent visitor at our house was a certain Belm... (see Fig. 16, Chap. III.), a very intelligent man and an accomplished linguist. He was a military officer, but later took to journalism, and his writings were distinguished by vivacious style and elevation of thought. He married and had several children, but at the age of thirty some trouble caused him to take to drink. His character soon underwent a complete change. Although formerly a proud man, he was not ashamed to pester all his friends for money and to let his family sink into the direst poverty.
When we were kids, a frequent visitor at our house was a man named Belm... (see Fig. 16, Chap. III.), who was very smart and a skilled linguist. He was a military officer but later became a journalist, and his writing stood out for its lively style and deep thought. He got married and had several children, but at the age of thirty, some issues led him to drink. His character changed completely. Although he used to be a proud man, he wasn't shy about begging all his friends for money and letting his family fall into severe poverty.
Social Causes of Crime
Education. We now come to the second series of criminal factors, those which depend, not on the organism, but on external conditions. We have already stated that the best and most careful education, moral and intellectual, is powerless to effect an improvement in the morally insane, but that in other[Pg 144] cases, education, environment, and example are extremely important, for which reason neglected and destitute children are easily initiated into evil practices.
Education. Now we move on to the second group of criminal factors, which rely not on the individual but on external conditions. We've already mentioned that the best and most attentive education, both moral and intellectual, cannot improve those who are morally insane. However, in other[Pg 144] cases, education, environment, and role models are incredibly significant, which is why neglected and impoverished children can easily be drawn into harmful behaviors.
At Naples, "Esposito" (foundling) is a common name amongst prisoners, as is at Bologna and in Lombardy the name "Colombo," which signifies the same thing. In Prussia, illegitimate males form 6% of offenders, illegitimate females 1.8%; in Austria, 10 and 2% respectively. The percentage is considerably larger amongst juvenile criminals, prostitutes, and recidivists. In France, in 1864, 65% of the minors arrested were bastards or orphans, and at Hamburg 30% of the prostitutes are illegitimate. In Italy, 30% of recidivists are natural children and foundlings.
At Naples, "Esposito" (foundling) is a common name among prisoners, just like "Colombo," which means the same thing, is in Bologna and Lombardy. In Prussia, 6% of male offenders are illegitimate, while 1.8% of female offenders fall into the same category; in Austria, the numbers are 10% and 2%, respectively. The percentage is much higher among juvenile criminals, prostitutes, and repeat offenders. In France, in 1864, 65% of arrested minors were bastards or orphans, and in Hamburg, 30% of prostitutes are illegitimate. In Italy, 30% of repeat offenders are natural children and foundlings.
This depends largely on hereditary influences, which are generally bad, but still more on the difficulty of finding a means of subsistence, owing to the state of neglect in which these wretched beings exist, even when herded together in charity schools and orphanages—both of which are even more anti-hygienic morally, than they are physically.
This is mostly influenced by genetics, which often has negative effects, but even more so by the challenges of finding a way to make a living due to the neglect that these unfortunate individuals face, even when gathered in charity schools and orphanages—both of which are morally more harmful than they are physically unhealthy.
A depraved environment, which counsels or even insists on wrong-doing, and the bad example of parents or relatives, exercise a still more sinister influence on children than desertion. The criminal[Pg 145] family Cornu, finding one of their children, a little girl, strongly averse to their evil ways, forced her to carry the head of one of their victims in her pinafore for a couple of miles, after which she became one of the most ferocious of the band.
A corrupt environment, which encourages or even demands wrongdoing, along with the negative influence of parents or relatives, has an even more harmful effect on children than abandonment. The criminal[Pg 145] family Cornu, discovering that one of their children, a little girl, was strongly opposed to their evil ways, made her carry the head of one of their victims in her apron for a couple of miles, after which she became one of the most brutal members of the gang.
Meteoric Causes are frequently the determining factor of the ultimate impulsive act, which converts the latent criminal into an effective one. Excessively high temperature and rapid barometric changes, while predisposing epileptics to convulsive seizures and the insane to uneasiness, restlessness, and noisy outbreaks, encourage quarrels, brawls, and stabbing affrays. To the same reason may be ascribed the prevalence during the hot months, of rape, homicide, insurrections, and revolts. In comparing statistics of criminality in France with those of the variations in temperature, Ferri noted an increase in crimes of violence during the warmer years. An examination of European and American statistics shows that the number of homicides decreases as we pass from hot to cooler climates. Holzendorf calculates that the number of murders committed in the Southern States of North America is fifteen times greater than those committed in the Northern States. A low temperature, on the contrary, has the effect of increasing the number of crimes against property, due to increased need, and both in Italy and America[Pg 146] the proportion of thefts increases the farther north we go.
Meteoric Causes often play a key role in triggering the final impulsive act that turns a latent criminal into an active one. Extremely high temperatures and sudden changes in barometric pressure can lead to convulsions in epileptics and cause feelings of unease, restlessness, and outbursts in those with mental health issues, which in turn can provoke fights, brawls, and stabbings. The same factors can explain the rise in incidents of rape, homicide, insurrections, and revolts during the hot months. When comparing crime statistics in France with temperature variations, Ferri found that violent crimes tend to increase in warmer years. Looking at data from Europe and America, it appears that the rate of homicides goes down as we move from hotter to cooler climates. Holzendorf estimated that the murder rate in the Southern States of North America is fifteen times higher than in the Northern States. Conversely, lower temperatures tend to lead to an increase in property crimes, driven by greater need, and both in Italy and America[Pg 146], the rate of thefts rises as we head further north.
Density of Population. The agglomeration of persons in a large town is a certain incentive to crimes against property. Robbery, frauds, and criminal associations increase, while there is a decrease in crimes against the person, due to the restraints imposed by mutual supervision.
Density of Population. The gathering of people in a big city encourages crimes against property. Robbery, fraud, and criminal groups rise, while crimes against individuals decrease because of the checks that come from being watched by others.
"He who has studied mankind, or, better still, himself [writes my father], must have remarked how often an individual, who is respectable and self-controlled in the bosom of his family, becomes indecent and even immoral when he finds himself in the company of a number of his fellows, to whatever class they may belong. The primitive instincts of theft, homicide, and lust, the germs of which lie dormant in each individual as long as he is alone, particularly if kept in check by sound moral training, awaken and develop suddenly into gigantic proportions when he comes into contact with others, the increase being greater in those who already possess such criminal tendencies in a marked degree."
"Anyone who has studied people, or, even better, themselves [writes my father], must have noticed how often a person, who is respectable and self-controlled at home, becomes indecent and even immoral when they are with a group of others, regardless of their background. The basic instincts of theft, violence, and lust, which stay dormant in each individual as long as they are alone, especially if kept in check by sound moral guidance, suddenly awaken and grow dramatically when they interact with others. This increase is even more pronounced in those who already have strong criminal tendencies."
In all large cities, low lodging-houses form the favourite haunts of crime.
In all big cities, cheap boarding houses are the favorite spots for crime.
Imitation. The detailed accounts of crimes circulated in large towns by newspapers, have an extremely pernicious influence, because example is a powerful agent for evil as well as for good.
Imitation. The detailed reports of crimes shared in major cities by newspapers have a very harmful effect because examples can strongly influence people in negative ways as well as positive ones.
At Marseilles in 1868 and 1872, the newspaper reports of a case of child desertion provoked a[Pg 147] perfect epidemic of such cases, amounting in one instance to eight in one day.
At Marseilles in 1868 and 1872, news articles about a case of child abandonment triggered a[Pg 147] complete outbreak of similar cases, reaching as high as eight in a single day.
Before Corridori murdered the Head-master of his boarding-school, he is said to have declared: "There will be a repetition of what happened to the Head-master at Catanzaro" (who had been murdered in the same way).
Before Corridori killed the Headmaster of his boarding school, he reportedly said, "What happened to the Headmaster in Catanzaro will happen again" (who had been killed in the same way).
The anarchist Lucchesi killed Banti at Leghorn shortly after the murder of Carnot by Caserio, and in a similar manner. Certain forms of crime which become common at given periods, the throwing of bombs, the cutting up of the bodies of murdered persons, particularly those of women, and frauds of a peculiar type may certainly be attributed to imitation, as may also the violence committed by mobs, in whom cruelty takes the form of an epidemic affecting even individuals of mild disposition.
The anarchist Lucchesi killed Banti in Leghorn shortly after Caserio murdered Carnot, and in a similar way. Certain types of crime that become widespread during specific times, like throwing bombs, dismembering the bodies of murder victims—especially women—and unique types of fraud can definitely be attributed to imitation. This is also true for the violence carried out by mobs, where cruelty spreads like an epidemic, even affecting people who are usually gentle.
Immigration. The agglomeration of population produced by immigration is a strong incentive to crime, especially that of an associated nature,—due to increased want, lessened supervision and the consequent ease with which offenders avoid detection. In New York the largest contingent of criminality is furnished by the immigrant population.
Immigration. The gathering of people resulting from immigration is a major factor in crime, particularly in connection with each other—because of increased need, reduced oversight, and the resulting simplicity with which offenders escape detection. In New York, the biggest share of crime comes from the immigrant population.
The fact of agglomeration explains the greater[Pg 148] frequency of homicide in France in thickly populated districts.
The fact of agglomeration explains the higher[Pg 148] frequency of homicide in France in densely populated areas.
The criminality of immigrant populations increases in direct ratio to its instability. This applies to the migratory population in the interior of a country, specially that which has no fixed destination, as peddlers, etc. Even those immigrants whom we should naturally assume to be of good disposition—religious pilgrims—commit a remarkable number of associated crimes. The Italian word mariuolo which signifies "rogue" owes its origin to the behaviour of certain pilgrims to the shrines of Loreto and Assisi, who, while crying Viva Maria! ("Hail to the Virgin Mary!") committed the most atrocious crimes, confident that the pilgrimage itself would serve as a means of expiation. In his Reminiscences Massimo d' Azeglio notes that places boasting of celebrated shrines always enjoy a bad reputation.
The criminal behavior of immigrant groups tends to rise with their instability. This is especially true for those who move around within a country, like street vendors, who don’t have a permanent place to stay. Even immigrants we would typically view as well-intentioned—like religious pilgrims—are responsible for a surprising amount of related crimes. The Italian word mariuolo, meaning "rogue," comes from the actions of certain pilgrims heading to the shrines at Loreto and Assisi, who, while shouting Viva Maria! ("Hail to the Virgin Mary!"), committed terrible acts, believing the pilgrimage would absolve them. In his Reminiscences, Massimo d' Azeglio observes that towns known for famous shrines often have a negative reputation.
Prison Life. The density of population in the most criminal of cities has not such a bad influence as has detention in prisons, which may well be called "Criminal Universities."
Prison Life. The high population density in the most crime-ridden cities doesn’t have as negative an impact as being locked up in prisons, which can truly be referred to as "Criminal Universities."
Nearly all the leaders of malefactors: Maino, Lombardo, La Gala, Lacenaire, Soufflard, and Hardouin were escaped convicts, who chose their accomplices among those of their fellow-prisoners who had shown audacity and ferocity. In fact, in prison, criminals[Pg 149] have an opportunity of becoming acquainted with each other, of instructing those less skilled in infamy, and of banding together for evil purposes. Even the expensive cellular system, from which so many advantages were expected, has not attained its object and does not prevent communication between prisoners. Moreover, in prison, mere children of seven or eight, imprisoned for stealing a bunch of grapes or a fowl, come into close contact with adults and become initiated into evil practices, of which these poor little victims of stupid laws were previously quite ignorant.
Nearly all the leaders of criminals—Maino, Lombardo, La Gala, Lacenaire, Soufflard, and Hardouin—were escaped convicts who chose their accomplices from fellow inmates who had shown boldness and brutality. In fact, in prison, criminals[Pg 149] have the chance to get to know each other, teach those less experienced in wrongdoing, and team up for illegal activities. Even the costly cell system, from which so many benefits were expected, has not achieved its goal and does not stop communication between inmates. Furthermore, in prison, mere children of seven or eight, locked up for stealing a bunch of grapes or a chicken, are in close contact with adults and are exposed to immoral behaviors of which these unfortunate little victims of misguided laws were previously completely unaware.
Education. Contrary to general belief, the influence of education on crime is very slight.
Education. Contrary to popular belief, the impact of education on crime is minimal.
The number of illiterates arrested in Europe is less, proportionally, than that of educated individuals. Nevertheless, although a certain degree of instruction is often an aid to crime, its extension acts as a corrective, or at least tends to mitigate the nature of crimes committed, rendering them less ferocious, and to decrease crimes of violence, while increasing fraudulent and sexual offences.
The number of illiterate people arrested in Europe is lower, proportionally, than that of educated individuals. However, while some education can sometimes facilitate crime, its broader application serves as a corrective, or at least tends to soften the nature of crimes committed, making them less brutal, and reducing violent crimes, while increasing fraud and sexual offenses.
Professions. The trades and professions which encourage inebriety in those who follow them (cooks, confectioners, and inn-keepers), those which bring the poor (servants of all kinds, especially footmen, coachmen, and chauffeurs) into contact with wealth, or[Pg 150] which provide means for committing crimes (bricklayers, blacksmiths, etc.) furnish a remarkable share of criminality. Still more so is this the case with the professions of notary, usher of the courts, attorneys, and military men.
Professions. The trades and professions that promote alcoholism among those who work in them (cooks, bakers, and innkeepers), the ones that bring the less fortunate (service workers of all types, especially footmen, coach drivers, and taxi drivers) into contact with wealth, or[Pg 150] those that provide opportunities for committing crimes (bricklayers, blacksmiths, etc.) contribute significantly to criminal behavior. This is even more true for the professions of notary, court ushers, lawyers, and military personnel.
It should be observed, however, that the characteristic idleness of criminals makes them disinclined to adopt any profession, and when they do, their extreme fickleness prompts them to change continually.
It should be noted, however, that the typical laziness of criminals makes them reluctant to take on any profession, and when they do, their extreme inconsistency leads them to keep changing jobs.
Economic Conditions. Poverty is often a direct incentive to theft, when the miserable victims of economic conditions find themselves and their families face to face with starvation, and it acts further indirectly through certain diseases: pellagra, alcoholism, scrofula, and scurvy, which are the outcome of misery and produce criminal degeneration; its influence has nevertheless often been exaggerated. If thieves are generally penniless, it is because of their extreme idleness and astonishing extravagance, which makes them run through huge sums with the greatest ease, not because poverty has driven them to theft. On the other hand the possession of wealth is frequently an incentive to crime, because it creates an ever-increasing appetite for riches, besides furnishing those occupying high public offices or important positions in the banking and commercial world with numerous[Pg 151] opportunities for dishonesty and persuading them that money will cover any evil deed.
Economic Conditions. Poverty often directly motivates theft when those suffering from tough economic times find themselves and their families staring down starvation. It also indirectly contributes to issues like pellagra, alcoholism, scrofula, and scurvy, which result from this misery and lead to criminal behavior; however, its impact is often overstated. While thieves are usually broke, it's largely due to their extreme laziness and incredible extravagance, which allows them to blow through large amounts of money with surprising ease, not because they’ve been forced into theft by poverty. Conversely, having wealth often leads to crime as it fuels an insatiable desire for more riches and presents those in powerful public roles or key positions in banking and business with numerous[Pg 151] chances for dishonesty and convinces them that money can erase any wrongdoing.
Sex. Statistics of every country show that women contribute a very small share of criminality compared with that furnished by the opposite sex. This share becomes still smaller when we eliminate infanticide, in view of the fact that the guilty parties in nearly all such cases should be classed as criminals from passion. In Austria, crimes committed by females barely constitute 15% of the total criminality; in Spain 11%; and in Italy 8.2%.
Sex. Statistics from every country show that women account for a very small portion of crime compared to men. This portion gets even smaller when we exclude infanticide, since nearly all those responsible in such cases should be categorized as criminals driven by passion. In Austria, crimes committed by women make up only 15% of total crime; in Spain, it's 11%; and in Italy, it's 8.2%.
However, this applies only to serious crimes. For those of lesser gravity, statistics are at variance with the results obtained by the Modern School, which classes prostitutes as criminals. According to this mode of calculation, the difference between the criminality of the two sexes shows a considerable diminution, resulting perhaps in a slight prevalence of crime in women. In any case, female criminality tends to increase proportionally with the increase of civilisation and to equal that of men.
However, this only applies to serious crimes. For less serious offenses, the statistics don't align with the findings from the Modern School, which categorizes prostitutes as criminals. Based on this way of calculating, the gap between the criminality of men and women shows a significant decrease, possibly leading to a slight increase in crime among women. In any case, female criminality seems to rise in proportion to the advancement of civilization and is starting to match that of men.
Age. The greater number of crimes are committed between the ages of 15 and 30, whereas, outbreaks of insanity between these ages are extremely rare, the maximum number occurring between 40 and 50. On the whole, criminality is far more precocious than mental alienation, and its precocity, which is[Pg 152] greater among thieves than among murderers, swindlers, and those guilty of violence and assault is another proof of the congenital nature of crime and its atavistic origin, since precocity is a characteristic of savage races.
Age. Most crimes are committed by people between the ages of 15 and 30, while episodes of mental illness in this age group are very rare, with the highest occurrences happening between 40 and 50. Overall, criminal behavior tends to develop earlier than mental disorders, and this early development is[Pg 152] more common among thieves than among murderers, con artists, and those who commit violent acts. This is further evidence of the inherited nature of crime and its primitive roots, as this early development is a trait found in less civilized societies.
Seldom do we find among born criminals any indication of that so-called criminal scale, leading by degrees from petty offences to crimes of the most serious nature. As a general rule, they commence their career with just those crimes which distinguish it throughout, even when these are of the gravest kind, like robbery and murder. Rather may it be said that every age has its specific criminality, and this is the case especially with criminaloids. On the borderland between childhood and adolescence, there seems to be a kind of instinctive tendency to law-breaking, which by immature minds is often held to be a sign of virility. The Italian novelist and poet Manzoni describes this idea very well in his Promessi Sposi, when speaking of the half-witted lad Gervaso, who "because he had taken part in a plot savouring of crime, felt that he had suddenly become a man."
Seldom do we find among born criminals any indication of that so-called criminal scale, which gradually leads from minor offenses to the most serious crimes. Usually, they start their criminal careers with the very crimes that define them, even if those are the most severe, like robbery and murder. Rather, it could be said that each era has its own specific type of criminality, which is especially true for criminaloids. In the transition from childhood to adolescence, there seems to be an instinctive tendency toward law-breaking, which immature minds often see as a sign of maturity. The Italian novelist and poet Manzoni captures this idea well in his Promessi Sposi, when he describes the half-witted boy Gervaso, who "because he had taken part in a plot suggesting crime, felt that he had suddenly become a man."
This idea lurks in the slang word omerta used by Italian criminals, which signifies not only to be a man but a man daring enough to break the law.
This idea is hidden in the slang term omerta used by Italian criminals, which means not just to be a man, but a man bold enough to break the law.
CHAPTER II
THE PREVENTION OF CRIME
The curability of crime is an entirely novel idea, due to the Modern Penal School. As long as, in the eyes of the world, the criminal was a normal individual, who voluntarily and consciously violated the laws, there could be no thought of a cure, but rather of a punishment sufficiently severe to prevent his recidivation and to inspire others with a salutary fear of offending the law.
The idea that crime can be cured is a completely new concept, thanks to the Modern Penal School. As long as society saw the criminal as a regular person who willingly and knowingly broke the law, there could be no consideration of a cure; instead, the focus was on a punishment harsh enough to deter repeat offenses and instill a healthy fear of breaking the law in others.
The penalties excogitated in past centuries were varied: flogging, hard labour, imprisonment, and exile. During the last century they have been crystallised in the form of imprisonment, as being the most humane, although in reality it is the most illogical form, since it serves neither to intimidate the offender nor to reform him. In fact, although prison with its forced separation from home and family is a terrible penalty for those honest persons, who sometimes suffer with the guilty, it is a haven of[Pg 154] rest for ordinary criminals, or at the worst, in no wise inferior to their usual haunts. There is a certain amount of privation of air, light, and food, but these disadvantages are fully counterbalanced by the enjoyment of complete leisure and the company of men of their own stamp.
The punishments thought up in past centuries were varied: flogging, hard labor, imprisonment, and exile. Over the last century, they've mostly settled on imprisonment as the most humane option, even though it’s really the most illogical one, as it does nothing to scare the offender or help them change. In fact, while prison can be a terrible punishment for honest people who sometimes suffer alongside the guilty, it often serves as a refuge for ordinary criminals, or at worst, it's not much worse than where they usually hang out. There’s a bit of lack of fresh air, light, and food, but these downsides are more than made up for by the complete leisure and the company of people similar to them.
If imprisonment does not serve to intimidate instinctive criminals, still less is it a means of rehabilitation. In virtue of what law, should any man, even if he be normal, become reformed after a varying period of detention in a gloomy cell, where he is isolated from the better elements of society and deprived of every elevating influence—art, science, and high ideals; where he loses regular habits of work, the disciplining struggle with circumstances, and the sense of responsibility natural to free citizens and is tainted by constant contact with the worst types of humanity?
If prison doesn't scare off instinctive criminals, it definitely isn’t a way to help them change. By what law should any person, even a normal one, expect to reform after spending time locked up in a dark cell, cut off from the positive aspects of society and stripped of all uplifting influences—like art, science, and high ideals? They lose the regular work habits, the necessary struggle with their circumstances, and the sense of responsibility that comes with being free, while being constantly exposed to the worst kinds of people?
The autobiographies of criminals show us that far from reforming evil-doers, prison is in reality a criminal university which houses all grades of offenders during varying periods; that far from being a means of redemption, it is a hot-bed of depravity, where are prepared and developed the germs which are later to infect society, yet it is to this incubator of crime that society looks for defence against those very elements of lawlessness which it is actively fostering.
The autobiographies of criminals reveal that instead of reforming wrongdoers, prison is really a school for crime that gathers all kinds of offenders for different lengths of time. Rather than being a way to redeem them, it's a breeding ground for moral decay, where the seeds of future crime are nurtured and cultivated. Yet, it's this hub of criminality that society relies on for protection against the very lawlessness it is helping to grow.
[Pg 155]In his book Prison Palimpsests my father has made a collection of all the inscriptions, drawings, and allegories scratched or written by criminals while in prison, on walls, utensils, and books. Of lamentations, despair, and repentance, scarcely a trace, but innumerable imprecations, plans of revenge against enemies without, project of future burglaries and murders, and advice for the sound instruction of criminals.
[Pg 155]In his book Prison Palimpsests, my father has gathered a collection of all the writings, drawings, and symbols that criminals scratched or wrote while in prison, on walls, utensils, and books. There’s hardly a trace of sorrow, despair, or regret, but there are countless curses, plans for revenge against enemies outside, schemes for future burglaries and murders, and tips for teaching criminals the right way.
Although the Modern School has demonstrated the uselessness, nay the injuriousness of prison, it has no desire to leave society suddenly unprotected and the criminal at large. Nature does not proceed by leaps, and the Modern School aims at effecting a revolution, not a revolt, in Penal Jurisprudence. It proposes, therefore, the gradual transformation of the present system, which is to be rendered as little injurious and as beneficial as possible. Such has been the course pursued by the modern science of medicine, which from the original absurd remedies and equally absurd empirical operations, has now succeeded in placing the cure of diseases on the more solid basis of experience.
Although the Modern School has shown that prisons are not only useless but also harmful, it doesn't want to leave society unprotected and let criminals roam free. Nature doesn't make sudden changes, and the Modern School seeks to bring about a transformation, not a rebellion, in Penal Jurisprudence. It therefore suggests gradually changing the current system to make it as non-harmful and as helpful as possible. This approach mirrors the path taken by modern medicine, which has evolved from ridiculous remedies and equally absurd practices to a more reliable foundation based on experience for treating illnesses.
The Modern School aims at preventing the formation of criminals, not punishing them, or, failing prevention, at effecting their cure; and, failing cure, at segregating such hopeless cases for life in suitable[Pg 156] institutes, which shall protect society better than the present system of imprisonment, but be entirely free from the infamy attaching to the prison. The Modern School proposes the cure of criminals by preventive and legislative measures.
The Modern School focuses on preventing the rise of criminals instead of punishing them, or if prevention fails, on rehabilitating them; and if rehabilitation is not possible, it aims to isolate those hopeless cases for life in appropriate[Pg 156] facilities, which would better safeguard society than the current imprisonment system, while being completely free from the shame associated with prison. The Modern School advocates for the rehabilitation of criminals through preventive and legislative actions.
Supportive Programs for Underprivileged Kids
The cure of crime, as of any other disease, has the greater chance of success, the earlier it is taken in hand. Attention, therefore, should be specially concentrated on the childhood of those likely to become criminals: orphans and destitute children, who as adults contribute the largest contingent of criminality. A community seriously resolved to protect itself from evil should, above all, provide a sound education for those unfortunate waifs who have been deprived of their natural protectors by death or vice. The greatest care must be exercised in placing them, whenever it is possible, in respectable private families where they will have careful supervision, or in suitable institutes where no pains are spared to give them a good education and, more important still, sound moral training.
The solution to crime, like any other problem, is more effective the sooner it's addressed. So, it's crucial to focus on the childhood of those who might become criminals: orphans and underprivileged kids, who as adults make up a significant portion of criminal behavior. A community that is genuinely committed to protecting itself from harm should primarily ensure that these unfortunate children, who have lost their natural guardians to death or bad influences, receive a solid education. Great care should be taken to place them, whenever possible, in decent private families where they will receive attentive supervision, or in appropriate institutions that are dedicated to providing them with a good education and, even more importantly, strong moral guidance.
In order to attain this end, the State cannot do better than follow in the footsteps of philanthropists of rare talent like Don Bosco, Dr. Barnardo, General[Pg 157] Booth, Brockway, and many others, who have been so successful in rescuing destitute children.
To achieve this goal, the State should take inspiration from exceptional philanthropists like Don Bosco, Dr. Barnardo, General[Pg 157] Booth, Brockway, and many others who have been incredibly successful in saving homeless children.
Don Bosco, the Black Pope, as he was familiarly styled at Turin, where he lived during the latter half of the last century, was a Roman Catholic priest who founded numerous institutes for orphans in all parts of Italy and many parts of both Americas, especially South America. The psychological basis on which he founded the training of children in these schools, was mainly derived from experience, and proved so successful in practice that it is worthy of quotation:
Don Bosco, known as the Black Pope to many in Turin, where he spent the second half of the last century, was a Roman Catholic priest who established several institutes for orphans throughout Italy and many areas in both the Americas, particularly South America. The psychological principles he used to shape the education of children in these schools were largely based on experience and proved so effective in practice that it deserves to be quoted:
"Most neglected and abandoned children [he said], are of ordinary character and disposition, but inclined to changeableness and indifference. Brief, but frequent exhortations, good advice, small rewards, and encouragements to persevere are very efficacious, but above all the teacher must show perfect trust in his charges, while being careful never to relax his vigilance. The greatest solicitude should, however, be reserved for the unruly characters, who generally form about one fifth of the whole number. The teacher should make a special effort to become thoroughly acquainted with their dispositions and past life and to convince them that he is their friend. They should be encouraged to chatter freely, while the conversation of the master should be brief and abound in examples, maxims, and anecdotes. Above all, while showing perfect confidence in his pupils, he should never lose sight of them.
"Most neglected and abandoned children [he said] are generally just like any other kids, but they can be moody and indifferent. Short but regular encouragement, good advice, small rewards, and motivation to keep trying are really effective, but more than anything, the teacher must have complete trust in them, while still being careful not to let their guard down. The most concern should be focused on the more difficult students, who usually make up about one-fifth of the total. The teacher should make a real effort to understand their personalities and backgrounds and show them that he is their ally. They should feel free to talk openly, while the teacher's comments should be brief and filled with examples, sayings, and stories. Most importantly, while having full confidence in his students, he should always keep an eye on them."
"Occasional treats of a wholesome and attractive nature, picnics and walks, will keep the boys happy and contented. Lasciviousness is the only vice that need be feared; any lad persisting in immoral practices should be expelled.
"Occasional treats that are healthy and appealing, like picnics and walks, will keep the boys happy and satisfied. Sexual immorality is the only vice to be concerned about; any boy who continues with immoral behavior should be expelled."
[Pg 158]"Harsh punishments should never be resorted to. The repressive system may check unruliness, but can never influence for good. It involves little trouble on the part of those who make use of it and may be efficacious in the army, which is composed of responsible adults, but it has a harmful effect on the young, who err more from thoughtlessness than from evil disposition. Far more suitable in their case is the preventive system, which consists in making them thoroughly acquainted with the regulations they have to obey and in watching over them. In this way they are always conscious of the vigilance of the Head-master or his assistants, who are ready to guide and advise them in every difficulty and to anticipate their wants. The pupils should never be left to their own devices, yet they should have complete freedom to run, jump, and enjoy themselves in their own noisy fashion. Gymnastics, vocal and instrumental music, and plenty of outdoor exercise are the most efficacious means of maintaining discipline and improving the boys, bodily and mentally."
[Pg 158]"Harsh punishments should never be used. A strict system might control unruliness, but it can never lead to positive change. It's easy for those who implement it, and it might work in the army, which consists of responsible adults, but it has a negative impact on young people, who make mistakes more out of carelessness than malice. A much better approach for them is the preventive system, which involves making sure they fully understand the rules they need to follow and keeping an eye on them. This way, they are always aware of the supervision from the Headmaster or his assistants, who are ready to guide and advise them in any difficulties and anticipate their needs. Students should never be left entirely on their own, but they should have the freedom to run, jump, and enjoy themselves in their own lively way. Gymnastics, vocal and instrumental music, and plenty of outdoor activities are the best ways to maintain discipline and foster the boys' physical and mental development."
Only children over seven were admitted to the Institutes founded by Don Bosco. Dr. Barnardo, on the other hand, who rescued thousands of orphans and destitute children in London and was able to witness a decided decrease in the criminality of that capital, concentrated his beneficent efforts on destitute children from their earliest years, with the idea of removing them as soon as possible from the bad environment in which they were born. He was, moreover, desirous that they should share with more fortunate children the boon of happy childhood, and resolved that up to the age of seven they should be[Pg 159] brought up without educational or other restraints, save the affection of those appointed to watch over them during the first years, so that they might imbibe sufficient love and joy for the rest of their lives. Such is the rule followed in the buildings set apart for the infants, Bird Castle, Tiny House, and Jersey House, which are perfect nests of happy birds.
Only children over seven were allowed into the Institutes started by Don Bosco. In contrast, Dr. Barnardo, who saved thousands of orphans and underprivileged kids in London and saw a significant drop in crime in the city, focused his efforts on disadvantaged children from a very young age. His goal was to remove them from the negative environments they were born into as soon as possible. He also wanted them to experience the joys of a happy childhood alongside more fortunate kids, so he made sure that until they turned seven, they were[Pg 159] raised without educational or other restrictions, except for the love of those caring for them in those early years, so they would absorb enough love and joy to last a lifetime. This is the principle used in the facilities designated for infants, like Bird Castle, Tiny House, and Jersey House, which are wonderful havens for happy kids.
In spite of the seeming impossibility of obtaining individual education in a school, thanks to a system devised by Dr. Barnardo, the older children actually enjoy this advantage. New-comers are placed in a special department until facts relative to their past life are ascertained and an idea formed of their individuality. The results of these preliminary inquiries determine in which school the boy shall be placed and what trade he shall follow. Moreover, any boy desiring to change his occupation is encouraged to do so. Every year a re-distribution is made according to the aptitudes shown by the lads in study and manual work and their physical and intellectual development, special care being taken that the younger children should not be put with those who have arrived at a more advanced stage of physical and mental evolution. Free development of the various individual aptitudes is thus secured, while avoiding that common defect of schools, the turning[Pg 160] out of numerous lads all made after one regulation pattern.
Despite the seeming impossibility of receiving personalized education in a school, Dr. Barnardo’s system actually gives older children this advantage. New arrivals are placed in a special department until information about their past is gathered and an understanding of their individuality is formed. The findings from these initial inquiries decide which school the boy will attend and what trade he will pursue. Additionally, any boy who wants to change his occupation is encouraged to do so. Every year, the students are reallocated based on their strengths in academics and manual work, as well as their physical and intellectual growth, making sure that younger children are not grouped with those who have reached a more advanced stage of development. This allows for the free growth of various individual abilities, while avoiding the common flaw of schools where many boys are turned out following a single mold.
Having come to the conclusion that life in an institute, in spite of all these precautions, is unsuited to girls, Dr. Barnardo founded a village at a short distance from London with cottage homes for children of both sexes. Each cottage contains from fifteen to twenty children and forms a family, the domestic duties of the homes being discharged by the girls.
Having concluded that life in an institution, despite all these precautions, isn't suitable for girls, Dr. Barnardo established a village just outside London with cottage homes for children of both genders. Each cottage houses fifteen to twenty children and acts as a family, with the girls taking care of the household chores.
Dr. Barnardo realised, however, that the placing of children in private families is the best means of effecting their salvation, and he made great efforts in private and public to induce benevolent persons to adopt his protégés. Finally, he organised a regular emigration of lads to Canada, where a special agent provides them with situations on farms or in factories.
Dr. Barnardo understood, however, that putting children in private families is the best way to ensure their well-being, and he worked hard both privately and publicly to encourage generous people to adopt his wards. In the end, he set up a regular program to send boys to Canada, where a dedicated agent helps them find jobs on farms or in factories.
America certainly does not lag behind Europe in the number and excellence of its organisations for rescuing the little derelicts of its cities. In every town of the United States visited by me, I had the pleasure of inspecting such institutions, all of which are kept with extraordinary care, and in some cases, with elegance. Amongst others, I may mention the Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society in New York City and the George Junior Republic at Freeville, near Ithaca, both of which seemed to me the most original of their kind.
America definitely matches Europe in the number and quality of its organizations dedicated to helping the disadvantaged children in its cities. In every town I visited across the United States, I had the pleasure of checking out these institutions, all of which are maintained with exceptional care, and in some cases, with a sense of style. Among others, I want to highlight the Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society in New York City and the George Junior Republic at Freeville, near Ithaca, both of which struck me as the most unique of their kind.
[Pg 161]The Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society is an orphanage for the Jews, managed with rare insight and intelligence by Mr. Lewisohn. The Institute being founded for orphans only, there is no limit as to age or condition. Infants and young people, diseased and healthy, intelligent and mentally deficient, normal and abnormal, good and bad, are all welcome. In order to prevent the overcrowding of the institution and to provide homes for as many children as possible, a committee has been organised for the purpose of finding homes in private families for all children under six years of age and for those who are sickly and delicate. A certain proportion are adopted, and others are boarded out, but the sum paid for their keep is always less than it would cost to place them in a school; and there is, moreover, always a chance of their being adopted later. At the age of six, all healthy and robust children enter the Institute, which becomes their home, providing them with board, lodging, clothing, moral and religious instruction, and training in some kind of work, but in order that they shall mix with other children, they are educated at the public schools, and the consequent saving in money and space enables the Institute to receive a larger number of children than it otherwise could.
[Pg 161]The Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society is an orphanage for Jewish children, run with exceptional insight and intelligence by Mr. Lewisohn. The Institute is specifically for orphans, with no restrictions on age or condition. Infants and older children, sick and healthy, intelligent and those with disabilities, normal and abnormal, good and bad, are all welcome. To prevent overcrowding and to provide homes for as many children as possible, a committee has been formed to find private families to care for all children under six and for those who are frail. Some children are adopted, while others are placed with families, but the amount paid for their care is always less than what it would cost to send them to a school, and there's always a chance they might be adopted later. When children turn six and are healthy and strong, they enter the Institute, which becomes their home, offering them food, shelter, clothing, moral and religious education, and training in a trade. To ensure they interact with other kids, they are educated in public schools, and the resulting savings in funds and space allow the Institute to accommodate more children than it otherwise could.
Instead of the uniform customary in such institutions[Pg 162] which serves to accentuate in a humiliating way the contrast between the inmates and more fortunate children who possess parents and homes, the clothing worn by the orphans of the Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society is varied in colour and style. Girls skilled in the use of their needle alter their dresses to suit their individual tastes, and are allowed to sew, either gratis or for payment, for the boys and other girls of the Institute, who are unable or unwilling to make these alterations themselves. When school-tasks are finished, boys and girls of over twelve are allowed to engage in light occupations—needlework, writing, etc., supplied by the Institute to enable them to earn a little pocket-money and learn to spend it properly.
Instead of the standard uniform typically seen in such places[Pg 162], which humiliatingly highlights the gap between the inmates and luckier kids who have parents and homes, the clothing worn by the orphans of the Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society is diverse in color and style. Girls who are good with a needle customize their dresses to reflect their individual styles and can sew, either for free or for payment, for the boys and other girls in the Institute who can't or don't want to make those changes themselves. After finishing their schoolwork, boys and girls over twelve can take part in light activities—like sewing, writing, etc.—provided by the Institute so they can earn a little pocket money and learn how to use it wisely.
When the boys and girls have passed all the standards of the elementary schools, they enter trade schools, where they remain until they are proficient in some craft which will enable them to earn a living. Those who show decided intellectual or business aptitudes are sent to colleges or commercial schools.
When the boys and girls have met all the requirements of elementary school, they move on to trade schools, where they stay until they become skilled in a craft that will help them earn a living. Those who demonstrate clear intellectual or business talents are sent to colleges or commercial schools.
The children are encouraged to take an interest in social and political life by the foundation of a miniature republic, or rather two separate republics, one for the boys and the other for the girls, each with its president, a boy or a girl according to the case. In reality, however, they are under the management of a lady, who devises various amusements for the children, reading, games, etc., teaches them music and drawing, and helps the little President to organise entertainments to which outsiders, relatives, and schoolfellows are invited.
The children are encouraged to engage with social and political life through the creation of a miniature republic, or actually two separate republics—one for the boys and one for the girls—each with its own president, a boy or a girl depending on the situation. In reality, though, they are managed by a woman who comes up with various activities for the kids, like reading, games, and so on. She also teaches them music and drawing and helps the little president plan events that invite guests like relatives and classmates.

Signatures of Criminals
[Pg 164]The George Junior Republic (America) is a very different institution, having been founded for unruly and turbulent boys, who are beyond their parents' control. It is a species of Reformatory, not a Home for Waifs.
[Pg 164]The George Junior Republic (America) is a completely different institution, created for wild and difficult boys who are out of their parents' control. It functions more like a reformatory, not a home for neglected children.
Mr. George, the founder of the Republic, a man of original and intelligent cast of mind, if I may judge of his individuality from hearsay, decided on its establishment after many attempts of a similar nature. Being anxiously concerned for the future of so many unruly youths who, left to their own devices during the summer vacations, degenerate into rowdies, he invited about a hundred of these lads to spend the summer months on his estate at Freeville, near Ithaca, and tried to influence them for good. The attempt did not meet with much success at first. Mr. George soon realised that however easy it is to exercise a beneficial influence on one or two boys by adopting gentle methods, it is extremely difficult to manage hundreds in this way. He had, however, observed how fair and rigidly honest boys generally are in their games and how ready they are to condemn[Pg 165] any meanness, and he conceived the idea of making his charges look after each other. Thus each one would feel himself a responsible judge of his companions' actions.
Mr. George, the founder of the Republic, was a smart and original thinker, based on what I've heard about him. He decided to create it after several unsuccessful attempts at something similar. Concerned about the future of so many unruly young guys who would turn into troublemakers during summer break if left to their own devices, he invited about a hundred of these boys to spend the summer on his estate in Freeville, near Ithaca, hoping to influence them positively. Initially, his efforts didn't go very well. Mr. George quickly realized that while it's pretty easy to have a positive impact on one or two boys using gentle methods, it's incredibly tough to manage hundreds that way. However, he noticed how fair and honest boys tend to be in their games and how quick they are to call out any unfairness, so he came up with the idea of having them look out for each other. This way, each boy would feel like a responsible judge of his friends' actions.
At the end of the summer holidays in 1895, when the time came for the boys to return home, five remained behind at Freeville in a cottage standing on three acres of land; the next year the number of lads remaining was doubled or trebled. A miniature Republic was founded, of which the lads were the citizens, and in this capacity, were obliged to make laws and to insist on their being respected. The Republic proved to be a great success, the temporary colony became a permanent one capable of reforming wild, unruly boys, who if allowed to wander about in the streets and to mix with older and more vicious lads, would possibly have been ruined. A recent census of the Republic showed that it possessed 150 citizens, 82 boys and 68 girls, three hundred acres of land, twenty-four buildings, a chapel, prison, school, and court of justice.
At the end of the summer break in 1895, when it was time for the boys to head home, five stayed behind at Freeville in a cottage on three acres of land; the following year, the number of boys staying increased to double or even triple. They founded a mini Republic, with the boys as citizens who had to create and enforce laws. This Republic turned out to be very successful, transforming a temporary settlement into a permanent one that could reform wild, unruly boys who, if left to roam the streets and mix with older, more troublemaking kids, might have ended up going down a bad path. A recent count of the Republic revealed it had 150 citizens, consisting of 82 boys and 68 girls, along with three hundred acres of land, twenty-four buildings, a chapel, a prison, a school, and a court of justice.

Brigand Gasparone
In order that the colonists should not completely lose touch with the outside world, but should in some measure be prepared for the social exigencies of their future lives, the colony is organised like a miniature town. The children, boys and girls, are divided into so many families, each consisting of ten or twelve[Pg 166] members presided over by two adults, who take the place of parents and look after the household. The greater part of the population is engaged in agriculture, in cultivating the land belonging to the Republic, but a certain proportion adopt the arts and crafts necessary to every community: joinery, book-binding, printing, shoemaking, or shop-keeping. The colony coins its own money and possesses a bank run by the boys themselves, where the colonists can deposit their savings. All labour and produce are paid for separately. The colony has its own laws sanctioned by its Parliament, its Tribunal, the members of which, chosen from amongst the citizens, are charged with enforcing the laws. The Parliament, composed without distinction of sex, of boys and girls, decrees the holidays, organises the games and entertainments, and establishes the public expenditure,[Pg 167] revenue, and taxes, etc. (see Figs. 19 and 20).
To ensure the colonists stay connected to the outside world and are somewhat ready for the social demands of their future lives, the colony is structured like a small town. The children, both boys and girls, are grouped into families, each consisting of ten or twelve[Pg 166] members led by two adults who act as parents and manage the household. Most of the population works in agriculture, farming the land that belongs to the Republic, but some take on the necessary trades and crafts for the community: carpentry, bookbinding, printing, shoemaking, or retail. The colony has its own currency and features a bank run by the boys themselves, where colonists can save their money. All work and goods are compensated separately. The colony has its own laws approved by its Parliament, and a Tribunal, whose members are elected from among the citizens, is responsible for enforcing these laws. The Parliament, which includes both boys and girls without distinction of sex, decides on holidays, organizes games and events, and sets up the public budget,[Pg 167] revenue, and taxes, etc. (see Figs. 19 and 20).
The results of this system appear to be excellent; most of the ex-colonists have turned out well, and in view of this fact, republics on similar lines are being organised in various parts of the United States. This Republic admits only children over twelve, who remain in the colony about three years.
The results of this system seem to be outstanding; most of the former colonists have done well, and because of this, republics based on similar ideas are being established in different parts of the United States. This Republic only accepts children over twelve, who stay in the colony for about three years.
Support Services for Unhoused Adults
Besides institutions for the careful training of the young, methods for preventing crime also include all attempts to help young or adult persons at any crisis in their lives when they are friendless and out of work, for it is precisely then that they are most exposed to temptation.
Besides places for the proper training of young people, ways to prevent crime also include any efforts to assist young or adult individuals during tough times in their lives when they feel lonely and unemployed, as that's when they are most vulnerable to temptation.
People's hotels, shelters for emigrants or strangers, reading-rooms, inexpensive but wholesome entertainments, evening classes for instruction in manual work, labour bureaus, organisations for assisting emigrants, etc., are the most efficacious institutions of this kind. And in this connection, I must refer to the work done by the Salvation Army, which from what I was able to observe in America, seems to me the best organised of all existing benevolent associations, since by means of a thousand arms it reaches every form of poverty and misery and seeks to make all its institutions self-supporting. It fights drunkenness by lectures,[Pg 168] recreation rooms, and temperance hotels; it fights poverty by investigating each individual case of destitution, visiting poor families, dispensing sympathy and help, providing shelter for the night at a minimum price and industrial homes for those who are out of work. Sometimes the rooms are turned into recreation halls for drunkards or industrial schools for the girls of poor mothers who are obliged to go out to work, or temporary hospitals for some urgent case which, owing to bureaucratic formalities, the hospitals are unable to attend to immediately, or rooms with moving pictures for friendly gatherings on holidays, thus grafting one benevolent work on to another so as to obtain the best results at the smallest cost.
People's hotels, shelters for immigrants or strangers, reading rooms, affordable but good entertainment, evening classes for manual skills, job placement services, and organizations that help immigrants, are the most effective institutions of this kind. In this context, I must mention the work done by the Salvation Army, which, from what I've seen in America, seems to be the best organized of all existing charitable organizations. It reaches every form of poverty and suffering through a multitude of efforts and aims to make all its programs self-sufficient. It tackles issues like alcoholism with lectures, recreation rooms, and sober hotels; addresses poverty by investigating each case of hardship, visiting low-income families, providing support and assistance, offering low-cost overnight shelter, and creating job programs for those without work. Sometimes, these rooms are converted into recreation spaces for individuals struggling with alcohol, or vocational schools for the daughters of working-class mothers, or temporary hospitals for urgent cases that, due to bureaucratic red tape, hospitals can't address right away, or spaces with movies for friendly gatherings on holidays, effectively combining various charitable efforts to achieve the best outcomes at the lowest cost.
That interesting book Where the Shadows Lengthen gives an account of the different institutions founded by the Salvation Army in the United States. There are sixty-five Industrial Homes, where unemployed of all classes can apply for work. In these Homes refuse and worn-out articles collected from individual homes of their respective towns are disinfected and transformed into useful articles, which are sold at low prices to the neighbouring poor, thus benefiting purchasers, work-people, and society in general. During one year these Homes gave employment to 8696 men, distributed 1,318,044[Pg 169] meals (work-people who are temporarily employed in these Homes have a right only to board and lodging), and gave a night's shelter to 463,550 persons.
That interesting book Where the Shadows Lengthen tells the story of the various institutions established by the Salvation Army in the United States. There are sixty-five Industrial Homes where unemployed people from all backgrounds can seek work. In these Homes, discarded and damaged items collected from local households are cleaned and turned into useful products, which are sold at low prices to the nearby poor, benefiting the buyers, workers, and society as a whole. Over one year, these Homes provided jobs for 8,696 men, distributed 1,318,044[Pg 169] meals (workers temporarily employed in these Homes are entitled only to meals and accommodation), and offered shelter for the night to 463,550 individuals.
In addition, the Army has seventy-seven Hotels where the working-classes find a night's lodging at a low price (just sufficient to cover the maintenance of the Shelter), and 7990 Accommodations which in one year supplied a night's rest to 2,114,037 persons. It has, besides, three colonies with 420 inhabitants, two boarding-houses for servants and shop-girls out of employment, where for a few pence they may have a bed, cook their own meals, wash and mend their clothes, and are assisted to find work.
Additionally, the Army operates seventy-seven hotels where working-class individuals can get a night's stay at an affordable rate (just enough to cover the upkeep of the shelter), along with 7,990 accommodations that provided overnight stays for 2,114,037 people in one year. Furthermore, it has three colonies that house 420 residents, and two boarding houses for unemployed servants and shop girls, where they can get a bed for just a few pennies, cook their own meals, wash and repair their clothes, and receive help in finding work.
The Salvation Army has also 22 Rescue Homes, where young girls condemned by the Juvenile Court and generally more neglected than vicious, are reformed with a little care and affection, and 3599 Accommodations to which during one year 1701 girls were admitted.
The Salvation Army also has 22 Rescue Homes, where young girls who have been judged by the Juvenile Court and are usually more overlooked than bad, are reformed with some care and compassion, and 3,599 Accommodations, to which 1,701 girls were admitted in one year.
To ensure careful supervision of all the poor quarters, the Salvation Army has divided them into twenty slums, in each of which they have established their Headquarters and send out their soldiers to investigate and assist cases of poverty and misery of every kind. Each slum Headquarters is provided with halls for meetings, rooms for the officials, a[Pg 170] Kindergarten, and Dormitories which also serve as shelters or hospitals for urgent cases. In one year 26,290 families were visited by the Army and 38,290 received assistance. Employment, temporary and permanent, was found for 66,621 persons.
To ensure careful oversight of all the impoverished areas, the Salvation Army has divided them into twenty slums, where they have set up their Headquarters and dispatch their volunteers to investigate and help with various cases of poverty and hardship. Each slum Headquarters is equipped with meeting halls, offices for the staff, a[Pg 170] Kindergarten, and dormitories that also act as shelters or hospitals for urgent situations. In one year, the Army visited 26,290 families and provided assistance to 38,290. They found temporary and permanent employment for 66,621 people.
All poor of whatever condition, nationality, or religion, whether honest or criminal, on applying to the nearest of these Headquarters may be sure of finding sympathy and help.
All people in need, regardless of their background, nationality, or beliefs, whether they are honest or have a criminal record, can expect to find compassion and assistance when they reach out to the nearest Headquarters.
Five Homes have been founded by the Army for waifs and children whose mothers are obliged to go out to work, and 225 Accommodations where children may find a temporary or permanent home.
Five homes have been established by the Army for orphaned kids and children whose mothers have to work, along with 225 accommodations where children can find a temporary or permanent place to live.
A special squad of soldiers has recently undertaken work amongst prisoners with great success. In two months they visited 43 prisons, wrote 1732 letters to prisoners, and distributed 10,000 pamphlets. 19,882 prisoners attended meetings held in the prisons, 194 articles of clothing were distributed, 128 persons provided with work on their release and 300 with sleeping accommodation.
A specialized team of soldiers has recently begun working with prisoners and has achieved significant success. In just two months, they visited 43 prisons, wrote 1,732 letters to inmates, and distributed 10,000 pamphlets. A total of 19,882 prisoners attended meetings held in the prisons, 194 articles of clothing were handed out, 128 individuals found work upon their release, and 300 were provided with sleeping arrangements.
In South America the Army has founded similar institutions, which embrace others, such as hospitals, etc., suited to the needs of each place.
In South America, the Army has established similar institutions, including hospitals and others, tailored to the needs of each location.
Other benevolent organisations which seem to me admirable, are the Sisterhoods founded twenty years ago by the Rabbi Gottheil. These Sisterhoods, as[Pg 171] may be assumed from the name, are entirely directed by women. They consist of premises, sometimes annexed to the synagogue; at others, situated independently, which form a species of Headquarters for the philanthropical work done in the surrounding districts. The Sisterhood is open day and night to all the poor who are in need of help of any kind. There is a resident Directress, under whose orders a number of ladies take turns in helping applicants. The Sisterhoods were founded on the principle that human beings are capable of doing the maximum amount of good to others when they follow their own particular tendencies and try to utilise their individual talents in satisfying the intellectual, moral, or recreative needs of the poor. Some of the ladies devote themselves to simple legal questions, tracing an absent husband or wife, registering births, taking unruly children to the Juvenile Courts, or looking after them, etc. Others take charge of medical matters, arrange for the admission of children or adults to the hospitals, etc.; others organise entertainments, teach singing, drawing, needlework, and cooking classes. The premises are used in turn by working-girls learning sewing, or others rehearsing some play or opera chorus. Almost all the Sisterhoods possess a permanent Kindergarten for the children of women who are obliged to work outside their homes,[Pg 172] and an employment bureau. All the ladies, except the Directress, give their services gratis. For all help given by the Sisterhood, except in the case of the very poor, a small fee is demanded, and this enables the Sisterhood to pay its way without depending much on donations and subscriptions from private persons, and to spread and increase its work without difficulty.
Other charitable organizations that I find commendable are the Sisterhoods established twenty years ago by Rabbi Gottheil. These Sisterhoods, as[Pg 171] the name suggests, are completely run by women. They operate from locations that are sometimes connected to the synagogue and other times are standalone, serving as Headquarters for the philanthropic work carried out in the local areas. The Sisterhood is available 24/7 to assist anyone in need. There is a resident Director, who oversees a rotation of ladies assisting applicants. The Sisterhoods were created on the belief that individuals can provide the greatest benefit to others when they follow their unique inclinations and utilize their individual talents to meet the intellectual, moral, or recreational needs of those in poverty. Some of the women focus on simple legal issues, tracking down absent spouses, registering births, taking troublesome kids to Juvenile Courts, or caring for them, among other tasks. Others manage medical concerns, arrange for the admission of children or adults to hospitals, etc.; still, others plan events, teach singing, drawing, sewing, and cooking classes. The facilities are also used by working girls learning to sew, or by others rehearsing for plays or opera choruses. Almost all Sisterhoods have a permanent Kindergarten for the children of mothers who must work outside the home,[Pg 172] along with an employment bureau. All the ladies, except the Director, volunteer their time. For assistance provided by the Sisterhood, except for the very needy, a small fee is charged, allowing the Sisterhood to sustain itself without heavily relying on donations and contributions from individuals, and to expand and enhance its services easily.
"The Educational Alliance" of New York, founded to give assistance to Jewish emigrants arriving at that city from all parts of the world, is another institution deserving of mention. This "Alliance" has a large building in the Jewish quarter near the docks, where emigrants can obtain instruction in gymnastics, cookery, domestic economy, English, needlework, etc. There are also recreation rooms, baths, a library, and rooms where school children can prepare their lessons. Men and women are assisted in obtaining employment and receive medical and legal aid. There is also a species of tribunal for settling petty disputes in cases where the parties interested object to applying to the ordinary courts. It was crowded when I saw it, and I was not surprised to learn that it is of great service to the emigrants. For public holidays, the Alliance organises concerts, excursions, and lectures, and during the summer vacations it opens a number of boarding-houses in the country.
"The Educational Alliance" of New York, established to help Jewish immigrants arriving from all over the world, is another noteworthy institution. This "Alliance" has a large building in the Jewish neighborhood near the docks, where immigrants can receive training in gymnastics, cooking, home economics, English, sewing, and more. There are also recreation rooms, baths, a library, and spaces for school children to study. Both men and women are helped in finding jobs and get access to medical and legal support. There's even a type of tribunal for resolving minor disputes when those involved prefer not to go to regular courts. It was packed when I visited, and I wasn't surprised to find out that it provides significant assistance to the immigrants. For public holidays, the Alliance organizes concerts, outings, and lectures, and during the summer break, it opens several boarding houses in the countryside.
[Pg 173]All these benevolent institutions, schools, rescue homes, orphanages, and shelters, organised with so much care for the prevention of crime and adopted in America by all communities of whatever religion, regardless of cost, have given excellent results. Bosco and Rice (Les Homicides aux Etats-Unis) and my father (Crimes, Ancient and Modern) have demonstrated statistically that in States like Massachusetts, where there is no great influx of immigration nor a large coloured population, the diminution in the number of crimes has been very rapid, the percentage of homicides being about equal to those of England, that is, lower than the majority of European States.
[Pg 173]All these charitable organizations, schools, shelters, orphanages, and homes, set up with great care to prevent crime and embraced by communities across America, regardless of their beliefs and the costs involved, have produced excellent results. Bosco and Rice (Les Homicides aux Etats-Unis) and my father (Crimes, Ancient and Modern) have shown through statistics that in states like Massachusetts, where there isn't a significant influx of immigrants or a large people of color population, the decrease in crime rates has been quite rapid, with homicide rates being roughly equal to those in England, which is lower than in most European countries.
It must be confessed in honour to the people of the United States, that they are very ready to admit their own short-comings and constantly regret the large proportion of crimes in their country. But when they reflect that the constant stream of immigration contains many lawless elements, that the different laws in force in the different States make evasions of justice in many cases easy, that the construction of houses with the fire-escape communicating directly with the public thoroughfare provides an easy means of ingress and egress, and that an enormous proportion of the dense population of their cities is composed of people from all parts of the world,[Pg 174] accustomed to varying moral codes, they may realise with pride that the percentage of crime in the United States is certainly lower than it would be in any Continental State under similar conditions.
It must be acknowledged for the people of the United States that they are quick to recognize their own shortcomings and often express regret over the high rate of crime in their country. However, when they consider that the ongoing wave of immigration includes many individuals who disregard the law, that the different laws across states make it easy to evade justice in many situations, that the design of buildings with fire escapes leading directly to public spaces provides a simple way to enter and exit, and that a significant portion of the densely populated areas in their cities is made up of people from around the globe,[Pg 174] each with different moral standards, they might take pride in the fact that the crime rate in the United States is definitely lower than it would be in any European country under similar circumstances.
CHAPTER III
METHODS FOR THE CURE AND REPRESSION OF CRIME
Preventive methods, the careful training of children, and assistance rendered to adults in critical moments of their lives, may diminish crime, but cannot suppress it entirely. Such methods should be supplemented by institutions which undertake to cure criminals, while protecting society from their attacks, and by others for the segregation of incurable offenders, who should be rendered as useful as possible in order to minimise in every way the injury they inflict on the community.
Preventive methods, careful training of children, and support given to adults during critical times in their lives can reduce crime, but won’t eliminate it completely. These methods should be backed by institutions that aim to rehabilitate criminals while also keeping society safe from their actions, as well as facilities for isolating those who are beyond rehabilitation, ensuring they can contribute in any way possible to limit the harm they cause to the community.
Although unjustly accused of desiring to revolutionise penal jurisprudence, criminal anthropologists realised from the very beginning that laws cannot be changed before there is a corresponding change in public opinion, and that even equitable modifications in the laws, if too sudden, are always fraught with dangerous consequences. Therefore, instead of a[Pg 176] radical change in the penal code, their aim was to effect a few slight alterations in the graduation of penalties, in accordance with age, sex, and the degree of depravity manifested by culprits in their offences. They also counselled certain modifications in the application of the laws, the reformation according to modern ideas, of prisons, asylums, penal colonies, and all institutions for the punishment and redemption of offenders, and an extensive application of those penalties devised in past ages as substitutes for imprisonment, which have the advantage of corrupting the culprit less, and costing the community very little.
Although wrongly accused of wanting to revolutionize criminal law, criminal anthropologists recognized from the start that laws can't be changed without a shift in public opinion. They understood that even fair changes to the laws, if made too quickly, can have serious consequences. So, rather than pushing for a[Pg 176] complete overhaul of the penal code, they aimed for some minor adjustments in the severity of penalties based on age, gender, and the level of depravity shown by offenders in their crimes. They also suggested certain changes in how the laws are enforced, reforming prisons, mental health facilities, penal colonies, and other institutions for punishing and rehabilitating offenders according to modern ideas, and making broader use of those penalties from earlier times that serve as alternatives to imprisonment, which are less corrupting for the offender and cost the community very little.
Juvenile Offenders. Young people, and, above all, children, should be dealt with separately by special legislative methods.
Juvenile Offenders. Young people, especially children, should be handled separately with specific laws designed for them.
With the exception of England, where quite recently a children's court has been opened at Westminster, special tribunals for the young are unknown in Europe. However, in modern times, the penal codes of nearly every European State make marked allowance for the age of offenders, and where there is no differentiation in the laws, the magistrate uses his own discretion and refuses in many cases to convict juvenile offenders, even when they are guilty of serious offences.
With the exception of England, where a children's court has recently opened in Westminster, specialized courts for young people don't exist across Europe. However, in modern times, the criminal codes of nearly every European country take the age of offenders into account. When the laws don't specify a distinction, judges often use their discretion and frequently choose not to convict young offenders, even when they are guilty of serious crimes.
[Pg 177]These instinctive methods of dealing with the young have many drawbacks:
[Pg 177]These instinctive ways of handling young people have a lot of downsides:
1. Without special courts, children guilty of simple acts of insubordination or petty offences (thefts of fruit or riding in trams and trains without paying the fare) which cannot be separated by a hard and fast line from ordinary childish pranks, come into contact with criminal types in court or in prison, and this is greatly detrimental to them morally. If naturally inclined to dishonesty, they run the risk of developing into occasional criminals and of losing all sense of shame: or if really honest, contact with bad characters cannot fail to shock and perturb them, even though their stay in prison be only a short one.
1. Without special courts, children who commit minor acts of disobedience or small offenses (like stealing fruit or riding trams and trains without paying) end up interacting with criminal elements in court or in jail. This interaction is very harmful to them morally. If they already have a tendency toward dishonesty, they risk becoming criminals and losing all sense of shame; or if they are genuinely honest, being around bad influences will undoubtedly shock and disturb them, even if their time in jail is brief.
2. The magistrate has no legal powers to supervise juvenile offenders, nor when their actions show grave depravity, to segregate and cure them to prevent their developing into criminals. It has already been shown that born criminals begin their career at a very early age. In one case cited in a previous chapter, a morally insane child of twelve killed one of his companions for a trifling motive—a dispute about an egg; in another, a child of ten caused the arrest of his father by a false accusation; he had previously attempted to strangle a little brother. Children of this type, notwithstanding their tender age, are a social danger, and the moral disease from which they[Pg 178] suffer should be taken in hand at once. In any case they should be carefully segregated until a cure appears to be effected.
2. The magistrate has no legal authority to supervise juvenile offenders, nor can he separate and rehabilitate them when their behavior indicates serious moral issues, to stop them from becoming criminals. It has already been demonstrated that born criminals start their activities at a very young age. In one case mentioned in a previous chapter, a morally insane twelve-year-old killed one of his peers over a trivial matter—a disagreement about an egg; in another instance, a ten-year-old got his father arrested by making a false accusation; he had previously tried to strangle his little brother. Children like this, despite their young age, pose a social threat, and the moral issues they suffer from should be addressed immediately. In any case, they should be kept separate until a solution shows promise.
Minors require a special code, which takes into consideration the fact that certain offences are incidental to childhood and that children who have committed these offences may still develop into honest men. It should also contain provisions for dealing with born criminals, epileptics, and the morally insane at an early age, by segregation in special reformatories where they cannot corrupt juvenile offenders of a non-criminal type, and where a thorough-going attempt to cure them may be made.
Minors need a specific code that recognizes that some offenses are part of growing up and that kids who commit these offenses can still grow into honest individuals. It should also include measures for addressing born criminals, those with epilepsy, and those who are morally insane from a young age by placing them in separate reform schools where they won’t influence non-criminal young offenders, and where serious efforts can be made to rehabilitate them.
An excellent reform of this character has been effected in many of the United States of America with the adoption of the probation system and juvenile courts which protect children from the corruption of prison life and contact with habitual offenders. The juvenile court, this tribunal exclusively instituted for minors, has been brought to great perfection in many of the United States. In some, special buildings have been erected for the hearing of cases against children, by which means all contact with adult criminals is avoided: in others, where this is not practicable, a part of the ordinary court is set aside for them with a separate entrance.
An excellent reform of this kind has been implemented in many states across America with the adoption of the probation system and juvenile courts, which protect children from the corruption of prison life and interactions with habitual offenders. The juvenile court, a tribunal specifically established for minors, has been greatly refined in many states. In some, special buildings have been constructed for hearing cases involving children, ensuring that they have no contact with adult criminals; in others, where this isn't feasible, a section of the regular court is designated for them with a separate entrance.
Nor are juvenile offenders judged according to[Pg 179] the common law; their offences are tried by special magistrates, who deal with them in a paternal, rather than in a strictly judicial spirit, and the penalties are slight, varied, and suited to children. The magistrates are assisted by officers, who obtain information from teachers, parents, and neighbours as to the character, conduct, faults, and good qualities of the culprit, and with these indications the magistrate is able to essay the correction, not of the particular offence which has brought the child within his jurisdiction, but his general organic defects. The punishments do not include imprisonment, and are drawn from practical experience and common-sense, not from any article of the penal code.
Nor are juvenile offenders judged according to[Pg 179] common law; their offenses are handled by special magistrates, who approach them in a caring, rather than strictly judicial way, and the penalties are mild, varied, and appropriate for children. The magistrates are supported by officers who gather information from teachers, parents, and neighbors about the character, behavior, faults, and strengths of the offender. With this information, the magistrate can aim to correct not just the specific offense that brought the child into their jurisdiction, but also their overall behavioral issues. The punishments do not involve imprisonment and are based on practical experience and common sense, rather than any provisions of the penal code.
I was present at the hearing of a case against a lad, who was accused of having travelled on a subway without paying. He was sentenced to copy out the by-laws twenty times, to learn them by heart and repeat them a month later at the same court. In the case of more serious offences, children may be sent to some public or private reformatory, according to the circumstances of the parents. However, none of these punishments are infamous, and parents themselves, when unable to control their children, have recourse to the juvenile court.
I attended a hearing for a young guy who was accused of riding the subway without paying. He was sentenced to rewrite the rules twenty times, memorize them, and recite them a month later in the same court. For more serious offenses, kids can be sent to a public or private reformatory, depending on their parents' situation. However, none of these punishments are considered disgraceful, and when parents can't manage their children, they often turn to the juvenile court for help.
It is supplemented in a very efficacious manner by the probation system, the organisation of a[Pg 180] number of men and women who undertake the supervision of children when the court decides that they require it. These protectors use every means at their disposal to prevent their charges falling into bad ways and assist them in every possible way to correct their defects.
It is effectively supported by the probation system, which includes a[Pg 180] group of men and women who oversee children when the court determines that they need supervision. These guardians use every resource available to keep the kids from going down the wrong path and help them in every way they can to improve their issues.
This system has proved to be so efficacious, and at the same time so devoid of any drawbacks, that its unconditional adoption by all the States of Europe and America would be of great social advantage.
This system has proven to be so effective and, at the same time, so free of any drawbacks, that its unconditional adoption by all the states in Europe and America would bring significant social benefits.
Women's Correctional Facilities
The weighty reasons which call for separate courts and reformatories for juvenile offenders are equally valid in the case of female law-breakers, for whom special tribunals and legislation should be provided.
The strong reasons for having separate courts and reformatories for juvenile offenders apply equally to female law-breakers, for whom special courts and laws should be established.
The percentage of criminality among women is considerably lower than that of men, and in nearly all cases offenders belong to the category of criminaloids.
The percentage of crime among women is much lower than that of men, and in almost all cases, offenders fall into the category of criminaloids.
My father's work The Female Offender demonstrates that prostitution is the true equivalent of criminality. When we except this class of unfortunates, there remain only hysterical and occasional offenders, guilty generally of petty larceny (particularly of a domestic nature) or of harbouring criminals[Pg 181] and acting as more or less passive accomplices; and criminals from passion, who commit infanticide or kill faithless husbands and lovers. In all these cases, imprisonment should not be resorted to; in fact, the greater number might be dealt with by a magisterial reprimand or the granting of conditional liberty. In view also, of the important part played by dress, ornaments, etc., in the feminine world, penalties inflicted on vanity—the cutting off of the hair, the obligation to wear a certain costume, etc., might with advantage be substituted for imprisonment.
My father's work The Female Offender shows that prostitution is really the equivalent of criminal behavior. When we exclude this group of unfortunates, what’s left are mostly hysterical and occasional offenders, typically guilty of minor theft (especially of a domestic nature) or of sheltering criminals[Pg 181] and acting as somewhat passive accomplices; and those driven by passion, who commit infanticide or kill unfaithful spouses and lovers. In all these instances, imprisonment shouldn’t be the solution; actually, most cases could be handled with a formal warning or by allowing conditional freedom. Considering the significant role of clothing, jewelry, etc., in women's lives, penalties for vanity—like cutting off hair or requiring a specific outfit—could be more beneficial than imprisonment.
The milder nature of feminine criminality, the usefulness of women in the home, and the serious injury inflicted on the family and society in general by the segregation of the wife and mother (if only for a short period), are reasons for advocating the institution of special tribunals for dealing with the offences of women and special legislation which would take into consideration their position in the family and the fact that they are rarely a violent social danger.
The more gentle nature of women's crimes, the important role of women in the home, and the significant harm caused to the family and society as a whole by separating a wife and mother (even for a short time) are reasons to support the creation of special courts to handle women's offenses and specific laws that consider their role in the family and the fact that they are seldom a violent threat to society.
At present, in Europe at least, no such differential treatment exists. The reduction of penalties is left entirely to the discretion and humanity of judges, who in many cases, it is true, are instinctively disposed to be more indulgent towards women and to take[Pg 182] these conditions into account. But it would be a far more satisfactory state of things if legislation paid due regard to such circumstances, just as in Italy in enrolling recruits for compulsory military service, allowance is made for social and family relations, the only sons of widowed mothers, men of delicate constitution, etc., being exempted.
Currently, in Europe at least, there isn’t any such differential treatment. The reduction of penalties is completely left up to the judgment and compassion of judges, who often tend to be more lenient towards women and consider[Pg 182] these circumstances. However, it would be much better if the law acknowledged these situations, just like in Italy where, in recruiting for mandatory military service, exceptions are made for social and family situations, such as the only sons of widowed mothers or men with fragile health being exempted.
In spite of the low percentage and, generally speaking, trifling importance of the crimes committed by women, there are a small number of female delinquents, some of whom show an extraordinary degree of depravity, as though all the perversity lacking in the others were concentrated in these few. They are true born criminals, epileptics, and morally insane subjects.
In spite of the low percentage and, generally speaking, minor importance of crimes committed by women, there are a small number of female offenders, some of whom display an extraordinary level of depravity, as if all the wickedness missing in others is concentrated in these few. They are true-born criminals, epileptics, and morally insane individuals.
These serious anti-social elements, murderers, poisoners, and swindlers, might be secluded in a small reformatory with compulsory labour and silence as additional penalties. Separate cells, however, are not necessary. All reformatories for women should be provided with a nursery where children born in prison could be nursed by their mothers, thereby diminishing the social injury which must result from the imprisonment of any mother, and fostering the growth of the sublime and sacred maternal sentiment, which is unfortunately so often lacking in criminals.
These serious anti-social individuals, murderers, poisoners, and con artists, could be confined in a small reform facility with mandatory work and silence as extra punishments. However, separate cells aren't required. All women's reformatories should include a nursery where children born in prison can be cared for by their mothers, thus reducing the societal harm caused by a mother's imprisonment and promoting the essential and noble maternal bond that is sadly often absent in criminals.
[Pg 183]The Reformatory Prison for Women at South Framingham, near Boston, under the management of Mrs. Morton, is an excellent example of an institution conducted on the lines laid down by criminologists. The Reformatory is situated at about an hour's journey by rail from Boston, in the midst of fields which are cultivated by a part of the convict population. No high walls surround the building and separate it from the outer world, nor is it watched by guards. A broad avenue leads to the entrance, where, in answer to my ring, I was welcomed by neat white-clad attendants and shown into a charming room looking out upon a lovely garden. I passed through corridors, unmolested by the sound of keys grating in locks, from this room to the dining-rooms, dormitories, recreation and work rooms.
[Pg 183]The Reformatory Prison for Women in South Framingham, near Boston, managed by Mrs. Morton, is a great example of an institution run according to criminological principles. The Reformatory is located about an hour away from Boston by train, surrounded by fields that are tended by some of the inmates. There are no high walls enclosing the building or keeping it separate from the outside world, nor is it guarded. A wide pathway leads to the entrance, where, after ringing the bell, I was greeted by neatly dressed attendants and shown into a lovely room with a view of a beautiful garden. I walked through hallways, free from the clanking of keys in locks, from this room to the dining halls, dormitories, recreation areas, and working spaces.
As soon as prisoners enter the Reformatory, they are carefully examined by an intelligent and pleasant woman physician, who is in charge of the infirmary where the anthropological examination takes place. When the prisoner has been declared able-bodied, she is placed in one of the work-rooms to learn and follow the trade indicated by the medical officer as the best adapted to her constitution and aptitude. At night, she is conducted to a second-class cell situated in a large, well-lighted corridor. The cell is furnished with a table, bed, chair, pegs to hang[Pg 184] clothes on, a calendar, a picture, and a book or two.
As soon as prisoners arrive at the Reformatory, they are thoroughly examined by a knowledgeable and friendly female doctor, who oversees the infirmary where the physical exams are conducted. Once the prisoner is confirmed to be fit for work, she is assigned to one of the workrooms to learn and practice the trade recommended by the medical officer as the best fit for her health and skills. At night, she is taken to a second-class cell located in a spacious, well-lit corridor. The cell is equipped with a table, bed, chair, hooks to hang[Pg 184] clothes, a calendar, a picture, and a couple of books.
Work is compulsory and done by the piece, and when each prisoner has finished her allotted task, she is at liberty to work for herself or to read books supplied from the library. If unskilled, she receives instruction in some manual work, and the payment for her labour is put aside and handed over to her on her release, with the small outfit she has prepared and sewed during detention.
Work is mandatory and paid by the piece, and once each prisoner completes her assigned task, she is free to work on her own projects or read books provided by the library. If she lacks skills, she will receive training in some type of manual work, and her wages will be set aside and given to her upon release, along with the small outfit she has made and sewn during her time in detention.
Women with children under a year, or those who give birth to a child in the Reformatory, are allowed to have their little ones with them during the night and part of the day. When they go to work every morning, the babies are left in the nursery, which adjoins the infirmary, and is under the direct supervision of the doctor. The nursery, a large, well-lighted room, spotlessly clean and bright with flowers, is a veritable paradise for the little ones.
Women with children under a year old, or those who give birth in the Reformatory, can keep their little ones with them at night and part of the day. When they leave for work each morning, the babies are taken to the nursery, which is next to the infirmary and directly overseen by the doctor. The nursery is a spacious, bright room that is impeccably clean and decorated with flowers, making it a true paradise for the little ones.
At noon, the prisoner is permitted to fetch her baby, feed, and keep it near her during dinner-hour. At two o'clock she resumes work until five, when she again takes charge of her baby till next morning. A cradle is placed in her cell for the infant, and she is provided with a small bath.
At noon, the prisoner can get her baby, feed it, and keep it nearby during lunch. At two o'clock, she goes back to work until five, when she takes care of her baby again until the next morning. A cradle is set up in her cell for the infant, and she has a small bath available.
A series of trifling rewards encourage moral improvement. Those who show good conduct during the first two months are transferred to the first class[Pg 185] with its accompanying privileges, a better and more spacious cell, a smart collar, the right to correspond with friends and to receive visitors more frequently, to have an hour's recreation in company with other good-conduct prisoners and to receive relatives in a pretty sitting-room instead of in the common visitors' room.
A series of small rewards promote moral growth. Those who demonstrate good behavior during the first two months are moved to the first class[Pg 185], which comes with perks like a nicer and larger cell, a stylish collar, the ability to write to friends and have visitors more often, enjoy an hour of recreation with other well-behaved inmates, and meet relatives in a nice sitting room instead of the regular visitors' area.
The final reward for uninterrupted improvement and untiring industry on the part of the prisoner is her ultimate release, which since the sentence is unlimited, may take place as soon as the Directress considers her competent to earn an honest living. But released prisoners are not left to their own devices with the risk of speedily succumbing to temptation. A commission of ladies interested in the Reformatory (one of whom, Mrs. Russell, was my guide on the occasion of my visit there) are consulted before the release of each prisoner and undertake to furnish her with suitable employment, and to guide and watch over her during the first few months so that she may be sure of advice and assistance in any difficulties.
The final reward for consistent progress and hard work by the prisoner is her eventual release, which, since the sentence is open-ended, can happen as soon as the Directress believes she is capable of earning a decent living. However, released prisoners are not just left to fend for themselves with the chance of quickly falling back into temptation. A group of women who care about the Reformatory (one of whom, Mrs. Russell, was my guide during my visit) are consulted before each prisoner's release and take on the responsibility of helping her find appropriate work and providing guidance and support during the first few months to ensure she has advice and assistance for any challenges she might face.
Juvenile Detention Centers
Punishments should vary according to the type of criminal, distinction being made between criminals of passion, criminaloids, and born criminals.
Punishments should differ based on the type of criminal, making a distinction between those who commit crimes out of passion, habitual offenders, and those who are inherently criminal.
[Pg 186]Criminals of Passion. The true criminal of passion suffers more from remorse than from any penalty the law can inflict. Additional punishments should be: exile of the offender from his native town or from that in which the person offended resides; indemnity for the injury caused, in money, or in compulsory labour if the offender is not possessed of sufficient means. Recourse should never be had to imprisonment, which has an injurious effect even upon the better types of law-breakers; and criminals from passion do not constitute a menace to society. On the contrary, they are not infrequently superior to average humanity and are only prompted to crime by an exaggerated altruism which with care might be turned into good channels.
[Pg 186]Criminals of Passion. The true criminal of passion feels more remorse than any punishment the law can impose. Additional punishments should include: banishment of the offender from their hometown or from the place where the victim lives; compensation for the harm caused, either in money or through community service if the offender lacks the financial means. Imprisonment should never be used, as it has a negative impact even on the more respectable types of lawbreakers; and passion-driven criminals don't pose a threat to society. In fact, they often exceed the average person in character and are driven to crime by an exaggerated sense of altruism that, with guidance, could be directed toward positive actions.
This applies equally to political offenders, for whom exile is the oldest, most dreaded, and most efficacious punishment, and the disuse into which it has fallen does not appear to be justified, since it admits of graduation, is temporary, and an adequate check on any attempt at insurrection.
This applies equally to political offenders, for whom exile is the oldest, most feared, and most effective punishment. The decline in its use doesn't seem justified, since it can be adjusted, is temporary, and serves as a sufficient deterrent against any attempts at rebellion.
Criminaloids. Repeated short terms of detention in prison should be avoided and other penalties substituted for petty offences against police regulations, cheating the Customs, etc., when committed by criminaloids who are not recidivists and have no accomplices. A short term of imprisonment, which[Pg 187] brings this type of offender into contact with habitual criminals, not only does not serve as a deterrent, but generally has an injurious effect, because it tends to lessen respect for the law, and, in the case of recidivists, to rob punishment of all its terrors; and because criminaloids, when once branded with the infamy of prison and corrupted by association with worse types, are liable to commit more serious crimes.
Criminaloids. Short stints in jail should be avoided, and other penalties should be used for minor offenses like breaking police regulations or customs fraud, especially when committed by criminaloids who aren’t repeat offenders and don’t have accomplices. A brief imprisonment, which[Pg 187] exposes these offenders to habitual criminals, not only fails to deter but usually has a harmful impact. It tends to reduce respect for the law, and for repeat offenders, it strips punishment of its seriousness; also, criminaloids, once marked by the shame of prison and influenced by worse individuals, are likely to commit more serious crimes.
For all minor offences, fines are more efficacious than imprisonment and, in the case of the poor, should be replaced by compulsory labour at the discretion of the magistrate. Binding over under a guarantee to make good the injury done, corporal punishment, confinement to the house, judicial reprimands and cautions are applicable to offenders of this type, as is also the system of remitting first offences used in France with great success by Magnaud. Under this system, the offender is sentenced to an adequate penalty, which, however, is only inflicted in the case of recidivation.
For all minor offenses, fines are more effective than imprisonment, and for those who are poor, they should be replaced by mandatory community service at the magistrate's discretion. Alternatives like making the offender pay for the damage done, physical punishment, house arrest, and judicial warnings are options for this type of offender, as well as the method of dismissing first offenses that’s been very successful in France by Magnaud. Under this method, the offender receives a suitable penalty, which is only enforced if they reoffend.
An efficacious, and at the same time, more serious method of dealing with criminaloids, is by means of the probation system and indeterminate sentence. The offender is sentenced to the maximum penalty applicable to his particular offence, but it may be diminished after a certain time if he shows signs of improvement. During this interval he is on probation,[Pg 188] that is, under supervision, much in the same way as juvenile offenders.
An effective, yet more serious way to handle criminals is through the probation system and indeterminate sentences. The offender receives the maximum penalty for their specific crime, but this can be reduced after a certain period if they show signs of improvement. During this time, they are on probation,[Pg 188] which means they are under supervision, similar to juvenile offenders.
The probation system is extensively and successfully adopted in America, either singly or in conjunction with other penalties, as shown above.
The probation system is widely and effectively used in America, either on its own or alongside other penalties, as mentioned earlier.
The Probation System
This is an ideal manner of dealing with offenders of a less serious type, minors and criminaloids, who have fallen into bad ways, since, instead of punishing them, it seeks to encourage in them habits of integrity and to check the growth of vices by means of a benevolent but strict supervision. The offender is placed under the guidance of a respectable person, who tries in every way to smooth the path of reform by providing his charge with employment if he has none, or putting him in the way of learning some trade if he is unskilled, by isolating him from bad company, by rewarding any improvement, and reporting progress to the central office, which has to decide whether the period of probation is sufficient, or, in cases where it has not been efficacious, to have recourse to sterner measures.
This is an ideal way to handle less serious offenders, including minors and minor criminals, who have strayed from the right path. Instead of punishing them, it aims to promote habits of integrity and curb the development of vices through kind but firm supervision. The offender is assigned to a respectable mentor, who does their best to support their reform by helping them find work if they're unemployed, guiding them in learning a trade if they lack skills, keeping them away from bad influences, rewarding any improvements, and reporting their progress to the central office. The office then decides if the probation period is enough, or if, in cases where this approach hasn't worked, stronger measures are necessary.
The only drawback to this system is the difficulty of applying it, because it is not always possible to find in every town a number of persons of high moral standing, who are able and willing to exercise vigilance[Pg 189] over offenders. However, to the honour of the United States it must be said that in many States this supervision is organised in a truly admirable manner. At Boston I visited the Probation Office organised and managed by Miss Mary Dewson, which undertakes the supervision of girls and is a model worthy of imitation from the general arrangement down to the smallest details.
The only drawback of this system is the difficulty in implementing it, as it’s not always easy to find a number of people with high moral standards in every town who are willing and able to keep an eye on offenders[Pg 189]. However, it’s worth noting that in many states, the supervision in the United States is organized in an impressively effective way. When I was in Boston, I visited the Probation Office run by Miss Mary Dewson, which oversees girls and serves as an excellent model, from the overall setup to the smallest details.
The relations between the officers and their charges are in most cases very cordial. The little girls write most affectionate letters, in which they narrate their joys and sorrows, express penitence for their shortcomings and ask advice and help as of guardian spirits. The officers in their turn show themselves to be affectionate protectors and are scrupulous in the fulfilment of their duties towards the central office. Upwards of one hundred lockers were opened at my request, and I was able to examine the documents relating to each of the children with their antecedents, improvement, or the reverse, methodically entered up to a few days previous to my visit.
The relationships between the officers and the girls are generally very friendly. The little girls write the most loving letters, sharing their joys and sorrows, expressing regret for their mistakes, and asking for advice and help like they would from guardian angels. The officers, in return, act as caring protectors and are careful in carrying out their responsibilities towards the central office. Over a hundred lockers were opened at my request, and I was able to review the records related to each child, including their backgrounds, progress, or setbacks, all systematically documented up to just a few days before my visit.
The splendid results obtained everywhere by this system are leading to its gradual adoption in nearly all the States of the Union and in many parts of Australia and England, in dealing with young people, adults, and all first offenders convicted of petty infractions of the law, drunkenness, disturbance[Pg 190] of the peace, and disorderly conduct, and also for prisoners released on ticket-of-leave. The probationer is obliged to report himself every fortnight, or at any time the probation officer may desire. The officer is empowered to supervise the conduct of the probationer at home and in his place of employment, and to threaten him with legal proceedings should his conduct be unsatisfactory.
The impressive results achieved by this system are leading to its gradual implementation in nearly all states across the U.S. and in many areas of Australia and England, particularly for young people, adults, and first-time offenders convicted of minor offenses like drinking, disturbing the peace, and disorderly behavior, as well as for prisoners released on parole. The person on probation must check in every two weeks or whenever the probation officer requests. The officer has the authority to monitor the probationer's behavior both at home and at work, and can warn them of legal action if their conduct doesn't improve.
The supervision of adults, as may be supposed, is a far more delicate and complicated matter than that of children, and however discreetly the officer proceeds in order to keep the matter hidden from neighbours and employers, the position is such a humiliating one for adults that many prefer imprisonment to supervision. I was told that special reformatories have been established at Boston for the detention of those who prefer prison to vigilance.
The supervision of adults, as you might expect, is a much more sensitive and complex issue than that of children. No matter how carefully the officer tries to keep everything under wraps from neighbors and employers, the situation is so humiliating for adults that many would rather be in prison than under supervision. I heard that specific reformatories have been set up in Boston for those who choose prison over close watch.
Perhaps this aversion of adult offenders in America to the probation system is due to the fact that the probation officer is vested with powers almost exceeding those of any magistrate. If he thinks fit, he may extend the period of supervision almost indefinitely or convert it into imprisonment. Moreover, the feeling that every movement and action, however innocent, is being watched is very galling to a grown-up person. However, these drawbacks could no doubt be remedied.
Perhaps this dislike of adult offenders in America for the probation system comes from the fact that the probation officer holds powers that almost surpass those of any magistrate. If they see fit, they can extend the period of supervision for almost as long as they want or change it to imprisonment. Additionally, the feeling that every movement and action, no matter how innocent, is being monitored is really frustrating for an adult. However, these issues could likely be fixed.
[Pg 191]In England, supervision is replaced by a pledge of good behaviour guaranteed by the culprit or a surety, who is induced to exercise vigilance by the knowledge that he will lose the sum deposited in the case of recidivation. The magistrate is obliged by English law to fix the period of probation, which cannot be extended without another sentence. In France, Belgium, and Australia, the probation system appears to have given good results.
[Pg 191]In England, supervision is substituted by a promise of good behavior backed by the offender or a guarantor, who is motivated to stay alert by the understanding that they will forfeit the amount deposited if the offender reoffends. The magistrate is required by English law to set the duration of probation, which cannot be extended without a new sentence. In France, Belgium, and Australia, the probation system seems to have produced positive outcomes.
Corporal Punishment. Although repugnant to civilised ideas, the various forms of corporal punishment, fasting, cold shower-bath, or even the rod, are very suitable substitutes for imprisonment in the case of children guilty of petty offences, because not only are these punishments inexpensive and have the advantage of creating a deeper and more immediate impression, but they do not corrupt minor offenders nor do they interrupt their regular occupations, whether work or study. Fines should always be inflicted for slight infractions of the law and in all cases of petty larceny, frauds, and forgeries committed by minors. The fines should be proportioned to the means of the individual and the gravity of the offence, and replaced by compulsory labour in the case of those who refuse to pay.
Corporal Punishment. Although it goes against modern civilised views, various forms of corporal punishment like fasting, cold showers, or even physical discipline can be effective alternatives to imprisonment for children who commit minor offenses. These punishments are not only low-cost and create a more immediate impact, but they also don’t corrupt young offenders or disrupt their daily activities, whether that's work or school. Fines should always be imposed for minor law violations and in cases of petty theft, fraud, and forgery committed by minors. These fines should be based on the individual's financial situation and the severity of the offense, and if anyone refuses to pay, they should be required to perform community service.
Indemnity. The obligation to make adequate compensation for the injury caused would be an[Pg 192] ideal punishment, but is extremely difficult to put into practice. The magistrate, however, should do his utmost to make suitable use of this penalty, and the victim should be legally entitled to receive a part of the proceeds from work done by the culprit during detention.
Indemnity. The responsibility to provide fair compensation for the harm caused would be an[Pg 192] ideal punishment, but it's very challenging to implement. The magistrate, however, should strive to make appropriate use of this penalty, and the victim should have the legal right to receive a portion of the earnings from any work the offender does while in detention.
Juvenile detention centers
Minors convicted for the first time of such serious offences that supervision becomes an insufficient guarantee against recidivation, should be relegated to reformatories or other institutions which undertake to punish offences and to segregate and correct offenders.
Minors who are convicted for the first time of serious offenses, where supervision isn’t enough to prevent reoffending, should be sent to reform schools or other institutions that are designed to punish offenses and to separate and rehabilitate offenders.
For the truly magnificent scale on which such reclaiming institutions are conducted in North and South America, both continents merit special mention.
For the incredibly impressive scale at which such reclaiming institutions operate in North and South America, both continents deserve special mention.
The oldest and most celebrated of these reformatories, that founded at Elmira by Brockway, owed its inspiration to my father's book Criminal Man and is the first reformatory that has been instituted on similar principles.
The oldest and most celebrated of these reformatories, the one established at Elmira by Brockway, was inspired by my father's book Criminal Man and is the first reformatory created based on similar principles.
The convicts admitted to Elmira are young men between the ages of sixteen and thirty, convicted for the first time of any offence, except those of the most serious kind. The Administrative Council is invested with unlimited powers for determining the[Pg 193] period of detention and may release prisoners long before the expiration of their sentence.
The inmates admitted to Elmira are young men aged sixteen to thirty, who are convicted for the first time of any crime, except for the most serious offenses. The Administrative Council has the authority to decide the[Pg 193] length of detention and can release prisoners well before their sentence ends.
Each newcomer has a bath, dons the uniform of the Institute, is photographed, registered, medically examined, and finally shut up in a cell to meditate upon his offence. During this time the superintendent obtains all the available information concerning his character, environment, and the probable causes that have led to his crime, and this information serves as a basis for the cure. According to the aptitude and culture of the prisoner, he is placed in a technical or industrial class, where he learns some trade which will enable him to become honestly self-supporting on his release. He is immediately acquainted with his duties and rights and the conditions under which he may regain his liberty.
Each newcomer takes a bath, puts on the Institute's uniform, gets photographed, registered, and medically examined, and then is locked in a cell to reflect on their offense. During this time, the superintendent gathers all available information about their character, background, and the likely reasons behind their crime, which will be used as the foundation for their rehabilitation. Depending on the skills and education of the prisoner, they are placed in a technical or industrial class, where they learn a trade that will help them become self-sufficient upon release. They are immediately informed of their duties, rights, and the conditions under which they can regain their freedom.
Education in the Reformatory consists of instruction in general knowledge and special training in some trade. Moral and intellectual progress is stimulated by the publication of a weekly review, The Summary, which gives a report on political matters and the news of the Reformatory.
Education in the Reformatory includes lessons in general knowledge and specific training in a trade. Moral and intellectual development is encouraged through the weekly publication, The Summary, which reports on political issues and news from the Reformatory.
The convicts are divided into three categories: good, middling, and bad. The transference from the second to the first class entails certain privileges, especially those respecting communication with the outer world, the right to receive visitors, to have[Pg 194] books, and to eat at a common table instead of partaking of a solitary meal in a cell. Those who obtain the highest marks for good conduct are at liberty to walk about the grounds and are entrusted with confidential missions, such as the supervision of the other convicts. Bad conduct marks cause prisoners to be transferred from a higher to the lowest division, where they are obliged to perform the rudest labour.
The inmates are divided into three groups: good, average, and bad. Moving from the second group to the first comes with certain benefits, especially concerning communication with the outside world, the right to have visitors, to receive[Pg 194] books, and to eat at a communal table instead of having solitary meals in a cell. Those who earn the highest ratings for good behavior are allowed to walk around the grounds and are given trusted tasks, like supervising the other inmates. Poor behavior ratings can lead to prisoners being moved from a higher group to the lowest one, where they are forced to do the hardest labor.
First-class convicts are purposely exposed to temptations of various kinds, and when they have passed through this ordeal triumphantly, they obtain a conditional release. This cannot take place, however, until the prisoner is provided with regular employment of some kind, procured by his own exertions, through friends, or by the director of the Reformatory.
First-class inmates are intentionally faced with different temptations, and once they successfully navigate this challenge, they earn a conditional release. However, this can only happen once the inmate has secured some form of regular employment, obtained through their own efforts, with help from friends, or facilitated by the Reformatory's director.
For six months after his release he is obliged to give an account of himself regularly in the manner prescribed by the Director; after one year absolute liberty is regained.
For six months after his release, he must regularly report on his activities in the way the Director requires; after one year, he gets complete freedom back.
In order to reduce the working expenses of the Reformatory as much as possible, all posts, even that of superintendent or teacher in the technical schools, are filled by the convicts.
To minimize the operating costs of the Reformatory as much as possible, all positions, including that of superintendent or teacher in the technical schools, are filled by the inmates.
Prisons
Although born criminals, habitual criminals, and[Pg 195] recidivists should be carefully isolated from minor offenders, they nevertheless require institutes conducted on nearly similar principles. A prison, which is to punish, but at the same time to correct and redeem, demands strict discipline: in fact, milder punishments have very little effect and their constant repetition is harmful, although any exaggeration of brute force is more injurious than useful. Harshness may cow criminals, but does not improve them: on the contrary, it only serves to irritate them or to convert them into hypocrites. Even the adult offender should be looked upon in the light of a child or a moral invalid, who must be cured by a mixture of gentleness and severity, but gentleness should predominate, since criminals are naturally prone to vindictiveness and are apt to regard even slight punishments as unjust tortures. Even a too rigid adherence to the rule of silence may have a detrimental effect on the character of the prisoners. An old convict once said to Despine: "When you winked at slight offences against the rules, we used to talk more, but there was no harm in what we said. Now we talk less, but when we do, we blaspheme and plot evil."
Although born criminals, habitual criminals, and[Pg 195] repeat offenders should be carefully separated from minor offenders, they still need institutions that operate on nearly the same principles. A prison meant to punish, as well as to correct and rehabilitate, requires strict discipline: in fact, lighter punishments have very little impact and are harmful when repeated constantly, while excessive use of brute force is more damaging than beneficial. Toughness may intimidate criminals, but it doesn’t reform them; instead, it typically frustrates them or turns them into hypocrites. Even adult offenders should be seen as akin to children or individuals with moral shortcomings, who need to be treated with a mix of kindness and firmness, but kindness should take precedence, since criminals naturally lean towards vindictiveness and tend to view even minor punishments as unfair torture. Even a strict insistence on silence can negatively affect the prisoners' character. An old convict once told Despine: "When you overlooked minor infractions of the rules, we used to talk more, but what we said wasn't harmful. Now we talk less, but when we do, we curse and conspire."
In Danish prisons under rigorous discipline, infractions of prison regulations amounted to 30%;[Pg 196] more recently under milder rule such infractions only amount to 6%.
In Danish prisons with strict discipline, rule violations used to be 30%;[Pg 196] but recently, under more relaxed rules, those violations are down to 6%.
In order to strengthen the sense of justice which, as we have said, is little developed in criminals, if indeed it is not altogether suffocated by ignoble passions, it is often advisable to appeal to their vanity and self-esteem to aid in maintaining discipline and increasing industry, by constituting them judges of each other's conduct. Obermayer used to divide the convicts into small groups and ask them to elect their own superintendents and teachers, thus establishing a spirit of good-comradeship and rendering possible a system of detailed and individual instruction, the sole kind that is really efficacious. The 385 convicts at Detroit showed the highest percentage of efficiency, because they were divided into 21 classes with 28 teachers, all of whom, with the exception of one, were prisoners. It was noticed that the worst convicts were the best teachers (Pears, Prisons and Reform, 1872), which proves that even the most perverse elements may often be utilised for the improvement of others.
To strengthen the sense of justice, which, as we've mentioned, is weak in criminals—if it isn't completely overshadowed by base urges—it's often helpful to appeal to their vanity and self-esteem to help maintain discipline and boost productivity by making them judges of one another's behavior. Obermayer used to group the convicts into small teams and have them elect their own leaders and instructors, thereby fostering a sense of camaraderie and allowing for a system of detailed and personalized instruction, which is the only kind that's truly effective. The 385 convicts in Detroit showed the highest efficiency rates because they were split into 21 classes with 28 teachers, almost all of whom, except for one, were inmates. It was observed that the most troubled convicts turned out to be the best teachers (Pears, Prisons and Reform, 1872), which shows that even the most troubled individuals can often be leveraged to help improve others.
Equally good was Despine's method of letting a certain time elapse before inflicting punishment, so that it should not be attributed to mere anger on his part. As soon as the infraction was noted, the prisoner was left to reflect on his conduct, and an[Pg 197] hour later the teacher and Director came to show him the penalty prescribed by the regulations. Sometimes it was found efficacious to administer a rebuke and punishment to the whole group to which the offender belonged. Obermayer considered this method to be advantageous.
Equally effective was Despine's approach of waiting some time before administering punishment, so it wouldn't be seen as a reaction fueled by anger. Once the offense was observed, the prisoner was given time to think about their actions, and an[Pg 197] hour later, the teacher and Director would come to inform them of the penalty outlined by the rules. Occasionally, it was deemed effective to deliver a reprimand and punishment to the entire group the offender was part of. Obermayer thought this method was beneficial.
Work should be the motive force, aim, and recreation of every institute of this kind, in order to stimulate flagging energies, to accustom prisoners to useful pursuits after release, to reinforce prison discipline and to compensate the State for the expense incurred. This latter object should, however, always be subordinated to the others, and lucrative trades must occasionally be avoided. Occupations which might pave the way for other crimes: lockmaking, brasswork, engraving, photography, and calligraphy should not be adopted, but choice made, instead, of those agricultural employments which show the lowest mortality and are much in demand. The manufacture of articles in straw, esparto, and string, printing, tailoring, the making of pottery, and building are all suitable trades, but those which require dangerous tools—shoemaking, cabinet-making, and carpentering—should be resorted to last of all. The rush baskets made by the convicts at Noto (Sicily) obtained several medals.
Work should be the driving force, goal, and form of recreation for every institution like this, to boost dwindling energy, to help prisoners adapt to productive activities after their release, to reinforce prison discipline, and to offset the expenses incurred by the State. However, this last objective should always take a backseat to the others, and profitable trades should sometimes be avoided. Jobs that could lead to further crimes, like lockmaking, brasswork, engraving, photography, and calligraphy, should not be pursued; instead, preference should be given to agricultural work, which has the lowest mortality rates and is in high demand. Suitable trades include making items from straw, esparto, and string, printing, tailoring, pottery, and construction, but those requiring dangerous tools—like shoemaking, cabinet-making, and carpentry—should be considered only as a last resort. The rush baskets made by inmates at Noto (Sicily) have won several medals.
The tasks allotted to prisoners should always be[Pg 198] proportioned to their strength and tastes. Unskilled or physically weaker individuals who conscientiously do their best, should be rewarded in some way, if not pecuniarily, at least by a reduction of their sentences. In this way work becomes profitable and a spirit of comradeship and friendly emulation develops among the prisoners.
The tasks assigned to inmates should always be[Pg 198] matched to their abilities and preferences. Unskilled or physically weaker individuals who genuinely put in effort should be rewarded somehow; if not financially, then at least with shorter sentences. This way, work becomes rewarding, and a sense of teamwork and friendly competition grows among the inmates.
Institutions for Repeat Offenders
To protect society against the repeated misdeeds of these offenders and those of born criminals, segregation is essential. However, the institutions set apart to receive these classes should still regard the redemption of the inmates as their chief aim, and only when all attempts have proved futile should they be replaced by almost perpetual isolation in a penal colony.
To protect society from the ongoing wrongdoings of these offenders and those who are naturally inclined to crime, isolation is necessary. However, the facilities designated for these individuals should prioritize rehabilitation as their main goal, and only when all efforts have failed should they resort to nearly permanent confinement in a prison facility.
The Penitenciario Nacional of Buenos Ayres is a splendid instance of an institute founded for the redemption of adult offenders as well as for the punishment of their offences. The inmates of this penitentiary comprise offenders of all types—criminaloids, habitual and born criminals—belonging to the Province of Buenos Ayres. It was established a few years after the Reformatory at Elmira, the fundamental principles of which it has imitated with certain wise modifications to suit diverse circumstances.
The National Penitentiary of Buenos Aires is an impressive example of an institution created for the rehabilitation of adult offenders as well as for punishing their crimes. The inmates at this penitentiary include all types of offenders—criminals, habitual offenders, and born criminals—from the Province of Buenos Aires. It was established a few years after the Reformatory at Elmira, which it has modeled its fundamental principles after, with some thoughtful changes to fit different circumstances.
[Pg 199]Externally, it has nothing in common with the gloomy European prisons. It is a large, white edifice with a broad flight of steps leading to the street and is devoid of all signs of force, soldiers, sentry-boxes, etc.
[Pg 199]On the outside, it looks nothing like the dark European prisons. It is a large, white building with a wide set of steps leading down to the street and has no signs of force, soldiers, guard posts, or anything like that.
After passing through a wide vestibule, I reached a large, shady court-yard with low walls almost hidden beneath a wealth of flowers and foliage. A corridor opening on to the court-yard was flanked on each side by a row of open, white cells, each well lighted by a fair-sized window during the day, and by electricity at night. Each cell is furnished with book-shelves, a table with paper, pen and inkstand, and a chair. All the corridors, which are gay with plants, converge towards a central glass-room, whence the sub-inspector surveys all the radiating corridors under his jurisdiction. Each corridor ends in a workshop, where printing, lithography, shoemaking, metal and steel work are carried on, and between the corridors are garden plots in which fruit, vegetables, and flowers are cultivated. The workshops are reckoned among the best the Republic contains. The printing-office turns out many weekly papers, illustrated magazines, and scientific and literary reviews. Footgear of the finest and most elegant quality is manufactured in the shoe-factory, and the foundry and workshop produce lathes, boilers, industrial and[Pg 200] agricultural machines and implements. All the cooking in the Penitentiary is done by steam, and the plant is installed in a large building erected by the prisoners themselves.
After walking through a wide entrance, I arrived at a large, shaded courtyard with low walls almost hidden by an abundance of flowers and greenery. A corridor leading to the courtyard was lined on both sides with a row of open, white cells, each well-lit by a decent-sized window during the day and by electric lights at night. Each cell is equipped with bookshelves, a table with paper, a pen and ink, and a chair. All the corridors, filled with plants, converge toward a central glass room where the sub-inspector oversees all the branching corridors under his command. Each corridor ends in a workshop where they do printing, lithography, shoemaking, and metal work, with garden plots in between cultivating fruits, vegetables, and flowers. The workshops are considered among the best in the Republic. The printing office produces many weekly papers, illustrated magazines, and scientific and literary reviews. The shoe factory manufactures footwear of the highest quality and elegance, while the foundry and workshop create lathes, boilers, and various industrial and agricultural machines and tools. All cooking in the Penitentiary is done using steam, and the equipment is set up in a large building constructed by the prisoners themselves.
Work in the Penitentiary is compulsory. On arrival, each convict receives instruction in some handicraft, chosen by himself or one of the foremen. Of course swindlers and forgers are not admitted to trades like lithography, for reasons easy to understand.
Work in the Penitentiary is mandatory. Upon arrival, each inmate is taught a trade, which they can choose for themselves or with the help of one of the supervisors. Naturally, fraudsters and forgers are not allowed in trades like lithography, for obvious reasons.
The convicts receive regular wages which vary according to their abilities and are about equal to the standard wages in each particular trade. All earnings are put aside and handed to the convict on his release when he is also provided with suitable employment.
The convicts earn regular wages that differ based on their skills and are approximately equal to the average wages in each specific trade. All earnings are saved and given to the convict upon their release, when they are also provided with suitable job opportunities.
Work is finished at five o'clock in the evening and after a substantial supper the prisoners are divided into nine classes, six elementary and three secondary, according to their culture and intelligence. If illiterate, they are taught reading and writing and later, arithmetic, geography, history, languages, and drawing,—this latter being adapted to the particular trade of each individual. When school is finished, prisoners are allowed to go to the library to return the books they have read and take others for the night.
Work ends at five o'clock in the evening, and after a hearty dinner, the prisoners are sorted into nine classes: six for beginners and three for advanced learners, based on their knowledge and intelligence. If they can't read or write, they're taught those skills first, followed by math, geography, history, languages, and drawing—tailored to the specific job each person does. Once their classes are over, prisoners can go to the library to return the books they've read and check out new ones for the night.
[Pg 201]Instead of a weekly newspaper like that published at Elmira, intellectual development is stimulated by means of lectures delivered each week by the prisoners or their teachers and attended by the Director, Vice-Director, and all the convicts.
[Pg 201]Instead of a weekly newspaper like the one published in Elmira, intellectual growth is encouraged through lectures given each week by the inmates or their teachers, which are attended by the Director, Vice-Director, and all the prisoners.
In addition to the care lavished by the Director, Señor Ballvé, on the work and education of his charges, he spares no pains to encourage moral progress by rewarding good conduct. As each convict enters the Penitentiary, his name, trial, sentence, and antecedents are entered in a book with his photograph and particulars of his physical and psychic individuality, and these data are supplemented by remarks on his conduct and good actions, if any, so that on his release a clear idea is obtained of the moral progress he has made while in prison.
In addition to the attention given by the Director, Señor Ballvé, to the work and education of the inmates, he puts in great effort to promote moral growth by rewarding good behavior. When each convict arrives at the Penitentiary, their name, trial, sentence, and background are recorded in a book along with their photograph and details about their physical and mental characteristics. This information is further enhanced by notes on their behavior and any positive actions, so that upon their release, there is a clear understanding of the moral progress they have made during their time in prison.
Prison Colonies
When after unsparing efforts for the redemption of a criminal, repeated convictions prove him to be a hopeless recidivist, the community should decline to allow him to perfect his anti-social abilities at their expense in prisons or at large, and should segregate him permanently, unless, indeed, there is any hope of reform, or circumstances render him harmless. Perpetual confinement in a prison, even of an improved type is, however, both cruel and expensive, but an[Pg 202] excellent substitute may be found in the Penal Colony. Here the chief object should be, not to educate, elevate, or redeem the criminal, but to render him as useful as possible, so that he does not prove too great a burden on the community.
When, after extensive efforts to rehabilitate a criminal, ongoing convictions show that he is a hopeless repeat offender, society should not allow him to develop his anti-social skills at their expense, whether in prison or outside. Instead, he should be permanently separated from the community unless there is hope for reform or he can be deemed harmless. Continuous imprisonment in even a modern facility is both cruel and costly; however, an[Pg 202] effective alternative could be a Penal Colony. Here, the main goal should be not to educate, uplift, or redeem the criminal, but to make him as useful as possible so that he doesn’t become too much of a burden on society.
Penal colonies should be situated on islands or in remote territories, that is, completely isolated from populous districts. The agricultural colony at Meseplas founded by the Belgian Government is a model worthy of imitation.
Penal colonies should be located on islands or in remote areas, meaning they should be completely cut off from populated regions. The agricultural colony at Meseplas, established by the Belgian Government, is an example worth following.
In this colony the convict population is divided into four categories:
In this colony, the convict population is divided into four categories:
1. Turbulent and dangerous individuals, who exercise an injurious influence over the other inmates of reformatories and prisons;
1. Troubled and dangerous people, who have a harmful impact on the other inmates in reformatories and prisons;
2. Recidivists, ticket-of-leave men, escaped and mutinous convicts;
2. Repeat offenders, parolees, escaped prisoners, and rebellious inmates;
3. Persons of bad reputation, who have hitherto avoided conviction;
3. People with a bad reputation who have managed to avoid being convicted;
4. The better types, who have been convicted three or four times only and although not depraved, lack moral stamina and are constantly yielding to temptation when at large.
4. The better types, who have been convicted three or four times only, and although not immoral, lack the strength of character and are always giving in to temptation when free.
All the common necessities of life are supplied by the colonists themselves, beginning with the dwellings which are erected as they are required and according to the resources available. In this way, extensive[Pg 203] building operations are carried out at a very slight cost to the State. Cattle and crops are raised on the land, which is cultivated by a number of the convicts, while others manufacture articles which find a ready market in the vicinity and for which they possess suitable tools.
All the basic necessities of life are provided by the colonists themselves, starting with homes that are built as needed and based on available resources. This way, large-scale[Pg 203] construction projects are carried out at a very low expense to the State. Livestock and crops are grown on the land, which is tended by some of the convicts, while others produce goods that sell easily in the area and have the right tools for the job.
Any convict refusing to work is imprisoned on bread and water. All work is paid for in special coin current only in the colony itself, but which, on the release of the owner, is exchanged for the coin of the country.
Any prisoner who refuses to work is put in solitary confinement with just bread and water. All work is compensated with special coins that can only be used in the colony, but upon the owner's release, they can be exchanged for the currency of the country.
The "Open Door," an institution on similar lines, was founded by Professor Cabred for the insane of the Province of Buenos Ayres, and judging from what I was able to observe during my short visit, it fulfils its purpose admirably. It consists of a large village populated by some ten or twelve thousand lunatics. With the exception of the price of the land and the cost of erecting the first buildings, this colony does not cost the community anything; on the contrary, the colonists are able to make large profits.
The "Open Door," a facility created along similar lines, was established by Professor Cabred for the mentally ill in the Province of Buenos Aires, and from what I observed during my brief visit, it serves its purpose exceptionally well. It is essentially a large village inhabited by around ten to twelve thousand individuals with mental health issues. Aside from the cost of the land and the initial construction of the buildings, this community doesn't cost the public anything; in fact, the residents are able to generate significant profits.
The ultimate plan of the village with streets and edifices has already been mapped out, and the patients are continually occupied in erecting new buildings, etc. There is a brick-kiln, a carpenter shop, and a smithy, which produce all the materials[Pg 204] used in building and furnishing the dwellings. Only the less dangerous patients are employed in these operations: those of weaker mind make brushes and wicker articles.
The overall layout of the village, with its streets and buildings, has already been designed, and the patients are constantly busy constructing new structures, etc. There’s a brick kiln, a carpentry shop, and a blacksmith's forge that create all the materials[Pg 204] needed for building and furnishing the homes. Only the less dangerous patients are involved in these tasks; those with weaker minds make brushes and wicker items.
The colony is situated in the midst of a vast stretch of land in the Province of Buenos Ayres, on which fruit and vegetables are grown by a number of the patients. Others are occupied in raising fowls and pigs, which supply the colony with eggs and meat and yield a large profit when sold outside.
The colony is located in the middle of a large area of land in the Province of Buenos Ayres, where some of the patients grow fruits and vegetables. Others are involved in raising chickens and pigs, which provide the colony with eggs and meat and generate a significant profit when sold outside.
Professor Cabred wisely prefers agriculture of this kind to the raising of large crops of wheat or maize, because it simplifies the task of supervision necessary in any colony, and gives the colonists, whose toil is compulsory, a continual and regular occupation of an almost unvarying character. (This applies equally to the case of a penal colony.) Workmen, foremen, engineers, builders, mechanics, gardeners,—all are patients, with the exception of the Director, the doctor, and about a hundred mounted warders, who pass rapidly from one part to another and are able to intervene in suicidal or homicidal outbreaks.
Professor Cabred wisely prefers this type of agriculture to growing large crops of wheat or corn because it makes supervision in any colony easier and provides the colonists, who are compelled to work, with a consistent and regular job that doesn’t change much. (This is also true for a penal colony.) Workers, supervisors, engineers, builders, mechanics, and gardeners are all under supervision, except for the Director, the doctor, and about a hundred mounted guards, who move quickly around the area and can step in during suicide or murder attempts.
A colony on these lines would be suitable for the large mass of habitual criminals, who, although unable to resist the temptations of ordinary life, are capable of useful work under supervision, and[Pg 205] under such conditions may prove beneficial to themselves and to the community.
A colony like this would be appropriate for the large group of habitual criminals, who, despite being unable to resist the temptations of everyday life, can do useful work under supervision, and[Pg 205] in such conditions may benefit both themselves and the community.
Institutions for Inborn Criminals and the Morally Insane
Asylums for Criminal Insane. We have still to consider born criminals, epileptics, and the morally insane, whose crimes spring from inherited perverse instincts. These unfortunate beings cannot be consigned to ordinary prisons, since, owing to their state of mental alienation, they do not possess even the modesty of the vicious—hypocrisy—and they never fail to pervert those criminaloids with whom they come in contact. Malcontents by nature, they distrust everybody and everything, and as they see an enemy in every warder and official, they are the centres of constant mutinies.
Asylums for Criminal Insane. We still need to consider people born as criminals, those with epilepsy, and the morally insane, whose crimes arise from inherited twisted instincts. These unfortunate individuals cannot be sent to regular prisons because, due to their mental condition, they lack even the basic deceitfulness of the wicked—hypocrisy—and they inevitably corrupt other minor offenders they interact with. Naturally discontented, they distrust everyone and everything, and since they view every guard and official as an enemy, they become the focal points of ongoing rebellions.
To confine them in common asylums would be still more injurious, for they preach sodomy, flight, and revolt and incite the others to robbery, and their indecent and savage ways, as well as the terrible reputation which often precedes them, make them objects of terror and repulsion to the quieter patients and their relatives, who dread to see their kin in such company.
To keep them in the same facilities would be even more harmful because they promote inappropriate behavior, encourage escape, and incite others to commit crimes. Their crude and violent ways, along with the terrible reputation that often comes before them, make them frightening and repulsive to the calmer patients and their families, who fear seeing their loved ones in such company.
Ordinary asylums are equally unsuited to those victims of mental derangement who, although devoid of the depraved instincts of the morally insane[Pg 206] and generally of blameless career up to the moment in which they are led to commit a crime by some isolated evil impulse, have a bad influence on the other inmates. Unlike other lunatics, they do not shrink from the company of others, whom they torment with their violence and contaminate with that spirit of restlessness and discontent which distinguished them even before they became insane or criminals. Firm in the belief that they are always being ill treated and insulted, they instil these ideas into their companions and suggest thoughts of flight and revolt, which would never occur to ordinary lunatics, absorbed as they are by their own world of fancies. The condition of the inmates is thereby aggravated, and it becomes impossible to accord them that large measure of freedom advocated by all modern alienists.
Regular asylums are just as unsuitable for those who suffer from mental breakdowns, who, despite not having the twisted instincts of the morally insane[Pg 206] and typically leading a respectable life until some sudden bad impulse drives them to commit a crime, negatively impact the other residents. Unlike other patients, they are not averse to being around others, but instead, they torment them with their aggression and spread a sense of restlessness and dissatisfaction that characterized them even before they became insane or criminal. Firmly believing they are always being mistreated and insulted, they pass these ideas onto their peers and suggest thoughts of escape and rebellion, which would never cross the minds of typical patients, who are too absorbed in their own imaginary worlds. This worsens the situation for the residents, making it impossible to grant them the greater freedom that all modern psychiatrists advocate.
To leave these madmen at large would be more dangerous still. Beneath an appearance of perfect calm and mental lucidity are hidden morbid impulses, which may give terrible results at some unexpected moment.
To leave these crazy people free would be even more dangerous. Beneath a facade of complete calm and clear thinking lie unhealthy impulses that could lead to awful outcomes at any unexpected moment.
All these offenders—insane criminals and the morally insane whose irresistible tendencies are detrimental to the community—should be confined in special institutes to be cured, or at any rate segregated for life. No infamy would attach to their names, because their irresponsibility would be clearly[Pg 207] recognised, and society would be secure from their attacks.
All these offenders—mentally unstable criminals and those morally unhinged whose uncontrollable behaviors harm the community—should be placed in specialized facilities for treatment, or at the very least segregated for life. No shame would come to their names, as their lack of responsibility would be clearly[Pg 207] acknowledged, and society would be protected from their actions.
England was the first country to provide asylums for the criminal insane. In 1840 a portion of Bedlam was set aside for this purpose. Fisherton House, a special private asylum of this kind, was opened in 1844, and later others were instituted at Dundrum (Ireland) in 1850, at Broadmoor in 1863, and at Perth (Scotland) in 1858, to receive criminals who commit crimes in a state of insanity, or become insane during their trial, and all prisoners whose state of lunacy or imbecility renders them unable to conform to the discipline of a prison. Of course sanguinary and violent scenes often occur in these asylums, where the pernicious influence this type of lunatic exercises over his surroundings in ordinary asylums or prisons is multiplied and intensified a hundred-fold. Conspiracies, almost unknown in common asylums, and the murder of warders or officials are very common. Despairing of release and conscious of their irresponsibility, these wretched beings attack the warders, destroy the walls which confine them, murder and wound others and themselves; but at any rate the injury is limited to a small circle, and both harmless lunatics and common criminals are not contaminated. Moreover, even in criminal asylums, long experience with these strange pathological types and the adoption[Pg 208] of subdivisions like those recently introduced into Broadmoor by Orange have done much towards improving the general condition and eliminating many drawbacks. According to this classification insane criminals are divided into two classes, unconvicted and convicted, the former class being subdivided into untried and tried. Untried offenders, those who are considered to have been insane before committing the crime, are sent to a common county asylum, where are also confined persons convicted of minor offences and declared insane (the percentage of cures in this class is considerable) and others suspected of shamming insanity. In this way, the better elements are eliminated and the inmates of the criminal insane asylum reduced to the worst and most dangerous types only.
England was the first country to provide asylums for criminals who are insane. In 1840, a section of Bedlam was designated for this. Fisherton House, a specialized private asylum of this kind, opened in 1844, followed by others at Dundrum (Ireland) in 1850, Broadmoor in 1863, and Perth (Scotland) in 1858. These institutions were established to accommodate criminals who either commit crimes while insane or become insane during their trial, as well as prisoners whose mental state prevents them from following prison rules. Unsurprisingly, violent and bloody incidents often occur in these asylums, where the harmful influence of such lunatics on those around them in ordinary asylums or prisons is amplified significantly. While conspiracies are rarely seen in standard asylums, assaults on warders or officials happen frequently. Desperate for freedom and aware of their lack of accountability, these unfortunate individuals attack staff, damage the walls confining them, and harm others and themselves; however, the harm is typically contained within a small group, keeping both harmless patients and ordinary criminals unaffected. Additionally, even in criminal asylums, extensive experience with these unique pathological cases and the adoption of classifications like those recently put in place at Broadmoor by Orange have significantly improved overall conditions and reduced various issues. According to this classification, insane criminals are divided into two categories: unconvicted and convicted. The unconvicted group is further divided into untried and tried. Untried offenders, those deemed to have been insane before committing crimes, are sent to a regular county asylum, which also houses individuals convicted of minor offenses who are declared insane (with a notable percentage of these cases being cured) and others suspected of feigning insanity. This system allows for the exclusion of better elements, leaving the inmates of the criminal insane asylum consisting only of the most dangerous and severe cases.
Death Penalty
When, notwithstanding prisons, deportation, and criminal asylums, individuals of ineradicable anti-social instincts make repeated attempts on the lives of others, whether honest men or their own companions in evil-doing, the only remedy is the application of the extreme penalty—death.
When, despite prisons, deportation, and mental institutions, people with deep-rooted anti-social tendencies keep trying to take the lives of others, whether they're decent individuals or their fellow wrongdoers, the only solution is to impose the ultimate punishment—death.
Amongst barbarous peoples, on whom prison makes but slight impression, or in primitive communities that do not possess criminal asylums,[Pg 209] penitentiaries, and other means of social defence and redemption, the death penalty has always been considered the most certain and at the same time the most economical means of common protection. But criminal anthropologists realise that the desire to abolish this penalty, which so often finds expression in civilised countries, arises from a noble sentiment and one they have no wish to destroy.
Among savage peoples, where prisons hardly have any effect, or in simple communities that lack criminal asylums,[Pg 209] penitentiaries, and other forms of social protection and rehabilitation, the death penalty has always been seen as the most reliable and also the most cost-effective way to ensure public safety. However, criminal anthropologists understand that the movement to abolish this penalty, which frequently emerges in civilized nations, comes from a noble sentiment that they don't wish to undermine.
Capital punishment, according to the opinion of my father, should only be applied in extreme cases, but the fear of it, suspended like a sword of Damocles above their heads, would serve as a check to the murderous proclivities displayed by some criminals when they are condemned to perpetual imprisonment.
Capital punishment, in my father's view, should only be used in extreme cases, but the fear of it, hanging over them like a sword of Damocles, would act as a deterrent to the violent tendencies shown by some criminals when they are sentenced to life in prison.
We have, it is true, no right to take the lives of others but if we refuse to recognise the legitimacy of self-defence, exile and imprisonment are equally unjustifiable.
We don’t have the right to take other people’s lives, but if we deny the validity of self-defense, then exile and imprisonment are also unjustifiable.
When we realise that there exist beings, born criminals, who are organised for evil, who reproduce the instincts common to the wildest savages and even those of ferocious carnivora, and are destined by nature to injure others, our resentment becomes softened; but notwithstanding our sense of pity, we feel justified in demanding their extermination when they prove to be dangerous and absolutely irredeemable.
When we recognize that there are individuals, born criminals, who are structured for wrongdoing, who embody the instincts typical of the most uncivilized savages and even those of fierce predators, and are inherently inclined to harm others, our anger lessens; yet despite our feelings of compassion, we believe it’s reasonable to call for their elimination when they turn out to be dangerous and completely beyond redemption.
Proposed Penalties by the Modern School
The following tables, compiled by Senator Garofalo, a celebrated jurist of the Modern School and inserted in Criminal Man, vol. iii, show the distribution of penalties systematically arranged.
The following tables, compiled by Senator Garofalo, a well-known legal scholar from the Modern School and included in Criminal Man, vol. iii, display the organized distribution of penalties.
I. Born Criminals who are utterly devoid of the sentiment of pity.
I. Born criminals who completely lack the feeling of pity.
Offender | Crime | Penalty | ||
Murderers exhibiting moral insensibility and instinctive cruelty, convicted of | Murder for lucre or some other egotistical object Murder without provocation on the part of the victim Murder with ferocious execution | Prison, penal colony, criminal insane asylum, or capital punishment if recidivists. |
II. Violent and Impulsive Criminals, Criminaloids, and those guilty through insufficiency of pity, of decency, of inhibitory power, and through prejudiced notions of honor.
II. Violent and impulsive criminals, criminal types, and those who are guilty due to a lack of compassion, decency, self-control, and biased ideas of honor.
Offender | Crime | Penalty |
Adults convicted of | Cruelty, assault and battery, rape, kidnapping |
Criminal insane asylum for epileptics, or Indefinite seclusion for a period equal to one of the natural divisions of a man's life, with period of supervision. |
Minors convicted of | Murder, cruelty and other offences against the person without provocation Offences against decency |
Special reformatories, criminal insane asylum if there are congenital tendencies. Penal colony and deportation in cases of recidivation. |
[Pg 211] | ||
Adults convicted of | Homicide provoked by injury or genuine grievances |
Exile from native place and from the town in which the victim's family live. |
Adults convicted of | Homicide in self-defence Homicide to avenge some wrong or personal dishonour |
Exile, segregation for an indefinite period in some remote town or settlement. |
Adults convicted of | Assault in quarrels, or ill-treatment when intoxicated, blows, insults, or slander |
Compensation for injury caused, fines, reprimand, security, conditional liberty. |
Adults convicted of | Mutiny and revolt | Reprimand, security, imprisonment for a definite period. |
III. Criminals Devoid of a Sense of Honesty
III. Criminals Lacking a Sense of Honesty
Offender | Crime | Penalty |
Adults (habitual offenders) convicted of |
Theft, fraud, arson, forgery, blackmail | Criminal lunatic asylums (if insane or epileptic), deportation (for sane offenders). |
Adults (occasional offenders) convicted of |
Theft, fraud, arson, forgery, blackmail | Reformatories, conditional liberty, exclusion from particular profession. |
Adults convicted of | Peculation, concussion | Loss of office, exclusion from all public offices, fines, compensation for damage done. |
Adults convicted of | Arson, malicious damage to property | Compensation, or as a substitute, imprisonment. Criminal lunatic asylums (if insane). Penal colonies (for recidivists). |
[Pg 212] | ||
Adults convicted of | Fraudulent bankruptcy | Compensation for damage caused, exclusion from business and public offices. |
Adults convicted of | Counterfeiting, forging cheques, public title-deeds, etc. |
Reformatories, fines, compensation for damage, exclusion from office. |
Adults convicted of | Bigamy, substitution or suppression of child |
Seclusion for an indefinite period. |
Minors convicted of | Theft, fraud, and picking pockets | Magisterial reprimand, probation, reformatory, or agricultural colony. |
IV. Offenders Lacking in Industry
IV. Offenders Without Jobs
Offender | Penalty | |
Beggars, vagabonds, loafers | Agricultural colony for country offenders, workshop for city offenders. |
V. Offenders Deficient in Misoneism (Hatred of Change)
V. Offenders Lacking in Misoneism (Hatred of Change)
Offender | Penalty | |
Political, social, and religious rebels | Temporary exile. |
Mutualism
The punishment of offenders and the protection of society from the insane are the two chief objects of criminal jurisprudence, but criminal anthropologists aim at something higher, the utilisation of anti-social[Pg 213] elements, thus redeeming them completely and justifying their existence in the eyes of mankind and in the scheme of nature.
The punishment of offenders and the protection of society from the insane are the two main goals of criminal law, but criminal anthropologists strive for something greater: the use of anti-social[Pg 213] elements, effectively redeeming them and validating their existence in the eyes of humanity and within the natural order.
We find, in fact, in nature numerous instances of a partnership for mutual benefit between animals and plants of very diverse species and tendencies. Lichens are a living symbiosis of algæ and fungi: the pagurus allows the actiniæ to settle on his dwelling, where they attract his prey and in return are housed and conveyed from place to place.
We actually see many examples in nature of partnerships for mutual benefit between animals and plants of very different species and characteristics. Lichens are a living partnership of algae and fungi: the hermit crab lets sea anemones settle on its shell, where they attract its food, and in return, they have a home and are moved around.
In imitation of this principle, criminal anthropologists seek to devise a means of making offenders serviceable to civilisation by carefully analysing their tendencies and psychology, and fitting them into some suitable groove in the social scheme, where they may be useful to themselves and to others. Side by side with depraved instincts, criminals frequently possess invaluable gifts: an abnormal degree of intelligence, great audacity, and love of innovation. The wonderful galleries and fortifications cut out in the rocks at Gibraltar and Malta by English convicts and the complete transformation of parts of Sardinia have led criminologists to the conclusion that the ancient penalty of enforced labour was more logical, useful, and advantageous both for the culprit and the community than all modern punishments. The Mormons of America and the religious sects persecuted[Pg 214] in Russia by an omnipotent bureaucracy, have by their energy transformed uninhabitable regions into lands of extraordinary fertility. Still greater results might be obtained, if the abnormal tendencies of certain individuals were turned into useful channels, instead of being pent up until they manifest themselves in anti-social acts, and this beneficent and lofty task should devolve on teachers and protectors of such of the young as show physical and psychic anomalies at an early age.
In line with this principle, criminal anthropologists aim to find ways to make offenders beneficial to society by analyzing their tendencies and psychology, then placing them into appropriate roles within the social structure, where they can be advantageous to themselves and others. Alongside their twisted instincts, criminals often have valuable skills: an exceptional level of intelligence, boldness, and a flair for innovation. The impressive tunnels and fortifications created in the rocks at Gibraltar and Malta by English convicts, as well as the complete transformation of parts of Sardinia, have led criminologists to conclude that the ancient punishment of forced labor was more logical, useful, and beneficial for both the offender and the community than any modern penalties. The Mormons in America and the religious groups persecuted[Pg 214] in Russia by an all-powerful bureaucracy have transformed barren areas into remarkably fertile lands through their hard work. Even greater outcomes could be achieved if the unusual tendencies of certain individuals were channeled into productive outlets instead of being suppressed until they result in anti-social behavior. This positive and important task should fall to educators and guardians of youths who exhibit physical and psychological abnormalities from an early age.
The colonisation of wild regions and all professions (motoring, cycling, acrobatic and circus feats) which demand audacity, activity, love of adventure, and intense efforts followed by long periods of repose are eminently suited to criminals. There are cases on record in which young men have actually become thieves and even murderers in order to gain sufficient means to become comedians or professional cyclists, and there is every reason to suppose that these crimes would never have been committed had the youths been able to obtain the required sums honestly. On the other hand, men of bad character, ready to develop into criminals, often undergo a complete transformation when they find some outlet for their intelligence and aptitudes, in becoming pioneers in virgin regions or soldiers. War, the original, perpetual and exclusive occupation of our ancestors, is eminently[Pg 215] suited to the tendencies of criminals. All the characteristics of the criminal, impulsiveness, cynicism, physical and moral insensibility, and invulnerability are valuable qualities in the soldier in times of war, especially when waged against savage and barbarous nations, when cunning and ability have to be employed against primitive races who laugh at the rules and ethics of civilised warfare.
The colonization of untamed areas and all professions (like driving, biking, acrobatics, and circus acts) that require boldness, energy, a love for adventure, and intense effort followed by long stretches of rest are highly compatible with criminals. There are documented instances of young men turning to theft and even murder to gather the money needed to become comedians or professional cyclists, and it’s reasonable to believe that these crimes wouldn't have happened if these young men could have earned the necessary amounts honestly. On the flip side, men with bad backgrounds who are on the path to becoming criminals often undergo a complete change when they find a way to use their intelligence and skills, such as becoming pioneers in unexplored areas or soldiers. War, the original and ongoing main activity of our ancestors, is ideally suited to the tendencies of criminals. All the traits of a criminal—impulsiveness, cynicism, physical and moral insensitivity, and perceived invulnerability—are valuable qualities for a soldier during wartime, especially when fighting against savage and barbaric nations, where cunning and skill must be applied against primitive groups that disregard the rules and ethics of civilized warfare.
Amongst brigands, we find a few badly-armed individuals performing marvels of valour, and the leaders, although ignorant men, manifesting an intelligence and tactical skill that puts trained armies to shame. Could not the tendencies of criminals be used for the good of their country? The qualities developed in primitive races by constant warfare against the forces of nature are characteristic also of criminals. Let those whom nature has destined to reproduce impulsive and brutal instincts in a civil and industrial age be permitted to employ them in defending civilisation with true primitive valour against external and internal enemies, against barbarous peoples who would restrict its boundaries, or reactionary elements who seek to hinder its progress.
Among bandits, we see a few poorly-armed individuals showing remarkable bravery, and the leaders, though uneducated, display a level of intelligence and tactical skill that puts trained armies to shame. Couldn't the tendencies of criminals be used for the benefit of their country? The qualities developed in primitive societies through constant battles against the forces of nature are also seen in criminals. Let those whom nature has combined to express impulsive and brutal instincts in a civilized and industrial age be allowed to use those instincts to defend civilization with true primitive bravery against external and internal foes, against barbaric peoples who would limit its borders, or against reactionary forces that aim to obstruct its progress.
The Great Redeemer, who in pardoning the adulteress, said, "He that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone at her," and the Prophet who foretold the day when the wolf and the lamb[Pg 216] should dwell together and the lion should eat straw like the ox and should "not hurt nor destroy," divined perhaps this noble aim. If criminal anthropology is destined to lead mankind to this goal, it may well be pardoned all the harsh measures it has seen fit to suggest in order to realise the supreme end—social safety.
The Great Redeemer, who forgave the woman caught in adultery, said, "Let anyone who is without sin throw the first stone at her," and the Prophet who predicted a time when the wolf and the lamb[Pg 216] would live together, and the lion would eat straw like an ox and would "not hurt nor destroy," perhaps envisioned this noble goal. If the study of criminal behavior is meant to guide humanity toward this aim, it may be forgiven for any harsh measures it has deemed necessary to achieve the ultimate purpose—social safety.
PART III
CHARACTERS AND TYPES OF CRIMINALS
CHAPTER I
EXAMINATION OF CRIMINALS
Criminal anthropologists are unanimous in insisting on the importance of the results to be gained from a careful examination of the physical and psychic individuality of the offender, with a view to establishing the extent of his responsibility, the probabilities of recidivation on his part, the cure to be prescribed or the punishment to be meted out to him; but besides furnishing the magistrate with a sound basis for his decisions, the anthropological examination will prove of great assistance to probation officers, superintendents of orphanages and rescue homes and all those who are entrusted with the destinies of actual offenders or candidates for crime. I have therefore decided to devote this part of my summary to a minute demonstration of the methods to be employed in these examinations, which should be conducted on the one hand with the scientific precision that distinguishes clinical[Pg 220] diagnoses of diseases and on the other with special rules deduced from the long experience of criminologists in dealing with criminals and the insane, between whom there is so much affinity.
Criminal activity anthropologists all agree on the importance of carefully examining both the physical and psychological traits of offenders. This helps to establish their level of responsibility, the likelihood of them reoffending, the appropriate treatment or punishment they should receive. Not only does this provide magistrates with a solid foundation for their decisions, but it also greatly assists probation officers, orphanage superintendents, rescue home managers, and others responsible for the lives of current offenders or those at risk of committing crimes. Because of this, I've decided to dedicate this part of my summary to a detailed demonstration of the methods to use in these examinations. These should be carried out with the scientific accuracy found in clinical[Pg 220] disease diagnoses, while also incorporating specific guidelines based on the extensive experience criminologists have with criminals and the mentally ill, who share many similarities.
Background and Mental Individuality
The examination of a criminal or person of criminal tendencies should, if possible, be preceded by a careful investigation of his antecedents. Questions put to relatives and friends often bring to light facts relating to his past life, and give an idea of the surroundings in which he has grown up and the illnesses suffered by him during childhood (meningitis, typhus, convulsions, hemicrania, giddiness, pavor nocturnus, trauma). The prevalence of disease in the family (parents, grandparents, uncles, cousins, etc.) should be elicited and note taken not only of nervous maladies, but of arthritic, tuberculous, pellagrous, and inebriate forms, including a tendency to morphiomania. Even goitre should not escape notice, since it may indicate cretinism or any other form of degeneration. The existence of criminality in the family is of still greater importance, but it is extremely difficult to obtain any information on this head, either from the patient himself or his relatives. A certain amount of strategy must be used in eliciting facts of this kind, by suddenly asking,[Pg 221] for instance, whether a certain individual of the same name, already deceased or confined in such-and-such an asylum or prison, is any relation of the patient.
The assessment of a criminal or someone with criminal tendencies should, if possible, be preceded by a thorough investigation of their background. Asking questions to relatives and friends often uncovers important details about their past and provides insight into the environment in which they grew up, as well as any illnesses they experienced during childhood (like meningitis, typhus, seizures, migraines, dizziness, pavor nocturnus, and trauma). It's important to gather information about the prevalence of diseases in the family (parents, grandparents, uncles, cousins, etc.), taking note of not just nervous disorders, but also arthritic, tuberculous, pellagrous, and addiction-related issues, including a tendency toward morphine addiction. Even conditions like goitre should not be overlooked, as they may indicate cretinism or other forms of degeneration. The presence of criminal behavior in the family is even more significant, but it is often very challenging to obtain this information, either from the patient or their relatives. Some tactics may be necessary to draw out such information, like suddenly asking,[Pg 221] for example, whether a specific individual with the same name, who is already deceased or confined in a particular asylum or prison, is related to the patient.
Next should be ascertained whether he is single or married, and in the latter case, whether his wife is still living; also what profession or professions he has exercised. In this connection it should be observed that although criminals are generally successful in everything they undertake, they are incapable of remaining constant to one thing for any length of time.
Next, we need to find out if he is single or married, and if he is married, whether his wife is still alive; also, what jobs he has held. It should be noted that while criminals usually succeed in whatever they try, they struggle to stick with one thing for a long time.
Many persons, cooks, tavern-keepers, confectioners, etc., exercise callings that have a deleterious effect on the nervous centres and encourage an abuse of alcohol; others like bakers, have night work, which is equally harmful. Professions which bring poor men, servants, secretaries, cashiers, etc., into close contact with wealth, are sometimes the cause of dishonesty in those who in the absence of special temptations, would have remained upright; others provide criminaloids with opportunities or instruments for accomplishing some crime, as in the case of locksmiths, blacksmiths, soldiers, doctors, lawyers, etc.
Many people, like cooks, bar owners, and pastry chefs, have jobs that negatively impact the nervous system and promote alcohol abuse; others, such as bakers, work at night, which is also harmful. Professions that put poor individuals, like servants, secretaries, and cashiers, in close contact with wealth can sometimes lead to dishonesty in those who, without such temptations, would have stayed honest. Additionally, some professions give criminals the chance or tools to commit crimes, as seen with locksmiths, blacksmiths, soldiers, doctors, and lawyers.
The time of the year and other circumstances under which the crime takes place should be elicited,[Pg 222] and it should be borne in mind that the vintage season in countries of Southern Europe and extremes of heat and cold are favourable to seizures of an epileptic nature.
The time of year and other conditions when the crime occurs should be examined,[Pg 222] and it's important to remember that the harvest season in Southern European countries and extreme heat and cold can trigger epileptic seizures.
When the subject under examination is a recidivist, care should be taken to ascertain at what age and under what circumstances the initial offence was committed. Precocity in crime is a characteristic of born criminals, and puberty and senility have their peculiar offences, as have the extremes of poverty and wealth.
When looking at a repeat offender, it's important to determine at what age and in what situation the first crime was committed. Early involvement in crime is a trait of natural-born criminals, and both adolescence and old age have their specific crimes, just like the extremes of poverty and wealth.
Intelligence. As we are not dealing with an ordinary patient, who is generally only too ready to talk about his troubles, but with an individual who has been put on his guard by constant cross-examination, his suspicions should first of all be allayed by a series of general questions on his native place or the town in which he is now living, his trade, etc. "Why did you leave your native town? Why do you not return? Are you married? How many children have you?" etc. Then an attempt should be made to gain an idea of his intellectual powers by asking easy questions: "How many shillings are there in a pound? How many hours are there in a day? In what year were you married?" etc.
Intelligence. Since we’re not dealing with an ordinary patient, who is usually quite willing to share his troubles, but rather with someone who has become defensive due to constant questioning, we should first ease his suspicions with a series of general questions about his hometown or the city he currently resides in, his job, etc. "Why did you leave your hometown? Why don’t you go back? Are you married? How many kids do you have?" etc. Then we should try to assess his intellectual abilities by asking simple questions: "How many shillings are in a pound? How many hours are in a day? What year did you get married?" etc.
Affection. The affections should be tested in an indirect way. "Is your father a bad man?" or[Pg 223] "Are your neighbours worthless people? Do they treat you with due respect? Has any one a spite against you? Are you fond of your parents? Are you aware that your brother (or mother) is seriously ill?" Questions concerning relatives and friends are of special interest, because they enable the examiner to ascertain whether they cause the patient emotion of any kind, whether he has any real affection for those beings to whom normal persons are attached, but towards whom born criminals and the insane in general do not manifest love. In the absence of instruments, we must judge of the feelings of patients by their answers and the facial changes caused by emotion, but medico-legal experts naturally prefer a scientific test by means of accurate instruments, by which the exact degree of emotion is registered. These instruments are the plethysmograph and the hydrosphygmograph.
Affection. Feelings should be assessed indirectly. "Is your father a bad person?" or[Pg 223] "Are your neighbors worthless? Do they treat you with the respect you deserve? Is anyone out to get you? Do you care about your parents? Are you aware that your brother (or mother) is seriously ill?" Questions about family and friends are particularly important because they help the examiner determine if those relationships evoke any feelings in the patient, whether the patient has genuine affection for those they should care about, unlike individuals born with criminal tendencies or the mentally ill, who typically don’t show love. Without proper instruments, we must evaluate patients' feelings based on their answers and the facial expressions triggered by emotion, but legal medicine experts prefer a scientific approach using precise instruments that can accurately measure emotional responses. These instruments include the plethysmograph and the hydrosphygmograph.

Fig. 28
Criminal's Ear
It is well known that any emotion which causes the heart-beats to quicken or become slower makes us blush or turn pale, and these vaso-motor phenomena are entirely beyond our control. If we plunge one of our hands into the volumetric tank invented by Francis Frank, the level of the liquid registered on the tube above will rise and fall at every pulsation, and besides these regular fluctuations, variations may be observed which correspond to every[Pg 224] stimulation of the senses, every thought and above all, every emotion. The volumetric glove invented by Patrizi (see Fig. 25), an improvement on the above-mentioned instrument, is a still more practical and convenient apparatus. It consists of a large gutta-percha glove, which is put on the hand and hermetically sealed at the wrist by a mixture of mastic and vaseline. The glove is filled with air as the tank was with water. The greater or smaller pressure exercised on the air by the pulsations of blood in the veins of the hands reacts on the aerial column of an india-rubber tube, and this in its turn on Marey's tympanum (a small chamber half metal and half gutta-percha). This chamber supports a lever carrying an indicator, which rises and falls with the greater or slighter flow of blood in the hand. This lever registers the oscillations on a moving cylinder covered with smoked paper. If after talking to the patient on indifferent subjects, the examiner suddenly mentions persons, friends, or relatives, who interest him and cause him a certain amount of emotion, the curve registered on the[Pg 225] revolving cylinder suddenly drops and rises rapidly, thus proving that he possesses natural affections. If, on the other hand, when alluding to relatives and their illnesses, or vice-versa, no corresponding movement is registered on the cylinder, it may be assumed that the patient does not possess much affection.
It’s widely recognized that any emotion that speeds up or slows down our heartbeat can make us blush or go pale, and these body responses are completely out of our control. If we put one of our hands into the volumetric tank created by Francis Frank, the liquid level in the tube above will rise and fall with each heartbeat. In addition to these regular changes, we’ll see fluctuations that correspond to every sensory stimulation, every thought, and especially every emotion. The volumetric glove developed by Patrizi (see Fig. 25) is an even more practical and convenient version of that device. It’s a large gutta-percha glove that you wear on your hand and seal at the wrist with a mixture of mastic and vaseline. The glove is filled with air instead of water like the tank. The pressure exerted by the blood flow in the veins of the hands changes the air pressure in a rubber tube, which then affects Marey's tympanum (a small chamber made of half metal and half gutta-percha). This chamber has a lever attached to an indicator that moves up and down with the varying blood flow in the hand. This lever records the fluctuations on a moving cylinder covered in smoked paper. After talking to the patient about neutral topics, if the examiner suddenly mentions people, friends, or family members who evoke some emotion, the curve on the revolving cylinder will drop and then spike rapidly, indicating that the patient has genuine feelings. Conversely, if there’s no noticeable movement on the cylinder when discussing relatives and their illnesses, it suggests that the patient may not have strong feelings.
Fig. 25 | Fig. 26 | |
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A 3D Glove (see page 224) | Criminal Mastermind Epileptic |
Thus when Bianchi and Patrizi spoke to the notorious brigand Musolino about life in his native woods, his mother, and his sweetheart, there was an immediate alteration in the pulse, and the line registered by the plethysmograph suddenly changed, nor did it return to its previous level until some time afterward.
Thus when Bianchi and Patrizi talked to the infamous bandit Musolino about life in his home woods, his mother, and his girlfriend, there was an immediate change in his pulse, and the line recorded by the plethysmograph suddenly shifted, not returning to its previous level for some time.
My father sometimes made successful use of the plethysmograph to discover whether an accused person was guilty of the crime imputed to him, by mentioning it suddenly while his hands were in the plethysmograph or placing the photograph of the victim unexpectedly before his eyes.
My father occasionally used the plethysmograph effectively to determine if a suspect was guilty of the crime alleged against him, by bringing it up unexpectedly while his hands were connected to the plethysmograph or by showing the victim's photograph without warning.
Morbid Phenomena. When examining a criminal or even a suspected person, who is nearly always more or less abnormal, it is advisable to investigate the more common morbid phenomena he may be subject to, on which he is not likely to give information spontaneously because he is ignorant of their importance. He should be questioned about his sleep, whether he has dreams, etc. Mental[Pg 226] sufferers nearly always sleep badly and are frequently tormented by insomnia and hallucinations. The inebriate imagines he is being pursued by disgusting, misshapen creatures, from which he cannot escape. Epileptics, and frequently also hysterical persons have peculiar obsessions. They fancy they cannot perform certain actions unless they are preceded by certain words and gestures.
Morbid Phenomena. When looking into a criminal or even a suspected individual, who is often somewhat abnormal, it's wise to check for more common morbid symptoms they might have, since they’re unlikely to share this information voluntarily due to their lack of understanding about its significance. They should be asked about their sleep, dreams, etc. Mentally ill people usually have poor sleep and often struggle with insomnia and hallucinations. Drunk individuals may believe they are being chased by grotesque, deformed figures from which they can't flee. People with epilepsy, and often those with hysteria, have strange obsessions. They think they can't do specific actions unless certain words and gestures occur first.
The susceptibility of the patient to suggestion should also be tested, to determine what value can be attached to his assertions. Sufferers from hysteria and general paralysis are like children, highly susceptible to suggestion, not necessarily of an hypnotic nature. If you tell an hysterical person with conviction that he suffers pain in a certain part of his body, is feverish or pale or something of the sort, he will inform you spontaneously after a few minutes that he feels pain or fever, etc. After a crime of a startling nature has been committed by some unknown person, it not unfrequently happens that some hysterical subject, generally a youth, who imagines he has been accused of the crime by the neighbours or his acquaintances, becomes convinced that he is really guilty and gives himself up to the police.
The patient's susceptibility to suggestion should also be evaluated to understand the reliability of their claims. People with hysteria or general paralysis can be like children, very open to suggestions, which aren't always hypnotic. If you confidently tell someone with hysteria that they have pain in a certain area, are looking pale, or have a fever, they'll often report feeling those things shortly after. After a shocking crime has been committed by an unknown person, it's not unusual for an easily influenced individual, typically a young person, to believe they’ve been accused of the crime by neighbors or acquaintances. They may become convinced of their guilt and turn themselves into the police.
Speech. Special attention should be directed during the examination to the way in which the[Pg 227] patient replies to questions and his mode of pronunciation. There may be peculiarities of pronunciation and stammering, characteristic of certain forms of mental alienation, or at any rate of some nervous anomaly; or articulation may be tremulous and forced, as in precocious dementia and chronic inebriety. In other cases the words are jumbled and confused, especially if long and difficult. In the first stages of progressive paralysis the letter r is not pronounced. To test this anomaly, which is of great importance in the diagnosis, the patient should be requested to pronounce difficult words, such as, corroborate, reread, rewrite, etc.
Speech. During the examination, it's important to pay close attention to how the[Pg 227] patient responds to questions and their way of speaking. There might be unique pronunciation issues and stuttering associated with certain types of mental disorders, or at least some nervous condition; or the speech might be shaky and strained, as seen in early dementia and chronic alcoholism. In other instances, the words may come out jumbled and unclear, especially if they are long and complex. In the initial stages of progressive paralysis, the letter r may not be pronounced. To test this issue, which is crucial for diagnosis, the patient should be asked to say challenging words, such as corroborate, reread, rewrite, etc.
In order not to lose such valuable indications, in cases where personal examination is impossible, phonograph impressions of conversations between the patient and some third person will serve as a substitute.
To avoid losing such valuable insights, when a personal examination isn't possible, recordings of conversations between the patient and a third party will act as a substitute.
The inquiry may reveal still more serious anomalies in the ideas, intelligence, and mental condition of the patient. Sometimes the answers given are sensible but are followed by nonsense. Other patients, especially when afflicted with melancholia, speak unwillingly, as if the words were forced from them, one by one. Idiots, cretins, and demented persons are sometimes incapable of expressing themselves. Some patients who have had[Pg 228] apoplectic strokes substitute one word for another, "bread" for "wine," etc., or elide one part of the sentence and only repeat the last word.
The inquiry might uncover even more serious issues in the patient's thoughts, intelligence, and mental state. Sometimes the responses are logical but are soon followed by unrelated remarks. Other patients, particularly those suffering from depression, speak reluctantly, as if their words are being pulled out of them, one at a time. Individuals with intellectual disabilities and those with dementia often struggle to express themselves. Some patients who have had[Pg 228] strokes might mix up words, saying "bread" instead of "wine," for example, or they might leave out a part of the sentence and only repeat the last word.
Memory. To form an idea of the memory of the subject, questions should be put to him concerning recent and remote personal facts and circumstances, the year in which he or his children were born, what he had for his supper on the previous evening, etc., etc.
Memory. To understand the subject's memory, you should ask them about recent and distant personal events and details, like the year they or their children were born, what they had for dinner last night, and so on.
Visual memory may be tested by giving the patient a sheet of paper, on which are drawn various common objects, letters, or easy words. He should be allowed to look at these for five or ten seconds and requested to enumerate them after the paper has been withdrawn. In order to test the memory of sounds, the examiner should utter five or six easy words and ask the patient to repeat them immediately afterwards.
Visual memory can be tested by giving the patient a piece of paper that has various common objects, letters, or simple words drawn on it. They should be allowed to look at it for five to ten seconds and then asked to name what they saw after the paper is taken away. To test sound memory, the examiner should say five or six simple words and ask the patient to repeat them immediately afterwards.
To test sense of colour, a picture on which various colours are painted is placed before the patient, as well as a skein of wool of the same shade as one of the colours in the picture, which he is requested to point out.
To test color perception, a picture with various colors is shown to the patient, along with a skein of wool that matches one of the colors in the picture, which they are asked to identify.
Handwriting is very important, particularly in distinguishing a born criminal from a lunatic, and between the various kinds of mental alienation.
Handwriting is very important, especially in distinguishing a born criminal from a lunatic, and in recognizing the different types of mental disorders.
Monomaniacs and mattoids (cranks) who give[Pg 229] the police the most trouble often speak in a perfectly sane manner, but pour out all their insanity on paper, without an examination of which it is not easy to detect mental derangement. They write with rapidity and at great length. Their pockets, bags, etc., are always full of sheets of paper covered with small handwriting, sometimes scribbled in all directions. The matter is generally absurd or simply stupid, consisting of endless repetitions.
Monomaniacs and cranks who give[Pg 229] the police the most trouble often talk in a completely rational way, but unleash all their craziness on paper. Without a closer look, it’s hard to notice their mental issues. They write quickly and extensively. Their pockets, bags, and other belongings are always stuffed with sheets of paper filled with tiny writing, sometimes scrawled all over the place. The content is usually nonsensical or just silly, made up of endless repetitions.
Individuals in the first stage of paralysis make orthographical errors, which coincide with their mistakes in pronunciation, like Garigaldi, instead of Garibaldi. Care must be taken to test this defect thoroughly. If the patient is fairly well-educated, his signature, which is the last to alter, is not sufficient; nor are a few lines a satisfactory test, since he can easily concentrate his attention on them, but he should be requested to write a page or two and be exhorted to make haste.
Individuals in the early stage of paralysis make spelling mistakes that match their pronunciation errors, like Garigaldi instead of Garibaldi. It's important to test this issue thoroughly. If the patient is relatively well-educated, their signature, which is the last thing to change, isn't enough; nor are a few lines a good test, since they can easily focus on those. Instead, they should be asked to write a page or two and encouraged to do it quickly.
Alcoholism and paralysis generally give rise to tremulous handwriting with unsteady strokes, as in old people. After epileptic seizures and attacks of hysteria the writing is shaky. The slightest trembling of the hand is detected if Edison's electric pen be used.
Alcoholism and paralysis usually cause shaky handwriting with uneven strokes, similar to that of older people. After epileptic seizures and episodes of hysteria, the writing becomes unsteady. Even the slightest tremor in the hand can be seen if Edison's electric pen is used.
In progressive general paralysis and some forms of dementia shakiness is so excessive that it becomes[Pg 230] dysgraphy, with zigzag letters. The handwriting of persons subject to apoplectic strokes has often the appearance of copper-plate. Monomaniacs intersperse their writings with illustrations and symbols. They write very closely in imitation of print, as do mattoids, hysterical persons, and megalomaniacs, and use many notes of exclamation and capital letters. Their writings are full of badly-spelled words, scrolls, and flourishes.
In progressive general paralysis and some types of dementia, shakiness can be so severe that it leads to [Pg 230] dysgraphia, resulting in zigzag letters. The handwriting of people who have had strokes often resembles copperplate. People with obsessive thoughts fill their writings with illustrations and symbols. They write very close together, trying to mimic print, similar to those with mental health issues, hysterical individuals, and megalomaniacs, and they tend to use a lot of exclamation marks and capital letters. Their writings are filled with misspelled words, swirls, and decorative flourishes.
Criminals guilty of sanguinary offences generally have a clumsy but energetic handwriting and cross their t's with dashing strokes. The handwriting of thieves can scarcely be distinguished from that of ordinary persons, but the handwriting of swindlers is easier to recognise, as it generally lacks clearness although it preserves a certain uniformity. The signature is usually indecipherable and enveloped in an infinite number of arabesques.
Criminals who commit violent crimes usually have messy but vigorous handwriting and cross their t's with bold strokes. The handwriting of thieves is hardly different from that of regular people, but the handwriting of fraudsters is easier to spot because it often lacks clarity while still maintaining a certain consistency. Their signatures are often unreadable and filled with countless decorative swirls.
Clothing. The manner in which a patient is dressed often gives an exact indication of his individuality. Members of those secret organizations of Naples and Sicily, the Camorra and Mafia, are fond of dressing in a loud manner with an abundance of jewelry. Murderers, epileptics, and the morally insane, who lead isolated lives, attach no importance to dress and are frequently dirty and[Pg 231] shabby. (See Fig. 26, A. D., a morally insane epileptic, the perpetrator of three murders.) Swindlers are always dressed in faultless style, the cinædus is fond of giving his costume a feminine air, and monomaniacs trick themselves out with ribbons, decorations, and medals: their clothes are generally of a strange cut. The cretin and the idiot go about with their clothes torn and in disorder and not infrequently emit a strong odour of ammonia.
Clothing. The way a patient dresses often reflects their personality. Members of secret organizations in Naples and Sicily, like the Camorra and Mafia, tend to wear flashy clothes and plenty of jewelry. Murderers, epileptics, and the morally insane, who live solitary lives, usually don’t care about their appearance and often appear dirty and[Pg 231] shabby. (See Fig. 26, A. D., a morally insane epileptic who committed three murders.) Swindlers are always impeccably dressed, while the cinædus enjoys adding a feminine touch to their outfit, and monomaniacs adorn themselves with ribbons, decorations, and medals: their clothes often have an unusual style. The cretin and the idiot typically wear torn and disheveled clothing and often give off a strong smell of ammonia.
Physical Checkup
Having carefully investigated the past history of the subject and made a minute study of his abnormal psychic phenomena, the expert should proceed to the examination of his physical characters.
Having thoroughly looked into the subject's history and studied his unusual psychic phenomena in detail, the expert should move on to examine his physical characteristics.
Chapter I of Part I contains a detailed description of the principal physiognomical anomalies of the criminal that may be discerned by the naked eye. They will now be briefly recapitulated.
Chapter I of Part I contains a detailed description of the main physical traits of criminals that can be seen with the naked eye. They will now be summarized briefly.
Skin. The skin frequently shows scars and (in the epileptic subject to seizures) lesions on the elbows and temples. Marks of wounds inflicted in quarrels and attempted suicide are frequent in habitual criminals. The forehead and nose must be examined for traces of acne rosacea frequent in drunkards, and for erythema on the back of the hands, characteristic of pellagra. Ichthyosis, psoriasis, or other skin[Pg 232] diseases are very common in cases of mental alienation, and scurvy often indicates long seclusion in prison.
Skin. The skin often shows scars and, in people with epilepsy who experience seizures, lesions on the elbows and temples. Marks from fights and suicide attempts are common among habitual criminals. The forehead and nose should be checked for signs of rosacea, which is often seen in heavy drinkers, and for redness on the backs of the hands, which is typical of pellagra. Conditions like ichthyosis, psoriasis, or other skin diseases are very common in cases of mental illness, and scurvy frequently suggests prolonged isolation in prison.
Tattooing. Great care must be taken to ascertain whether the subject is tattooed, and if so, on what parts of his body. Tattooing often reveals obscenity, vindictiveness, cupidity, and other characteristics of the patient, besides furnishing his name or initials, that of his native town or village, and the symbol of the trade he refuses to reveal (sometimes such indications have been blurred or effaced). (See Fig. 27.)
Tattooing. It’s important to carefully determine if the person has any tattoos and, if they do, where on their body they are located. Tattoos often show signs of obscenity, revenge, greed, and other traits of the individual, in addition to providing their name or initials, the name of their hometown or village, and a symbol of a profession they are unwilling to disclose (sometimes these details have been smudged or removed). (See Fig. 27.)
One of the chief proofs showing the untruthfulness of the statements made by the Tichborne claimant was the fact that his person was devoid of tattooing, whereas it was well known that Roger Tichborne had been tattooed.
One of the main pieces of evidence that proved the Tichborne claimant's statements were false was the fact that he had no tattoos, while it was widely known that Roger Tichborne was tattooed.
Tattooing often reveals the psychology, habits, and vices of the individual. The tattooing on pederasts usually consists of portraits of those with whom they have unnatural commerce, or phrases of an affectionate nature addressed to them. A pederast and forger examined by Professor Filippi was tattooed on his forearm with a sentimental declaration addressed to the object of his unnatural desires; a criminal convicted of rape was covered with pictorial representations of his obscene adventures.[Pg 233] From these few instances, it is apparent that these personal decorations are of the utmost value as evidence of hidden vices and crimes.
Tattooing often reveals a person's psychology, habits, and vices. The tattoos on individuals who engage in inappropriate relationships typically feature portraits of those they have these relationships with or affectionate phrases directed at them. One pederast and forger examined by Professor Filippi had a sentimental statement tattooed on his forearm aimed at the object of his unnatural desires; a criminal convicted of rape was covered in illustrations of his obscene activities.[Pg 233] From these examples, it's clear that these personal decorations are very valuable as evidence of hidden vices and crimes.
Wrinkles. We have already spoken of the abundance and precocity of wrinkles in born criminals. They are also a characteristic of the insane.
Wrinkles. We have already talked about the abundance and early appearance of wrinkles in born criminals. They are also a trait of the insane.
The following are of special importance: the vertical and horizontal lines on the forehead, the oblique and triangular lines of the brows, the horizontal or circumflex lines at the root of the nose and the vertical and horizontal lines on the neck. (The ferocious leader of a band of criminals at twenty-five, and a savage murderer under thirty years of age.)
The following are particularly significant: the vertical and horizontal lines on the forehead, the angled and triangular lines of the brows, the horizontal or curved lines at the base of the nose, and the vertical and horizontal lines on the neck. (The ruthless leader of a group of criminals at twenty-five, and a brutal killer under thirty years old.)
Beard. The beard is scanty in born criminals and often altogether absent in epileptics. On the other hand, it is common in insane females and in normal women after the menopause. Degenerates of both sexes frequently manifest characteristics of the opposite sex in the distribution of hair on the body. A tuft of hair in the sacro-lumbar region, suggestive of the tail of the mythological faun, is frequently found in epileptics and idiots, and in some cases the back and breast are covered with thick down which makes them resemble animals.
Beard. People born as criminals often have sparse beards, and it may be completely absent in those with epilepsy. Conversely, beards are common in women with mental health issues and in normal women after menopause. Individuals with degenerative conditions of both sexes often show traits typically associated with the opposite gender in how body hair is distributed. A tuft of hair in the lower back region, resembling the tail of a mythical faun, is often seen in people with epilepsy and intellectual disabilities. In some cases, the back and chest may be covered in thick hair, giving them an animal-like appearance.
The hair covering the head is generally thick and[Pg 234] dark, the growth is often abnormal with square or triangular zones growing in a different direction from the rest, or in small tufts like those inserted in a brush. Still more frequently do we find anomalies in the position of the vortex, or that point whence the hair-growth diverges circularly, which in normal persons is nearly always situated on the crown. In degenerates it is frequently on one side of the head and in cretins on the forehead. Precocious greyness and baldness are common in the insane criminals, and cretins, on the contrary, show these initial signs of senility at a much later period than normal persons.
The hair on the head is usually thick and[Pg 234] dark. The growth can often be unusual, with square or triangular patches growing in different directions from the rest, or in small tufts like those found in a brush. We also often see irregularities in the position of the vortex, the spot where hair growth swirls outwards, which in typical individuals is almost always at the crown. In those with degenerative conditions, it's frequently off to one side of the head, and in cretins, it can be found on the forehead. Early greyness and baldness are common among insane criminals, while cretins, on the other hand, tend to show these early signs of aging much later than normal individuals.
Teeth. The greatest percentage of anomalies is found in the incisors; next come the premolars, the molars, and lastly the canines. In criminals, especially if epileptics, the middle incisors of the upper jaw are sometimes missing and their absence is compensated by the excessive development of the lateral incisors. In other cases the lateral incisors are of the same size as the middle ones, and sometimes the teeth are so nearly uniform that it is difficult to distinguish between incisors, canines, and molars, a circumstance which recalls the homodontism of the lower vertebrates. After the incisors, the premolars show the greatest number of anomalies. While in normal persons they are smaller than the[Pg 235] molars, in degenerates they are frequently of the same size or even larger. Supernumerary teeth, amounting sometimes to a double row, are not uncommon. In other cases there is extraordinary development of the canines. Inherited degeneracy from inebriate, syphilitic, or tuberculous parents frequently manifests itself in rickety teeth with longitudinal and transverse striæ or serration of the edges, due to irregularities in the formation of the enamel. In idiots and epileptics, dentition is often backward and stunted; the milk-teeth are not replaced by others, or are almond-shaped and otherwise of abnormal aspect.
Teeth. The highest number of abnormalities is found in the incisors; next are the premolars, followed by the molars, and lastly the canines. In criminals, especially those with epilepsy, the middle incisors in the upper jaw are sometimes missing, and their absence is made up for by the excessive development of the lateral incisors. In other instances, the lateral incisors are the same size as the middle ones, and sometimes the teeth are so uniform that it's hard to tell the difference between incisors, canines, and molars, which is reminiscent of the homodontism found in lower vertebrates. After the incisors, the premolars show the most abnormalities. While in normal individuals they are smaller than the[Pg 235] molars, in those with degeneration, they are often the same size or even larger. Extra teeth, sometimes amounting to a double row, are not uncommon. In other cases, the canines show unusual growth. Hereditary degeneration from alcoholic, syphilitic, or tuberculous parents often results in poorly developed teeth with longitudinal and transverse striæ or serrated edges, caused by irregularities in enamel formation. In individuals with intellectual disabilities and epilepsy, tooth development is often delayed and inadequate; the milk teeth may not be replaced by others or may be almond-shaped and otherwise abnormal.
Ears. The ears of criminals and epileptics exhibit a number of anomalies. They are sometimes of abnormal size or stand out from the face. Darwin's tubercle, which is like a point turned forward when the helix folds over, and turned backward when the helix is flat, is frequently encountered in the ears of degenerates. The lobe is subject to a great many anomalies, sometimes it is absent altogether, in some cases it adheres to the face or is of huge dimensions and square in shape. Sometimes the helix is prolonged so as to divide the concha in two. Idiots often show excessive development of the anti-helix, while the helix itself is reduced to a flattened strip.
Ears. The ears of criminals and people with epilepsy show various irregularities. They can be unusually large or stick out from the face. Darwin's tubercle, which is a point that bends forward when the helix folds over and backward when it's flat, is often found in the ears of those considered degenerates. The earlobe can have many irregularities; sometimes it’s completely absent, other times it’s attached to the face, or it can be large and square-shaped. At times, the helix is elongated enough to split the concha in two. People with intellectual disabilities often have an overly developed anti-helix, while the helix itself appears as a flattened strip.
[Pg 236]Eyes. The eyebrows are generally bushy in murderers and violators of women. Ptosis, a species of paralysis of the upper lid, which gives the eye a half-closed appearance, is common in all criminals; but more frequently we find strabismus, a want of parallelism in the visual axes, bichromatism of the iris, and rigidity of the pupils.
[Pg 236]Eyes. The eyebrows are usually thick in murderers and those who harm women. Drooping eyelids, a type of upper eyelid paralysis that makes the eye look half-closed, is common among all criminals; however, more often we observe crossed eyes, a lack of alignment in the visual axes, two different colors in the iris, and inflexible pupils.
Nose. In thieves the base of the nose often slants upwards, and this characteristic of rogues is so common in Italy that it has given rise to a number of proverbs. The nose is often twisted in epileptics, flattened and trilobate in cretins.
Nose. In thieves, the base of the nose often angles upward, and this trait among wrongdoers is so prevalent in Italy that it has led to several proverbs. The nose is often misshapen in people with epilepsy, and flattened and trilobate in those with cretinism.
Jaws. Enormous maxillary development is one of the most frequent anomalies in criminals and is related to the greater size of the zygomæ and teeth. (See Fig. 27.) The lemurian apophysis already alluded to is not uncommon.
Jaws. Large jaw development is one of the most common traits found in criminals and is linked to the bigger size of the cheekbones and teeth. (See Fig. 27.) The lemurian apophysis mentioned earlier is not rare.
Chin. This part of the face, which in Europeans is generally prominent, round and proportioned to the size of the face, in degenerates as in apes is frequently receding, flat, too long or too short.
Chin. This part of the face, which in Europeans is usually prominent, round, and proportional to the size of the face, in degenerates, like in apes, is often receding, flat, too long, or too short.
These anomalies may be studied rapidly with the naked eye, but height, weight, the proportions of the various parts of the body, shape of the skull, etc., should be measured with the aid of special instruments.
These anomalies can be quickly observed with the naked eye, but height, weight, the proportions of different body parts, skull shape, etc., should be measured using specialized instruments.
Height. Criminals are rarely tall. Like all degenerates, they are under medium height. Imbeciles[Pg 237] and idiots are remarkably undersized. The span of the arms, which in normal persons about equals the height, is often disproportionately wide in criminals. The hands are either exaggeratedly large or exaggeratedly small.
Height. Criminals are usually not tall. Like all degenerates, they tend to be shorter than average. Imbeciles[Pg 237] and idiots are noticeably smaller. The length of the arms, which in average people is roughly equal to their height, is often disproportionately long in criminals. The hands are either extremely large or extremely small.


Fig. 29
Anthropometer
The height of a patient must be compared with the mean height of his fellow-countrymen, or, to be more exact, of those inhabitants of his native province or district who are, needless to say, of the same age and social condition. The average height of a male Italian of twenty is 5 feet 4 inches (1.624 m.), that of a female of the same age, 5 feet (1.525 m.). The distances from the sole of the foot to the navel and from the navel to the top of the head are in ratio of 60 to 40, if the total height be taken as 100.
The height of a patient should be compared to the average height of his fellow countrymen, specifically those from his home province or district who are the same age and social status. The average height for a 20-year-old Italian male is 5 feet 4 inches (1.624 m), while for a female of the same age, it is 5 feet (1.525 m). The distances from the sole of the foot to the navel and from the navel to the top of the head are in a ratio of 60 to 40, with the total height considered as 100.
These measurements may be effected very rapidly by using the tachyanthropometer invented by Anfossi (see Fig. 29). It consists of a vertical[Pg 238] column against which the subject under examination places his shoulders, a horizontal bar adjustable vertically until it rests on the shoulders, and can be used at the same time for ascertaining the length of the arms and middle finger: a graduated sliding scale in the vertical column for rapid measurements of the other parts of the body and a couple of scales at the base for measuring the feet.
These measurements can be taken very quickly using the tachyanthropometer invented by Anfossi (see Fig. 29). It features a vertical[Pg 238] column where the subject places their shoulders, a horizontal bar that can be adjusted vertically until it touches the shoulders, and it can also be used at the same time to measure the length of the arms and middle finger: a graduated sliding scale in the vertical column for quick measurements of other body parts and a couple of scales at the base for measuring the feet.
Weight. In proportion to their height, criminals generally weigh less than normal individuals, whose weight in kilogrammes is given by the decimal figures of his height as expressed in metres and centimetres.
Weight. Compared to their height, criminals usually weigh less than typical individuals, whose weight in kilograms corresponds to the decimal representation of their height in meters and centimeters.

Fig. 30
Anfossi Craniograph
Head. The head, or rather the skull, the shape of which is influenced by the cerebral mass it contains, is rarely free from anomalies, and for this reason the careful examination of this part is of the[Pg 239] utmost importance. We have no means of studying subtle cranial alterations in the living subject, but we can ascertain the form and capacity of his skull. This is rendered easy and rapid by means of a very convenient craniograph invented by Anfossi (see Fig. 30), which traces the cranial profile on a piece of specially prepared cardboard.
Head. The head, or actually the skull, whose shape is influenced by the brain it holds, rarely exists without some anomalies, making a careful examination of this area extremely important. We can't study subtle changes in the skull while the person is alive, but we can determine the shape and size of their skull. This is made easy and quick by a handy craniograph invented by Anfossi (see Fig. 30), which outlines the cranial profile on specially prepared cardboard.

Fig. 31
Pelvic measuring tool
In the absence of a craniometer, measurements may be taken with calipers, the arms of which are curved like the ordinary pelvimeters used in obstetrics (see Fig. 31), and a graduated steel tape.
In the absence of a craniometer, measurements can be taken with calipers, which have curved arms similar to the regular pelvimeters used in obstetrics (see Fig. 31), and a measuring tape made of steel.
The following are the principal measurements:
The following are the main measurements:
1. Maximum antero-posterior diameter, which is obtained by applying one arm of the instrument above the root of the nose just between the eyebrows and sliding the other arm over the vault of the skull till it reaches the occiput. The distance between the two arms furnishes the maximum longitudinal diameter.
1. The maximum front-to-back diameter is measured by placing one arm of the instrument above the bridge of the nose, right between the eyebrows, and sliding the other arm over the top of the head until it reaches the back of the skull. The distance between the two arms gives you the maximum length.
[Pg 240]2. The maximum transverse diameter or breadth of the skull is measured by placing the arms of the calipers, one on each side of the head on the most prominent spot.
[Pg 240]2. The widest part of the skull is measured by positioning the arms of the calipers, one on each side of the head at the most prominent area.
3. The antero-posterior curve is obtained by fixing the graduated tape at zero on the root of the nose (on the fronto-nasal suture) and passing it over the middle of the forehead, vertex, and occiput to the external occipital protuberance.
3. The front-to-back curve is measured by placing a graduated tape at zero on the root of the nose (at the fronto-nasal suture) and running it over the center of the forehead, the top of the head, and the back of the head to the external occipital bump.
4. The transverse, or biauricular curve is obtained by applying the steel tape at zero to a point just above the ear, and carrying it over the head in a vertical direction till it reaches the corresponding point on the other side.
4. The transverse, or biauricular curve is measured by placing the measuring tape at zero at a point just above the ear and extending it over the head vertically until it reaches the same point on the opposite side.
5. The maximum circumference is obtained by encircling the head with the steel tape, touching the forehead immediately above the eyebrows, the occiput at the most prominent point, and the sides of the head more or less at the level, where the external ear joins the head, according to whether the position of the occipital protuberance is more or less elevated. (See Figs. 32, 33.)
5. The largest circumference is measured by wrapping a steel tape around the head, touching the forehead just above the eyebrows, the prominent point at the back of the head, and the sides of the head roughly at the level where the external ear meets the head, depending on whether the position of the occipital protuberance is higher or lower. (See Figs. 32, 33.)
6. The cranial capacity is obtained by adding together these five measurements, the antero-posterior diameter, maximum transverse diameter, antero-posterior curve, transverse curve, and maximum[Pg 241] circumference. For a normal male the capacity is generally 92 inches (1500 c.c).
6. The cranial capacity is determined by adding these five measurements: the front-to-back diameter, the maximum side-to-side diameter, the front-to-back curve, the side-to-side curve, and the maximum[Pg 241] circumference. For an average male, the capacity is usually about 92 inches (1500 c.c).
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Fig. 32 | Fig. 33 |
7. The cephalic index is obtained by multiplying the maximum width by 100 and dividing the product by the maximum length, according to the following formula:
7. The cephalic index is found by multiplying the maximum width by 100 and dividing that result by the maximum length, according to the following formula:
W × 100 | |
——— | = X (cephalic index). |
L |
If the longitudinal diameter is 200 and the transverse diameter 100, the cephalic index is 10,000 divided by 200 = 50.
If the length is 200 and the width is 100, the head shape index is 10,000 divided by 200 = 50.
The cephalic indices of degenerates, like their height, have only a relative importance; that is, when they are compared with the mean cephalic index[Pg 242] prevalent in the regions of which the subject is a native. The cephalic index of Italians varies between 77.5 (Sardinians) and 85.9 (Piedmontese).
The head shape measurements of people with mental disabilities, like their height, are only important in a relative sense; that is, when compared to the average head shape measurement[Pg 242] that is common in the areas where the person comes from. The head shape measurement of Italians ranges from 77.5 (Sardinians) to 85.9 (Piedmontese).
Skulls are classified according to the cephalic index, in the following manner:
Skulls are categorized based on the cephalic index like this:
Hyperdolichocephalic | under 66 |
Dolichocephalic | 66-75 |
Subdolichocephalic | 75-77 |
Mesaticephalic | 77-80 |
Subbrachycephalic | 80-83 |
Brachycephalic | 83-90 |
Hyperbrachycephalic | above 90 |
We shall find among criminals frequent instances of microcephaly, macrocephaly, and asymmetry, one side of the head being larger than the other. Sometimes the skull is pointed in the bregmatic region (hypsicephaly), sometimes it is narrow in the frontal region in correlation to the insertion of the temporal muscles and the excessive development of the zygomatic arches (stenocrotaphy, see Fig. 5, Part I., Chapter I.), or depression of the bregmatic region (cymbocephaly).
We often find cases of microcephaly, macrocephaly, and asymmetry among criminals, with one side of the head being larger than the other. Sometimes the skull is pointed at the bregmatic area (hypsicephaly), and at other times it’s narrow in the frontal area, related to where the temporal muscles connect and the overdevelopment of the zygomatic arches (stenocrotaphy, see Fig. 5, Part I., Chapter I.), or there may be a depression in the bregmatic area (cymbocephaly).
Face. We have already remarked on the excessive size of the face compared with the brain-case, owing chiefly to the high cheek-bones, which are one of the most salient characteristics of criminals,[Pg 243] and to the enormous development of the jaws, which gives them the appearance of ferocious animals (see Fig. 5). To these peculiarities may be added progeneismus, the projection of the lower jaw beyond the upper, a characteristic found only in 10% of normal persons, receding forehead as in apes, and the lemurian apophysis already mentioned.
Face. We've already noted the unusually large size of the face compared to the skull, primarily due to the prominent cheekbones, which are one of the most noticeable traits of criminals,[Pg 243] and the significant growth of the jaws, which makes them look like fierce animals (see Fig. 5). These features can also include prognathism, where the lower jaw sticks out past the upper jaw, a trait seen in only 10% of typical individuals, a receding forehead similar to that of apes, and the lemurian apophysis mentioned earlier.
Arms and Hands. With the exception of the excessive length as compared with the stature, anomalies in the arms are rare, but the hands show some interesting characteristics, which have already been described in the first chapter of Part I, an increase or decrease in the number of fingers and syndactylism or palmate fingers. Also the lines in the palm and those on the palmar surfaces of the finger-tips show deviations from the normal type resembling characteristics of apes.
Arms and Hands. Aside from being unusually long in relation to body height, abnormalities in the arms are uncommon, but the hands have some interesting traits that were already discussed in the first chapter of Part I, including having more or fewer fingers and conditions like syndactyly or webbed fingers. Additionally, the lines on the palms and the patterns on the tips of the fingers can show variations that are similar to features found in apes.
Feet. Degenerates and more especially epileptics, frequently have flat or prehensile feet and an elongated big-toe with which, like the Japanese, they are able to grasp objects.
Feet. People with degenerative conditions, especially those with epilepsy, often have flat or grasping feet and an elongated big toe that allows them, similar to the Japanese, to pick up objects.
All these anomalies vary in number and degree according to whether the subject examined is a born criminal or a criminaloid, and according, also, to the special type of crime to which he is addicted. Thieves commonly show great mobility of the face and hands. Their eyes are small, shifty and[Pg 244] obliquely placed, and glance rapidly from one object to another. The eyebrows are bushy and close together, the nose twisted or flattened, beard scanty, hair not particularly abundant, forehead small and receding, and the ears standing out from the head. Projecting ears are common also to sexual offenders, who have glittering eyes, delicate physiognomy excepting the jaws, which are strongly developed, thick lips, swollen eyelids, abundant hair, and hoarse voices. They are often slight in build and hump-backed, sometimes half impotent and half insane, with malformation of the nose and reproductive organs. They frequently suffer from hernia and goitre and commit their first offences at an advanced age.
All these irregularities vary in number and severity depending on whether the person examined is a born criminal or a criminaloid, as well as the specific type of crime they are involved in. Thieves usually show significant movement in their face and hands. Their eyes are small, shifting, and obliquely positioned, quickly darting from one object to another. Their eyebrows are bushy and close together, their noses twisted or flattened, with sparse beards, not much hair, small and receding foreheads, and ears that stick out from their heads. Protruding ears are also common among sexual offenders, who often have sparkling eyes and delicate facial features except for their well-developed jaws, thick lips, swollen eyelids, abundant hair, and hoarse voices. They tend to be slight in build and sometimes hunchbacked, and they may be partially impotent or mentally unstable, with deformities in their noses and reproductive organs. They often experience hernias and goiter and typically commit their first offenses at an older age.
The cinædus is distinguished by his feminine air. He wears his hair long and plaited, and even in prison his clothing seems to retain its feminine aspect. The genitals are frequently atrophied, the skin glabrous, and gynecomastia not uncommon.
The cinædus is marked by a feminine vibe. He wears his hair long and styled, and even in prison, his clothes still have a feminine look. The genitals are often underdeveloped, the skin is hairless, and breast development is not unusual.
The eyes of murderers are cold, glassy, immovable, and bloodshot, the nose aquiline, and always voluminous, the hair curly, abundant, and black. Strong jaws, long ears, broad cheek-bones, scanty beard, strongly developed canines, thin lips, frequent nystagmus and contractions on one side of the face, which bare the canines in a kind[Pg 245] of menacing grin, are other characteristics of the assassin.
The eyes of murderers are cold, glassy, unfocused, and bloodshot; their noses are hooked and always prominent. They usually have curly, thick, and black hair. Other traits include strong jaws, long ears, broad cheekbones, sparse beards, well-defined canines, thin lips, and frequent eye twitching or contractions on one side of the face, which reveal their canines in a kind[Pg 245] of threatening grin.
Forgers and swindlers wear a singular, stereotyped expression of amiability on their pale faces, which appear incapable of blushing and assume only a more pallid hue under the stress of any emotion. They have small eyes, twisted and large noses, become bald and grey-haired at an early age, and often possess faces of a feminine cast.
Forgers and con artists wear a distinct, clichéd smile on their pale faces, which seem unable to blush and only turn even paler when they feel any emotion. They have small, squinty eyes, crooked and big noses, go bald and gray at an early age, and often have faces that look somewhat feminine.
Sensitivity
This external inspection of the criminal should be followed by a minute examination of his senses and sensibility.
This external inspection of the criminal should be followed by a detailed examination of their senses and sensitivities.

Esthesiometer
General Sensibility and Sensibility to Touch and Pain. Tactile sensibility should be measured by Weber's esthesiometer, which consists of two pointed legs, one of which is fixed at the end of a scale graduated in millimetres, along which the other slides (see Fig. 34). After separating the two[Pg 246] points three or four millimetres, they are placed on the finger-tips of the patient, who closes his eyes and is asked to state whether he feels two points or one. Normal individuals feel the points as two when they are only 2 mm. or 2.5 mm. apart; when, however, tactile sensibility is obtuse (as in most criminals) the points must be separated from 3 to 4.5 mm. or even more, before they are felt as two. Obtuseness varies with the type of crime committed habitually by the subject; in burglars, swindlers, and assaulters, being approximately double, while in violators, murderers, and incendiaries it stands in the ratio of 5 to 1 compared with normal persons.
General Sensibility and Sensitivity to Touch and Pain. Tactile sensitivity should be measured using Weber's esthesiometer, which has two pointed legs; one leg is fixed at the end of a scale marked in millimeters, while the other slides along it (see Fig. 34). After separating the two[Pg 246] points three or four millimeters apart, they are placed on the fingertips of the patient, who closes their eyes and is asked to identify whether they feel one point or two. Normal individuals can distinguish the points as two when they are only 2 mm. or 2.5 mm. apart; however, when tactile sensitivity is reduced (as seen in many criminals), the points must be separated by 3 to 4.5 mm. or even more before they register as two distinct sensations. The degree of reduced sensitivity varies depending on the type of crime the person frequently commits; in burglars, con artists, and assailants, it is roughly double, while in sexual offenders, murderers, and arsonists, it is about 5 to 1 compared to normal individuals.
In the absence of an esthesiometer, a rough calculation may be made by using an ordinary drawing compass or even a hairpin, separating the two points and measuring with the eye the distance at which they are felt to be separate.
In the absence of an esthesiometer, you can make a rough calculation using a regular drawing compass or even a hairpin; just separate the two points and estimate the distance with your eyes at which they feel distinct.
General Sensibility and Sensibility to Pain are measured by a common electric apparatus (Du Bois-Reymond), adapted by Lombroso for use as an algometer. (See Fig. 35.) It consists of an induction coil, put into action by a bichromate battery. The poles of the secondary coil are placed in contact with the back of the patient's hand and brought slowly up behind the index finger, when the strength[Pg 247] of the induced current is increased until the patient feels a prickling sensation in the skin (general sensibility) and subsequently a sharp pain (sensibility to pain). The general sensibility of normal individuals is 40 and the sensibility to pain, 10-25: the sensibility of the criminal is much less acute and sometimes non-existent.
General Sensibility and Sensitivity to Pain are measured using a common electric device (Du Bois-Reymond), modified by Lombroso to function as an algometer. (See Fig. 35.) It consists of an induction coil powered by a bichromate battery. The poles of the secondary coil are placed against the back of the patient's hand and gradually moved up behind the index finger, while the strength[Pg 247] of the induced current is increased until the patient feels a prickling sensation in the skin (general sensibility) and then a sharp pain (sensitivity to pain). The general sensibility of normal individuals is 40, and the sensitivity to pain ranges from 10 to 25; the sensitivity of criminals is much less acute and can sometimes be nonexistent.
Sensibility to Pressure. Various metal cubes of equal size but different weight, are placed two by two, one on each side, on different parts of the back of the hand. The patient is then asked to state which of any two weights is the lighter or heavier. This sense is fairly acute in criminals.
Sensibility to Pressure. Different metal cubes that are the same size but have different weights are placed two by two, with one on each side, on various spots on the back of the hand. The patient is then asked to identify which of the two weights is lighter or heavier. This sense is quite sharp in criminals.
Sensibility to Heat. Experiments are made by placing on the skin of the patient various receptacles filled with water at different temperatures. If great exactitude is desirable, Nothnagel's thermo-esthesiometer should be used. This is an instrument very similar to Weber's esthesiometer, but the points are replaced by receptacles filled with water of varying heat and furnished with thermometers. The patient must state which is the colder, and which the hotter spot. Sensibility to heat is less acute in criminals than in normal individuals.
Sensibility to Heat. Experiments are conducted by placing different containers filled with water at varying temperatures on the patient's skin. For greater accuracy, Nothnagel's thermo-esthesiometer should be used. This instrument is quite similar to Weber's esthesiometer, but instead of points, it has containers filled with water at different temperatures and includes thermometers. The patient needs to identify which spot feels colder and which one feels hotter. Sensitivity to heat is less pronounced in criminals compared to normal individuals.
Localisation of Sensibility. After the patient has been requested to close his eyes, various parts of his body are touched with the finger and he is asked to[Pg 248] point out the exact spot touched. Should he not be able to reach it with his finger, a statuette should be placed before him on which he should mark with a pencil the part touched. Normal persons are always able to localise the sensation exactly: inability to do so signifies disease of the brain or some kind of anomaly.
Localization of Sensation. After the patient is asked to close their eyes, different parts of their body are touched with a finger, and they are asked to[Pg 248] indicate the exact spot that was touched. If they can't reach the spot with their finger, a figurine should be placed in front of them where they can mark the touched area with a pencil. Normal individuals can always accurately localize the sensation: failure to do so indicates a brain disorder or some kind of abnormality.
Sensibility to Metals is tested by placing discs of different metals, copper, zinc, lead, and gold, or the poles of a magnet, on the frontal and occipital parts of the patient's head. Sometimes he feels pricking or heat, giddiness, somnolence, or a sense of bodily well-being. In general, criminals show great sensibility to metals; in hysterical persons this sensibility reaches an extraordinary degree of acuteness. By applying a magnet to the nape of the neck, the sensations of such individuals become polarised, that is, what appeared white to them before becomes black; bitter, what was formerly sweet, or vice versa. This is an excellent way of distinguishing between bona-fide cases of hysteria and sham ones. My father once detected simulation in a soi-disant hysterical patient by means of a piece of wood shaped and coloured to represent a magnet. On application of either magnet, the real or sham one, the patient's sensations were identical, whereas hysterical persons experience very diverse sensations and are able to distinguish[Pg 249] very sharply between the contact, not only of wood and metal, but of the different kinds of metal, and are particularly sensitive to the magnet.
Sensibility to Metals is tested by placing discs of different metals—copper, zinc, lead, and gold—or the poles of a magnet on the front and back of the patient’s head. Sometimes they feel prickling or heat, dizziness, drowsiness, or a sense of physical well-being. Generally, criminals show a strong sensitivity to metals; in hysterical individuals, this sensitivity can reach an extraordinary level of sharpness. By applying a magnet to the back of the neck, the sensations of these individuals become polarized; for example, what they perceived as white may appear black, and something that was once sweet may taste bitter, or vice versa. This is an excellent method for distinguishing between genuine cases of hysteria and those that are not. My father once identified a feigned case in a soi-disant hysterical patient using a piece of wood designed to look and feel like a magnet. When either the real or fake magnet was applied, the patient’s sensations were the same, while hysterical individuals experience very different sensations and can sharply differentiate between the contact of wood and metal as well as among different types of metal, showing particular sensitivity to the magnet.
Fig. 35 | Fig. 36 | |
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Pressure pain meter (see page 246) | Landolt Campimeter (Modified) (see page 249) |
Sight—Acuteness of Vision—Chromatic Sensibility—Field of Vision. Visual acuteness is tested by holding letters of a specified size at a certain distance. Sight is generally more acute in criminals than in normal persons; not so, chromatic sensibility, which is tested by giving the patient a number of skeins of different coloured silks, and requesting him to arrange them in series. Persons afflicted with dyschromatopsia confuse the different colours and the different shades of the same colour. Colour-blind people confuse black and red.
Vision—Sharpness—Color Sensitivity—Visual Field. Sharpness of vision is evaluated by holding letters of a specific size at a set distance. Generally, criminals have sharper vision than average individuals; however, this is not the case for color sensitivity, which is assessed by asking the subject to arrange several skeins of different colored silks in order. Individuals with dyschromatopsia mix up different colors and various shades of the same color. Color-blind people confuse black and red.
Especially important is the examination of the field of vision, as the seat of one of the most serious anomalies discovered by the Modern School, the presence of peripheral scotoma, frequently found in epileptics and born criminals. To test this anomaly, use should be made of Landolt's apparatus (Fig. 36). This consists of a semicircular band, which can revolve around a column. The patient rests his chin on a support placed in front of the semicircle in such a manner that the eye under examination is exactly in the centre, and looks directly at the middle point of the semicircle, corresponding to 0 in the scale: the testing object, a small ball, is passed backwards[Pg 250] or forwards along the semicircle. A graduated scale, placed on the semicircle, marks the point limiting the field of vision, and the result is registered on a diagram. The average limit of the normal field of vision is 90 mm. on the temporal side, 55 mm. on the nasal side, 55 mm. above and 60 mm. below (see Fig. 37). If a suitable instrument is not available, a series of concentric circles may be traced on a slate and the patient placed at a certain distance with one eye covered. The examiner then touches the different points of the circles with his hand and asks the patient whether he can see it when his eye is fixed on the central point. In this way the various points limiting the field of vision are noted and furnish, when united, the boundary line.
Especially important is the examination of the field of vision, as it reveals one of the most serious anomalies discovered by the Modern School: the presence of peripheral scotoma, often found in people with epilepsy and individuals born with criminal tendencies. To test this anomaly, one should use Landolt's apparatus (Fig. 36). This consists of a semicircular band that can rotate around a column. The patient rests their chin on a support placed in front of the semicircle, positioning the eye being examined directly at the center and looking straight at the midpoint of the semicircle, which corresponds to 0 on the scale. The testing object, a small ball, is then moved backward[Pg 250] or forward along the semicircle. A graduated scale on the semicircle marks the boundaries of the visual field, and the results are recorded on a diagram. The average limit of a normal field of vision is 90 mm on the temporal side, 55 mm on the nasal side, 55 mm above, and 60 mm below (see Fig. 37). If a suitable instrument is not available, a series of concentric circles can be drawn on a slate, and the patient can be positioned at a certain distance with one eye covered. The examiner then touches various points on the circles with their hand and asks the patient if they can see it while their eye is focused on the central point. This way, the different points that define the field of vision are noted and combined to create the boundary line.

Diagram Showing Normal Vision
[Pg 251]Hearing is generally less acute in the criminal than in the normal individual, but does not show special anomalies. It may be tested by speaking in a low voice at a certain distance from the patient, or by holding an ordinary watch a little way from his ear.
[Pg 251]Hearing is usually not as sharp in criminals as in average individuals, but there aren’t any specific issues. It can be evaluated by speaking softly from a certain distance or by holding a regular watch a short distance from their ear.
Smell. Olfactory acuteness is tested by solutions of essences of varying strength, which the patient should be requested to place in order, indicating the one in which he first detects an odour. Ottolenghi has invented a graduated osmometer which is easy to use. The criminal generally shows olfactory obtuseness.
Smell. The ability to smell is tested using solutions of essences in different strengths, where the patient should arrange them in order, identifying the one in which they first notice a scent. Ottolenghi has created a simple graduated osmometer that is easy to operate. Usually, criminals demonstrate a reduced sense of smell.
Taste is tested in the same way as smell, by varying solutions of saccharine or strychnine dropped on to the patient's tongue by means of a special medicine dropper. The mouth should be rinsed out each time. Normal persons taste the bitterness of sulphate of strychnine in a solution 1:600,000; the sweetness of saccharine in a solution 1:100,000. The sense of taste is less acute in criminaloids than in normal persons, and is specially obtuse in born criminals, 33% of whom show complete obtuseness.
Taste is tested in the same way as smell, by using varying solutions of saccharine or strychnine that are dropped onto the patient's tongue with a special medicine dropper. The mouth should be rinsed out each time. Normal individuals can taste the bitterness of strychnine sulfate in a solution of 1:600,000 and the sweetness of saccharine in a solution of 1:100,000. The sense of taste is less sharp in criminaloids compared to normal individuals, and is particularly dull in born criminals, 33% of whom show complete dullness.
Movements. Normal individuals in a state of repose remain almost motionless, and their gestures[Pg 252] are always appropriate. Lunatics and imbeciles have a habit of speaking and gesticulating even when they are not interrogated. Nervous diseases manifest themselves in facial contortions or slight spasmodic contractions. In melancholia and all forms of depression, the patient does not gesticulate but remains immovable like a statue with his eyes cast down. Degenerates manifest a fairly varied series of involuntary motions,—twitchings of the muscles, as in chorea, tonic and clonic convulsions and tremors. In senility, chorea, and Parkinson's disease, the tremors are incessant and continue even when the body is in a state of repose; in sclerosis, goitre, and chronic inebriety they accompany voluntary movements, and in this case they are easily detected by making the patient lift the tip of his finger to his nose or a filled glass to his lips. The nearer the hand approaches its goal, the more intense the oscillations become. Above all, the examiner should not fail to ask the patient to put out his tongue. If it protrudes on one side, it is a sign of a serious nervous alteration and nearly always denotes the beginning or remains of paralysis, or partial apoplectic strokes.
Movements. Normal people at rest remain almost motionless, and their gestures[Pg 252] are always fitting. People with mental illnesses often talk and gesture even when not prompted. Nervous conditions show up as facial twitches or slight spasms. In cases of melancholia and other types of depression, the person doesn’t gesture but stays still like a statue, with their eyes lowered. Individuals with degenerative conditions exhibit a range of involuntary movements—muscle twitches, like in chorea, as well as tonic and clonic convulsions and tremors. In old age, chorea, and Parkinson's disease, the tremors persist and continue even when the body is at rest; in conditions like sclerosis, goitre, and chronic alcoholism, they occur during voluntary movements and can easily be noticed when asking the patient to touch their finger to their nose or bring a glass to their lips. The closer the hand gets to its target, the more prominent the shaking becomes. Additionally, the examiner should always ask the patient to stick out their tongue. If it protrudes to one side, it indicates a serious nervous issue and almost always points to the onset or remnants of paralysis or partial strokes.
Muscular Strength is measured by a common dynamometer (Fig. 38), which the patient is requested to grasp with all his might. Compressive[Pg 253] strength is tested by compressing the oval. In order to test tractive strength, the dynamometer is fastened to a nail at the point C, and the patient pulls with all his strength at D. The effort is registered on a graduated scale and is of importance for detecting left-handedness and measuring the extraordinary force that is displayed in certain states of excitement.
Muscular Strength is measured using a common dynamometer (Fig. 38), which the patient is asked to grip as tightly as possible. Compressive[Pg 253] strength is evaluated by squeezing the oval. To test tractive strength, the dynamometer is attached to a nail at point C, and the patient pulls with all their strength at point D. The effort is recorded on a graduated scale, which is important for identifying left-handedness and measuring the exceptional strength that can occur in certain states of excitement.

Dynamometer
Reflex Action consists of movements and contractions produced by an impression exciting the nerves of the cutis (cutaneous reflex) or tendons (tendinous reflex).
Reflex Action consists of movements and contractions caused by a stimulus that excites the nerves of the skin (cutaneous reflex) or tendons (tendinous reflex).
Cutaneous Reflex Movements may be tested by placing the patient in a recumbent position and stroking methodically certain parts of the body, the sole of the foot (plantar reflex), the under side of the knee-joint (popliteal reflex), the abdominal wall[Pg 254] (abdominal reflex). Certain reflex movements are of special importance: the cremasteric reflex, on the inner side of the thigh (obtuse in old people and individuals addicted to onanism), the reflex action of the mucous membrane covering the cornea (suspended during stupor, coma, and epileptic convulsions), and the pharyngeal reflex along the isthmus of the fauces (absent in hysterical persons).
Cutaneous Reflex Movements can be tested by having the patient lie down and methodically stroking certain areas of the body, such as the sole of the foot (plantar reflex), the underside of the knee joint (popliteal reflex), and the abdominal wall[Pg 254] (abdominal reflex). Some reflex movements are particularly significant: the cremasteric reflex on the inner thigh (weaker in older adults and those who engage in masturbation), the reflex action of the mucous membrane covering the cornea (absent during stupor, coma, and epileptic seizures), and the pharyngeal reflex along the back of the throat (absent in hysterical individuals).
The dilatation and contraction of the pupil in accommodation to the distance of the object viewed or in response to light stimuli is undoubtedly the most important cutaneous reflex movement. It may be tested by requesting the patient to look at a distant object and immediately afterwards at the examiner's finger, placed close to his eye, or bringing him suddenly from semi-darkness into the light. If the pupil reacts very slightly to the light, it is called torpid: if it does not react at all, it is called rigid. Rigidity of the pupil always denotes some serious nervous disturbance. In certain diseases, especially tabes, the pupils do not respond to light stimuli, but accommodate themselves to objects.
The dilation and contraction of the pupil in response to the distance of the viewed object or light stimuli is definitely the most important reflex movement of the skin. You can test it by asking the patient to look at a distant object and then immediately at the examiner's finger held close to their eye, or by suddenly bringing them from a semi-dark room into the light. If the pupil responds very little to light, it is called torpid; if it doesn’t react at all, it is called rigid. A rigid pupil always indicates some serious nervous issue. In certain diseases, particularly tabes, the pupils do not respond to light stimuli but can still adjust to nearby objects.
Tendinous Reflex Action may be tested in every part of the body, but the rotular reflex movement is generally sufficient. The patient is asked to sit on the edge of the bed or on a chair with his legs crossed. If he is healthy, the reflex movement is fairly strong,[Pg 255] but in some illnesses spastic movements may be provoked and extend to the abdomen (exaggerated reflex action); in others no reflex is forthcoming. This is one of the first symptoms of tabes.
Tendinous Reflex Action can be tested in any part of the body, but the knee-jerk reflex is usually enough. The patient is asked to sit on the edge of the bed or in a chair with their legs crossed. If they are healthy, the reflex movement is quite strong,[Pg 255] but in some illnesses, spastic movements may be triggered and can extend to the abdomen (exaggerated reflex action); in other cases, there may be no reflex at all. This is one of the early signs of tabes.

Urine and Feces. As the functions are anomalous, the chemical changes must also be anomalous, owing to the correlation of organs. In born criminals there is a diminished excretion of nitrogen, whereas that of chlorides is normal. The elimination of phosphoric acid is increased, especially when compared with the nitrogen excreted. Pepton is sometimes found in the excretions of paralytic persons in whom there is always an increased elimination of phosphates and calcium carbonate.
Urine and Feces. Since the functions are unusual, the chemical changes must also be unusual, due to the connection between organs. In born criminals, there is less nitrogen excretion, while the level of chlorides remains normal. The elimination of phosphoric acid is higher, especially when compared to the nitrogen excreted. Pepton is sometimes present in the excretions of paralyzed individuals, who consistently show increased elimination of phosphates and calcium carbonate.
The temperature is generally higher than in normal persons, and, more important still, varies less in febrile illnesses.
The temperature is usually higher than in healthy individuals and, more importantly, shows less variation during fever-related illnesses.
For the reader's convenience, I have drawn up a list of the different points that should be noted in a careful examination.
For the reader's convenience, I've created a list of the various points to consider during a thorough examination.
Table showing the Anthropological Examination of Insane and Criminal Patients (drawn up by Tamburini, Strassmann, Benelli, and Mario Carrara).
Table showing the Anthropological Examination of Insane and Criminal Patients (created by Tamburini, Strassmann, Benelli, and Mario Carrara).
A— | Anamnesis. Name—surname—nationality—domicile—profession—age—education. |
Economic and hygienic conditions of native place. | |
[Pg 256] | Family circumstances—pre-natal conditions—infancy—puberty. |
Causes to which decease of parents may be attributed. | |
Cases of insanity—neurosis—imbecility—perversity—suicide—crime—or eccentricity in the family. | |
Progressive diseases or trauma in the subject. | |
Offence and causes thereof. | |
B— | Physique. Skeletal development—height—span of the arms. |
C— | Physical Examination. Muscular development. |
Colour of hair and eyes. | |
Quantity and distribution of hair. | |
Tattooing. | |
Craniometry: Antero-posterior diameter—transverse diameter— antero-posterior curve—transverse curve—cephalic index—type and anomalies of the skull—circumference—probable capacity—semi-circumference (anterior, posterior)—forehead—face, length, diameter (bizygomatic and bigoniac)—facial type—facial index—anomalies of conformation and development in the skull, in the face, in the ears, in the teeth, in other parts. | |
D— | Functions. |
E— | Animal Life. Sensibility: meteoric—tactile—thermal—dolorific and muscular—visual—auditory—of the other senses. |
Motivity: Sensory left-handedness—motory left-handedness—voluntary and involuntary movements—reflex action (tendinous or muscular, abnormal, chorea). | |
F— | Vegetative Life. Muscular strength. |
Circulation. | |
Respiration. | |
Thermo-genesis. | |
Digestion: Rumination—bulimy—vomiting—dyspepsia—constipation—diarrhœa. | |
Secretions: Milk—saliva—perspiration—urine—menstruation. | |
[Pg 257] | Dyscrasia: poisoning. |
G— | Psychic Examination. Language—writing—slang. |
Attention—perception. | |
Memory (textual)—reason. | |
Dreams—excitability—passions. | |
Sentiments: Affection—morality—religion. | |
Instincts and tendencies. | |
Moral character—industry. | |
Physiognomical expression. | |
Education—aptitudes. | |
H— | Morbid Phenomena. Illusions—hallucinations—delusions—susceptibility to suggestion. |
I— | Offences. |
Cause of first offence: Environment—occasion—spontaneous or premeditated—drunkenness. | |
Conduct after the offence: Repentance—recidivation. |
CHAPTER II
SUMMARY OF THE CHIEF FORMS OF CRIMINALITY TO AID IN DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN CRIMINALS AND LUNATICS AND IN DETECTING SIMULATIONS OF INSANITY. A FEW CASES SHOWING THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF CRIMINAL ANTHROPOLOGY
The cases described in this chapter show the necessity of being able to estimate correctly accusations made against insane persons by criminals or normal individuals. Since, moreover, criminals are prone to sham insanity in order to avoid punishment, I sum up the characteristics that distinguish the various types of criminals. With regard to insane criminals, it must be remembered that every form of mental alienation assumes a specific criminality.
The cases described in this chapter highlight the importance of accurately assessing accusations made against mentally ill individuals by either criminals or regular people. Furthermore, since criminals often pretend to be insane to escape punishment, I will summarize the traits that differentiate the various types of criminals. Regarding mentally ill criminals, it's essential to keep in mind that every type of mental disorder involves a distinct form of criminal behavior.
The idiot is addicted to bursts of rage, savage assaults, and homicide. His unbridled sexual appetite prompts him to commit rape. He is sometimes guilty of arson in order to gratify a childish pleasure at the sight of the flames.
The fool is hooked on fits of anger, violent attacks, and murder. His uncontrollable sexual desire drives him to commit rape. He sometimes sets fires just to enjoy the childish thrill of watching the flames.
[Pg 259]The imbecile or weak-minded egotist is a frequent though unnecessary accomplice in nearly every crime, owing to his susceptibility to suggestion and incapability of understanding the gravity of his actions.
[Pg 259]The foolish or simple-minded egotist often, though unnecessarily, plays a role in almost every crime because they are easily influenced and unable to grasp the seriousness of their actions.
Melancholia is often the cause of suicide or homicide (as a species of indirect suicide). The sufferer generally confesses and gives himself up to the police. Delusions that he is being poisoned or insulted are often the cause of the murders committed by this type of lunatic.
Melancholia is often responsible for suicide or homicide (as a form of indirect suicide). The person suffering usually confesses and turns themselves in to the police. Delusions that they are being poisoned or insulted often lead to the murders committed by this type of person.
Maniacs commit robbery, rape, homicide, and arson, and behave indecently in public.
Maniacs commit robbery, rape, murder, and arson, and act inappropriately in public.
Stealing is common among those afflicted with general paralysis, who believe everything they see belongs to them, or do not understand the meaning of property.
Stealing is common among those suffering from general paralysis, who think everything they see is theirs, or don’t grasp the concept of ownership.
Dementia causes general cerebral irritation, which frequently results in murder and violence.
Dementia leads to overall brain disturbance, which often triggers murder and violence.
Hysterical persons invent slanders, especially of an erotic nature. They are given to sexual aberrations and delight in fraud and extravagant actions to make themselves notorious.
Hysterical people make up lies, especially sexual ones. They tend to have unusual sexual behaviors and enjoy deceit and outrageous acts to gain attention.
Persons subject to a mania for litigation offend statesmen and others.
People with a constant obsession for lawsuits annoy politicians and others.
Epileptics, of whom born criminals and the morally insane are the most dangerous variety, are[Pg 260] familiar with the whole scale of criminality. Their special offences are assault and battery, rape, theft, and forgery. The first offences are committed intermittingly at the prompting of attacks of cortical irritation, the last two almost continuously owing to a state of constant irritation.
Epileptics, especially those who are born criminals and the morally insane, are the most dangerous type and are[Pg 260] well-versed in various forms of crime. Their specific crimes include assault and battery, sexual assault, theft, and forgery. The first crimes happen sporadically triggered by episodes of cortical irritation, while the last two occur almost continuously due to a state of ongoing irritation.
To distinguish between genuine insanity and simulation, it must be remembered that exaggeration of the symptoms is one of the chief characteristics of shamming. The simulator exaggerates the morbid phenomena and manifests a greater inco-ordination of ideas than does the genuine lunatic who gives sensible replies to simple questions, whereas the simulator talks nonsense. For instance, if a simulator is asked his name, his answer will show no connection with the question. He will say, perhaps: "Did you bring the bill?" or if asked how old he is, will answer: "I am not hungry."
To tell the difference between real insanity and someone faking it, it's important to remember that exaggerating symptoms is a key trait of pretending. The person faking it tends to overstate their symptoms and shows more confusion in their thoughts than a genuinely insane person, who can provide sensible answers to simple questions. In contrast, the pretender often responds with nonsense. For example, if you ask a pretender their name, their answer won't relate to the question. They might say, "Did you bring the bill?" or if asked how old they are, they might respond, "I am not hungry."
Above all, in order to distinguish between dementia, idiocy, cretinism, and an imitation of these forms, a minute somatic examination is necessary. It should be remarked that in idiots, imbeciles, and cretins we generally find hypertrophy of the connective tissues, earthen hue, scanty beard, stenocrotaphy, malformations of the skull, ears, teeth, face, and especially jaws, and there are invariably anomalies in the field of vision, lessened sensibility to[Pg 261] touch and pain (which cannot be simulated since pain invariably produces dilatation of the pupils), meteoric sensibility, attacks of hemicrania, neuralgia, hallucinations, and even convulsions, epileptic fits, tremors disposing to propulsive forms, and, psychologically, absence of natural feeling, sadism, and the inability to adopt a regular occupation.
To differentiate between dementia, intellectual disabilities, and conditions mimicking these forms, a thorough physical examination is essential. It should be noted that individuals with intellectual disabilities often exhibit thickened connective tissues, a clay-like skin tone, sparse facial hair, stenocrotaphy, and irregularities in the skull, ears, teeth, face, and especially the jaw. There are also consistent vision anomalies, reduced sensitivity to[Pg 261] touch and pain (which cannot be faked since pain always causes pupil dilation), heightened sensitivity to stimuli, episodes of migraines, neuralgia, hallucinations, and even convulsions, along with epileptic seizures and tremors that can lead to involuntary movements. Psychologically, there is often a lack of basic emotions, tendencies toward sadism, and difficulty maintaining a steady job.
When dealing with a simulation of epilepsy, it must be borne in mind that the epileptic always manifests salient degenerate characteristics, especially asymmetry of the face, skull, and thorax; and a careful investigation reveals neurosis of some kind in the family and trauma or serious illness in childhood. During the seizure, the pupil does not react (this cannot be simulated) or there is excessive mydriasis. The sudden pallor, and the exhaustion which follows the fit, are absent in the simulator, nor does he bite his tongue or injure himself in other ways. Furthermore, he reacts at the application of ammonia, and as he is not in that state of asphyxia in which the epileptic lies during the fit, the closing of his mouth and nostrils likewise produces a reaction.
When simulating epilepsy, it's important to remember that a person with epilepsy often shows clear degenerate traits, especially facial, skull, and chest asymmetry. A thorough investigation usually uncovers some form of neurosis in the family and past trauma or serious illness during childhood. During a seizure, the pupils don't respond (which can't be faked) or there is extreme dilation. The sudden paleness and the fatigue that follow a seizure are missing in someone pretending, and they also don't bite their tongue or hurt themselves in other ways. Additionally, they respond to ammonia being applied, and since they're not in the state of asphyxia that an epileptic experiences during a seizure, closing their mouth and nostrils also elicits a reaction.
Hysteria. Here the detection of shamming is more difficult, since deceit is a characteristic of this disease. Tests with metals, to which hysterical persons are extremely sensitive, suggestion and hypnotism should be resorted to. The character of the[Pg 262] crime should be specially considered, because, as we stated, the foundation of hysteria is an erotic one, and offences committed by the hysterical are nearly always of this nature in the means or the end.
Hysteria. Detecting when someone is pretending can be trickier here, as deceit is a key feature of this condition. We should use tests with metals, as people with hysteria are very sensitive to them, along with suggestion and hypnotism. It’s important to specifically consider the nature of the[Pg 262] crime because, as we mentioned, hysteria often has an erotic foundation, and offenses committed by those who are hysterical usually involve this aspect in either their methods or outcomes.
An examination of sensibility with suitable instruments, and of reflex action, is to be recommended in all cases.
An assessment of sensitivity with appropriate tools, and of reflex actions, is advisable in all situations.
Practical Use of Criminal Anthropology
The minute study of the criminal admits of infinite applications. It is generally used in deciding to which category of crime a particular offender belongs, whether he is a born criminal, a morally insane subject, an occasional criminal, or a criminaloid; but in certain cases the examination may be of value in establishing the innocence of an accused person, or in recognising in an accuser an insane individual whose accusation originates in some delusion and not in a knowledge of the facts.
The detailed study of criminals has endless applications. It’s usually used to determine what type of crime a specific offender commits, whether they are a born criminal, someone with moral insanity, a temporary criminal, or a criminaloid. However, in some situations, this examination can be useful for proving the innocence of someone accused, or for identifying an accuser as an unstable individual whose claims stem from delusions rather than actual knowledge of the facts.
A Man Who Was Accused Proved Innocent Through Anthropological Examination
On the 12th of January, 1902, a little girl of six, living at Turin, suddenly disappeared. Two months later, the corpse was discovered hidden in a case in a[Pg 263] cellar of the very house the little victim had inhabited. It bore traces of criminal violence and the clothing was in disorder. Various persons were arrested, among them a coachman named Tosetti, who had been seen joking and playing with the child on several occasions.
On January 12, 1902, a six-year-old girl living in Turin suddenly went missing. Two months later, her body was found hidden in a case in a[Pg 263] cellar of the house where she had lived. It showed signs of violent crime, and her clothes were disheveled. Several people were arrested, including a coachman named Tosetti, who had been seen joking and playing with the girl on multiple occasions.
Tosetti was of honest extraction, his grandparents and parents having died at an advanced age (between sixty and ninety) without having manifested nervous anomalies, vices, or crimes. Tosetti himself, although fond of drinking, was rarely, if ever, intoxicated, and was an individual of quiet, peaceful aspect with a benevolent smile and serenity of look and countenance. His hair had become grey at an early age, and he was devoid of any degenerate characteristics except excessive maxillary development. [Height 5 feet, 7 inches (1.70 m.); weight, 158 lbs. (72 kilogrammes); cranial capacity, 93 inches (1531 c.c.); cephalic index, 84 (brachycephaly; characteristic of the Piedmontese); tactile sensibility, 3 mm. left, 2.5 mm. right; general sensibility, 83 right, 78 left; sensibility to pain, 55 right, 45 left. The sensibility was, therefore, almost normal without any trace of left-handedness. Analysis of urine—absence of earthy phosphates common to born criminals. Tendinous reflex action feeble, few cutaneous reflexes, no tremors. The field of vision was not much reduced[Pg 264] but manifested a few peculiarities, due no doubt to the abuse of alcohol.]
Tosetti came from a respectable background; his grandparents and parents all lived to an old age (between sixty and ninety) without showing any nervous issues, vices, or criminal behavior. Tosetti himself enjoyed drinking but was rarely, if ever, drunk. He had a calm, peaceful demeanor and a kind smile. Although his hair turned grey early, he didn’t have any significant signs of degeneration except for a pronounced jaw. [Height 5 feet, 7 inches (1.70 m.); weight, 158 lbs. (72 kilograms); cranial capacity, 93 inches (1531 c.c.); cephalic index, 84 (brachycephaly; typical of those from Piedmont); tactile sensitivity, 3 mm. left, 2.5 mm. right; general sensitivity, 83 right, 78 left; pain sensitivity, 55 right, 45 left. His sensitivity was almost normal with no indication of left-handedness. Urinalysis showed no trace of earthy phosphates commonly found in born criminals. Tendon reflexes were weak, few skin reflexes, and no tremors. The field of vision was not significantly impaired[Pg 264] but had a few oddities, likely due to excessive alcohol use.]
Psychologically, Tosetti appeared to be a man of average or perhaps slightly less than average intelligence. He was quiet, very respectful, not to say servile, entirely devoid of impulsiveness of any form, and averse to quarrels, on which account he was rather despised by his companions. His natural affections were normal, and he was a good son and brother; he was excessively timid and disconcerted by the slightest reproof from his employer. He was rather fond of wine, though not of liquors. His sexual instincts he had lost very early, a fact which caused his companions to indulge in many jokes at his expense. His stinginess bordered on avarice, and he had never changed his trade.
Psychologically, Tosetti seemed to be a man of average or maybe slightly below average intelligence. He was quiet, very respectful, almost submissive, and completely lacking in any form of impulsiveness. He avoided conflicts, which made him somewhat disliked by his peers. His natural affections were typical, and he was a good son and brother; he was overly timid and unsettled by even the slightest criticism from his boss. He enjoyed wine but not hard liquor. He lost his sexual instincts at a very young age, which led his friends to make many jokes at his expense. His stinginess was close to being miserly, and he had never changed his line of work.
During his trial he showed no resentment against anyone, not even the police and warders, of whom he said on one occasion, "They have treated me like a son."
During his trial, he showed no bitterness toward anyone, not even the police and guards, of whom he said on one occasion, "They have treated me like a son."
The examination proved beyond a doubt that Tosetti was not a born criminal, and was incapable of committing the action of which he was suspected—the murder of a child for purely bestial pleasure.
The examination clearly showed that Tosetti was not a natural criminal and was incapable of committing the act he was accused of—the murder of a child for purely animalistic pleasure.
To obtain stronger proof, my father adopted the plethysmograph and found a slight diminution of the pulse when Tosetti was set to do a sum; when,[Pg 265] however, skulls and portraits of children covered with wounds were placed before him, the line registered showed no sudden variation, not even at the sight of the little victim's photograph.
To get stronger evidence, my father used the plethysmograph and noticed a slight drop in the pulse when Tosetti was asked to do a math problem; however, when skulls and pictures of injured children were shown to him, the line on the device didn’t change at all, not even when he saw the photo of the little victim.
The results of the foregoing examination proved conclusively that Tosetti was innocent of a crime which can only be committed by sadists, idiots, and the most degenerate types of madmen, like Vacher and Verzeni and all bestial criminals, who have reached the summit of criminality and unite in their persons the greatest number of morbid physical and psychic characteristics.
The results of the previous examination clearly showed that Tosetti was innocent of a crime that can only be committed by sadists, fools, and the most twisted types of madmen, like Vacher and Verzeni, and all brutal criminals who have reached the peak of criminality and combine the highest number of disturbing physical and mental traits.
A few months after my father had diagnosed this case, an assault of the same nature was committed on another little girl living in the same house. In this case, however, the victim survived and was able to point out the criminal—an imbecile, afflicted with goitre, stammering, strabismus, hydrocephaly, trochocephaly, and plagiocephaly, with arms of disproportionate length, the son and grandson of drunkards, who confessed the double crime and entreated pardon for the "trifling offence" since he had always done his duty and swept the staircase, even on the day he committed the crime.
A few months after my father diagnosed this case, another attack of the same kind happened to a little girl living in the same building. In this instance, however, the victim survived and was able to identify the perpetrator—an individual with intellectual disabilities, suffering from goiter, a stutter, crossed eyes, water on the brain, a misshapen head, and a sloped skull, with arms that were abnormally long, the child of alcoholics and the grandchild of alcoholics as well, who admitted to both crimes and asked for forgiveness for the "minor offense," arguing that he had always performed his duties and cleaned the staircase, even on the day he committed the act.
Other cases of this kind might be cited, but one instance will suffice. I may, however, mention a case in which my father demonstrated the innocence of an[Pg 266] unfortunate individual who had been sentenced to ten years' penal servitude and released at the expiration of his sentence. By means of a thorough examination, which showed a complete absence of criminal characteristics, my father declared the man to be innocent of the crime for which he had been imprisoned; and subsequent investigations resulted in his rehabilitation and the discovery of the actual culprit.
Other similar cases could be mentioned, but one example will do. I can, however, share a case where my father proved the innocence of an unfortunate individual who had been sentenced to ten years in prison and was released at the end of his term. Through a thorough examination, which revealed a complete lack of criminal traits, my father declared the man innocent of the crime he was imprisoned for; and further investigations led to his exoneration and the identification of the real criminal.
Accusation Found to Be False by the Anthropological Examination
An individual named Ferreri suddenly disappeared, and ten days later his corpse was found down a well. The evidence of several persons led to the arrest of the owner of the well, a certain Fissore, a man of very bad reputation, with whom Ferreri had been seen on the day of his disappearance.
An individual named Ferreri suddenly went missing, and ten days later, his body was discovered in a well. Multiple testimonies led to the arrest of the well's owner, a man named Fissore, who had a very bad reputation and had been seen with Ferreri on the day he disappeared.
On being arrested, Fissore admitted having committed the crime, but not alone, and named as his accomplices three others, Martinengo, Boulan, and a prostitute, named Ada. All three strenuously denied their guilt. They all appeared perfectly normal.
On being arrested, Fissore confessed to committing the crime but stated he didn't do it alone, naming three accomplices: Martinengo, Boulan, and a prostitute named Ada. All three denied their guilt emphatically. They all seemed completely normal.
But after a month of investigations, Martinengo, a tipsy porter of thirty-five, the son and grandson of drunkards, who at first had advanced an alibi, after being confronted several times with Fissore, admitted[Pg 267] his complicity, and in the latter's absence added various details to his (Fissore's) version.
But after a month of investigations, Martinengo, a slightly drunk porter who was thirty-five, the son and grandson of alcoholics, initially provided an alibi. However, after being confronted several times by Fissore, he confessed[Pg 267] to his involvement and, in Fissore's absence, added various details to his (Fissore's) story.
The four accused persons were examined anthropologically with the following results:
The four accused individuals were studied anthropologically with the following results:
Boulan had the appearance of an honest country notary with broad forehead, precocious grey hairs and baldness, small jaws and a well-shaped mouth. He was a quiet man and had only once come into conflict with the law, but for an action which is not a crime in the eyes of an anthropologist (striking a carabinier who had ill-treated his father). He worked hard at his trade, which was that of a journeyman baker, and showed his kindly nature by substituting for sick comrades. He showed great attachment to all his companions, relatives, and family, and was generally beloved. In short, he was an honest, hard-working man. His alibi was corroborated by several persons who had been playing cards with him on the evening of the crime.
Boulan looked like a trustworthy country notary with a wide forehead, premature gray hairs, and a bald head, small jaws, and a well-defined mouth. He was a quiet man and had only once had a run-in with the law, but it was for an act that isn’t considered a crime by anthropologists (hitting a police officer who had mistreated his father). He worked hard as a journeyman baker and showed his kind nature by stepping in for sick coworkers. He was very attached to all his friends, family, and relatives, and was generally well-liked. In short, he was an honest, hard-working guy. His alibi was backed up by several people who had been playing cards with him on the night of the crime.
The second prisoner, Ada, although a prostitute, had never shown other criminal tendencies; she had adopted her calling in order to maintain her father and children, of whom she was very fond.
The second prisoner, Ada, although a sex worker, had never displayed any other criminal behavior; she chose this job to support her father and children, whom she cared for deeply.
Martinengo, who had admitted his complicity, had no previous convictions. He was, however, an individual of earthy hue, with precocious wrinkles. Height, 5 feet, 3 inches (1.60 m.); span of the arms,[Pg 268] 5 feet, 7 inches (1.70 m.); flattened, nanocephalous head, normal urine (phosphates 3.1), but anomalous reflex action and senses. Rigid, unequal pupils, tongue and lips inclined towards the right, shaky hand, astasia, aphasia, strong rotular reflex action, absence of cutaneous and cremasteric reflexes, illegible handwriting—a defect of long standing, since it was also found in writing dating back nine months before his arrest, uncertainty and errors of pronunciation (bradyphasia and dysarthria), complete insensibility to touch and the electric current, which gave him no sensation of pain. On the other hand, he was subject to unbearable pains in various parts of the body.
Martinengo, who admitted his involvement, had no previous convictions. However, he was a person with a rough appearance and noticeable wrinkles for his age. He was 5 feet 3 inches tall (1.60 m.) with a wingspan of 5 feet 7 inches (1.70 m.); he had a flat, small head, normal urine (phosphates 3.1), but unusual reflexes and senses. His pupils were rigid and unequal, his tongue and lips leaned to the right, and he had a shaky hand, difficulty standing, trouble speaking, and a strong knee reflex. He lacked skin and cremasteric reflexes, his handwriting was illegible—a long-standing issue, as it was also found in writings from nine months before his arrest— and he had challenges with pronunciation (slow speech and unclear articulation), complete insensitivity to touch and electric currents, which caused him no pain. On the other hand, he experienced unbearable pain in various parts of his body.
He was in the habit of laughing continually, even when reprimanded, or when sad subjects were mentioned. In spite of sharp pains in the epigastric region, he appeared to be in a strange state of euphoria or morbid bodily well-being, which prevented him from realising that he was in prison. He manifested regret when taken from his cell, where he said he had enjoyed himself so much in passing the hours in reading. Occasionally he had hallucinations of ghosts, lizards, mice, etc.
He typically laughed all the time, even when he was being scolded or when serious topics came up. Despite experiencing sharp pain in his stomach, he seemed to be in a bizarre state of happiness or unhealthy well-being, which made it hard for him to acknowledge that he was in prison. He showed regret when he was taken from his cell, where he claimed he had a great time spending hours reading. Occasionally, he experienced hallucinations of ghosts, lizards, mice, and so on.
At night, he seemed to suffer from acute mental confusion, which caused him to spring out of bed.[Pg 269] Sometimes he was seized by a fit of chorea, followed by deep sleep.
At night, he appeared to experience severe mental confusion, making him jump out of bed.[Pg 269] Sometimes he was hit with a bout of chorea, followed by a deep sleep.
These phenomena led my father to the conclusion that Martinengo was an inebriate in the first stage of paralytical dementia.
These events led my father to conclude that Martinengo was a drunk in the early stages of paralytic dementia.
The demented paralytic and the imbecile, like children, are easily influenced by the suggestions of others or their own fancies. Mere reading may produce a strong impression on such minds, as in the case of the little girl who accused the Mayor of Gratz of assault, because she had listened to the account of a similar case; and the impression is intensified when, as in the case of Martinengo, it is preceded by arrest, seclusion in a cell, the remarks of magistrates, warders, etc.
The mentally impaired person and the person with severe disabilities, like children, can be easily swayed by the ideas of others or their own imaginations. Just reading something can leave a strong impact on these minds, similar to the story of the little girl who claimed that the Mayor of Gratz had assaulted her after hearing about a similar incident; and this impact becomes even stronger when, as with Martinengo, it follows an arrest, isolation in a cell, and comments from judges, guards, and so on.
In order to test Martinengo's susceptibility to suggestion, my father told him that his cell was a room in the "Albergo del Sole," the name of a hotel in his native town. At first the idea amused him, but after a few days he began to mention it to other persons and at last he firmly believed in it. A few months later, he was transferred in a state of paralysis to the asylum, and there he was fond of boasting of the "Albergo del Sole" where he had been staying a few months before, and where they had treated him to choice dishes, etc.
To test Martinengo's susceptibility to suggestion, my father told him that his cell was a room in the "Albergo del Sole," the name of a hotel in his hometown. At first, he found the idea amusing, but after a few days, he started to mention it to others and eventually came to firmly believe it. A few months later, he was transferred to the asylum in a state of paralysis, and there he often boasted about the "Albergo del Sole," where he had been staying a few months earlier and where they had treated him to gourmet dishes, etc.
We now come to Fissore, the accuser of the other[Pg 270] three. Investigation of his origin showed that a male cousin had died raving mad, a female cousin had died in an asylum, a great-uncle on the maternal side had been crazy and had committed suicide; another cousin was weak-minded and subject to fits; another, a deaf-mute, had died in an asylum; another great-uncle was a drunkard and a loafer; one sister was an idiot, the other had run away from home, and a brother had been convicted several times.
We now move on to Fissore, who is accusing the other[Pg 270] three. Investigating his background revealed that a male cousin had died insane, a female cousin had died in a mental institution, a maternal great-uncle had been mentally unstable and had taken his own life; another cousin was intellectually challenged and prone to seizures; another, who was deaf and mute, had also died in a mental institution; another great-uncle was an alcoholic and a slacker; one sister was developmentally disabled, the other had left home, and a brother had been arrested multiple times.
Giuseppe Fissore had suffered from somnambulism and pavor nocturnus (fear of darkness) when quite a child; when a little older, he used to get up in the night, walk about and try to throw himself out of the window. At school he shunned the company of other boys and grew violently angry when called by his name. When ten years old, he was bitten by a mad dog and while being tended in Turin by the wife of an inn-keeper, had an epileptic seizure. At thirteen, he was seized by another fit, and in falling broke his arm. His restless and capricious character led him to change his occupation a great many times; he became, in turn, baker, carpenter, forester, and farm-labourer. He appeared to have little affection for his mother and still less for his father, with whom he had come to blows on one occasion. At the age of twenty, in a quarrel with some companions, one[Pg 271] of them struck him with a sickle and fractured his skull. He had been convicted several times of theft, assault, etc.
Giuseppe Fissore had struggled with sleepwalking and pavor nocturnus (fear of the dark) since he was a child. As he got older, he would often get up in the night, wander around, and try to jump out of the window. At school, he avoided other boys and became very angry when someone called him by his name. When he was ten, he was bitten by a rabid dog, and while being cared for in Turin by an innkeeper's wife, he had an epileptic seizure. At thirteen, he had another seizure, and while falling, he broke his arm. His restless and unpredictable nature caused him to change jobs many times; he worked as a baker, carpenter, forester, and farm laborer. He seemed to have little affection for his mother and even less for his father, with whom he had fought at one point. By the age of twenty, during an argument with some friends, one of them hit him with a sickle and fractured his skull. He had been convicted multiple times for theft, assault, and other offenses.
He manifested only a few physical anomalies,—exaggerated facial asymmetry, due to the disproportionate development of the left side of his skull, Carrara's lines in the palm of his hands, and a scar resulting from the fracture of his skull; but the convulsions, the pavor nocturnus, the two fits, and other characteristics showed him to be an epileptic and an abnormal individual, and explained how he could have accomplished a murder single-handed, which was moreover rendered more easy by the fact that the victim had been drinking heavily. Nor was the crime without a motive, since the murdered man had been robbed of a large sum of money. The total lack of moral sense that distinguished Fissore explains why he should have sought to implicate three persons who had never wronged him for the pleasure of harming and enjoying the sufferings of others. In fact, during his trial he made many false accusations against the police merely for the sake of lying, which is characteristic of degenerates.
He had a few physical differences—uneven facial features due to the uneven growth of the left side of his skull, the lines in the palms of his hands like those in Carrara marble, and a scar from a skull fracture. But the seizures, night terrors, the two fits, and other traits indicated that he was epileptic and atypical. This explained how he could have committed a murder alone, especially since the victim had been drinking heavily. The crime also had a motive, as the murdered man had been robbed of a large amount of money. Fissore’s complete lack of moral sense explains why he tried to involve three innocent people just for the thrill of hurting others and enjoying their suffering. In fact, during his trial, he made numerous false accusations against the police just because he could, which is typical behavior for degenerates.
Irrefutable alibis and a mass of evidence in favour of the three others corroborated the anthropological diagnoses and led to their acquittal, while Fissore was convicted of the crime.
Irrefutable alibis and a wealth of evidence supporting the other three confirmed the anthropological assessments and resulted in their acquittal, while Fissore was found guilty of the crime.
Simulation of Dementia and Aphasia by a Morally Insane Individual
In August, 1899, a certain E. M. (see Fig. 44) was removed from prison to an asylum. Although only eighteen, he had been convicted several times of theft and robbery. As a child he had always shown a strong dislike to school and was given to inventing strange falsehoods. In one instance, he asserted that he had killed and robbed a man, although it was known that he had not left the house during the time.
In August 1899, a certain E. M. (see Fig. 44) was transferred from prison to an asylum. Even though he was only eighteen, he had been convicted several times for theft and robbery. As a child, he always had a strong aversion to school and was known for making up bizarre lies. In one case, he claimed that he had killed and robbed a man, even though it was confirmed that he hadn’t left the house during that time.
After six months in prison, he began to show signs of mental alienation, with insomnia, loss of speech, and coprophagy. Whenever the cells were opened, he made wild attempts to escape by climbing up the grating. He was often seized with epileptic convulsions.
After six months in prison, he started to show signs of mental distress, experiencing insomnia, loss of speech, and a tendency to eat feces. Whenever the cells were opened, he attempted to escape wildly by climbing the bars. He frequently suffered from epileptic seizures.
On the 30th of August, 1899, he was examined medically with the following results:
On August 30, 1899, he underwent a medical examination with the following results:
Stature, 5 ft., 1 in. (1.55 m.); weight, 130 lbs. (59 kilogrammes). Other measurements could not be obtained, owing to the subject's obstinate resistance. His skeletal constitution appeared to be regular and his body well nourished. His skull was brachycephalic, with strongly developed frontal sinuses, and fine, long, dark-brown hair. In the parieto-occipital[Pg 273] region were a scar and lesion of the bone, the marks of a wound received during one of his dishonest adventures. He had a normal type of face with frequent contractions of the mimic muscles; the hair-growth on the face scanty for his age. Extremely mobile eyes of vivacious expression, slight strabismus. An examination of the mouth showed a slight obliqueness of the palate, and the mucous membrane was rather pale. The colourless skin was inclined to sallowness.
Stature: 5 ft. 1 in. (1.55 m); weight: 130 lbs. (59 kg). Other measurements couldn't be taken due to the subject's stubborn resistance. His skeletal structure seemed normal and his body was well-nourished. He had a round skull with strongly developed frontal sinuses and fine, long, dark-brown hair. There was a scar and a bone lesion in the parieto-occipital[Pg 273] area, a remnant of an injury sustained during one of his dishonest escapades. His face had a typical appearance with frequent muscle contractions and sparse facial hair for his age. He had very lively eyes with a slight strabismus. An examination of his mouth revealed a slight tilt in the palate, and the mucous membrane was somewhat pale. His skin was colorless and had a sallow tint.
The functions showed an extraordinary degree of cutaneous anæsthesia and analgesia. In winter and summer the patient wore only a pair of trousers and a thin jersey covering his chest and leaving the arms bare; these he was fond of adorning with ribbons and medals. He was in the habit of slipping pieces of ice between his clothing and skin, and pricking himself on the chin with a needle for the purpose of inserting hairs in the holes. On one occasion, one of the doctors came quietly behind him and thrust a needle rather deeply into the nape of his neck, apparently without producing any sensation. Various tests were made by pricking him with a needle when asleep, but without causing the slightest reflex movement on his part.
The functions displayed an incredible level of skin insensitivity and pain relief. In both winter and summer, the patient wore only a pair of pants and a thin jersey covering his chest, leaving his arms exposed; he enjoyed decorating these with ribbons and medals. He often slipped pieces of ice between his clothes and skin and pricked his chin with a needle to insert hairs into the holes. One time, a doctor quietly approached him and pushed a needle fairly deep into the back of his neck, seemingly without causing any sensation. Various tests were conducted by pricking him with a needle while he was asleep, but it didn’t provoke the slightest reflex movement from him.
Psychology. He was subject to strange impulses, which appeared to be irresistible. On one occasion[Pg 274] he was caught cutting off the head of a cat, and at times he would devour mice, spiders, nails, excrements, and the sputum of the other patients. He committed acts of self-abuse publicly, with ostentatious indecency; was in the habit of snatching at bright objects and frequently tore his clothes. His obstinate mutism procured him the nickname of "the mute," but he talked in his sleep and replied to questions by signs.
Psychology. He was driven by strange impulses that seemed irresistible. One time[Pg 274], he was caught cutting off a cat's head, and at times he would eat mice, spiders, nails, feces, and the spit of other patients. He engaged in self-harm openly, with shocking indecency; he often reached for shiny objects and frequently ripped his clothes. His stubborn silence earned him the nickname "the mute," but he talked in his sleep and responded to questions with gestures.
At first, medical men judged him to be in the first stages of dementia, but the course of the symptoms and certain biological and psychic data obtained from the examination led them to the conclusion that the case was one of simulation by a morally insane individual.
At first, doctors thought he was in the early stages of dementia, but the progression of symptoms and some biological and psychological data from the exam led them to conclude that he was pretending to be ill, driven by a morally insane mindset.
In the first place, the patient's look expressed a certain amount of confusion and constant distrust; furthermore, it was noticed that the filthy, indecent, and cruel acts practised by him were committed only when he knew he was being observed. The warders often saw him retire to a quiet spot and vomit all the nauseous substances he had swallowed publicly. As soon as he believed himself to be secure from observation, the usual apathetic look on his face was replaced by one of vivacity and intelligence.
In the first place, the patient's expression showed a mix of confusion and ongoing distrust; additionally, it was observed that the filthy, indecent, and cruel things he did only happened when he knew he was being watched. The guards often saw him step away to a quiet place and throw up all the disgusting things he had eaten in public. As soon as he thought he was safe from being watched, the usual blank look on his face turned into one of energy and insight.
In November of the same year, although he had not discarded his air of imbecility, he gave abundant[Pg 275] proofs of intelligence. He helped the asylum barber, and showed skill and neatness in the way he soaped the other patients' faces, but if a doctor appeared on the scene, he would daub the soap clumsily in their eyes and mouths. In playing cards he showed no lack of skill and never missed an opportunity of cheating.
In November of the same year, even though he still had an air of foolishness, he showed plenty of[Pg 275] signs of intelligence. He assisted the asylum barber and demonstrated skill and care in how he soaped the other patients' faces, but if a doctor came around, he would sloppily smear soap in their eyes and mouths. When it came to playing cards, he displayed good skill and never passed up a chance to cheat.
All these facts pointed to shamming, and the suspicions of medical men were amply confirmed by his escape on the 26th of November. The manner in which he had prepared and executed this plan showed great astuteness on his part. Some time before, he had completely changed his clothes and dressed with a certain amount of elegance. He left a note bidding an affectionate farewell to everyone. Later on, he confessed to a fellow-prisoner that he had prepared everything beforehand for his escape as soon as he should have sufficient money. He also asserted that he had felt pain when pricked.
All these facts pointed to deceit, and the medical professionals’ suspicions were strongly confirmed by his escape on November 26th. The way he planned and carried out this move showed a lot of cleverness on his part. Some time before, he had completely changed his outfit and dressed quite stylishly. He left a note saying a warm goodbye to everyone. Later, he admitted to a fellow inmate that he had organized everything in advance for his escape as soon as he had enough money. He also claimed that he had felt pain when he was pricked.
Some of the peculiarities manifested in this case, aphasia, insensibility, and coprophagia, have been noticed in other simulators, and it is easy to see why morally insane persons, who are naturally insensible and filthy in their habits, should adopt these peculiarities as traits of their insanity. The stubborn resistance offered by the subject to all attempts to apply diagnostic instruments, except those for measuring[Pg 276] insensibility, may be explained by fear lest the simulation should be detected.
Some of the unusual behaviors shown in this case, like aphasia, insensibility, and coprophagia, have been seen in other fakers. It’s easy to understand why morally insane individuals, who are naturally indifferent and unclean in their habits, would adopt these behaviors as signs of their insanity. The strong resistance the subject puts up against all attempts to use diagnostic tools, except those for measuring[Pg 276] insensibility, might be due to the fear that their simulation will be uncovered.
Simulators of insanity are generally psycho-physiologically, and often anatomically, degenerate, and their inferiority obliges them to resort to violence and trickery—the traits of savage races—to counter-balance their natural disadvantages. The simulation of insanity resembles in its motive the mimicry of certain insects which assume a protective resemblance to other and noxious species. Naturally inferior individuals tend to imitate characters of a terrifying nature (psychic in this case) which serve to protect them and enable them to compete with others who are better equipped for the battle of life.
Simulators of insanity are usually mentally and physically defective, and their shortcomings force them to rely on violence and deceit—the characteristics of primitive cultures—to make up for their natural weaknesses. Pretending to be insane is similar to how some insects mimic dangerous species for protection. People who are naturally less capable often imitate terrifying traits (mentally, in this case) that help shield them and allow them to compete with those better suited for life's challenges.
Mental Illness and Criminal Monomania Shown Through Anthropological Analysis
In June, 1895, Michele Balmi, aged 30, was arrested for stabbing Maria Balmi in the neck and hands. The deed had been committed in broad daylight and apparently without any motive, but the accused asserted that it was done in revenge, because the girls were always jeering at him.
In June 1895, 30-year-old Michele Balmi was arrested for stabbing Maria Balmi in the neck and hands. The attack happened in broad daylight and seemed to have no clear motive, but the accused claimed it was an act of revenge because the girls were always making fun of him.
From evidence given, it appeared that far from insulting Balmi, the girls of the village were in the habit of avoiding him as much as possible on account[Pg 277] of his lubricity. The testimony of other witnesses, including the mayor of the place, showed that he was looked upon generally as a semi-insane person, because in a very short time he had squandered all his inheritance and had quite ceased to work.
From the evidence presented, it seemed that instead of insulting Balmi, the girls in the village tended to steer clear of him as much as they could because of his lewdness. The accounts of other witnesses, including the town mayor, indicated that he was generally regarded as somewhat insane, since he had quickly wasted all his inheritance and had completely stopped working.[Pg 277]
Somatic Examination. Body fairly well nourished, height 5 ft., 3 in. (1.60 m.), weight 150 lbs. (68 kilogrammes). Shape of the skull apparently normal but more exaggeratedly brachycephalic than the mean cephalic index of the Piedmontese, which is 85; probable capacity 90 cu. in. (1475 c.c.), or slightly below that of a normal male skull, but proportioned to the low stature.
Somatic Examination. The body is fairly well-nourished, height 5 ft. 3 in. (1.60 m), weight 150 lbs. (68 kg). The shape of the skull appears normal but is noticeably more brachycephalic than the average cephalic index of the Piedmontese, which is 85; probable capacity is 90 cu. in. (1475 c.c.), or slightly below that of a typical male skull, but proportionate to the shorter height.
General sensibility and sensibility to pain and touch more obtuse on the left, the general sensibility of the right hand being 68 and the left 81. Dolorific sensibility, 35 right and 41 left; tactile sensibility, 1.5 right, 3.5 left. The strength tested by the dynamometer showed 47 on the right and 54 on the left, which proved that the subject was left-handed.
General sensitivity and sensitivity to pain and touch were more dull on the left side, with the overall sensitivity of the right hand being 68 and the left 81. Pain sensitivity was 35 on the right and 41 on the left; touch sensitivity was 1.5 on the right and 3.5 on the left. The strength tested by the dynamometer showed 47 on the right and 54 on the left, confirming that the subject was left-handed.
The field of vision manifested extraordinary irregularities, with serious scotoma on the inner side of the right eye; on the left side the eye showed only slight scotoma but there was myopia on the inner side.
The field of vision showed unusual irregularities, with significant blind spots on the inner side of the right eye; on the left side, the eye had only minor blind spots, but there was nearsightedness on the inner side.
Psychic Examination. The behaviour of the subject was very strange. From the very first day of[Pg 278] his imprisonment he seemed to be perfectly calm and composed, as though nothing had happened. When asked how he found prison life, he only remarked: "I certainly thought the food was better."
Psychic Examination. The subject's behavior was quite unusual. From the very first day of[Pg 278] his imprisonment, he appeared completely calm and collected, as if nothing had happened. When asked about his prison experience, he simply said, "I definitely thought the food was better."
When asked why he had committed the crime, he replied:
When asked why he committed the crime, he replied:
"Crime indeed! I have only done my duty. Those women were always annoying me. Even in the night, they would come tapping at my window and calling me [acoustic hallucinations] and they insulted me because they wanted me to marry them."
"Crime, really! I was just doing my job. Those women were always bothering me. Even at night, they would come knocking on my window and calling me [acoustic hallucinations], and they insulted me because they wanted me to marry them."
"Did they insult you during your absence from Italy?"
"Did they insult you while you were away from Italy?"
"Yes, they worried me all the time I was in America. It was no use changing my occupation. I tried everything; first I was a musician, then a barber, then I tried weaving, but they went on just the same, until I lost my situations through them and had to leave the country."
"Yes, they worried me the whole time I was in America. Changing my job didn't help. I tried everything; first I was a musician, then a barber, and then I tried weaving, but they kept on just the same, until I lost my jobs because of them and had to leave the country."
"Have you ever been insane or suffered from pains in the head?"
"Have you ever been crazy or had headaches?"
"At Chicago, all of a sudden, a doctor called on me, but I have never been mad and should be all right if those women would leave me alone. After all, I only wanted to give them a lesson."
"Suddenly, in Chicago, a doctor came to see me, but I’ve never been insane and would be fine if those women would just leave me alone. After all, I just wanted to teach them a lesson."
He showed a profound and unshaken belief in his[Pg 279] own assertions, such as is rare in simulators or in sufferers from melancholia, but is peculiar to monomaniacs, especially if subject to delusions and convinced that they are the object of general persecution.
He had a deep and unwavering belief in his[Pg 279] own claims, which is uncommon in simulators or those dealing with depression, but is typical of monomaniacs, especially if they are experiencing delusions and believe that they are being persecuted by everyone.
Careful investigation of the crime showed that it was entirely without motives and had been committed openly without any attempt to escape or to establish an alibi. It bore no resemblance to ordinary crimes and was clearly a case of monomania with hallucinations. This diagnosis was confirmed by the fact of the anomalies in the field of vision and sensibility, the acoustic hallucinations, and, psychologically, the anomalous nature of the affections and moral sense.
A thorough investigation of the crime revealed that it had no obvious motives and was committed openly, with no effort to flee or create an alibi. It was nothing like typical crimes and clearly seemed to be a case of obsessive behavior with hallucinations. This was supported by the unusual changes in vision and sensation, the auditory hallucinations, and, psychologically, the strange nature of the emotions and moral sense.
It was impossible to suppose that any of these peculiarities had been simulated, because the subject was far too ignorant to be aware of the importance of hallucinations and alterations in the senses and affections. Moreover, his whole bearing was that of a man profoundly convinced that he had done his duty, and he had no motive for shamming to escape punishment, since it evidently never entered his head that he ran any risk of incurring it. He was sent to an asylum.
It was impossible to think that any of these quirks were fake, because the person was way too clueless to understand the significance of hallucinations and changes in the senses and feelings. Plus, his entire demeanor suggested that he truly believed he had done the right thing, and he had no reason to pretend in order to avoid punishment, since it clearly never crossed his mind that he was at risk of facing any. He was sent to a mental health facility.
APPENDIX
WORKS OF CESARE LOMBROSO (BRIEFLY SUMMARISED)
I
The Man of Genius (L'Uomo di Genio)
In 1863, my father was appointed to deliver a series of lectures on psychiatry to the University of Pavia. His introductory lecture, "Genius and Insanity," showed the close relationship existing between genius and insanity; and the theme proved so absorbingly interesting to him that he threw himself into the study of the problem with all the ardour of which he was capable.
In 1863, my father was invited to give a series of lectures on psychiatry at the University of Pavia. His opening lecture, "Genius and Insanity," highlighted the strong connection between genius and madness; and the topic captured his attention so intensely that he dedicated himself to exploring the issue with all the passion he could muster.
Those who have never come into contact with mentally deranged persons may deem it absurd to mention genius and insanity in the same breath, and still more absurd to seek to demonstrate the existence of flashes of inspiration in insane persons. In the minds of most people, the word lunatic has from earliest childhood conjured up the vision of an incoherent, stupid, or demented being, with wildly streaming hair, raging in paroxysms of maniacal fury, or sunk in imbecile apathy; not, certainly, a sharp-witted individual capable of reasoning logically. But the briefest of visits to an ordinary asylum will make it plain to any observer that such extreme types form only a very small minority. The greater number, when drawn outside the small circle of their delusions, often reason with greater acumen than normal persons; and their ideas, unhampered by stale prejudices which[Pg 284] hinder freedom of thought, are remarkable for their originality. Fine fragments of prose and poetry and really beautiful snatches of melody, the work of inmates of lunatic asylums, were collected by my father and published, as special monographs, in The Man of Genius; and his museum at Turin contains specimens of embroidery of marvellously beautiful design and execution, and carvings of extreme delicacy.
Those who have never encountered mentally ill people may find it ridiculous to mention genius and insanity together, and even more ridiculous to try to prove that insane people can have moments of brilliant inspiration. For most, the term lunatic has long evoked an image of a disordered, foolish, or mentally impaired person, with wild hair, going through fits of rage or lost in a haze of stupidity; definitely not someone sharp-minded enough to think logically. However, a quick visit to a typical asylum will show any observer that these extreme representations are actually a very small minority. Most patients, when they step outside their narrow delusions, often think more clearly than normal individuals; and their ideas, free from the outdated biases that[Pg 284] limit open-mindedness, are strikingly original. My father collected and published fine pieces of prose and poetry, along with truly beautiful snippets of music created by patients in asylums, in special monographs in The Man of Genius; and his museum in Turin houses samples of exquisitely designed and crafted embroidery, as well as delicate carvings.
The well-known cases of mathematical, musical, and artistic prodigies and somnambulists with prophetic gifts, who nevertheless appear to be perfectly imbecile apart from their special talents, are interesting examples of the transition from madness to genius. The solving of equations of the fourth and fifth degree or mental calculations involving the multiplication or division of a large number of figures, are difficult operations for normal persons; yet individuals barely able to read and write, and often afflicted with insanity or imbecility, have been known to possess marvellous mathematical faculties. Imualdi was a cretin, and Dase, Juller, Buxton, Mondeur, and Prolongeau, men of feeble intellect. Among the inmates of asylums, we may find cretins and idiots that are able to play on a whistle any melody they have heard. The drawings of cats, executed by a Norwegian cretin, have been deemed worthy of a place among the treasures of art-galleries and museums. Such cases prove that the possession of one highly developed faculty does not imply a corresponding development of all the intellectual powers. Unintelligent, unbalanced, or even mentally deficient women, when in a somnambulistic or hypnotic state, are able to predict future events, an impossible feat for normal persons, or to discover the whereabouts of objects hidden at a distance, a marvellous phenomenon, which can be explained only by presuming the existence of a far-seeing vision, and the working of a powerful synthetic process resembling the inspirations of genius.
The well-known cases of mathematical, musical, and artistic prodigies, as well as sleepwalkers with prophetic abilities, who seem completely incapable in every other aspect except for their special talents, are fascinating examples of the shift from madness to genius. Solving fourth and fifth-degree equations or performing mental calculations that involve multiplying or dividing large numbers is challenging for most people; yet individuals who can barely read and write, and are often suffering from mental disorders or intellectual disabilities, have shown extraordinary mathematical abilities. Imualdi was a cretin, and Dase, Juller, Buxton, Mondeur, and Prolongeau were men with limited intelligence. Among the residents of asylums, we can find cretins and individuals with intellectual disabilities who can play any melody they have heard on a whistle. The drawings of cats created by a Norwegian cretin have been considered worthy of being included in art galleries and museums. These cases demonstrate that having one highly developed ability does not mean that all intellectual powers are equally developed. Unintelligent, unstable, or even mentally impaired women can, when in a sleepwalking or hypnotic state, predict future events—something impossible for ordinary people—or locate objects hidden from view, a remarkable phenomenon that can only be explained by assuming the presence of extraordinary vision and the functioning of a powerful synthetic process similar to genius inspiration.
Although not a difficult task to prove the existence of traits of genius in mentally diseased persons, the bringing to[Pg 285] light of instances of insanity in men of genius was a much simpler matter.
Although it's not hard to demonstrate the traits of genius in people with mental illnesses, highlighting examples of insanity in brilliant individuals was a much easier task.
These instances, carefully classified, form the longest and most important part of The Man of Genius, but it is not necessary to give space to any of these instances here. The proofs of the connection between genius and insanity were supplemented by data supplied by the physical examination of a number of geniuses, compared with insane subjects, and a careful investigation of the ethnical, social, and geographical causes which influence the formation of both types. All the facts elicited demonstrated their complete analogy.
These cases, systematically categorized, represent the longest and most significant section of The Man of Genius, but there’s no need to elaborate on any of these cases here. The evidence linking genius and insanity was supported by data from physical examinations of several geniuses, compared to those with mental illness, along with a thorough study of the ethnic, social, and geographical factors that affect the development of both types. All the information gathered showed their clear similarities.
But my father's studies did not stop short at the discovery of this analogy, or that of the sources whence the diverse varieties of genius spring, which is perhaps the most interesting part of the book, or even at the application of the new doctrines for the purpose of clearing up obscure points in history and shedding light on the lives of great men. He pursued his investigations until he found the keystone of the edifice reared by insanity and genius—epilepsy.
But my father's research didn't just end with finding this analogy or identifying the sources of the different kinds of genius, which is probably the most intriguing part of the book, or even applying the new ideas to clarify obscure historical points and illuminate the lives of great individuals. He continued his investigations until he discovered the key element of the structure built by madness and genius—epilepsy.
It is a well-known fact that a great many men of genius have suffered from epileptic seizures and a still greater number from those symptoms which we have shown to be the equivalent of the seizure. Julius Cæsar, St. Paul, Mahomet, Petrarca, Swift, Peter the Great, Richelieu, Napoleon, Flaubert, Guerrazzi, De Musset, and Dostoyevsky were subject to fits of morbid rage; and Swift, Marlborough, Faraday, and Dickens suffered from vertigo.
It’s a well-known fact that many brilliant men have experienced epileptic seizures, and even more have gone through symptoms that we’ve shown to be similar to seizures. Julius Caesar, St. Paul, Muhammad, Petrarch, Swift, Peter the Great, Richelieu, Napoleon, Flaubert, Guerrazzi, De Musset, and Dostoevsky had episodes of extreme rage; and Swift, Marlborough, Faraday, and Dickens dealt with vertigo.
But it is in the descriptions written by men of genius of their methods of working and creating that we find the strongest resemblance to the different phenomena of epilepsy, which have already been described in detail in this work, in the part treating of the connection between epilepsy and crime. While writing his poems, Tasso appeared to be out of his senses; Alfieri felt everything go dark around him; Lagrange's pulse became irregular; Milton, Leibnitz, Cujas, Rossini, and Thomas could work only under special conditions.[Pg 286] Others have encouraged inspiration by using those stimulants which provoke epileptic attacks. Baudelaire made use of hashish; and wine evoked the creative spirit in Gluck, Gerard de Nerval, Verlaine, De Musset, Hoffmann, Burns, Coleridge, Poe, Byron, Praga, and Carducci. Gluck was wont to declare that he valued money only because it enabled him to procure wine, and that he loved wine because it inspired him and transported him to the seventh heaven. Schiller was satisfied with cider; and Goethe could not work unless he felt the warmth of a ray of sunlight on his head. Many have asserted that their writings, inventions, and solutions of difficult problems have been done in a state of unconsciousness. Mozart confessed that he composed in his dreams, and Lamartine and Alfieri made similar statements. The Henriade was suggested to Voltaire in a dream; Newton and Cardano solved the most difficult problems in a similar manner; and Mrs. Beecher Stowe, George Eliot, and George Sand asserted that their novels had been written in a dream-like state, and that they themselves were ignorant of the ultimate fate of their personages. In a preface to one of her books Mrs. Beecher Stowe even went to the length of denying her authorship. Socrates and Tolstoi declared that their works were written in a condition of semi-unconsciousness; Leopardi, that he followed an inspiration; and Dante described the source of his genius in those beautiful lines:
But it's in the descriptions by talented individuals about their creative processes that we see the strongest similarities to the different aspects of epilepsy, which have already been thoroughly detailed in this work, specifically in the section discussing the links between epilepsy and crime. While writing his poems, Tasso seemed to lose his sanity; Alfieri experienced everything fading to black; Lagrange had an irregular pulse; Milton, Leibnitz, Cujas, Rossini, and Thomas could only create under specific conditions.[Pg 286] Others have sought inspiration through stimulants that trigger epileptic episodes. Baudelaire used hashish, while wine sparked creative energy in Gluck, Gerard de Nerval, Verlaine, De Musset, Hoffmann, Burns, Coleridge, Poe, Byron, Praga, and Carducci. Gluck often stated that he valued money only for its ability to buy wine, and he cherished wine because it inspired him and lifted him to new heights. Schiller preferred cider, and Goethe couldn't work unless he felt a ray of sunlight on his head. Many have claimed that their writing, inventions, and solutions to tough problems occurred in a state of unawareness. Mozart admitted that he composed while dreaming, and Lamartine and Alfieri made similar remarks. The Henriade was inspired in a dream for Voltaire; Newton and Cardano tackled complex problems in a similar fashion; and Mrs. Beecher Stowe, George Eliot, and George Sand claimed that their novels were penned in a dream-like state, unaware of the fate of their characters. In a preface to one of her books, Mrs. Beecher Stowe went so far as to deny being the author. Socrates and Tolstoi stated that their works emerged in a state of semi-consciousness; Leopardi mentioned following inspiration; and Dante articulated the source of his genius in those beautiful lines:
Amore spira, noto, ed a quel modo
Che detta dentro, vo significando."
"When love inspires, I write,
And put my thoughts as it dictates in me."
"I call inspiration," says Beethoven, "that mysterious state during which the whole world seems to form one vast harmony, and all the forces of Nature become instruments, when every sentiment and thought resounds within me, a[Pg 287] shudder thrills through my frame, and every hair on my head stands on end."
"I call it inspiration," says Beethoven, "that mysterious feeling when the entire world seems to create one huge harmony, and all of Nature's forces become like instruments, when every emotion and thought resonates within me, a[Pg 287] thrill runs through my body, and every hair on my head stands on end."
These expressions show that when a genius attains to the fulness of his development and, consequently, to the widest possible deviation from the normal, he is more or less in that condition of unconsciousness which characterises psychic epilepsy and is represented by a series of unconscious psychic activities.
These expressions indicate that when a genius reaches the peak of their development and, as a result, deviates significantly from the norm, they tend to be in a state of unconsciousness similar to what is seen in psychic epilepsy, characterized by a range of unconscious mental activities.
Having demonstrated the frequent existence of a spice of insanity in the genius and flashes of genius in the insane, and, further, that geniuses are subject to a special form of insanity, my father, who was no mere theorist, but an admirer of facts and eager to turn them to account, considered next the possibility of making practical use of these discoveries. This he had no difficulty in doing.
Having shown that there's often a dash of craziness in genius and moments of brilliance in the insane, and that geniuses can experience a unique kind of madness, my father, who wasn't just a theorist but someone who valued facts and wanted to apply them, then thought about how to practically use these insights. This was easy for him to accomplish.
The prevalence of insanity in men of genius explained innumerable contradictions and mad traits in their lives and works, the true meaning of which had hitherto escaped biographers, who either ignored them altogether or covered reams of paper with vain attempts to represent them as inspirations or, at any rate, reasonable actions. It also explained the origin of some of the extraordinary errors committed by great men; for example, the absurdly contradictory actions of Cola di Rienzi, who, after making himself master of Rome when the city was in a state of chaos, restoring peace and order, reorganising the army and conceiving the vast idea of a united Italy, ended his patriotic mission with a series of extravagances worthy of a madhouse.
The prevalence of mental illness among brilliant men clarifies countless contradictions and crazy behaviors in their lives and works, the true significance of which had previously eluded biographers, who either completely ignored them or filled pages with futile efforts to depict them as inspirations or, at least, rational actions. It also shed light on the origins of some of the remarkable mistakes made by great individuals; for instance, the absurdly contradictory actions of Cola di Rienzi, who, after taking control of Rome during a time of chaos, restored peace and order, reorganized the army, and envisioned the grand idea of a united Italy, concluded his patriotic efforts with a series of antics fit for a madhouse.
The fact that traits of genius are so often found in mentally unsound persons and vice versa, permits us to suppose that lunatics have not infrequently held the destinies of nations in their hands and furthered progress by revolutionary movements, of which by reason of their natural tendencies and marked originality they are so often the promoters.
The fact that traits of genius are often seen in mentally unstable people and vice versa, allows us to assume that mentally ill individuals have frequently influenced the fate of nations and advanced progress through revolutionary movements, which they often promote due to their natural tendencies and distinct creativity.
It may seem a simple idea to class great men, who have exercised such an enormous influence on civilisation, with[Pg 288] wretched beings, to whom no brilliant part has been allotted, and to estimate mad ideas at their true worth; yet it had never occurred to any one before.
It might seem straightforward to classify great individuals, who have had such a massive impact on civilization, alongside[Pg 288] miserable people, who have no significant role, and to evaluate crazy ideas at their actual value; however, no one had ever thought of this before.
It is in the minor works of geniuses that the greater number of absurdities abound, but they are little known to the general public, who are acquainted only with the masterpieces. Critics either ignored the absurdities and heresies contained in these works, or, dazzled by the genius of the author, made them the subject of infinite studies, in the conviction that they were merely allusions or symbols demanding interpretation. All the defects of great men, all the extravagant notions written or spoken by them were covered with the magic veil of glory; and there was no innocent little child, as in Andersen's charming story, to tell the world of the nakedness of geniuses.
It’s in the lesser-known works of geniuses that we find the most absurdities, but these are barely recognized by the general public, who only know the masterpieces. Critics either overlooked the absurdities and heresies in these works, or were so captivated by the author’s genius that they endlessly analyzed them, believing they were just allusions or symbols needing interpretation. All the flaws of great individuals, all the bizarre ideas they expressed, were hidden under the enchanting veil of glory; and there was no innocent child, like in Andersen's lovely story, to reveal the nakedness of geniuses.
Thus idiocy, epilepsy and genius, crimes and sublime deeds were forged into one single chain; and the brilliant lights of some of its links, and the gloomy shadows thrown by others, were reduced to a play of molecules, like those which transform carbon into a refulgent diamond or a sombre lump of graphite.
Thus, stupidity, epilepsy, and genius, along with crimes and great accomplishments, were all linked together in one chain; the bright sparks of some links and the dark shadows cast by others were simplified to a play of molecules, similar to those that change carbon into a shining diamond or a dark piece of graphite.
II
Criminal Man (L'Uomo Delinquente) considered in relation to Anthropology, Jurisprudence, and Psychiatry
Although my father's theories on the male criminal have already been set forth in the volume now presented to the public, I feel that it would not be inappropriate to add to the descriptions of his other important works a brief survey of the original book for the use of readers desirous of studying the subject more thoroughly.
Although my father's theories about male criminals have already been detailed in the book now being shared with the public, I think it would be helpful to include a short overview of the original book alongside descriptions of his other significant works for readers who want to explore the topic more deeply.
The first volume is devoted to an investigation of the atavistic origin of crime among plants, animals, savages, and[Pg 289] children. This is followed by an exhaustive study of the physical nature of the born criminal and the epileptic, modern craniology, the anomalies connected with the different classes of offences, the spine, pelvis, limbs, and physiognomy. The data given are based on the results obtained from the examination of about 7000 criminals.
The first volume focuses on exploring the primal roots of crime in plants, animals, primitive societies, and[Pg 289] children. This is followed by an extensive examination of the physical characteristics of born criminals and epileptics, modern skull studies, the irregularities associated with various types of offenses, and aspects of the spine, pelvis, limbs, and facial features. The information presented is based on findings from the examination of around 7,000 criminals.
In the study of the brain, the macroscopic anomalies in the convolutions and histological structure of the cerebral cortex of criminals and epileptics are the object of special consideration, since these anomalies solve the problem of the origin of criminality.
In studying the brain, the noticeable abnormalities in the folds and tissue structure of the cerebral cortex in criminals and people with epilepsy are given special attention, as these anomalies help explain the roots of criminal behavior.
Certain additional degenerate characters, the prehensile foot, wrinkles, lines on the finger-tips, the ethmoid-lachrymal suture, anomalies of dentition, the existence of a single horizontal line on the palm of the hand, etc., are further described, and a careful examination made of the field of vision and olfactory and auditory sensibility.
Certain extra degenerate features, like the gripping foot, wrinkles, lines on the fingertips, the ethmoid-lacrimal joint, dental anomalies, the presence of a single horizontal line on the palm, etc., are described in more detail, along with a thorough examination of the field of vision and the senses of smell and hearing.
The psychological examination of the criminal includes psychometry, the discovery of new characteristics, such as neophily, lack of exactitude, frequent existence of traits of genius, pictography, hieroglyphics, gestures, and the arts and crafts peculiar to the criminal.
The psychological assessment of the criminal involves psychometry and identifying new traits, such as a love for novelty, lack of precision, common presence of genius-like characteristics, pictorial elements, symbols, gestures, and the unique arts and crafts specific to the offender.
Finally, the different types of offenders—epileptic and morally insane criminals, political and passionate offenders, inebriate, hysterical, and mentally unbalanced (mattoid) criminals—are described separately and compared with each other, their diversities and analogies being thrown into relief. Around these types are grouped juridical figures of crimes, reproduced from psychiatric forms. These are followed by an examination of occasional or pseudo-criminals, criminaloids, latent criminals, and geniuses.
Finally, the various types of offenders—those who are epileptic, morally insane criminals, politically motivated offenders, passionate criminals, drunks, hysterics, and mentally unbalanced individuals—are described separately and compared to one another, highlighting their differences and similarities. Surrounding these types are legal classifications of crimes, drawn from psychiatric categories. This is followed by an exploration of occasional or pseudo-criminals, criminaloids, latent criminals, and geniuses.
The second volume treats of epileptics, and discusses, among other things, their ergography, psychology, graphology, and anomalies of the field of vision. The studies on criminals of passion are supplemented by observations on suicides and political offenders, those on the insane include[Pg 290] investigations of their age, psychology, sex, tattooing, heredity, and the difference between insane and ordinary criminals with respect to the motives that prompt their crimes, and the manner in which these are carried out, thus furnishing a new theory of sexual psychopathy.
The second volume covers epilepsy and discusses various topics, including their ergography, psychology, graphology, and visual field anomalies. Research on passion-driven criminals is complemented by insights into suicides and political offenders, while the studies on the mentally ill include[Pg 290] investigations into their age, psychology, sex, tattoos, heredity, and the differences between mentally ill and typical criminals in terms of the motives behind their crimes and how these crimes are committed, ultimately presenting a new theory on sexual psychopathy.
The third volume of the fifth edition treats of the etiology and cure of crime.
The third volume of the fifth edition discusses the causes and solutions for crime.
In the part dealing with the etiology of crime, the geological, ethnical, political, and economical factors determining or influencing criminality, as well as other causes,—density of population, food, alcoholism, sex, heredity, instruction, religion, etc., are examined statistically and sifted with critical care. For the first time, light is thrown on the influence exercised by criminality and wealth on the increase or decrease of emigration.
In the section addressing the causes of crime, the geological, ethnic, political, and economic factors that determine or influence criminal behavior are analyzed along with other factors—population density, food availability, alcoholism, gender, heredity, education, religion, etc.—using statistical methods and thorough scrutiny. For the first time, the impact of crime and wealth on the rise or fall of emigration is highlighted.
My father demonstrates by means of data, contributed for the most part by Bodio and Cognetti, that the importance attributed to poverty as a factor of criminality, especially by certain socialistic schools, has been largely exaggerated; while, at the same time, the fact that both wealth and education have their specific crimes, has been ignored by these schools.
My father shows through data, mainly provided by Bodio and Cognetti, that the importance placed on poverty as a cause of crime, especially by some socialist groups, has been greatly overstated; meanwhile, the reality that both wealth and education have their own specific crimes has been overlooked by these groups.
In dealing with collective criminality, my father merely repeats the original theories on the subject, expressed by him in 1872 and constantly confirmed since then. These theories have been utilised and illustrated by a number of writers: Ferri, Sighele, Ferrero, Le Bon, and Tarde.
In addressing collective criminality, my father simply reiterates his original theories on the topic, which he expressed in 1872 and has consistently reaffirmed since then. Various authors, including Ferri, Sighele, Ferrero, Le Bon, and Tarde, have made use of and elaborated on these theories.
In the prophylaxis and cure of crime, not content with mere criticism of present methods, the new doctrines suggest practical and efficacious means of repressing crime.
In preventing and addressing crime, not satisfied with just criticizing current methods, the new ideas propose practical and effective ways to reduce crime.
In view of the fact that criminality is assuming a changed aspect, adapted to the conditions of modern life and civilisation, it should be combated by the very means furnished by progress,—the telegraph, press, all measures for fighting alcoholism, popular places of recreation, etc.
In light of the fact that crime is taking on a new form, suited to the realities of modern life and society, it should be tackled with the tools provided by progress—like the telegraph, the press, all efforts to combat alcoholism, public recreation areas, and so on.
For the prevention of crime, besides those measures designed to minimise the influence of physical and economic[Pg 291] factors,—baths, sanitary regulations, clearing of forests, prevention of over-crowding, social legislation, limitation of wealth, graduated system of taxation, collective services, expropriation, etc.,—my father suggests special measures for diminishing certain kinds of crime,—divorce for sexual offences, affiliation orders for infanticide and government of a truly liberal character, with freedom of the press and public opinion to combat political crime. He also emphasises the importance of provident and charitable institutions, specially for orphan and destitute children, to aid in suffocating germs of criminality, in view of the fact that it is to ragged schools and similar institutions that the decrease of crime in England is certainly due.
For preventing crime, in addition to measures aimed at reducing the impact of physical and economic factors—like baths, health regulations, clearing forests, preventing overcrowding, social legislation, limiting wealth, a progressive tax system, public services, expropriation, etc.—my father proposes specific actions to reduce certain types of crime. These include divorce for sexual offenses, child support orders for infanticide, and a truly liberal government with freedom of the press and public opinion to tackle political crime. He also emphasizes the significance of charitable and support organizations, especially for orphaned and destitute children, to help eliminate the roots of criminal behavior, as the decline in crime in England is certainly attributed to ragged schools and similar institutions.
Finally, with regard to the direct repression of crime, the new methods of identification devised by Bertillon and Anfosso, and all modern aids for the detection and apprehension of criminals, such as rapid communication and publicity, should be utilised in all countries where the police aspire to be considered scientific in their methods.
Finally, regarding the direct repression of crime, the new identification methods created by Bertillon and Anfosso, along with all modern tools for detecting and catching criminals, like quick communication and publicity, should be used in all countries where the police want to be seen as scientific in their approach.
A minute and intelligent individualisation of penalties is suggested as being far more efficacious than the uniform and injurious punishment of detention in prison; so that while society defends itself, it tends to improve the perverted faculties of criminals, or where improvement is impossible, to utilise them in their natural state, following the example set by nature in the transformation of injurious parasitical relationships into pacific and mutually beneficial symbioses.
A careful and smart approach to personalizing penalties is seen as much more effective than the one-size-fits-all and harmful practice of imprisoning people. This way, while society protects itself, it also aims to enhance the flawed abilities of offenders; when that's not possible, it seeks to use those abilities as they are, following nature's example of turning harmful parasitic relationships into peaceful and mutually beneficial partnerships.
III
The Female Offender (La Donna Delinquente); The Prostitute and the Normal Woman
(In Collaboration with Guglielmo Ferrero)
(In Collaboration with Guglielmo Ferrero)
The first part of this book is devoted to a study of the normal woman, or rather the female of every species,[Pg 292] beginning with the lowest strata of the zoölogical world and working upwards through the higher mammals and primitive human races to civilised peoples.
The first part of this book is dedicated to studying the typical woman, or really the female of each species,[Pg 292] starting with the most basic levels of the animal kingdom and moving up through higher mammals and early human communities to modern societies.
As a result of this study, it is shown that although in the lower species, the female is the superior in intelligence, strength, and longevity, among the higher mammals she is surpassed in strength, intelligence, and beauty by the male, who is developed and perfected by the struggle for the possession of the female; while on the other hand, owing to her maternal functions, the female tends to a perpetuation of her physical and psychic characters; and this prevents variation and evolution.
As a result of this study, it shows that while in the lower species, the female is superior in intelligence, strength, and longevity, among the higher mammals, she is outdone in strength, intelligence, and beauty by the male, who develops and improves himself through the competition for female mates. Meanwhile, due to her maternal roles, the female tends to maintain her physical and mental traits, which hinders variation and evolution.
The same phenomenon is encountered in the human race. After a careful examination of the normal woman (height, weight, brain, nervous system, hair, senses, physiognomy, and intellectual and moral manifestations), the authors arrived at the conclusion that the physical, anatomical, physiological, functional, and sensory characters of the female show a lower degree of variability than those of the male.
The same phenomenon is observed in humans. After thoroughly examining the average woman (height, weight, brain, nervous system, hair, senses, appearance, and intellectual and moral traits), the authors concluded that the physical, anatomical, physiological, functional, and sensory characteristics of females show less variability than those of males.
In the same way, cases of monstrosity, degeneration, epilepsy, and insanity are less frequent in the female of the human race; and the percentage of genius and criminality is decidedly lower. The examination of the senses showed that the normal human female possesses a lower degree of tactile, olfactory, auditory, and visual sensibility than the male, and also, contrary to the hitherto accepted opinion, a diminished moral and dolorific sensibility. Among savage peoples, the female appears to be less sensitive,—that is, more cruel than the male and more inclined to vindictiveness.
In the same way, cases of monstrosity, degeneration, epilepsy, and insanity are less frequent in women; and the percentage of genius and criminal behavior is definitely lower. Tests on the senses showed that the average woman has a lower level of touch, smell, hearing, and sight sensitivity than men, and also, contrary to what was previously believed, a lower moral and pain sensitivity. Among primitive cultures, women seem to be less sensitive—meaning more cruel than men and more likely to seek revenge.
But when we consider woman from the point of view of her maternal functions, her physiological, psychological, and intellectual nature assumes an entirely changed aspect; for maternity is the natural function of the female, the end to which she has been created. Lofty sentiments, complete altruism, and far-sighted intelligence develop all of a sudden when she becomes a mother. Maternity neutralises her[Pg 293] moral and physical inferiority, pity extinguishes cruelty, and maternal love counteracts sexual indifference. Maternity stimulates her intelligence and sharpens her senses, explains and exalts those characteristics which have hitherto constituted her inferiority until they become signs of superiority when considered from the point of view of the reproduction of the species.
But when we look at women from the perspective of their maternal roles, their physiological, psychological, and intellectual nature takes on a completely different perspective; because motherhood is the natural function of females, the purpose for which they have been created. High ideals, total selflessness, and forward-thinking intelligence suddenly emerge when she becomes a mother. Motherhood cancels out her[Pg 293] moral and physical shortcomings, compassion overcomes cruelty, and maternal love counters sexual indifference. Motherhood boosts her intelligence and heightens her senses, clarifies and elevates those traits that have previously been seen as shortcomings until they appear as strengths when viewed through the lens of species reproduction.
A lessened sensibility enables woman to bear with greater ease the pains inherent to childbirth; her refractoriness to all kinds of variation—also that of a degenerate nature—serves to correct morbid heredity and to bring back the race, which owes its continuation to her, to its normal state.
A reduced sensitivity allows women to handle the pain of childbirth more easily; their resistance to all kinds of changes—including negative ones—helps to fix unhealthy hereditary issues and to return the race, which relies on them for its survival, to a healthy state.
Women commit fewer crimes than men; and offenders of the female sex, generally speaking, exhibit fewer degenerate characteristics. This is due in part to the tenacity with which the female adheres to normality, but also to the deviation caused in her criminality by prostitution. The history of this social phenomenon, and an examination of the anatomy and functions of the types representing this variation of criminality show that the prostitute generally exhibits a greater number of degenerate and criminal characters than the ordinary female offender.
Women commit fewer crimes than men, and female offenders usually show fewer dysfunctional traits. This is partly because women tend to stick to what’s considered normal, but also due to how prostitution influences their criminal behavior. The history of this social issue, along with a study of the characteristics and roles of those who represent this type of criminal behavior, reveals that prostitutes often display more dysfunctional and criminal traits than typical female offenders.
Prostitution is therefore the feminine equivalent of criminality in the male, because it satisfies the desire for licence, idleness, and indecency, characteristic of the criminal nature.
Prostitution is essentially the female counterpart to male criminality because it fulfills the craving for freedom, laziness, and immorality that is typical of a criminal mindset.
In addition to prostitutes and ordinary offenders, who constitute the larger part of female criminality, there exists a small number of born criminals of the female sex, who are more ferocious and terrible even than the male criminal of the same type. The criminality of this class of women develops on the same foundation of epilepsy and moral insanity. The physical characters are those peculiar to the male born criminal—projecting ears, strabismus, anomalies of dentition, and abnormal conformation of the skull, brain, etc.; in addition, an absence of feminine traits. In voice, structure of the pelvis, distribution of hair, etc., she tends to[Pg 294] resemble the opposite sex and to lose all the instincts peculiar to her own.
In addition to prostitutes and regular offenders, who make up the majority of female criminality, there are a small number of women born criminals, who can be even more ruthless and terrifying than their male counterparts. The criminal behavior of these women stems from the same issues of epilepsy and moral insanity. Their physical traits are similar to those of male born criminals—prominent ears, crossed eyes, dental anomalies, and unusual skull and brain shapes; plus, they lack typical feminine characteristics. In terms of voice, pelvic structure, hair distribution, etc., they tend to[Pg 294] resemble males and lose all the instincts unique to their gender.
From this brief description it may be gathered that this work on the female offender owes much of its interest to the light it throws on the normal woman. It is true that it casts doubt on many of the postulates of feminism; but, on the other hand, it lays stress on and exalts the many invaluable qualities characteristic of the female sex.
From this short description, it can be understood that this work on women offenders is interesting because of the insights it provides about the typical woman. While it challenges several assumptions of feminism, it also emphasizes and celebrates the many valuable qualities that are inherent to women.
The preface to the work concludes with the following remarks:
The preface to the work wraps up with these comments:
"Not one of the conclusions drawn from the history and examination of woman can justify the tyranny of which she has been and is still a victim, from the laws of savage peoples, which forbade her to eat meat and the flesh of the cocoanut, to those modern restrictions, which shut her out from the advantages of higher education and prevent her from exercising certain professions for which she is qualified. These ridiculous, cruel, and tyrannical prohibitions have certainly been largely instrumental in maintaining or, worse still, increasing her present state of inferiority and permitting her exploitation by the other sex. The very praises, not always sincere, alas, heaped on the docile victim, are often intended more as a preparation for further sacrifices than as an honour or reward."
"None of the conclusions drawn from the history and examination of women can justify the oppression they have faced and continue to face, from the laws of primitive societies that prohibited them from eating meat and coconut flesh to the modern restrictions that exclude them from the benefits of higher education and prevent them from pursuing certain careers for which they are qualified. These absurd, cruel, and oppressive prohibitions have certainly played a significant role in maintaining or, even worse, worsening their current state of inferiority and allowing their exploitation by men. The praise, which is not always genuine, that is often directed at these compliant victims is more frequently intended as a prelude to further sacrifices than as an honor or reward."
IV
Political Crime (Delitto Politico)
(In Collaboration with Rodolfo Laschi)
(In collaboration with Rodolfo Laschi)
The law of inertia governs nature. Every organism tends to adhere indefinitely to the same mode of life and will not change unless forced to do so.
The law of inertia controls nature. Every organism tends to stick to the same way of life indefinitely and won’t change unless pushed to do so.
In the depths of the ocean, where existence, comparatively speaking, is uniform and undisturbed, we still find organisms allied to the species of pre-historic epochs. Those stars and suns, which are outside the sphere of action of other worlds,[Pg 295] continue eternally their vertiginous gyrations in the trajectories assigned to them at the beginning of all things.
In the depths of the ocean, where life is relatively consistent and undisturbed, we still discover organisms related to species from prehistoric times. Those stars and suns, which are beyond the influence of other worlds,[Pg 295] continue their dizzying spins along the paths set for them since the dawn of time.
Every progress in nature is the result of a struggle between the tendency to immobility, manifested by misoneism, or the hatred of novelty, and a foreign force which seeks to conquer this tendency.
Every advance in nature comes from a conflict between the natural inclination to resist change, shown by a dislike of new things, and an outside force trying to overcome that resistance.
As in nature, misoneism dominates every human community. It is most invincible in children and neuropathic and insane individuals, very powerful among barbarous peoples, and more or less disguised among civilised nations. But the world progresses: every day new conditions and new interests arise to combat the law of inertia and render impossible the realisation of the much-desired invariability; and progress, unwelcome yet inevitable, prevails.
As in nature, fear of change dominates every human community. It is strongest in children and those with mental health issues, very prominent among uncivilized peoples, and somewhat hidden among civilized nations. But the world is moving forward: every day, new conditions and interests emerge to challenge the status quo and make the idea of remaining unchanged unfeasible; and progress, though unwelcome, is unavoidable.
By political crime we understand every action which attacks the laws, the historical, economical, political and social traditions of a nation or, in fact, any part of the existing social fabric, and which comes into collision with the law of inertia.
By political crime, we mean any action that challenges the laws, historical, economic, political, and social traditions of a nation, or, in fact, any part of the existing social structure, and that clashes with the law of inertia.
Any attempt to obtain forcibly a change in existing systems, to enforce by violence, for instance, the claims of free trade in a protectionist country, to plunge a nation into war or to incite workers to strike—all such actions represent the first steps in political crime, which reaches its climax in revolts and insurrections, and which victory alone can exalt above a host of blameworthy and base deeds, and crown with glory.
Any attempt to forcefully change established systems, to impose the demands of free trade in a protectionist country through violence, to drag a nation into war, or to incite workers to strike—these actions are all the first steps toward political crime, which eventually peaks in revolts and uprisings. Only through victory can such actions be elevated above numerous shameful and dishonorable acts and be awarded with glory.
Revolution is the struggle between the tendency to immobility innate in a community, and the force which urges it to move. Revolution is the historical expression of evolution and has always great and sublime ends in view. It is the struggle against an institution or a system which hinders the progress of a nation, never against any temporary oppression, no matter how unbearable it may be. The French revolution was not a struggle against an individual king or even a dynasty, but against the institutions of monarchy and feudalism; nor was Lutheranism a revolt against any pope, but against the corruption that had invaded the Roman Catholic Church.[Pg 296] The Italian revolution was not directed against foreign rule, which indeed was mild and generous in some parts of the country, but it voiced an imperious demand for independence indispensable to every people that desires to become truly civilised.
Revolution is the fight between a community's natural tendency to stay the same and the force pushing it to change. It's the historical manifestation of evolution and always aims for significant and noble goals. It’s a battle against systems or institutions that block a nation’s progress, not just against temporary oppression, no matter how intolerable it may be. The French Revolution wasn’t a fight against a single king or even a dynasty; it was against the institutions of monarchy and feudalism. Similarly, Lutheranism wasn’t a revolt against any pope but against the corruption that had seeped into the Roman Catholic Church.[Pg 296] The Italian Revolution didn’t target foreign rule, which was actually mild and generous in some areas, but expressed a strong demand for independence, something every people needs to truly become civilized.
A revolution is therefore a slow, constant effort towards progress, preceded by propaganda. In some instances, it may last for years; in others, for centuries, until an entire nation, from the humblest citizen to the most wealthy patrician, is convinced of the necessity of the proposed change, and the habitual misoneism of the masses overcome, the existing order of things being defended by only a few, whose personal interests are bound up in the old system. The ultimate triumph is inevitable, even when the leaders of the movement perish and the first risings are suffocated in blood; nay, death and martyrdom serve only to kindle greater enthusiasm for an ideal, if it be worthy to live. This becomes apparent when we consider the impulse given to Christianity by the crucifixion of its Leader, and to Italian independence by the death of the two brothers, Emilio and Attilio Bandiera.
A revolution is, therefore, a slow and steady effort toward progress, often starting with propaganda. In some cases, it can last for years, while in others, it may take centuries, until an entire nation, from the average person to the wealthiest elite, is convinced of the need for the proposed change, and the widespread fear of the new is overcome. The current state of affairs is only defended by a few whose personal interests are tied to the old system. The ultimate victory is unavoidable, even if the movement's leaders die and the initial uprisings are crushed. In fact, death and martyrdom only spark greater passion for a worthy ideal. This is clear when we look at how the crucifixion of its Leader energized Christianity and how the deaths of the two brothers, Emilio and Attilio Bandiera, propelled Italian independence.
But bloody episodes are not always essential to the march of a revolution. The triumph of Hungary over Austria was almost a bloodless one, and that of Free Trade in England was effected practically without violence.
But violent events are not always necessary for a revolution to progress. Hungary's victory over Austria was nearly bloodless, and the success of Free Trade in England happened mostly without violence.
Since a revolution implies a change in the ideas of the masses and not of a minority, be this of the elect or merely of turbulent spirits, revolutions are rare occurrences in history and their effects are lasting. In fact, after the death of Cromwell, feudalism was extinct in England.
Since a revolution means a shift in the beliefs of the majority rather than just a minority, whether that be the chosen few or just restless individuals, revolutions are uncommon events in history and their impacts are long-lasting. In fact, after Cromwell's death, feudalism disappeared in England.
Like the pear which falls in autumn when the process of ripening has caused the gradual reabsorption of the juices in the stalk, revolution triumphs and the ancient system perishes when an entire people is persuaded of the necessity for a change. The fall of the pear, however, is not always the result of a slow physiological process, but may be caused by a gust of wind, which dashes it to the ground before the pulp[Pg 297] has developed the sweet juices that are the sign of its maturity. In the same way, a revolt or an armed rising of men, whose demands are enforced by threats, may result in the carrying into effect of some programme of reform which is nevertheless too progressive or reactionary, or otherwise unsuited to the country.
Like the pear that falls in autumn when the ripening process has led to the gradual reabsorption of the juices in the stem, revolution succeeds and the old system collapses when an entire population accepts the need for change. However, the fall of the pear isn’t always due to a slow natural process; it can also happen because of a strong gust of wind that knocks it to the ground before the fruit has developed the sweet juices that indicate its ripeness. Similarly, a revolt or an armed uprising by people whose demands are backed by threats can lead to the implementation of a reform program that is either too progressive, too reactionary, or simply not suitable for the country.
In fact, nearly every revolution is preceded by an insurrection, which is suppressed by violence, because it seeks to realise premature ideals, and on this account is frequently followed by a counter-revolution, provoked by reactionary elements.
In fact, almost every revolution is preceded by an uprising, which is crushed with violence because it tries to achieve unrealistic goals too soon, and for this reason, it is often followed by a counter-revolution triggered by conservative forces.
Unlike revolutions, insurrections are always the work of a minority, inspired by an excessive love or hatred of change, who seek forcibly to establish systems or ideas rejected by the majority. Unlike revolutions, also, they may break out for mere temporary causes—a famine, a tax, the tyranny of some official, which suddenly disturbs the tranquil march of daily life; in many cases they may languish and die without outside interference.
Unlike revolutions, insurrections are always driven by a minority, fueled by an intense love or hatred of change, who try to forcefully impose systems or ideas that the majority has rejected. Insurrections can also erupt for temporary reasons—a famine, a tax, or the oppression of an official—that disrupt the normal flow of daily life; in many cases, they can fade away and die out without any outside intervention.
In practice, however, it is extremely difficult to distinguish a revolt from a revolution since the results alone determine its nature, victory being the proof that the ideas have permeated the whole mass of the people.
In reality, though, it's really hard to tell a revolt from a revolution, because it's the outcomes that define what it is; winning proves that the ideas have spread throughout the entire population.
Political offenders, insurrectionists, and revolutionists are the men who seize the standard of progress and contest every inch of the ground with the masses, who naturally incline towards a dislike of a new order of things. The army of progress is recruited from all ranks and conditions—men of genius, intellectual spirits who are the first to realise the defects of the old system and to conceive a new one, synthesising the needs and aspirations of the people; lunatics, enthusiastic propagandists of the new ideas, which they spread with all the impetuous ardour characteristic of unbalanced minds; criminals, the natural enemies of order, who flock to the standard of revolt and bring to it their special gifts, audacity and contempt of death. These latter types accomplish the work of destruction which inevitably accompanies[Pg 298] every revolution: they are the faithful and unerring arm ready to carry out the ideas that others conceive but lack the courage to execute.
Political offenders, rebels, and revolutionaries are the people who take up the banner of progress and fight for every bit of ground against the masses, who often resist change. The army of progress comes from all walks of life—brilliant minds and intellectuals who are the first to see the flaws in the old system and imagine a new one, combining the needs and hopes of the people; fanatics, enthusiastic advocates of new ideas, spreading them with the passionate urgency typical of unbalanced minds; and outlaws, the natural opponents of order, who rally to the cause of revolt and bring their unique traits, boldness and fearlessness, to the fight. These latter types carry out the necessary destruction that comes with every revolution: they are the loyal and reliable force ready to implement the ideas that others think of but lack the guts to follow through on.
Finally, there are the saints, the men who live solely for high purposes and to whom the revolution is a veritable apostolate. They rank high above the mass of mankind, from whom they are frequently distinguished by a singular beauty of countenance, recalling ancient paintings of holy men. They are consumed by a passion for altruism and self-immolation, and experience a strange delight in martyrdom for their ideals. These men sweep the masses along with them and lead to victory with their propaganda, their inspired songs, and thrilling accents. Tyrtæus was not the only poet who led soldiers to war: every insurrection has had its own songs, in which the love of a whole people is crystallised.
Finally, there are the saints, the individuals who live solely for noble causes and for whom the revolution is a true calling. They stand far above the general population, often set apart by a unique beauty that recalls ancient depictions of holy figures. They are driven by a deep passion for helping others and sacrificing themselves, finding a strange joy in suffering for their ideals. These individuals inspire the masses and lead them to victory through their persuasive messages, uplifting songs, and powerful speeches. Tyrtæus wasn't the only poet who inspired soldiers to fight: every uprising has its own anthems that capture the love of an entire people.
Lunatics, unbalanced individuals, and saints are the promoters of progress and revolutions. These types have one thing in common—their passionate devotion to a sublime ideal and their love for humanity, which torments and crushes them in every case where they fail to attain that for which they have fought. But whether victorious or defeated, on the throne or on the scaffold, their efforts are not lost. Love is the spiritual sun of mankind. A ray shed by a human heart may spread far and wide, traversing unknown regions and sojourning with unknown races; and if powerless to revive some timid flower that has been numbed by the chilly night, it may still be stored up in the songs of a people, like the sunlight in green plants, to be retransformed at some future time into light and warmth.
Lunatics, unstable people, and saints are the driving forces behind progress and revolutions. These groups share one thing in common—their intense commitment to a noble ideal and their love for humanity, which torments and burdens them whenever they fail to achieve what they’ve fought for. But whether they win or lose, on the throne or facing execution, their efforts are never in vain. Love is the spiritual sun of humanity. A single ray from a human heart can spread far and wide, reaching unknown places and interacting with unfamiliar cultures; and even if it's unable to revive a fragile flower that has been frozen by the cold night, it can still be preserved in the songs of a people, much like sunlight in green plants, to be transformed again into light and warmth in the future.
V
Too Soon! (Troppo Presto!)
(A Criticism of the New Italian Penal Code)
(A Criticism of the New Italian Penal Code)
In this book, which was written during the interval between the publication of the new Penal Code and its sanction by the[Pg 299] Italian Parliament, my father makes a rapid criticism of the Code, which he considered premature. Only a few decades had elapsed since the proclamation of Italian Unity; and the widely differing races that people the provinces constituting the kingdom of Italy had not been able in that brief period to acquire sufficient uniformity of customs to make a single code of laws desirable.
In this book, written during the time between the release of the new Penal Code and its approval by the [Pg 299] Italian Parliament, my father swiftly critiques the Code, which he believed was rushed. Only a few decades had passed since the announcement of Italian Unity, and the various races inhabiting the provinces that make up the kingdom of Italy hadn't had enough time to develop a shared set of customs that would make a single legal code feasible.
But the book is not merely a criticism. It also contains an exposition of the fundamental principles that, according to my father, should underlie every serious and efficacious code of laws. It is this part that makes this somewhat hastily written book of such importance to criminologists; because it sets forth under the chief heads the juridical desiderata of the New School.
But the book isn't just a critique. It also outlines the key principles that, according to my father, should form the foundation of any serious and effective legal code. This section is what makes this somewhat rushed book so significant to criminologists; because it presents the essential legal needs of the New School under main headings.
The following brief extract gives an indication of the nature of these principles:
The following short excerpt provides a glimpse into the essence of these principles:
1. The legislation of a country should always be regulated by the customs of the people whom it is to govern; and although a system of different penal codes to suit the varying races and customs in the different regions of one State may offer certain disadvantages, they are always of less importance than the difficulties caused by a uniform code.
1. The laws of a country should always reflect the customs of the people they govern; and while having different penal codes to match the diverse races and customs in various areas of one state may have some drawbacks, those issues are always less significant than the problems caused by a single uniform code.
2. The object of every code should be the attainment of social safety, not the careful weighing of guilt and individual responsibility. The worst and most dangerous criminals should be treated with the greatest severity; but indulgence should be shown towards minor offenders. The former should be segregated for life in prisons or asylums; the latter should never be allowed to become acquainted with prison life, but should be corrected by means of other penalties, which would not bring them into contact with true criminals, nor necessitate their temporary retirement from civil life.
2. The goal of every law should be to achieve public safety, not just to meticulously assess guilt and personal responsibility. The worst and most dangerous offenders should face the harshest penalties; however, leniency should be offered to minor offenders. The former should be locked away for life in prisons or mental institutions; the latter should never be exposed to the prison environment but should be rehabilitated through alternative penalties that wouldn’t bring them into contact with real criminals or require them to temporarily step away from society.
3. Certain reprehensible actions (abortion, infanticide, suicide or complicity therein, passionate crimes, duelling, swearing, adultery, etc.), which are not considered criminal[Pg 300] by the general public, should be non-criminal in the eyes of the law.
3. Certain objectionable actions (abortion, infanticide, suicide or being complicit in those acts, crimes of passion, dueling, swearing, adultery, etc.), which the general public does not view as criminal[Pg 300], should also be seen as non-criminal by the law.
4. Born criminals, the morally insane, and hopeless recidivists, whose first convictions are not followed by any signs of improvement, should be regarded as incurable and confined for life in criminal lunatic asylums, relegated to penal colonies, or condemned to death.
4. Born criminals, those with moral insanity, and chronic repeat offenders, whose initial convictions show no signs of improvement, should be seen as incurable and locked up for life in criminal lunatic asylums, sent to penal colonies, or sentenced to death.
A second edition of this book was published shortly afterwards with the title Notes on the New Penal Code. In this edition, each of the most notable adherents of the new doctrines: Ferri, Garofalo, Ballestrini, Rossi, Masé Dari, Carelli, Caragnani, and others, discussed one special point of the code and suggested the necessary modifications.
A second edition of this book was published shortly afterwards with the title Notes on the New Penal Code. In this edition, each of the key supporters of the new principles—Ferri, Garofalo, Ballestrini, Rossi, Masé Dari, Carelli, Caragnani, and others—discussed one specific aspect of the code and proposed the necessary changes.
VI
Prison Palimpsests (I Palimsesti del Carcere)
(A Collection of Prison Inscriptions for the Use of Criminologists)
(A Collection of Prison Inscriptions for the Use of Criminologists)
"Ordinary individuals, and even scientific observers, are apt to regard prisons, especially those in which the cellular system prevails, as mute and paralytical organisms, deprived of speech and action, because silence and immobility have been imposed on them by law. Since, however, no decree, even when backed up by physical force, avails against the nature of things, these organisms speak and act, and sometimes manifest themselves in brutal assaults and murders; but as always happens when human needs come into conflict with laws, all these manifestations are made in hidden and subterranean ways. Walls, drinking-vessels, planks of the prisoners' beds, margins of books, medicine wrappers, and even the unstable sands of the exercise-grounds, and the uniform in which the prisoner is garbed, supply him with a surface on which to imprint his thoughts and feelings."
"Regular people, and even scientists, tend to see prisons, especially those using the cellular system, as silent and paralyzed entities that lack speech and action, since the law has imposed silence and stillness on them. However, since no law, no matter how forceful, can change the fundamental nature of things, these entities do speak and act, sometimes showing their presence through violent acts and murders. But, as is often the case when human needs clash with laws, these expressions often occur in hidden and underground ways. Walls, drinking cups, planks from prisoners' beds, the margins of books, medicine wrappers, and even the shifting sands of the exercise yard, along with the uniforms prisoners wear, provide them with surfaces to express their thoughts and feelings."
With this paragraph my father begins the introduction[Pg 301] to his book Prison Palimpsests, a collection of inscriptions and documents revealing the inmost thoughts of prisoners.
With this paragraph, my father starts the introduction[Pg 301] to his book Prison Palimpsests, a collection of writings and documents that show the deepest thoughts of prisoners.
In the first part, these inscriptions are classified under different headings: opinions on prison life, penalties, morality, women, etc., and according to the surface on which they are inscribed—books, walls, pitchers, clothing, paper, etc.
In the first part, these inscriptions are organized into different categories: views on prison life, punishments, morality, women, and so on, and based on the material they are written on—books, walls, jugs, clothing, paper, etc.
For the psychologist and the student of degenerate types of humanity, this collection is of the greatest interest. The inscriptions are followed by a series of poems, autobiographies, and letters written by intending suicides, and criminals immediately before their execution. The comments made by criminals on the margins of books belonging to the prison library are especially interesting, because they enable the student to compare the effect produced on criminals by certain works with the impressions of normal individuals. The poems written by prisoners are equally interesting, since, like popular songs, they represent the intimate expression of the poet's desires and aspirations.
For psychologists and students studying troubled individuals, this collection is highly valuable. The inscriptions are accompanied by a series of poems, autobiographies, and letters penned by people contemplating suicide, as well as by criminals just before their execution. The notes written by criminals in the margins of books from the prison library are particularly fascinating, as they allow researchers to compare how certain works impact criminals versus the reactions of typical individuals. The poems composed by prisoners are equally intriguing, as they reflect, much like popular songs, the personal desires and aspirations of the poets.
In the second part, these prison inscriptions are compared with the remarks commonly found scribbled in the streets, on school benches, and on the walls of public buildings of all kinds—courts of justice, places of worship, and even those edifices in which the legislation of the State is framed. All the inscriptions are classified according to the sentiments they express and the sex of the writer, distinction being made between the writings of prisoners and those of the ordinary public.
In the second part, these prison inscriptions are compared with the remarks typically found scribbled on the streets, on school benches, and on the walls of various public buildings—courts, places of worship, and even those structures where state laws are created. All the inscriptions are categorized based on the feelings they convey and the gender of the writer, distinguishing between the writings of prisoners and those of the general public.
The book closes with practical suggestions regarding the use to which similar collections might be put, as critical hints on the present methods of dealing with criminals and as an aid in investigating the characters of accused persons.
The book ends with practical suggestions on how similar collections can be used, as critical insights into current methods of dealing with criminals, and as a resource for examining the backgrounds of accused individuals.
All offenders, except the most degenerate types, born criminals or the morally insane, desire work or occupation of some kind, and books of an interesting character. This demand emanates from innumerable inscriptions on the walls of cells and the margins of prison books: "How unbearable is enforced idleness for a man who has always been accustomed[Pg 302] to work and study, and in whom activity and the desire of some ennobling pursuit are not quite extinct!" ... "The nun of Cracow cried, 'Bread, bread!' but my voice pleads from my solitary cell, 'Work, work!'"
All offenders, except for the most extreme cases like born criminals or those with severe moral issues, want some kind of job or activity, as well as books that are interesting. This need is reflected in countless writings on the walls of cells and the margins of prison books: "How unbearable is enforced idleness for a man who has always been used[Pg 302] to working and studying, and in whom the urge for activity and the desire for a meaningful pursuit are not entirely gone!" ... "The nun of Cracow cried, 'Bread, bread!' but my voice calls out from my lonely cell, 'Work, work!'"
"If jurists would leave their desks and libraries," says my father in conclusion, "put aside all pre-conceived notions, enter the prisons and study the problem of criminality not on the walls of the cells, but on the living documents they enclose, they would speedily realise that all reforms evolved and applied without the aid of practical experience are only dangerous illusions."
"If legal experts would step away from their desks and libraries," my father concludes, "set aside all their preconceived ideas, visit prisons, and study the issue of crime not just from the walls of the cells, but from the real people they contain, they would quickly understand that all reforms developed and implemented without practical experience are just dangerous illusions."
VII
Ancient and Modern Crimes (Delitti Vecchi e Delitti Nuovi)
"This volume contains a collection of facts, sometimes valuable, at other times merely curious, that I was able to glean during long years of study in the field of criminal anthropology and psychiatry. They all tend to show the great difference that exists between ancient and modern crimes."
"This book includes a mix of information, some of which is valuable and some just interesting, that I gathered over many years of studying criminal anthropology and psychiatry. They all highlight the significant differences between ancient and modern crimes."
With these words my father begins the preface to this book, in which cases of recent crimes are described and compared with those committed in by-gone ages.
With these words, my father starts the preface to this book, where recent crime cases are described and compared to those from the past.
It is divided into three parts. The first part contains a comparative and statistical study of criminality in Europe, Mexico, the United States, and Australia.
It is divided into three parts. The first part includes a comparative and statistical study of crime in Europe, Mexico, the United States, and Australia.
The second part describes the careers of typical criminals of former times, such as the Tozzis of Rome, a family of anthropophagous criminals, and Vacher, Ballor, and other assassins of the Jack-the-Ripper type, whose perverted sexual instincts prompted them to murder a number of women and mutilate the corpses in a horrible fashion.
The second part talks about the careers of typical criminals from the past, like the Tozzis of Rome, a family of cannibalistic offenders, and Vacher, Ballor, and other murderers similar to Jack the Ripper, whose twisted sexual instincts drove them to kill several women and gruesomely mutilate the bodies.
The third part treats of those modern criminals, like Holmes and Peace, who accomplish their misdeeds in a refined and elegant manner, substituting for the more brutal[Pg 303] knife or hammer, the resources of chemistry, physics, and modern toxicology. In other cases, some product of modern times, such as the motor-car or bicycle, forms the motive for the crime, or is of assistance in its accomplishment.
The third part discusses those contemporary criminals, like Holmes and Peace, who carry out their wrongdoings in a sophisticated and polished way, using tools from chemistry, physics, and modern toxicology instead of the more brutal [Pg 303] knife or hammer. In other instances, a modern invention, like the car or bicycle, serves as the motive for the crime or helps in its execution.
"From the data we have been able to gather relating to crime in by-gone ages," continues my father in his preface, "we are led to conclude that crimes of a violent and bloody nature predominated exclusively in more barbarous times, and that fraudulent offences are characteristic of modern communities. Violence is more primitive than trickery and must always precede it, exactly as a more barbarous state in which property is gained or maintained by force, at the point of the sword, precedes a state in which ownership is regulated by means of contracts; and crime always adapts itself to the prevailing customs.
"Based on the data we've gathered about crime in the past," my father continues in his preface, "we can conclude that violent and bloody crimes were the norm in more barbaric times, while fraudulent offenses are typical of modern societies. Violence is more primitive than trickery and must always come first, just as a more barbaric society that gains or holds onto property by force, at the point of a sword, comes before a society where ownership is defined by contracts; and crime always adjusts to the customs of the time."
"The admirable work of Coghlan shows criminality in Australia to be of this latter type, as contrasted with its semi-barbarous nature in states like Mexico, and gives us a picture of the character it will assume a century or two later in Europe.
"The impressive work of Coghlan reveals that crime in Australia is more of this kind, compared to the more brutal nature seen in places like Mexico, and provides us with an idea of how it might evolve in Europe in a century or two."
"As the fundamental nature of the criminal has not changed, his actions are still of the same character; and violence and cunning are mingled or alternate in modern crime. But though the individual remains unchanged, he is subordinated to a more powerful factor than himself—modern progress. It is true that many modern crimes are facilitated by modern contrivances; but the same contrivances often furnish means for their defeat; and so we may foresee a time, perhaps not very remote, when such anti-social elements shall partially, if not totally, have disappeared."
"As the basic nature of criminals hasn't changed, their actions still share the same traits; violence and deceit are often mixed or alternate in today's crimes. However, while individuals remain the same, they are now under the influence of a more dominant force—modern progress. It's true that many contemporary crimes are made easier by modern technology; but this same technology also provides tools to combat them. Therefore, we might anticipate a time, perhaps not too far away, when these anti-social elements will partially, if not completely, vanish."
VIII
Diagnostic Methods of Legal Psychiatry (La Perizia Psichiatrica Legale)
This work was not intended to introduce the doctrines of modern criminology to the general public, but as a text-book[Pg 304] for the guidance of jurists, doctors, experts—in short, all those whose professions bring them, into contact with criminals.
This work was not meant to introduce the ideas of modern criminology to the general public, but as a textbook[Pg 304] for the guidance of lawyers, doctors, experts—in short, all those whose jobs involve interacting with criminals.
It consists of two parts, the first of which contains about fifty cases diagnosed according to the new methods, and collected by the author of the work and his followers. These cases include all types of delinquents: born criminals, morally insane individuals, hysterical, insane, inebriate, and epileptic criminals, criminaloids, criminals of passion, etc.
It has two parts, with the first part containing about fifty cases diagnosed using the new methods, gathered by the author and his team. These cases cover all types of offenders: born criminals, morally insane individuals, hysterics, the insane, alcoholics, and epileptic criminals, as well as criminaloids and passion-driven criminals, among others.
In each case, as the diagnosis was intended to serve a practical purpose, the criminal is examined physically, psychologically, and psychiatrically; and his antecedents are investigated with great care.
In each case, since the diagnosis was meant to have a practical use, the criminal is assessed physically, psychologically, and psychiatrically; and their background is thoroughly investigated.
In the second part, "The Technical Aspect of Criminal Anthropology," a detailed description is given of the methods to be employed in the examination of a supposed criminal, the rules for determining to what class he belongs, the manner in which the physical examination should be conducted, a list of the necessary measurements, a description of the most suitable apparatus, and the mode of using them, the methods of procedure in the interrogation of a criminal, in order to elicit useful information, and instructions for analysing his intellectual manifestations (handwriting, drawing, and work), movements, attitude, and gestures.
In the second part, "The Technical Aspect of Criminal Anthropology," there's a detailed explanation of the methods used to examine a suspected criminal, the guidelines for determining their classification, how the physical examination should be carried out, a list of required measurements, a description of the best equipment and how to use it, the procedures for interrogating a criminal to gather valuable information, and instructions for analyzing their intellectual expressions (like handwriting, drawing, and work), movements, posture, and gestures.
Thanks to the methodical instruction imparted by this book, the inexperienced student is enabled to progress gradually until he is in a position to conduct a complete psychiatric and medico-legal examination.
Thanks to the thorough teachings provided by this book, the inexperienced student can gradually advance until they are capable of conducting a complete psychiatric and medico-legal examination.
The third part treats of the methods for discriminating between criminals and lunatics. The various forms of mental alienation are described in detail; and an examination of cases of feigned insanity shows that simulators of lunacy are generally mentally unsound.
The third part discusses how to distinguish between criminals and the mentally ill. It details the different types of mental illness, and an analysis of cases of faked insanity reveals that those pretending to be insane are usually not mentally stable.
In the concluding part are discussed the various uses to which a careful diagnosis may be applied.
In the final section, we discuss the different ways a careful diagnosis can be applied.
The Appendix contains studies on the application of mental tests in medico-legal practice, and a glossary, alphabetically[Pg 305] arranged, of the terms commonly employed in criminal anthropology, compiled by Dr. Legiardi-Laura.
The Appendix includes research on how mental tests are used in legal medicine, along with a glossary that features commonly used terms in criminal anthropology, arranged alphabetically and compiled by Dr. Legiardi-Laura.[Pg 305]
IX
Anarchists (Gli Anarchici)
The book opens with an examination of the theories of anarchists, from which the author arrives at the conclusion that in view of the importance generally conceded to economic ideals to-day and the universal abuse of power, these theories in reality are not so absurd as they are supposed to be. It is the methods adopted by anarchists for the realisation of their ideals that are both absurd and dangerous.
The book starts by looking into anarchist theories, leading the author to conclude that considering the significant importance placed on economic ideals today and the widespread misuse of power, these theories aren't as ridiculous as people think. It's the approaches used by anarchists to achieve their ideals that are truly absurd and risky.
"However valuable many of the proposals of anarchism may be," says the author, "they become absurd in practice; because all reforms should be introduced very gradually in order to escape the inevitable reaction which neutralises all previous efforts."
"While many of the ideas behind anarchism may be valuable," the author states, "they become impractical in reality; because all reforms need to be implemented gradually to avoid the inevitable backlash that cancels out all prior efforts."
The crimes of anarchists tend to mingle with ordinary crimes when certain dreamers attempt to reach their goal by any means possible—theft, or the murder of a few, often innocent, persons. It is easy to realise, therefore, why, with a few exceptions, anarchists are recruited from among ordinary criminals, lunatics, and insane criminals. Investigations made by the author showed that 12 per cent. of the communards were of a criminal type, and this percentage was still higher in anarchists (31 per cent.). Of forty-five anarchists examined at Chicago, 40 per cent. had faces of a criminal cast. The majority of anarchists possess the passions and vices peculiar to ordinary criminals: impulsiveness, love of orgies, lack of natural affections and moral sense; and similar intellectual manifestations, such as slang, ballads, tattooing, hieroglyphics. But there are a greater number of genuine epileptic and hysterical subjects, lunatics, and indirect suicides among anarchists than among ordinary criminals; greater, too, is the proportion of criminals from passion. These truly[Pg 306] heroic natures, profoundly convinced that the remedy for so many social evils lies in the murder of certain personages of high standing, who appear to bear the greatest share of responsibility for the existing system, do not hesitate to have recourse to violence when they deem it necessary; although it is distasteful to them and although they have hitherto disassociated themselves from the excesses of their companions. The anarchists Caserio and Bresci were of this type. The crimes of these passionate criminals are always accomplished single-handed; they always surrender to the police immediately afterwards and make no attempt to defend themselves. On the contrary, when in court, they frequently give a lucid explanation of the motives that have induced them to commit their crimes and affront the penalty with stoicism.
The crimes committed by anarchists often blend with regular crimes when some idealists pursue their goals through any means necessary—such as theft or the murder of a few, often innocent people. It's understandable, then, why, with a few exceptions, anarchists are mainly drawn from ordinary criminals, the mentally ill, and those who are dangerously unstable. Research done by the author found that 12 percent of the communards were criminal types, with an even higher rate among anarchists at 31 percent. Out of forty-five anarchists examined in Chicago, 40 percent had features typically associated with criminals. Most anarchists share the same traits and flaws as regular criminals: impulsiveness, a love for indulgent parties, a lack of natural affection and moral judgment, and similar behaviors like using slang, singing ballads, getting tattoos, and writing in symbols. However, there are more genuine cases of epilepsy, hysteria, mental illness, and indirect suicides among anarchists compared to ordinary criminals; the proportion of passion-driven criminals is also higher. These truly heroic individuals, deeply convinced that the solution to numerous social problems lies in the assassination of certain high-profile figures they believe are largely responsible for the current system, do not hesitate to resort to violence when they feel it's necessary; even though they find it distasteful, and even if they usually keep their distance from the extremes of their peers. Anarchists like Caserio and Bresci fit this description. The acts committed by these passionate criminals are always done alone; they immediately surrender to the police afterward and make no efforts to defend themselves. Instead, when they are in court, they often provide a clear account of the reasons that led them to commit their crimes and face the consequences with stoicism.
Such being the origin, and such the promoters of anarchism, it is evident that the methods for curing crimes deriving from this source should differ greatly from those used in suppressing ordinary crime.
Such being the origin, and such the promoters of anarchism, it is evident that the methods for addressing crimes stemming from this source should differ greatly from those used to tackle ordinary crime.
In spite of the fact that anarchists are frequently criminals, their ideas, although often absurd, imply a greater elevation of character than the cynical apathy in which the worst types of criminals are sunk.
In spite of the fact that anarchists are often criminals, their ideas, though sometimes ridiculous, suggest a higher moral standard than the cynical apathy that the worst kinds of criminals are trapped in.
Instead of combating violence by violence and dealing out death sentences with a prodigality almost rivalling that of anarchists themselves, the authorities should segregate the most dangerous types or relegate them to distant islands, and adopt exile as a penalty for genuine criminals of passion. However, political liberty and some safety-valve, whereby lawless instincts may be turned into harmless channels, are the best methods for preventing anarchism. Constitutional government and freedom of speech and the press may go a long way towards combating anarchism; but the restoration of popular tribunates, like those to which Rome owed her balance and tranquillity, would be still more efficacious. If the governing bodies were to favour, instead of hindering, the[Pg 307] formation of such institutions, which tend to spring up everywhere and to voice the grievances of the people, just causes would not be abandoned exclusively to the advocacy of extremists.
Instead of fighting violence with more violence and handing out death sentences as liberally as anarchists do, the authorities should separate the most dangerous individuals or send them to remote islands, and use exile as a punishment for serious crimes of passion. However, political freedom and a way for lawless instincts to be redirected into harmless outlets are the best methods to prevent anarchism. A constitutional government along with freedom of speech and of the press can greatly help combat anarchism; but bringing back popular tribunals, like those that helped Rome maintain balance and peace, would be even more effective. If the governing bodies supported, instead of obstructing, the[Pg 307] creation of these institutions that arise to represent the people's grievances, just causes wouldn't be left solely to the extremists' advocacy.
X
Lectures on Legal Medicine (Lezioni di Medicina Legale)
This book, as the preface explains, was an attempt to present in a concise and popular form the theories of criminal anthropologists, on which the author had previously delivered a series of university lectures, and which he feared might have been erroneously or imperfectly understood by those of his hearers who were diffident or insufficiently prepared.
This book, as the preface explains, was an effort to present in a clear and accessible way the theories of criminal anthropologists, which the author had previously discussed in a series of university lectures, and which he was concerned might have been misunderstood or not fully grasped by those among his audience who were unsure or not well-prepared.
It is divided into three parts, criminal anthropology, mental alienation, and the relation of serious offences (assault, murder, poisoning, etc.) to legal medicine.
It is divided into three parts: criminal anthropology, mental illness, and the connection between serious crimes (assault, murder, poisoning, etc.) and legal medicine.
The first part contains a summing-up of the author's ideas on the atavistic and pathological origin of the criminal. He examines the equivalents of crime among plants, animals, savages, and children, describes the pathological causes which call forth atavistic instincts and alludes to other special kinds of degeneration peculiar to criminals. Finally, the anatomy, functions, and internal organs of the criminal are examined, and a careful study made of his intellectual manifestations and psychology. Similar studies on epileptics and the morally insane show that the three forms are only variations of the same degeneration.
The first part summarizes the author's thoughts on the primitive and unhealthy origins of criminals. He looks at how crime appears in plants, animals, primitive people, and children, describes the pathological reasons that trigger primitive instincts, and mentions other specific types of degeneration unique to criminals. Lastly, he analyzes the anatomy, functions, and internal organs of criminals, along with a detailed examination of their intellectual behaviors and psychology. Similar studies on people with epilepsy and those who are morally insane indicate that these three categories are merely different expressions of the same kind of degeneration.
We have an examination of occasional, habitual, and latent criminals, who represent an attenuated type of delinquency, following on the investigations of these serious forms, admitting of correction, prevention, or cure. It develops much later in life than the vicious propensities of instinctive[Pg 308] criminals or may even remain latent; yet at the root we always find the same anatomical and pathological anomalies, although less marked and fewer in number.
We examine occasional, habitual, and latent criminals, who represent a milder form of delinquency, building on the studies of these serious types that can be corrected, prevented, or treated. This often develops much later in life than the harmful tendencies of instinctive[Pg 308] criminals or may even stay hidden; however, we still find the same anatomical and pathological issues at the core, though they are less pronounced and fewer in number.
The origin of passionate and political criminals is entirely diverse. Their criminality springs from an excess of noble passions, the impetuosity of which prevents them from exercising sober judgment and urges them to unpremeditated actions that afterwards cause them the deepest remorse.
The origin of passionate and political criminals is completely varied. Their criminal behavior comes from an overwhelming amount of noble passions, whose impulsiveness stops them from using sound judgment and pushes them into spontaneous actions that later lead to profound regret.
After a rapid survey of feminine criminality and its equivalent, prostitution, the author discusses juridical and social methods of curing crime.
After a quick look at female crime and its counterpart, prostitution, the author talks about legal and social ways to address crime.
In the second part, mental alienation in relation to legal medicine, the author examines the anthropological and psychic characters of lunacy, which he divides into various classes: congenital mental alienation (cretinism, idiocy, imbecility, eccentricity); acquired mental alienation (mania, melancholia, paranoia, circular insanity, dementia); mental alienation in conjunction with neurosis (epilepsy, hysteria, progressive general paralysis); alienation resulting from toxic influences (alcoholism, including forms produced by indulgence in absinthe and coca, saturnine encephalopathy, pellagra). An investigation is made into the etiology of these various forms with special reference to their juridical importance.
In the second part, mental alienation in relation to legal medicine, the author looks into the anthropological and psychological aspects of lunacy, categorizing it into several classes: congenital mental alienation (cretinism, idiocy, imbecility, eccentricity); acquired mental alienation (mania, melancholia, paranoia, circular insanity, dementia); mental alienation related to neurosis (epilepsy, hysteria, progressive general paralysis); and alienation caused by toxic influences (alcoholism, including types resulting from excessive use of absinthe and coca, saturnine encephalopathy, pellagra). The text investigates the causes of these different forms, with a particular focus on their legal implications.
The third part is devoted exclusively to medico-legal questions, to an examination of the various forms of violent death: by heat, electricity, starvation, hanging, strangulation, asphyxia, and poisoning, the symptoms which distinguish each type being carefully defined. This is followed by a study on wounds produced by firearms, pointed weapons or blades, on living and dead bodies, in order to determine the exact situation of the wound and the manner in which it has been inflicted. Finally, we have an examination of the different forms of poisoning.
The third part focuses entirely on legal and medical questions, examining the different types of violent death: from heat, electricity, starvation, hanging, strangulation, asphyxia, and poisoning, with clear definitions of the symptoms that differentiate each type. This is followed by a study of wounds caused by firearms, sharp weapons, or blades, on both living and deceased bodies, to pinpoint the exact location of the wound and how it was inflicted. Finally, we look at the various types of poisoning.
A separate lecture treats of sexual psychopathy and offences against morality; and other lectures discuss questions of legal obstetrics: abortion, infanticide, and matrimonial questions.
A separate lecture covers sexual psychopathy and offenses against morality, while other lectures address legal issues related to obstetrics: abortion, infanticide, and marital questions.
XI
Recent Discoveries in Psychiatry and Criminal Anthropology and the Practical Application of these Sciences
This volume was published in 1893. It contains a complete summary of the latest research of criminologists in jurisprudence, psychiatry, and anthropology, during the interval between the publication of the fifth and that of the last edition of Prof. Lombroso's Criminal Man.
This volume was published in 1893. It contains a complete summary of the latest research by criminologists in law, psychiatry, and anthropology, during the time between the release of the fifth edition and the latest edition of Prof. Lombroso's Criminal Man.
The research includes anthropological discoveries in the skull, skeleton, internal organs, and brains of criminals, as well as others of a biological and functional nature. They are followed by a study of the methods to be employed for the cure and punishment of crime.
The research covers anthropological findings in the skull, skeleton, internal organs, and brains of criminals, along with other biological and functional aspects. It is followed by an examination of the techniques to be used for treating and punishing crime.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE CHIEF WORKS OF CESARE LOMBROSO
Archivio di Psichiatria, antropologia criminale e scienze affini (Archives of Psychiatry, Criminal Anthropology and Kindred Sciences). Thirty-two volumes. Published by Fratelli Bocca, Turin and Lausanne.
Archivio di Psichiatria, antropologia criminale e scienze affini (Archives of Psychiatry, Criminal Anthropology and Related Sciences). Thirty-two volumes. Published by Fratelli Bocca, Turin and Lausanne.
L'Uomo Delinquente (Criminal Man). Fifth Edition. Vols. I, II and III of xxxv + 650, 576, and 677 pages respectively, with separate volume of plates, maps, etc. Bocca, Turin, 1906, 1907.
L'Uomo Delinquente (Criminal Man). Fifth Edition. Vols. I, II, and III of xxxv + 650, 576, and 677 pages respectively, with a separate volume of plates, maps, etc. Bocca, Turin, 1906, 1907.
Translations:
Translations:
L'Hommea criminel. Vols. I and II published 1895, Vol. III (Le crime, ses causes et remèdes) 1907, by F. Alcan, Paris.
L'Homme criminel. Vols. I and II published 1895, Vol. III (Le crime, ses causes et remèdes) 1907, by F. Alcan, Paris.
Die Ursachen und Bekâmpfung des Verbrechens. Bermuheler Verlag, Berlin, 1902.
Die Ursachen und Bekämpfung des Verbrechens. Bermuheler Verlag, Berlin, 1902.
El Delito, sus causas y remedios. Librería de Victoriano Suárez, Madrid, 1902.
El Delito, sus causas y remedios. Librería de Victoriano Suárez, Madrid, 1902.
La Donna Delinquente, la prostituta e la donna normale. (With Guglielmo Ferrero.) New Edition. Bocca, Turin, 1903.
La Donna Delinquente, the prostitute and the normal woman. (With Guglielmo Ferrero.) New Edition. Bocca, Turin, 1903.
Translations:
Translations:
Das Weib als Verbrecherin und Prostitute. Verlagsanstalt und Druckerei, Hamburg, 1894.
Das Weib als Verbrecherin und Prostitute. Verlagsanstalt und Druckerei, Hamburg, 1894.
The Female Offender. Fisher Unwin, London, 1895.
The Female Offender. Fisher Unwin, London, 1895.
[Pg 311]Il Delitto Politico e le Rivoluzioni. (With R. Laschi.) Bocca, Turin, 1890.
[Pg 311]Political Crime and Revolutions. (With R. Laschi.) Bocca, Turin, 1890.
Translations:
Translations:
Das politische Verbrechen und die Revolutionen. Two vols. 1890.
Das politische Verbrechen und die Revolutionen. Two vols. 1890.
Le Crime politique. Two vols. Félix Alcan, Paris, 1890.
Le Crime politique. Two vols. Félix Alcan, Paris, 1890.
Le piu recenti scoperte ed applicazioni della psichiatria ed antropologia criminale. Bocca, Turin, 1893.
Le più recenti scoperte e applicazioni della psichiatria e antropologia criminale. Bocca, Torino, 1893.
Translations:
Translations:
Neue Fortschritte in den Verbrecherstudien. Wilhelm Friedrich, Leipzig. 1894.
Neue Fortschritte in den Verbrecherstudien. Wilhelm Friedrich, Leipzig. 1894.
Neue Fortschritte der kriminellen Anthropologie. Marhold, Halle, 1908.
Neue Fortschritte der kriminellen Anthropologie. Marhold, Halle, 1908.
Neue Verbrecherstudien. Marhold, Halle, 1908.
New Criminal Studies. Marhold, Halle, 1908.
Nouvelles recherches de Psychiatrie et d'Anthropologie criminelle. Alcan, Paris, 1890.
Nouvelles recherches de Psychiatrie et d'Anthropologie criminelle. Alcan, Paris, 1890.
Gli anarchici. Bocca, Turin, 1894.
The anarchists. Bocca, Turin, 1894.
Translations:
Translations:
Die Anarchisten. Verlagsanstalt und Druckerei, Hamburg, 1895.
Die Anarchisten. Publishing House and Printing Company, Hamburg, 1895.
Les Anarchistes. E. Flammarion, Paris, 1896.
Les Anarchistes. E. Flammarion, Paris, 1896.
La Perizia psichiatrico-legale. Bocca, Turin, 1905.
La Perizia psichiatrico-legale. Bocca, Turin, 1905.
Lezioni di Medicina legale. Bocca, Turin, 1900.
Lezioni di Medicina legale. Bocca, Turin, 1900.
Troppo Presto: Appunti al nuovo codice penale. Bocca, Turin, 1888.
Troppo Presto: Notes on the New Penal Code. Bocca, Turin, 1888.
Palimsesti del carcere. Bocca, Turin, 1888.
Palimsests of the prison. Bocca, Turin, 1888.
Translations:
Translations:
Kerker Palimpsesten. Hamburg, 1899.
Kerker Palimpsest. Hamburg, 1899.
Les Palimpsestes des prisons. Stock, Lyon.
Les Palimpsestes des prisons. Stock, Lyon.
La Delinquenza e la rivoluzione francese. Treves, Milan, 1897.
La Delinquenza e la rivoluzione francese. Treves, Milan, 1897.
[Pg 312]Criminal Anthropology. (Twentieth Century Practice of Medicine, Vol. XII, pp. 372-433.) New York, 1897.
[Pg 312]Criminal Anthropology. (Twentieth Century Practice of Medicine, Vol. XII, pp. 372-433.) New York, 1897.
Luccheni e l'antropologia criminale. Bocca, Turin, 1899.
Luccheni and criminal anthropology. Bocca, Turin, 1899.
Il caso Olivo. (With A. G. Bianchi.) Libreria Editrice Internazionale, Milan, 1905.
Il caso Olivo. (With A. G. Bianchi.) Libreria Editrice Internazionale, Milan, 1905.
Ricerche sui fenomeni ipnotici e spiritici. Unione Tip. Edit. Turin, 1909.
Ricerche sui fenomeni ipnotici e spiritici. Unione Tip. Edit. Turin, 1909.
L'Uomo di genio. Sixth Edition. Bocca, Turin, 1894.
L'Uomo di genio. Sixth Edition. Bocca, Turin, 1894.
Translations:
Translations:
L'Homme de génie. Alcan, Paris, 1889.
L'Homme de génie. Alcan, Paris, 1889.
The Man of Genius. Walter Scott, London, 1891.
The Man of Genius. Walter Scott, London, 1891.
Genio e degenerazione. Second Edition. Remo Sandron, Palermo, 1908.
Genio e degenerazione. Second Edition. Remo Sandron, Palermo, 1908.
Translations:
Translations:
Entartung und Genie. Wiegand, Leipzig, 1894.
Entartung und Genie. Wiegand, Leipzig, 1894.
Nuovi studi sul genio. Two vols. Sandron, Palermo, 1902.
Nuovi studi sul genio. Two vols. Sandron, Palermo, 1902.
Translations:
Translations:
Neue Studien über Genialität (Schmidt's Jahrbücher der gesammten Medizin, 1907).
Neue Studien über Genialität (Schmidt's Jahrbücher der gesammten Medizin, 1907).
Pazzi e anormali. Lapi, Citta di Castello, 1890.
Pazzi e anormali. Lapi, Citta di Castello, 1890.
In Calabria. Niccolo Giannotta, Catania, Sicily, 1898.
In Calabria. Niccolo Giannotta, Catania, Sicily, 1898.
L'Antisemitismo e le scienze moderne. Roux, Turin, 1894.
L'Antisemitismo e le scienze moderne. Roux, Turin, 1894.
Translations:
Translations:
Der Antisemitismus und die Juden. Wiegand's Verlag, Leipzig, 1894.
Der Antisemitismus und die Juden. Wiegand's Verlag, Leipzig, 1894.
L'Antisémitisme. Giard et Brière, Paris, 1899.
L'Antisémitisme. Giard and Brière, Paris, 1899.
Problèmes du jour. Flammarion, Paris, 1906.
Problèmes du jour. Flammarion, Paris, 1906.
Il momento attuale in Italia. Casa Editrice Nazionale, Milan, 1905.
Il momento attuale in Italia. Casa Editrice Nazionale, Milan, 1905.
[Pg 313]Grafologia. Ulrich Hoepli, Milan, 1895.
Graphology. Ulrich Hoepli, Milan, 1895.
Translations:
Translations:
Graphologie. Reclam, Leipzig.
Graphology. Reclam, Leipzig.
Trattato profilattico e clinico della pellagra. Bocca, Turin, 1890.
Trattato profilattico e clinico della pellagra. Bocca, Turin, 1890.
Translations:
Translations:
Die Lehre von der Pellagra. Oscar Coblenz, Berlin, 1898.
Die Lehre von der Pellagra. Oscar Coblenz, Berlin, 1898.
INDEX
A
Affection for animals, 62, 63
Affections, of born criminals, 27
in children, 133
examination of, 222-225
Age and crime, 102, 151, 152
Akkas, tribe of Central Africa, 15
Alcoholism, and hallucinations, 30, 82-84
chronic, 81, 142-143
physical characteristics, 81, 82
psychic disturbances caused by, 82-84
results of, 83
apathy and impulsiveness of victims, 84, 85
crimes peculiarly due to, 85, 142
course of the disease, 86
hereditary, 138
important factor in criminality, 138, 141
temporary, 141-142
and epilepsy, 142
effect on handwriting, 229
Algometer, 25, 246
Anfossi's tachyanthropometer, 237
craniograph, 239
Angelucci (Actes du Congrès d' Anthropologie), case of epileptic moral insanity, 69
Anomalies, of criminals, 7, 10-24, 231-235
of morally insane, 53
Anthropology, criminal, defined, 5
most important discovery of, 137
practical application of, 262-279
Aphasia, simulation of, 272 ff., 275
Arson, 121
Arts and industries of criminals, 44, 135
Assaulters, 25
Asylums for criminal insane, 205-208
Asymmetry, 13, 53, 242, 261
Atavism, 18, 135, 136
Atavistic origin of the criminal, 8, 9, 19, 48, 135
Australia, probation system in, 189, 191
Austria, percentage of illegitimates among criminals, 144
percentage of women among criminals, 151
Auto-illusion, 108, 109
Aymaras, the, an Indian tribe of South America, 6
Azara, d' (Travels in America, 1835), 126
Azeglio, Massimo d' (Reminiscences), 148
B
Bain, 130
Ballvé, Señor, director of Penitenciario Nacional of Buenos Ayres, 201
Bank of Rome case, 106, 107
Barnardo, Dr., work for orphans and destitute children of London, 158-160
Beccaria, Cesare, founder of Classical School of Penal Jurisprudence, 3, 4
Bedlam, 207
Belgian Government, agricultural colony founded at Meseplas by, 202
[Pg 316]
Belgium, probation system in, 191
Bernard, experiments with dogs, 60
Blasio, de, explanation of hieroglyphics of the Camorristi, 43, 44
Booth, General, 156, 157
Born criminals, 3-51
percentage of, among criminals, 8, 100
physical characteristics, 10-24, 231-255
sensory and functional peculiarities, 24-27
affections and passions, 27, 28
moral characteristics, 28-40
intelligence, 41
relation to moral insanity and epilepsy, 58-73, 87, 259
professional characteristics, 71
difference between epileptics and, 72
no criminal scale among, 152
institutions for, 205 ff.
Bosco and Rice (Les Homicides aux Etats-Unis), on crime in Massachusetts, 173
Brigands, 35, 113-115, 215
Broadmoor, 207, 208
Brockway, 192
Büchner, on instincts in bees and ants, 142
Burglars, 25
Burton (First Footsteps in East Africa), 128
C
Cabred, Professor, 203, 204
Camorra, 44, 48, 117, 230
Camorristi, hieroglyphics of, 43, 44
dress, 230
Canada, homes for destitute children, 160
Capital punishment, 208, 209
Carrara, Francesco, 4
Carrara, Prof. Mario, on neglected children, 130
Cephalic index, 10, 241
Children, destructive tendency, 65
instincts, 130 ff.
affection, 133
effect of environment on, 144
institutions for destitute, 156 ff.
methods of dealing with, 176 ff.
susceptibility to suggestion, 226
Children's courts. See Juvenile courts
Cinædus, 231, 244
Classical School of Penal Jurisprudence, 4, 9
Classification of criminals, 8
Colour-blindness, 26, 249
Confession of criminaloids, 105
Connon, Richard, 53
Coprophagia, 274, 275
Corporal punishment, 191
Cretins, physical characteristics, 227, 234, 236, 260
dress, 231
Crime, origin of the word, 125
among primitive races, 125 ff.
in civilised communities, 134
atavistic origin, 135, 136, 137
ætiology of, 136
pathological origin, 137
organic factors, 137
percentage of, among Jews, 140
social causes, 143
prevention, 153 ff.
curability, 153, 156
Criminal, the, defined, 3
Criminal type, 24, 48
Criminaloids, 100-121
percentage of, among criminals, 8
physical characteristics, 102, 251
psychological distinctions between born criminals and, 102 ff.
cases of, 103, 104
reluctance to commit crimes, 105
easily induced to confess, 105
moral sense and intelligence, 106
natural affections and sentiments, 106
social position and culture, 107 ff.
clever swindlers, 108
development into habitual criminals, 111-113
and certain crimes, 121
punishment, 186
Cruelty, 39
Cynicism, 31
D
Dalton (Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal), 129
Danish prisons, 195
[Pg 317]
"Darwin's tubercle," 15, 235
Dejerine, 138
Delirium, 98
Dementia, 76, 227, 259, 260
simulations of, 272 ff.
Despine's method of punishment, 195, 196
Destitute children, care of, 156
institutions for, 156 ff.
Dewson, Miss Mary, 189
Disease and its relation to crime, 8, 220
Don Bosco, the Black Pope, 157, 173
Drunkenness, temporary, 141. See also Alcoholism
Du Bois-Reymond's apparatus, 25, 246
Dundrum, Ireland, 207
Dynamometer, 252, 253
E
Economic conditions, relation to crime, 150
Education, and moral insanity, 143
and crime, 143, 149
in Elmira Reformatory, 193
"Educational Alliance," for Jewish emigrants, 172
Egypt, theft in, 128
Elmira Reformatory, 192-194
England, crime in, 173
juvenile court in, 176
probation system in, 189, 191
asylums for criminal insane, 207
Environment, 8, 144, 145
Epilepsy, ancient application of the term, 58
characteristic phenomena, 58
mild forms, 59, 60
multiformity, 59, 60, 87
psychological characteristics, 61
effect on character, 62
relation to crime, 69, 71
motory and criminal, 71
psychic, 88
ambulatory, 89, 90
alcoholic psychic, 142
Epileptics, brain cells of, 22
relation to born criminals and morally insane 58 ff., 87
physical anomalies common to criminals and, 60, 61, 234
psychological characteristics, 61 ff.
cases, 64-65
criminal, 66-69, 70, 259
difference between born criminals and, 72
non-criminal, 89-92
obsessions, 226
dress, 230
special offences, 259, 260
Epileptoids, 101
Erotomania, 96
Esthesiometer, 245
Examination of criminals, 219-257
antecedents and psychic individuality, 220-222
intelligence, 222
affections, 222-225
morbid phenomena, 225-226
speech, 226-228
memory, 228
handwriting, 228-230
dress, 230-231
physical, 231-245
sensibility, 245-251
movements, 251-255
functions, 255
table of, 255-257
F
Fines, 187, 191
Fisherton House, 207
Forgers, 46, 140, 245
France, percentage of illegitimates or orphans among minors arrested, 144
system for minor offences, 187
probation system in, 191
Frank, Francis, 223
French Panama Scandal, 106, 107
G
Gambling, 40
Games, 40
Garofalo, Senator, his table of penalties, 210
George, Henry, 164
George Junior Republic, 160, 164-167
Germans, ancient, theft among, 128, 129
[Pg 318]Gilmour (Among the Mongols), 130
Gipsies, 140
Goitre, 220, 244
H
Habitual criminals, 44, 110-115, 198
Hallucinations, 30, 82-84
Hamburg, percentage of illegitimates among prostitutes, 144
Handwriting, 228-230
Harwick, quoted, on sense of right and wrong, 33
Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society in New York City, 160-164
Heredity, indirect, 137
direct, 57, 137-139
influence of, 144, 220, 235
Hieroglyphics, 43, 44
Homicide, among criminaloids, 121
in Italy, 140
relation of temperature to, 145
in Massachusetts, 173
and melancholia, 259
Hydrosphygmograph, 223
Hypnotism, 101
Hysteria, 92-99
relation to epilepsy, 92
physical and functional characteristics, 93
psychology, 94
susceptibility to suggestion, 95, 226
and delirium, 98
sensibility to metals, 248, 261
special offences of, 259
simulation of, 261
I
Idiots, impulses, 74, 258
speech, 227
physical characteristics, 235, 260
Idleness, 40, 150
Illegitimates, percentage of, among criminals, 144
Imbeciles, 75, 259, 260, 269
Imitation, 146
Immigration and its relation to crime, 147, 148
Imprisonment, 154, 186, 187
Impulsiveness, 36, 85
Incendiaries, 26
Indemnity, 191
India, infanticide in, 126
theft in, 129
Industrial Homes of the Salvation Army, 168
Inebriates, crimes peculiar to, 85-86
hallucinations of, 226
Infanticide, 121, 126, 127
Insane, the morally, relation to born criminals, 53, 57, 58
cases, 53 ff.
relation to epileptics, 61, 65 ff.
professional characteristics, 71
institutions for, 206
dress, 230
special offences, 259, 260
Insane criminals, 74-99, 234
characteristics distinguishing them from habitual criminals, 77, 78
antecedents, 78
motives, 78
typical cases, 79
institutions for, 205 ff.
two classes, 208
Insanity, moral, 56, 65-69, 272 ff.
criminal, 74-99
genuine and simulation of, 260, 276. See also Lunacy
Institutions, for destitute children, 156
for destitute adults, 167
for women criminals, 180
for minor offenders, 185
for habitual criminals, 198
for born criminals and the morally insane, 205. See also Reformatories, Penitentiaries
Intellectual manifestations of born criminals, 42-44
Intelligence, of born criminals, 41
of criminaloids, 106
examination, 222
Invulnerability of criminals, 64
Italy, hot-beds of crime in, 140
percentage of illegitimates among criminals, 144
percentage of women among criminals, 151
institutions for orphans, 157
J
Jackson, on epileptic fits, 60
[Pg 319]
Jews, percentage of crime among, 140
Jukes family, the, 138, 139
Juridical criminals, 115-117
Juvenile courts, 176, 178, 179
Juvenile offenders, 139
methods of dealing with, 176 ff., 192
K
Kleptomania, 141
Kowalewsky (Archivio di Psichiatria, 1885), 63
Krafft-Ebing, 84
quoted, on somnambulism and epileptics, 63
L
Labour, in reformatories, 166, 199
enforced, profitable to the State, 202, 203, 213
Lacassagne, 47
Ladelci (Il Vino, 1868), 37
Landolt's apparatus for testing the field of vision, 249
Lewisohn, Mr., 161
Lombroso, Cesare, discovery of median occipital fossa, 6
new theory as to criminals, 52, 56, 57
view of hysteria and epilepsy, 99
on percentage of criminals of inebriate families, 138
on criminal associations, 146
Criminal Man, 9, 288-291
Modern Forms of Crime, 9
Recent Research in Criminal Anthropology, 9, 309
Prison Palimpsests, 9, 155, 300-302
The Female Offender, 180, 291-294
Crimes, Ancient and Modern, 173, 302-303
The Man of Genius, 283-288
Political Crime, 294-298
Too Soon, 298-300
Diagnostic Methods of Legal Psychiatry, 303-305
Anarchists, 305-307
Lectures on Legal Medicine, 307-308
Luciani, experiments of, 59
Lunacy, general forms, 74, See also Insanity
M
Maccabruni, Dr. (Notes on Hidden Forms of Epilepsy, 1886), 89
Mafia, 117, 230
Magnaud, 187
Maniacs, 76, 259
Manzoni (Promessi Sposi), on instinctive tendency to law-breaking, 152
Marey's tympanum, 224
Marro (Annalidi Freniatia, 1890), 64
Massachusetts, crime in, 173
probation office in Boston, 189
reformatories at Boston, 190
Mattoids, 228, 229
Median occipital fossa, discovery of, 6
Melancholia, 75, 227, 252, 259
Memory, 228
Mendacity, 96-98
Meseplas, agricultural colony at, 202, 203
Metchnikoff, 14
Meteoric sensibility, 26
Modern School of Penal Jurisprudence, 4, 5, 9, 153, 155, 156
Monomaniacs, impulses and motives, 77
cases, 78, 276 ff.
handwriting, 228, 230
dress, 231
examination of, 276 ff.
Moral sense, of criminals, 28-40
of criminaloids, 106
Moreau, 130
(De l' Homicide chez les enfants, 1882), 131
Morel, 53, 98
Mülhausen (Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Pacific), 129
Murder, among gipsies, 140
among Jews, 140
in United States, 145
Murderers, physical characteristics, 16, 18, 26, 46, 236
[Pg 320]moral sense, 29, 38
imprisonment, 182
dress, 230
N
Newspaper reports of crimes, influence of, 146, 147
Nothnagel's thermo-esthesiometer, 247
O
Obermayer's methods in prisons, 195, 196
Obscenity, 63
Occupations suitable for prisoners, 197, 203, 204
"Open Door," the, penal institution in Buenos Ayres, 203, 204
Orange, 208
Orgies, 40
Osmometer, 251
Ottolenghi, discoveries of, 61
P
Paralysis, 75, 226, 229
Paralytic, demented, 269
"Paranza," 48
Paresis, 82, 83
Parkinson's disease, 252
Passion, criminals of, 117-121, 186
Patrizi, 224
"Patta, La" 41
Pears (Prisons and Reform, 1872), 196
Pederasts, 232
Pellagra, 76, 150
Pelvimeter, 239
Penal codes, 176, 178
Penal colonies, 201-204
Penalties, 153
table of, proposed by the Modern School, 210-212
Penitenciario Nacional of Buenos Ayres, 198-203
Penitentiaries, 194-198
Penta, on percentage of criminals of inebriate families, 138
Perez,(Psychologie de l'enfant), quoted, on anger in children, 131
Perth, Scotland, 207
Peruvian Indians, 6, 7
Physical anomalies of criminals, 7, 10-24, 231-245
Pictet, 125
Pictography, 43
Pinel, 37, 53
Plethysmograph, 223, 225, 264
Poisoners, 31, 182
Political offenders, 186
Polyandry, 127
Population, density of, effect on criminality, 146, 148
Positive School of Penal Jurisprudence. See Modern School of Penal Jurisprudence
Pott, 125
Poverty and crime, 150
Precocity in crime, 222
Preventive methods, 175 ff.
Primitive races, tattooing among, 45
views of crime, 125-129, 134
death penalty among, 209
Prison life, effect upon criminals, 148, 149, 153, 154, 186
Probation Office in Boston, 189
Probation system, 178, 179, 188-191
Professions and crime, 149, 150, 221
Progeneismus, 13, 60, 243
Prognathism, 7, 12
Prostitution, 144, 151, 180
Proverbial sayings concerning criminals, 49, 50
Prussia, percentage of illegitimates among criminals, 144
Psychology of born criminals, 27 ff.
Ptosis, 14, 236
Punishments, 185
corporal, 191
capital, 208, 209
R
Race and crime, 139, 140
Recidivists, 46, 222
Reformatories, 182, 192
Reformatory Prison for Women at South Framingham, near Boston, 183-185
Remorse, 29
Repentance, 29
Rescue Homes of the Salvation Army, 169
Revue d'Anthropologie, 1874, 128
Ribaudo, Brancaleone, 138
[Pg 321]
Richet, experiments with dogs, 59, 60
on hysteria, 95
Roncoroni, discoveries of, 21, 22, 61, 100
Rosenbach, experiments of, 59
"Rota, La" 41
S
Salvation Army, 167-170
Samt, on epilepsy, 88, 90, 91
San Stefano, island, convict population, 34
Sensibility, general, 24, 245, 246, 277
to touch and pain, 25, 245, 246, 277
to the magnet, 26
meteoric, 26
of the senses, 26, 249-251
localisation of, 247
to metals, 248
Simulation, 97, 261, 272
Sisterhoods founded by Rabbi Gottheil, 170-172
Skin diseases, 232
Skull, formations, 10-12
measurements, 239-242
Slang, 28, 33, 42, 152
Smugglers, 114
Snow (Two Years' Cruise round Tierra del Fuego), 129
Social causes of crime, 143
Somatic examination, 260, 277
Somnambulism, 63, 141
South America, institutions for orphans, 157
Salvation Army in, 170
reformatories, 192
penal institution in Buenos Ayres, 203
Spain, percentage of women among criminals, 151
Spencer (Principles of Ethics, 1895), 129
Strabismus, 14, 236
Strength, 27, 252
Suggestion, susceptibility to, 95, 269
examination of, 226
case, 269
Suicide, 119, 259
Swindlers, characteristics, 16, 18, 20, 25, 46, 231, 245, 246
percentage among criminaloids, 108
cases, 109
imprisonment of, 182
Sydenham, on hysteria, 95
Symbiosis, 212-215
T
Tachyanthropometer, 237
Tamburini, quoted, 37
Tardieu (De la Folie, 1870), 85
Tattooing, 39, 45-48, 232
Temperature, relation to crime, 145
Theft, instincts of, 37, 38
petty, 117
percentage of, among criminaloids, 121
among primitive races, 128-130
and paralysis, 259
and epileptics, 260
Thieves, physical characteristics, 20, 46, 150, 236, 243-244
cases, 28, 29, 37, 38
moral sense, 32-35
handwriting, 230
Tissié (Les alienés voyageurs, 1887), 88
Tonnini, 62, 64, 65
Traumatism, 140, 141
Treachery, 34
U
United States, institutions for destitute children, 160
percentage of crime in, 173, 174
probation system in, 178, 189, 190
juvenile courts in, 178
reformatories in, 192
V
Vanicek, 126, 127
Vanity, 35
Vidocq, 35
Vindictiveness, 38
Volumetric glove, 224
Volumetric tank, 223
[Pg 322]
W
Weber's esthesiometer, 245
Where the Shadows Lengthen, 168
Women, percentage of criminality among, 151, 180
nature of criminality among, 181, 182
Work, motive force of every institute, 197
Wormian bones, 12
Z
Zakka Khel, criminal tribe in India, 129, 140
Zehen, experiments of, 59
Zino, 41
A
Love for animals, 62, 63
Affections of born criminals, 27
in kids, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
reviewing, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Age and crime, 102, 151, 152
Akkas, tribe of Central Africa, 15
Alcoholism and hallucinations, 30, 82-84
chronic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
physical traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
psychic disturbances caused by, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
results of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
victims' apathy and impulsiveness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
crimes specifically due to, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
disease progression, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
inherited, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
key factor in crime, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
temporary, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
and epilepsy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
impact on handwriting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Algometer, 25, 246
Anfossi's tachyanthropometer, 237
craniograph, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Angelucci (Actes du Congrès d' Anthropologie), case of epileptic moral insanity, 69
Anomalies of criminals, 7, 10-24, 231-235
of morally bankrupt, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Criminal anthropology defined, 5
most important discovery of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
practical use of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Aphasia simulation, 272 ff., 275
Arson, 121
Criminal arts and industries, 44, 135
Assailants, 25
Asylums for criminally insane, 205-208
Asymmetry, 13, 53, 242, 261
Atavism, 18, 135, 136
Atavistic origins of the criminal, 8, 9, 19, 48, 135
Australia's probation system, 189, 191
Austria's percentage of illegitimates among criminals, 144
percentage of female offenders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Self-illusion, 108, 109
Aymaras, an Indian tribe in South America, 6
Azara, d' (Travels in America, 1835), 126
Azeglio, Massimo d' (Reminiscences), 148
B
Bain, 130
Ballvé, Señor, director of Penitenciario Nacional of Buenos Ayres, 201
Bank of Rome case, 106, 107
Barnardo, Dr., work for orphans and needy children in London, 158-160
Beccaria, Cesare, founder of the Classical School of Penal Jurisprudence, 3, 4
Bedlam, 207
Belgian Government's agricultural colony founded at Meseplas, 202
[Pg 316]
Belgium's probation system, 191
Bernard, experiments with dogs, 60
Blasio, de, explanation of hieroglyphics of the Camorristi, 43, 44
Booth, General, 156, 157
Born criminals, 3-51
percentage of, among criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
physical traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
sensory and functional quirks, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
affections and passions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
ethical traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
intelligence, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
regarding moral insanity and epilepsy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
professional traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
difference between epileptics and, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
no criminal record among, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
institutions for, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ et al.
Bosco and Rice (Les Homicides aux Etats-Unis), on crime in Massachusetts, 173
Brigands, 35, 113-115, 215
Broadmoor, 207, 208
Brockway, 192
Büchner, on instincts in bees and ants, 142
Burglars, 25
Burton (First Footsteps in East Africa), 128
C
Cabred, Professor, 203, 204
Camorra, 44, 48, 117, 230
Camorristi hieroglyphics, 43, 44
dress, $230
Canada, homes for needy children, 160
Capital punishment, 208, 209
Carrara, Francesco, 4
Carrara, Prof. Mario, on neglected children, 130
Cephalic index, 10, 241
Children's destructive tendencies, 65
instincts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
love, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
impact of environment, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
support for the needy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
methods for dealing with, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ etc.
susceptibility to suggestion, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Children's courts. See Juvenile courts
Cinædus, 231, 244
Classical School of Penal Jurisprudence, 4, 9
Classification of criminals, 8
Color blindness, 26, 249
Confession of criminaloids, 105
Connon, Richard, 53
Coprophagia, 274, 275
Corporal punishment, 191
Cretins, physical characteristics, 227, 234, 236, 260
dress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Crime, origin of the word, 125
among primitive cultures, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
in modern societies, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
primitive origin, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
cause of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
pathological origins, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
organic factors, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
percentage among Jews, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
social issues, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
prevention, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ etc.
curability, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
The definition of a criminal, 3
Criminal type, 24, 48
Criminaloids, 100-121
percentage among offenders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
physical traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
psychological differences between inherent criminals and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
cases of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
hesitation to commit crimes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
easily led to confess, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
moral intuition and smarts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
natural feelings and emotions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
social status and culture, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
smart con artists, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
development into habitual offenders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
and specific crimes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
punishment, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Cruelty, 39
Cynicism, 31
D
Dalton (Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal), 129
Danish prisons, 195
[Pg 317]
"Darwin's tubercle," 15, 235
Dejerine, 138
Delirium, 98
Dementia, 76, 227, 259, 260
simulations of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ etc.
Despine's method of punishment, 195, 196
Care for destitute children, 156
institutions for __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
Dewson, Miss Mary, 189
Diseases and their relation to crime, 8, 220
Don Bosco, the Black Pope, 157, 173
Temporary drunkenness, 141. See also Alcoholism
Du Bois-Reymond's apparatus, 25, 246
Dundrum, Ireland, 207
Dynamometer, 252, 253
E
Economic conditions and their relation to crime, 150
Education and moral insanity, 143
and crime, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
in Elmira Correctional Facility, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
"Educational Alliance" for Jewish emigrants, 172
Theft in Egypt, 128
Elmira Reformatory, 192-194
Crime in England, 173
juvenile courts in __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
probation system in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
mental hospitals for the criminally insane, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Environment, 8, 144, 145
Epilepsy's ancient application of the term, 58
notable phenomena, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
mild types, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
multiformity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
psychological traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
impact on character, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
relation to crime, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
motor and criminal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
psychic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
mobile, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
alcoholic psychic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Epileptics, brain cells of, 22
regarding born criminals and the morally insane __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
physical traits that are often seen in criminals and, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
psychological traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
cases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
criminal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
difference between born criminals and, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
non-criminal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
obsessions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
dress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
special offenses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Epileptoids, 101
Erotomania, 96
Esthesiometer, 245
Examination of criminals, 219-257
antecedents and mental individuality, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
smart, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
feelings, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
morbid phenomena, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
speech, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
memory, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
handwriting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
dress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
physical, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
sensitivity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
movements, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
functions, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
table of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
F
Fines, 187, 191
Fisherton House, 207
Forgers, 46, 140, 245
In France, percentage of illegitimates or orphans among minors arrested, 144
system for minor offenses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
probation system in __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Francis Frank, 223
French Panama Scandal, 106, 107
G
Gambling, 40
Games, 40
Garofalo, Senator, his table of penalties, 210
Henry George, 164
George Junior Republic, 160, 164-167
Ancient Germans, theft among, 128, 129
[Pg 318]Gilmour (Among the Mongols), 130
Gypsies, 140
Goitre, 220, 244
H
Habitual criminals, 44, 110-115, 198
Hallucinations, 30, 82-84
Hamburg, percentage of illegitimates among prostitutes, 144
Handwriting, 228-230
Harwick, quoted, on sense of right and wrong, 33
Hebrew Sheltering Guardian Society in New York City, 160-164
Heredity, indirect, 137
direct, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
influence of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
Hieroglyphics, 43, 44
Homicide among criminaloids, 121
in Italy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
temperature relationship, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
in Massachusetts, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
and sadness, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Hydrosphygmograph, 223
Hypnotism, 101
Hysteria, 92-99
relation to epilepsy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
physical and functional features, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
psychology, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
susceptibility to suggestion, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
and delirium, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
metal sensitivity, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
special offenses of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
simulation of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
I
Idiots, impulses, 74, 258
speech, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
physical traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Idleness, 40, 150
Illegitimate percentages among criminals, 144
Imbeciles, 75, 259, 260, 269
Imitation, 146
Immigration and its relation to crime, 147, 148
Imprisonment, 154, 186, 187
Impulsiveness, 36, 85
Incendiaries, 26
Indemnity, 191
Infanticide in India, 126
theft in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Industrial Homes of the Salvation Army, 168
Inebriates, crimes specific to, 85-86
hallucinations of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Infanticide, 121, 126, 127
The morally insane, relation to born criminals, 53, 57, 58
cases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ etc.
relation to epilepsy patients, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ ff.
professional traits, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
institutions for, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
dress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
special offenses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Insane criminals, 74-99, 234
characteristics that set them apart from habitual criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
antecedents, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
motives, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
typical cases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
institutions for, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and following
two classes, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Moral insanity, 56, 65-69, 272 ff.
criminal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
genuine and simulated, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__. See also __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
Institutions for destitute children, 156
for struggling adults, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
for female criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
for minor offenders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
for repeat offenders, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
for those naturally inclined to crime and the morally unhinged, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See also __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
Intellectual manifestations of born criminals, 42-44
Intelligence of born criminals, 41
of criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
test, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Invulnerability of criminals, 64
Italy, hotbeds of crime in, 140
percentage of illegitimates among criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
percentage of women in crime, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
orphanages, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
J
Jackson, on epileptic fits, 60
[Pg 319]
Jews, percentage of crime among, 140
Jukes family, the, 138, 139
Juridical criminals, 115-117
Juvenile courts, 176, 178, 179
Juvenile offenders, 139
ways to handle, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
K
Kleptomania, 141
Kowalewsky (Archivio di Psichiatria, 1885), 63
Krafft-Ebing, 84
quoted on sleepwalking and epilepsy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
L
Labor in reformatories, 166, 199
enforced, beneficial for the State, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
Lacassagne, 47
Ladelci (Il Vino, 1868), 37
Landolt's apparatus for testing the field of vision, 249
Lewisohn, Mr., 161
Lombroso, Cesare, discovery of median occipital fossa, 6
new theory about criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
view of hysteria and epilepsy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
on the percentage of criminals from alcoholic families, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
on crime groups, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Criminal Man, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Contemporary Crime Trends, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Recent Research in Criminal Anthropology, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Prison Palimpsests, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
The Female Offender, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Crimes, Ancient and Modern, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
The Genius Man, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Political Crime, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Too Soon, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Diagnostic Methods in Forensic Psychiatry, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Anarchists, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Lectures on Legal Medicine, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Luciani's experiments, 59
General forms of lunacy, 74, See also Insanity
M
Maccabruni, Dr. (Notes on Hidden Forms of Epilepsy, 1886), 89
Mafia, 117, 230
Magnaud, 187
Maniacs, 76, 259
Manzoni (Promessi Sposi), on instinctive tendency to break the law, 152
Marey's tympanum, 224
Marro (Annalidi Freniatia, 1890), 64
Crime in Massachusetts, 173
probation office in Boston, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
juvenile facilities in Boston, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Mattoids, 228, 229
Median occipital fossa, discovery of, 6
Melancholia, 75, 227, 252, 259
Memory, 228
Mendacity, 96-98
Meseplas, agricultural colony at, 202, 203
Metchnikoff, 14
Meteoric sensitivity, 26
Modern School of Penal Jurisprudence, 4, 5, 9, 153, 155, 156
Monomaniacs, impulses and motives, 77
cases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__ ff.
handwriting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
outfit, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
examination of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ ff.
Moral sense of criminals, 28-40
of criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Moreau, 130
(On Homicide in Children, 1882), __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Morel, 53, 98
Mülhausen (Diary of a Journey from the Mississippi to the Pacific), 129
Murder among gypsies, 140
among Jews, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
in the U.S., __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Murderers, physical characteristics, 16, 18, 26, 46, 236
[Pg 320]moral compass, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
imprisonment, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
dress, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
N
Newspaper reports of crimes and their influence, 146, 147
Nothnagel's thermo-esthesiometer, 247
O
Obermayer's methods in prisons, 195, 196
Obscenity, 63
Occupations suitable for prisoners, 197, 203, 204
"Open Door," the penal institution in Buenos Ayres, 203, 204
Orange, 208
Orgies, 40
Osmometer, 251
Ottolenghi's discoveries, 61
P
Paralysis, 75, 226, 229
Paralytic demented, 269
"Paranza," 48
Paresis, 82, 83
Parkinson's disease, 252
Criminals of passion, 117-121, 186
Patrizi, 224
"Patta, La" 41
Pears (Prisons and Reform, 1872), 196
Pederasts, 232
Pellagra, 76, 150
Pelvimeter, 239
Penal codes, 176, 178
Penal colonies, 201-204
Penalties, 153
table of, proposed by the Modern School, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Penitenciario Nacional of Buenos Ayres, 198-203
Penitentiaries, 194-198
Penta, on the percentage of criminals from inebriate families, 138
Perez,(Psychologie de l'enfant), quoted on anger in children, 131
Perth, Scotland, 207
Peruvian Indians, 6, 7
Physical anomalies of criminals, 7, 10-24, 231-245
Pictet, 125
Pictography, 43
Pinel, 37, 53
Plethysmograph, 223, 225, 264
Poisoners, 31, 182
Political offenders, 186
Polyandry, 127
Population density effect on criminality, 146, 148
Positive School of Penal Jurisprudence. See Modern School of Penal Jurisprudence
Pott, 125
Poverty and crime, 150
Precocity in crime, 222
Preventive methods, 175 ff.
Tattooing among primitive races, 45
views on crime, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
death penalty among, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Prison life effect on criminals, 148, 149, 153, 154, 186
Probation Office in Boston, 189
Probation system, 178, 179, 188-191
Professions and crime, 149, 150, 221
Progeneismus, 13, 60, 243
Prognathism, 7, 12
Prostitution, 144, 151, 180
Proverbial sayings about criminals, 49, 50
Prussia, percentage of illegitimates among criminals, 144
Psychology of born criminals, 27 ff.
Ptosis, 14, 236
Punishments, 185
corporal, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
capital, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
R
Race and crime, 139, 140
Recidivists, 46, 222
Reformatories, 182, 192
Reformatory Prison for Women at South Framingham, near Boston, 183-185
Remorse, 29
Repentance, 29
Rescue Homes of the Salvation Army, 169
Revue d'Anthropologie, 1874, 128
Ribaudo, Brancaleone, 138
[Pg 321]
Richet, experiments with dogs, 59, 60
on panic, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Roncoroni's discoveries, 21, 22, 61, 100
Rosenbach's experiments, 59
"La Rota" 41
S
Salvation Army, 167-170
Samt, on epilepsy, 88, 90, 91
San Stefano island, convict population, 34
Sensitivity, general, 24, 245, 246, 277
to touch and pain, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__
to the magnet, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
meteoric, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
of the senses, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
localization of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
to metals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Simulation, 97, 261, 272
Sisterhoods founded by Rabbi Gottheil, 170-172
Skin diseases, 232
Skull formations, 10-12
measurements, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Slang, 28, 33, 42, 152
Smugglers, 114
Snow (Two Years' Cruise round Tierra del Fuego), 129
Social causes of crime, 143
Somatic examination, 260, 277
Somnambulism, 63, 141
In South America, institutions for orphans, 157
Salvation Army in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
juvenile detention centers, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
correctional facilities in Buenos Aires, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Spain, percentage of women among criminals, 151
Spencer (Principles of Ethics, 1895), 129
Strabismus, 14, 236
Strength, 27, 252
Suggestion, susceptibility to, 95, 269
analysis of, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
case, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Suicide, 119, 259
Swindlers, characteristics, 16, 18, 20, 25, 46, 231, 245, 246
percentage among criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
cases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
imprisonment of __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Sydenham on hysteria, 95
Symbiosis, 212-215
T
Tachyanthropometer, 237
Tamburini, quoted, 37
Tardieu (De la Folie, 1870), 85
Tattooing, 39, 45-48, 232
Temperature's relation to crime, 145
Thieves' instincts, 37, 38
petty theft, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
percentage of thieves among criminals, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
among primitive cultures, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
and paralysis, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
and people with epilepsy, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Thieves' physical characteristics, 20, 46, 150, 236, 243-244
cases, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__
moral intuition, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
handwriting, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Tissié (Les alienés voyageurs, 1887), 88
Tonnini, 62, 64, 65
Traumatism, 140, 141
Treachery, 34
U
In the United States, institutions for destitute children, 160
percentage of crime in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
probation system in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__
juvenile courts in __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
reformatories in, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
V
Vanicek, 126, 127
Vanity, 35
Vidocq, 35
Vindictiveness, 38
Volumetric glove, 224
Volumetric tank, 223
[Pg 322]
W
Weber's esthesiometer, 245
Where the Shadows Lengthen, 168
Women, percentage of criminality among, 151, 180
women's criminal behavior, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
Work, the driving force of every institute, 197
Wormian bones, 12
Z
Zakka Khel, criminal tribe in India, 129, 140
Zehen, experiments of, 59
Zino, 41
THE SCIENCE SERIES
Edited by Edward Lee Thorndike, Ph.D., and F. E. Beddard. M.A., F.R.S.
Edited by Edward Lee Thorndike, Ph.D., and F. E. Beddard, M.A., F.R.S.
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This volume deals with some of the fundamental problems of biology, and presents a series of views (the results of nearly thirty years of study), which the author has correlated for the first time in systematic form.
This book addresses some of the basic issues in biology and presents a collection of perspectives (the result of almost thirty years of research) that the author has organized systematically for the first time.
22.—The Interpretation of Nature. By C. Lloyd Morgan, LL. D., F. R. S. Crown 8vo. Net, $1.25.
22.—The Interpretation of Nature. By C. Lloyd Morgan, LL. D., F. R. S. Crown 8vo. Net, $1.25.
Dr. Morgan seeks to prove that a belief in purpose as the causal reality of which Nature is an expression is not inconsistent with a full and whole-hearted acceptance of the explanations of naturalism.
Dr. Morgan aims to show that believing in a purpose as the fundamental reality of which Nature is a manifestation is not at odds with fully embracing the explanations provided by naturalism.
23.—Mosquito Life. The Habits and Life Cycles of the Known Mosquitoes of the United States; Methods for their Control; and Keys for Easy Identification of the Species in their Various Stages. An account based on the investigation of the late James William Dupree, Surgeon-General of Louisiana, and upon the original observations by the Writer. By Evelyn Groesbeeck Mitchell, A.B., M.S. With 64 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. Net, $2.00.
23.—Mosquito Life. The habits and life cycles of the known mosquitoes in the United States; methods for controlling them; and guides for easily identifying the species at their various stages. This account is based on the research of the late James William Dupree, Surgeon-General of Louisiana, and on original observations by the author. By Evelyn Groesbeeck Mitchell, A.B., M.S. With 64 illustrations. Crown 8vo. Net, $2.00.
This volume has been designed to meet the demand of the constantly increasing number of students for a work presenting in compact form the essential facts so far made known by scientific investigation in regard to the different phases of this, as is now conceded, important and highly interesting subject. While aiming to keep within reasonable bounds, that it may be used for work in the field and in the laboratory, no portion of the work has been slighted, or fundamental information omitted, in the endeavor to carry this plan into effect.
This volume has been created to meet the growing demand from students for a resource that presents the essential facts revealed by scientific research on the various aspects of this important and intriguing subject. While striving to keep it concise enough for use in the field and in the lab, every part of the work has been thoroughly covered, and no fundamental information has been left out in achieving this goal.
24.—Thinking, Feeling, Doing. An Introduction to Mental Science. By E. W. Scripture, Ph.D., M.D., Assistant Neurologist Columbia University, formerly Director of the Psychological Laboratory at Yale University. 189 Illustrations. 2d Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. Net, $1.75.
24.—Thinking, Feeling, Doing. An Introduction to Mental Science. By E.W. Scripture, Ph.D., M.D., Assistant Neurologist at Columbia University, previously Director of the Psychological Laboratory at Yale University. 189 Illustrations. 2nd Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. Net, $1.75.
"The chapters on Time and Action, Reaction Time, Thinking Time, Rhythmic Action, and Power and Will are most interesting. This book should be carefully read by every one who desires to be familiar with the advances made in the study of the mind, which advances, in the last twenty-five years, have been quite as striking and epoch-making as the strides made in the more material lines of knowledge."—Jour. Amer. Med. Ass'n., Feb. 22, 1908.
"The chapters on Time and Action, Reaction Time, Thinking Time, Rhythmic Action, and Power and Will are really intriguing. This book should be thoroughly read by anyone who wants to understand the progress made in studying the mind, which has been just as remarkable and groundbreaking in the past twenty-five years as the advancements seen in more tangible areas of knowledge."—Jour. Amer. Med. Ass'n., Feb. 22, 1908.
25.—The World's Gold. By L. de Launay, Professor at the École Superieure des Mines. Translated by Orlando Cyprian Williams. With an Introduction by Charles A. Conant, author of "History of Modern Banks of Issue," etc. Crown 8vo. Net, $1.75.
25.—The World's Gold. By L. de Launay, Professor at the École Superieure des Mines. Translated by Orlando Cyprian Williams. With an Introduction by Charles A. Conant, author of "History of Modern Banks of Issue," etc. Crown 8vo. Net, $1.75.
M. de Launay is a professor of considerable repute not only in France, but among scientists throughout the world. In this work he traces the various uses and phases of gold; first, its geology; secondly, its extraction; thirdly, its economic value.
M. de Launay is a highly respected professor not only in France but also among scientists around the globe. In this work, he explores the different uses and stages of gold: first, its geology; second, its extraction; and third, its economic value.
26.—The Interpretation of Radium. By Frederick Soddy, Lecturer in Physical Chemistry in the University of Glasgow. 8vo. With Diagrams. Net, $1.75.
26.—The Interpretation of Radium. By Frederick Soddy, Lecturer in Physical Chemistry at the University of Glasgow. 8vo. With Diagrams. Net, $1.75.
As the application of the present-day interpretation of Radium (that it is an element undergoing spontaneous disintegration) is not confined to the physical sciences, but has a wide and general bearing upon our whole outlook on Nature, Mr. Soddy has presented the subject in non-technical language, so that the ideas involved are within reach of the lay reader. No effort has been spared to get to the root of the matter and to secure accuracy, so that the book should prove serviceable to other fields of science and investigation, as well as to the general public.
As the current understanding of Radium (that it’s an element that breaks down on its own) isn't just limited to the physical sciences but influences our entire perspective on Nature, Mr. Soddy has explained the topic in simple language, making it accessible to the general reader. Every effort has been made to get to the core of the issue and ensure accuracy, so that the book can be useful in other areas of science and research, as well as for the general public.
27.—Criminal Man. According to the Classification of Cesare Lombroso. Briefly Summarized by his Daughter, Gina Lombroso Ferrero. With 36 Illustrations and a Bibliography of Lombroso's Publications on the Subject.
27.—Criminal Man. Based on the Classification by Cesare Lombroso. Briefly summarized by his daughter, Gina Lombroso Ferrero. Includes 36 illustrations and a bibliography of Lombroso's publications on the topic.
In preparation:
Getting ready:
The Invisible Spectrum. By Professor C. E. Mendenhall, University of Wisconsin.
The Invisible Spectrum. By Professor C.E. Mendenhall, University of Wisconsin.
The Physiology and Hygiene of Exercise. By Dr. G. L. Meylan, Columbia University.
The Physiology and Hygiene of Exercise. By Dr. G. L. Meylan, Columbia University.
Other volumes to be announced later
More volumes will be announced later
Footnotes:
References:
Transcriber's Notes:
Transcriber's Notes:
Additional spacing after some of the quotes is intentional to indicate both the end of a quotation and the beginning of a new paragraph as presented in the original text.
Additional spacing after some of the quotes is intentional to show both the end of a quotation and the start of a new paragraph as presented in the original text.
Moving some images to the end of a paragraph has resulted in a few alterations in page numbers.
Moving a few images to the end of a paragraph has caused some changes in page numbers.
Missing page numbers refer to blank pages in the original.
Missing page numbers refer to blank pages in the original.
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